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A descriptive study of probation officers' views of delinquency in males and females

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A descriptive study of probation officers' views of delinquency in males and females

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Content A DESCRIPTIVE STUDY OF PROBATION OFFICERS' VIEWS
OF DELINQUENCY IN MALES AND FEMALES
by
Joseph Rivera
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
May 2005
Copyright 2004 Joseph Rivera
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UMI Number: 3180379
INFORMATION TO USERS
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DEDICATION
This academic study is dedicated to my parents, Joseph and Dolores Rivera.
It is through your Pearls of Wisdom and dedication to the pursuit of
academic excellence, which has led me to this culmination of study in the area of
Education.
Your gifts of Love, encouragement, and motivation will always be part of
me. For these gifts, I will always be greatly appreciative.
Thank you for your continuous and never ending support and guidance that
you have always provided to me throughout my entire life.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank Dr. Rueda for the guidance he provided to me in the
creation and completion of my dissertation study. As my committee chair, Dr.
Rueda was exceptional in furthering my academic skills and knowledge base. I
would also like to thank Dr. Gothold and Dr. Ferris for their support during my
academic studies and for being part of my dissertation committee.
Finally, I would like to acknowledge Dr. Vigil and Dr. Klein for taking the
time to discuss their areas of research.
m
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
LIST OF TABLES vii
ABSTRACT viii
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION 1
Background of the Problem 1
Statement of the Problem 3
Purpose of the Study 5
Research Questions 6
Significance of the Study 6
Overview of the Methodology 7
Delimitations 8
Limitations 8
Definition of Terms 8
2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 10
Review of Literature on Delinquency 11
Psychological, Emotional and Behavioral Factors 12
Childhood Agression 13
Developmental Pathways 13
Problem Behaviors Overlap 14
Social Factors 16
Peer Influence 16
Family Structure 18
School 19
Community Factors 20
Social Disorganized Community 21
Summary 21
iv
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CHAPTER
2 Early Classical Theories 22
Cultural Deviance Theory 23
Social Disorganization Theory 24
Social Control Theory 25
Strain Theory 26
Multiple Marginality 28
Gangs In General 30
Definition 30
Historical and Background Information 31
Changes Over Time 33
Neighborhood and Familial Acceptance 35
Gang Members’ Families 36
Adulthood 38
Gang Structure, Process, and Form 39
Initiation and Maturing Out 42
Attire, Adornment and Demeanor 43
Female Gangs 46
Gang Structure, Process, and Form 48
Initiation and Maturing Out 49
Activities 51
Attire, Adornment, and Demeanor 52
Gang Values 53
Adulthood 55
Sociological Considerations 57
Community and Class Context 57
Acceptable Deviance 59
Delinquency 61
Changes Over Time 65
A Comparison Between Male and Female Gangs 66
Summary 74
3 METHODOLOGY 76
Research Design 76
Instrument Development 77
Instrumentation 77
Participants 78
Procedures and Data Analysis 79
Assumptions 79
Limitations 80
v
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CHAPTER
4 RESULTS 81
Research Questions 82
Results 82
Research Question No. 1 82
Research Question No. 2 87
Summary of Interview Results 94
Summary 98
5 DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION, AND
RECOMMENDATIONS 100
Summary and Discussion 100
Conclusion 104
Implications for Law Enforcement 106
Recommendations for Future Research 106
REFERENCES 108
APPENDICES 111
A MULTIPLE MARGINALITY AND CLASSICAL
THEORY QUESTION DEVELOPMENT MATRIX 112
B ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT SURVEY 114
C INTERVIEW PROTOCOL 123
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LIST OF TABLES
TABLE
1. Gang-Related Crimes: Means and Standard Deviations. 83
2. Substance and Alcohol Abuse: Means and
Standard Deviations. 83
3. Person-on-Person Crimes: Means and Standard Deviations. 84
4. Property Crimes: Means and Standard Deviations. 84
5. Gang-Related Crimes: Gender Differences. 85
6. Substance and Alcohol Abuse: Gender Differences. 85
7. Person-on-Person Crimes: Gender Differences. 86
8. Property Crimes: Gender Differences. 86
9. Gang-Related Crimes: Relative Importance of
Psychosocial Factors. 87
10. Substance and Alcohol Abuse: Relative Importance of
Psychosocial Factors. 89
11. Person-on-Person Crimes: Relative Importance of
Psychosocial Factors. 91
12. Property Crimes: Relative Importance of
Psychosocial Factors. 92
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ABSTRACT
Study Design
The purpose of this study was to determine to what extent gender
differences exist between male and female criminal activity, delinquent behavior,
and the five psychosocial risk factors; by comparing the perceptions held by
juvenile probation officers.
Probation officers are a useful, but understudied, source of information on
this topic because of their extensive contact with juvenile offenders. Specifically,
this study sought to determine the relationship between risk factors, relevant to the
concept of multiple marginality, criminal, and delinquent behaviors of both
juvenile males and females.
Procedure
The study sought to answer two research questions by comparing male and
female delinquent activities and psychosocial factors that lead to their delinquency.
One-hundred-five juvenile probation officers from the Los Angeles County
Probation Department were surveyed. Also, 25 officers were interviewed and
questioned in depth.
The statistical procedure used to compare the probation officers’ answers to
the questionnaire were conducted by using /-tests and an analysis of variance
(ANOVA). The interview data were analyzed by content analysis.
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Findings
The findings of this study revealed that both juvenile males and females are
actively engaged in substance and alcohol abuse, person-on-person crime, and
property crimes. However, a gender difference does exist for males who are much
more involved in gang related crimes than females. Moreover, both genders tend to
experience and have issues with self-esteem, family, school, peers, and the
community as well. More specifically, probation officers perceived and rated
issues with poor self-esteem and poor family relationships as having a greater
influence on both groups.
The probation officers’ interview responses supported the notion of the
importance of the psychosocial factors presented in this study. More importantly,
the interviews revealed additional contributory factors.
The findings in this study suggest that to a certain extent, there is no gender
differences between males and females involved in criminal and delinquent
behaviors. However, research has been primarily concerned with understanding
male delinquency and has minimized the role of female criminal activities. This
study also recognizes that both males and females may become delinquent not
necessarily due to criminal intent, but perhaps as a result of psychosocial
circumstances.
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
This study is a contribution to further the understanding of the psychosocial
dynamics of both male and female criminal activity and delinquency. This study
sought to determine the relationship between risk factors, relevant to the concept of
multiple marginality (Vigil, 1988) and criminal and risk behaviors of both juvenile
male and female, as observed by juvenile probation officers.
This chapter provides an introduction to the dissertation. The chapter
begins with the background of the problem, followed by the statement of the
problem, purpose of the study, research questions, significance of the study,
overview of the methodology, delimitations, and limitations. The chapter
concludes with the definition of terms.
Background of the Problem
Both male and female juveniles are involved in criminal activity and
delinquent behavior. Nationally, in 1999, approximately one in six arrests made by
law enforcement agencies involved a juvenile (Snyder, 2001). These criminal and
delinquent behaviors concerned substance and alcohol abuse, person-on-person
crimes, and property crimes. Some delinquent behaviors manifested themselves
through gang membership and/or association.
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The Department of Justice has estimated that there are as many as 175,000
to 200,000 criminal street gang members in California. The California Attorney
General’ s Report on the Impact o f Criminal Street Gangs on Crime and Violence in
California by the Year 2000 (California Department of Justice, 1993) anticipated
that, by the year 2000, gangs will recruit new members at a younger age. Further,
these new recruits will stay with the gangs for longer periods of time, will commit
crimes, and many will go on to become career criminals. If the trend toward gang
membership continues, the Attorney General of California believes that there could
be as many as 250,000 gang members in the state. These gang members will
remain a significant, violent crime threat to all of the major metropolitan areas and
will contribute to a major crime problem.
To understand the magnitude of the problem, the Los Angeles County
Probation Department (Block & Nidorff, 1996) released demographic data on
juveniles on probation. The data revealed that, of the more than 1,555,000
juveniles between the ages of 12 and 17, more than 40,000 are referred and
processed through the juvenile justice system in Los Angeles County each year.
Additional demographic data collected by the Los Angeles County
Interagency Gang Task Force (1996) indicated that 91% of the juvenile population
is comprised of young males. Of that percentage, 52% are Latino teenagers, and
over 50% of these youths are 16 years of age and older. Consequently, the target
population that presently dominates the juvenile justice system appears to be
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juvenile, Latino male offenders, 16 years and older. Yet, demographics on the
gender of juveniles of probation indicate that approximately 15% of offenders are
females.
Perhaps in anticipation of these statistics, as early as 1990, the problem of
female delinquency and gang members became a focus of law enforcement. In
1990, according to the Los Angeles County Sheriffs Department, females
committed 5% of gang-related crimes investigated. Additionally, females were
involved in 4.2% of violent gang-related crimes. In Los Angeles, 13 of the 207
persons murdered were female. In 1991,102,000 gang members were identified in
Los Angeles. Approximately 6,900 of those were female. According to the
County Sheriffs Department, females are approximately 10-15% of the gang
population (Shonka, 1992).
In 1996, law enforcement agencies made 723, 000 arrests of juvenile
females. As such, one in four juvenile arrests was an arrest of a female. Arrests
between 1992 and 1996 revealed an increase among juvenile females over their
juvenile male counterparts in more offense categories (Snyder 1997).
Statement of the Problem
Research, dating as far back as 1927, has been conducted on criminal
activity, delinquency and gangs through studies focused on male-dominated gangs.
To a certain extent, this is understandable, in that males make up a significant
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proportion of gangs in comparison to females. As such, research has been
primarily concerned with understanding male delinquency and male-dominated
gangs and has neglected the role of female criminal activity, delinquency and
female gang membership (Bjerregaard & Smith, 1993; Molinador, 1996).
More recently, although both the Attorney General’s report (California
Department of Justice, 1993) and the Los Angeles County Interagency Task Force
(1996) report have identified the emergence of female gangs and membership, the
reports neglected to discuss the role of female criminal activity and gang
membership. Both reports confined their findings to the activities of male
dominated gangs as the primary target.
Finally, it appears that females have begun to emerge from the ranks of
male-dominated gangs or, on their own, have organized themselves and have
become independently violent. Female criminal activity, gangs, delinquency, and
aggression are a growing threat (Laflin, 1996). For instance, national juvenile court
statistics for 1999 indicate that, between 1990 and 1999, the number of delinquency
cases concerning males increased 19%, while the numbers of delinquency cases
involving females increased by 59%. Overall, the female delinquency caseload
grew at an average rate of 5% per year between 1990 and 1999, as compared with
2% per year for their male counterparts. As such, nearly one-quarter (24%) of all
delinquency cases handled in 1999 involved female juveniles, compared with 19%
in 1990 (Puzzanchera, Stahl, Finnegan, Tierney, & Snyder, 2003). Yet, little
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research has been conducted to understand the societal, community, familial, and
personal factors that are related to gang membership, criminal and delinquent
behaviors among females.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to further the understanding of the psychosocial
dynamics of both male and female criminal activity and delinquency by comparing
the perceptions held by juvenile probation officers regarding both the criminal and
delinquent behaviors of these youth. Probation officers are an especially useful,
but understudied, source of information on this topic because of their extensive
contact with juvenile offenders. Specifically, this study sought to determine the
relationship between risk factors relevant to the concept of multiple marginality
(Vigil, 1988), and criminal and risk behaviors of both juvenile male and female, as
observed by juvenile probation officers.
The present study is grounded in the multiple marginality perspective
(Vigil, 1988). According to Vigil (1988), “the effects of multiple marginality are
seen in the adoption of role models and coping strategies to adapt to street life, and
in the way that group traits and processes represent a collective resolution to
(certain) problems” (p. 87). Vigil (1988) believes that early life experiences
mediate an individual’s induction into and inclusion in a gang. More specifically,
gang members generally come from a background of family stress, lack success in,
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and are alienated from, school, and have a disinclination toward the conventional
pursuits of childhood and adolescence.
Research Questions
Based on the purpose of the study, two research questions were used to
guide the study:
1. Do probation officers perceive gender differences relative to delinquent
behavior involving gang-related crimes, substance and alcohol abuse, person-
on-person crimes, and property crimes and the five multiple marginality
psychosocial risk factors of self-esteem, family, school, peers, and community?
2. Independent of gender, as related to gang-related crimes, substance and alcohol
abuse, person-on-person, and property crimes, among the five psychosocial
factors, do probation officers’ perceive some psychosocial factors as having a
greater influence?
Significance of the Study
The present study will add to the body of literature on male and female
delinquency and, in particular, compare the factors that lead to male and female
criminal activity and delinquency, as perceived from juvenile probation officers.
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Importantly, there is a paucity of research on female delinquency, particularly
research conducted on female gang members.
It is hoped that the results of this study can be shared with other county
probation officers to help make their jobs more effective when working with
delinquent youth. Additionally, these findings could be used to develop
delinquency prevention programs that are based on the factors most related to why
boys and girls become criminal and delinquent. In this way, these programs will be
responsive to the needs of these youth.
Overview of the Methodology
The research design is exploratory and comparative. Two types of data
were collected. The first type of data was drawn from a self-administered research
questionnaire on probation officers’ perceptions of male and female delinquency.
The second type of data consisted of open-ended interviews, conducted on-site by
the researcher, regarding perceived delinquent behaviors of male and female
youths. These two instruments were administered to juvenile probation officers
and the results were compared.
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Delimitations
The study was delimited to juvenile probation officers who worked at
probation camps for the Los Angeles County Probation Department. These
probation camps house both juvenile male and females, who have been incarcerated
for a variety of misdemeanors, during the period of June 2002 to the present.
Limitations
The major limitation of this study was that is it retrospective in nature. As
such, the data, gathered from various probation officers with a variety of experience
in the juvenile justice system, may have been different than if similar data had been
collected prospectively. Another limitation concerns the generalizability of the
findings. According to the Los Angeles County Interagency Gang Task Force
(1996), the majority of the wards were Latino. As such, the results of this study
may only be generalizable to Latinos.
Definition of Terms
Barrio is a neighborhood in a Chicano community, district, or Mexican
community (Vigil, 1988).
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Cholo is a Chicano “street-style” youth who is “marginal: to both Mexicans
and Anglos. This is an historical term used for cultural “marginals” and racial
hybrids in Mexico and in some parts of Latin America (Vigil, 1988).
Gang is “a group whose members meet together with some regularity, over
time, on the basis of group-defined criteria of membership and group-determined
organizational structure, usually with some sense of territoriality” (Short, as cited in
Moore, 1991, p. 39).
Jumping in is a gang initiation involving a physical beating by members of
the gang (Quicker, 1983).
Jumping out is exit ceremony involving a physical beating by members of
the gang (Vigil, 1988).
Multiple marginality is a construct that views reality as a constellation of
forces tending to act upon and react to one another. Multiple marginality
encompasses the consequences of barrio life, low socioeconomic status, street
socialization and enculturation, and problematic development of a self-identity
(Vigil, 1988).
Tecatos are individuals whose lifestyle revolves around the heroin culture
(Moore, 1991).
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CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
This chapter presents the research on delinquency as well as a review of
early classical delinquency theories as a means to understand psychological and
social risk factors, criminal and delinquent behavior. This is followed by the
literature on multiple marginality, which is used to understand such delinquent and
criminal behavior. Also presented is the literature on gangs, including historical
and background information, changes over time, neighborhood and familial
acceptance, gang members’ families, and adulthood. Then the literature on gang
structure, process, and form is presented in the context of multiple marginality.
The literature on female gangs is then presented, including structure, process, and
form, values, adulthood, sociological considerations, and changes over time.
Finally, the review includes research that compares male and female delinquency
and gang membership.
The literature on delinquency is examined within the context of gangs and
multiple marginality simply because it facilitates a macro-level view and
understanding of delinquent individuals and their behavior. Research by
Thomberry, et al. (2004) indicates that gangs attract antisocial adolescents who get
into trouble whether or not they belong to a gang and that individual gang members
are not necessarily different from nonmembers. Nevertheless, when youths are
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involved in a gang, the gang simply facilitates their involvement in delinquency.
As such, the literature on delinquency is applicable for all delinquent youth whether
or not they are gang involved. The chapter concludes with a summary.
Review of Literature on Delinquency
Historically, delinquent behavior has been a serious problem that has been
studied to further understand the cause of juvenile delinquent behavior. A review
of the literature on juvenile delinquency suggests that a variety of factors contribute
to the understanding of what leads juveniles to engage in delinquent behavior.
Historical research in understanding delinquency has been based on biological and
psychological factors, as well as, research based on social factors. In particular, the
literature considering the social causes of juvenile delinquency covers a wide range
of theories. Overall, the literature on juvenile delinquency has viewed such
behavior as a function of the individual, while differing literature, views
delinquency as a large-scale function of society.
In general, the review of literature on delinquency offers multi-perspectives
in understanding such behavior. More specifically, the literature on delinquency
appears to be categorized and explained as psychological, emotional, behavioral,
and social factors.
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Psychological, Emotional and Behavioral Factors
Research studies reviewed by Wasserman, Keenan, Tremblay, Coie,
Herrenkohl, Loeber, and Petechuk (2003), identified various childhood risk factors
and behaviors that may be the best predictors of later delinquency: 1) Antisocial
Behavior; 2) Emotional Factors; 3) Cognitive Development; and 4) Hyperactivity.
Wasserman, et al. (2003) examined studies pertaining to antisocial
behaviors, oppositional behavior, aggression and emotional behavior. In their
examination of such studies, they found that early aggression appears to be the
most significant social behavior characteristic to predict delinquent behavior
typically before the age of 13. They also pointed out, the way a child expresses
their emotions at an early stage of life, such as anger, may contribute to or reduce a
child’s risk for delinquency.
Wasserman, et al. (2003) also indicated that a child’s lack of emotional and
cognitive development appears to be associated with their inability to control social
behavior. Lastly, studies in hyperactivity have shown that hyperactive children
tend be more likely to be involved in later delinquent behavior (Farrington, Loeber,
and Van Kammen, 1990; Lynam, 1997, as cited by Wasserman, et al., 2003).
Similar studies by Thornberry, Huizinga, and Loeber (2004) on
psychological and emotional influences on behavior identified three key pathways
in the development of delinquency: (i) childhood aggression; (ii) developmental
pathways to delinquency; and (iii) the overlap of behavior problem.
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Childhood Aggression
According to Thomberry, Huizinga, and Loeber (2004), large amount of
youth are involved in some form of physical aggression before the age of 13. The
research indicates that minor aggression such as arguing and bullying others
happens first. Next, aggression converts into physical fighting, including gang
fighting. Later, physical fighting evolves into other forms of violence such as
robbery or rape (Loeber and Hay, 1997, as cited by Thomberry, Huizinga, and
Loeber, 2004).
Developmental Pathways
Thomberry, Huizinga, and Loeber (2004) indicated that serious forms of
delinquency tend to follow three particular pathways.
1. Authority Conflict Pathway. This pathway starts with stubborn behavior before
the age 12. Afterwards, this stubborn behavior begins to evolve and manifests
itself as defiance. This defiance is cause for later authority avoidance.
2. Covert Pathway. This pathway commences with minor covert acts before the
age of 15. These covert acts widen later into moderate and serious delinquency.
3. Overt Pathway begins with minor aggression. As this aggression begins to
evolve, it leads into physical fighting and then to more severe violence.
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Problem Behaviors Overlap
As a whole, Thomberry, Huizinga, and Loeber (2004) pointed out that
pathways analysis indicates that many delinquent youth, and in particular, serious
offenders, engage in multiple forms of delinquency. As a result, it appears that
such problem behaviors overlap and many youth who commit serious offenses also
experience difficulties in other areas of life such as school, substance abuse and
mental health problems.
Thornberry, Huizinga, and Loeber (2004) acknowledged that a variety of
risk factors involving child behavior, family functioning, peer behavior, school
performance, and neighborhood characteristics exist can potentially lead to
delinquency. Nevertheless, the research identified one key risk factor for
delinquency - child maltreatment. Research on child maltreatment indicates harm
such as physical abuse, sexual abuse, and neglect prior to age 18 is a risk factor for
delinquency (Widom, 1989, Zingraff, et al., 1993, as cited by Thornberry,
Huizinga, and Loeber, 2004). Although childhood maltreatment can show the way
towards delinquency, Thomberry, Huizinga, and Loeber (2004) pointed out that it
is the consistency of long-term childhood maltreatment into adolescence that is a
significant risk factor for delinquency.
In another attempt to understand delinquent personal and emotional factors,
Yablonsky (2000) identified and defined delinquent behavior through personality
types. According to Yablonsky (2000), delinquent personalities profile emotional
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disorders and sociocultural factors that cause delinquency. Yablonsky (2000)
pointed out that there are four delinquent personality types: (1) Socialized
Delinquents; (2) Neurotic Delinquents; (3) Psychotic Delinquents; and
(iv) Sociopath Delinquents.
Yablonsky (2000) explained that Socialized Delinquents are youths who
become delinquent as a result of the social environment they live in and whereby
learn deviant values. Neurotic Delinquents are youths who become delinquent due
to distortions in their personality, neurotic compulsion, anxiety or their ill
perception of the world around them. They have the tendency to commit
delinquent acts because of their insecurities. Psychotic Delinquents are youths who
maintain a distorted view of reality. Their thoughts are delusional causing them to
commit bizarre or senseless acts. Their severe personality disorder distorts their
perception of society as well as the people around them. Sociopath Delinquents are
youths who are driven by an egocentric personality. They easily victimize others
and have no compassion for others. Overall, Yablonsky (2000) maintained that
these four delinquent personality types account for most of the delinquent
population. More importantly, by understanding such delinquent personality types,
intervention and prevention programs can be created for youths.
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Social Factors
Peer Influence
Wasserman, Keenan, Tremblay, Coie, Herrenkohl, Loeber, and Petechuk
(2003) indicated that there are two major modes of peer influence - deviant peers
and peer rejection. According to Wasserman, et al. (2003), deviant peers influence
non-delinquent juveniles in becoming delinquent. Specifically, peers are able to
easily influence juveniles who already have history of delinquent behavior.
Additionally, research indicates that delinquent peers influence youths into
delinquent behavior between the ages 12 to 14 (Lipsey and Derzon 1998, as cited by
Shader, 2001).
Childhood peer rejection as a risk factor for antisocial behaviors is a
relatively new factor in contrast with deviant peer association, according to
Wasserman, et al. (2003). They point out research that suggests that young
aggressive children, who are rejected by peers, are at significant greater risk for
antisocial behaviors, versus children who are not rejected. For example, one study
found that peer rejection in third grade predicted increasingly greater antisocial
behaviors from sixth grade onward (Coie, et al., 1995, as cited by Wasserman, et
al., 2003).
Wasserman, et al. (2003) provided two explanations regarding the role of
peer rejection in increasing antisocial behaviors.
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1) Peer rejection is perceived as hostile motive. Consequently, this rejection
triggers an aggressive response from the rejected child.
2) Rejection causes a child to have fewer positive social options. As a result,
rejected children are more likely than others to become marginal members of
deviant peer group (Bagwell, et al., 2000, as cited by Wasserman, et al. 2003).
Another peer group that is highly influential in facilitating deviant behavior
is gangs. Thomberry, Huizinga, and Loeber (2004) indicated that gangs are a key
risk factor leading to delinquency.
Gang membership has a tremendous impact on both male and female.
Thornberry, David Huizinga, and Loeber (2004) indicated that both male and
female gang members account for a significant portion of all delinquency.
Furthermore, they pointed out that gangs attract antisocial adolescents who get into
trouble whether or not they belong to a gang. Moreover, they indicated that
individual gang members are not necessarily different from nonmembers.
Nevertheless, when youths are involved in a gang, the gang facilitates their
involvement in delinquency.
Similarly, Wasserman, et al. (2003) revealed that gang membership is the
highest degree of deviant peer influence. They indicated that gangs appear to apply
considerable influence on the delinquent behavior of individual members.
Moreover, it appears that juveniles are joining gangs at younger ages as well as the
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crimes committed. Additionally, youthful offenders involved in gangs appear to be
increasing (Howell, 1998, as cited by Wasserman, et al., 2003).
Family Structure
Wasserman, Keenan, Tremblay, Coie, Herrenkohl, Loeber, and Petechuk
(2003) pointed out that a variety of social difficulties in families can affect
children’s delinquency. These factors include parenting, maltreatment, family
violence, divorce, parental psychopathology, familial antisocial behaviors, teenage
parenthood, family structure, and family size. Research indicated that the most
powerful predictors of early antisocial behavior are inadequate parenting practices
(Hawkins, et al., 1998, as cited by Wasserman, et al., 2003). For example in one
study, families with children with conduct problems were compared with families
with children without conduct problems. As a result, families with children with
conduct problems were found to be eight times more likely to engage in conflicts
involving discipline, engage in half as many positive interactions, and
unintentionally reinforced their child’s negative behavior (Gardner, 1987; Patterson
and Stouthamer-Loeber, 1984, as cited by Wasserman, et al., 2003). Finally, other
research indicates that there are three specific parental practices associated with
early conduct problems: (1) a high level of parent-child conflict; (2) poor
monitoring; and (3) a low level of positive involvement (Wasserman, et al. 1996, as
cited by Wasserman, et al., 2003).
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In a similar study of 250 young boys, it was found that the strongest
predictors of later convictions for violent offenses were poor parental supervision,
parental conflict, and parental aggression (McCord, 1979, as cited by Shader,
2001).
Yablonsky (2001) indicated that a significant factor in the development of
delinquency is the role of the father. Yablonsky (2001) indicated that most boys
who become delinquent have no positive adult role model. Comanor and Phillips
(2002) examined the impact of family income and family structure on a youth
contact with the criminal justice system. The study revealed that the single most
important factor affecting the development of delinquency is the presence of a
father in the home.
School
Factors such as poor academic performance, the failure to bond to school,
truancy and leaving school at a young age are all connected to juvenile
delinquency. Studies regarding poor academic performance and delinquency
indicate that poor academic performance is a specific school risk factor for
delinquency. For example, in a meta-analysis of more than 100 studies examining
the relationship between poor academic performance and delinquency, the studies
found a significant relationship between poor academic performance and the start
of delinquency (Maguin and Loeber, 1996, as cited by Wasserman, et al., 2003).
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The failure to bond to school during childhood is another risk factor that can
lead to delinquency. A weak commitment to school, low educational aspirations,
and poor motivation are pathways to becoming delinquent (Hawkins, et al., 1998;
Le Blanc, Cote, and Loeber, 1991, as cited by Wasserman, et al. 2003). For
instance, one study found that boys who engage in delinquent behavior are less
committed to school and have shorter plans for schooling (Le Blanc, et al., 1991, as
cited by Wasserman, et al., 2003). Overall, research supports the notion that
academic achievement and school bonding are interdependent. As such, children
who perform poorly on academic tasks fail to develop strong bonds to school and
will have lower expectations of success.
According to Stewart (2003), in a study regarding how school misbehavior
is affected by individual and school factors, the study found that higher levels of
school achievement, school commitment, and the belief in school rules are
associated with lower levels of misbehavior in school. Moreover, strong family
support and positive peer influence also play a significant role in maintaining such
commitment to school.
Community Factors
Poverty and social disorganized communities place children at risk for
learning and engaging in antisocial and delinquent behavior. Research indicates
that children raised by poor disadvantage families are greater offenders as
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compared to children who are raised in a moderately affluent families (Farrington,
1998, as cited by Wasserman, et al., 2003).
Social Disorganized Community
One study examined the connection between neighborhood social
disorganization and an individual’s social bonds, peer-associations, and
delinquency. According to Cattarello (2000), youths who live in disorganized
neighborhoods were more likely to associate and be influenced by delinquent peers
as compared to individuals who lived in more organized neighborhoods. Lastly,
another study indicates that disorganized neighborhoods have weak social control
networks that allow criminal activity to go unmonitored and even unnoticed (e.g.,
Elliott, et al., 1996; Sampson and Lauritsen, 1994, as cited by Wasserman, et al.,
2003).
Summary
Overall, a review of the literature on delinquency indicates that juvenile
delinquency is not attributed to one specific factor, but to a variety of overlapping
factors that guide juveniles to engage in delinquent behavior. The literature
attempts to explain factors from a psychological, emotional, behavioral, and social
perspective. These factors appear to overlap and many youth who have problem
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behaviors also experience difficulties in other areas of life involving their
individual emotions, behavior, family, peers, school, and community.
Early Classical Theories
Historical research into the causes of crime and delinquency relied on a
single-theory basis. In the mid-1800s, the causes of crime were based on
developments in the natural sciences. For example, Cesar Lombroso viewed
criminals as a particular type of human who had not properly evolved. By the end
of the 1800s and the beginning of the 1900s, the causes of crime were seen as
forms of deviance, some of which was normal and functional for society. Deviance
was seen as marking the boundaries of acceptable behavior and reminding people
of social norms. In the early 1900s, the causes of crime were attributed to
sociological reasons and because most crime occurred in the “inner city,” crime
was attributed to the social environment rather than to social groups.
Overall, early classical theories have attempted to explain the causes of
crime, risk factors, and delinquent behaviors from a single-theory point of view.
There are four classical theories that attempt to explain the causes of crime and
delinquency from a single-theory perceptive, and each is discussed below.
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Cultural Deviance Theory
Cultural deviance theory suggests that delinquent behavior is caused when
an individual adheres to a set of sub-cultural values that are counter to those in
mainstream society (Shaw & McKay, 1942). Cultural deviance theory considers
the environment and sub-culture that a juvenile resides in. The theory posits that it
is the environment and the values within that environment that produce juvenile
delinquents. A juvenile growing up in a culturally deviant environment will be
subjected to criminal life styles, gangs, drugs, and alcohol and could learn deviant
patterns of behavior and norms within the environment. Overall, from such
perspective, a juvenile would behave in accordance with the social milieu of his or
her particular group.
Shaw and McKay (1942) conducted their research by gathering data from
the Chicago police, court, and correctional records. With such records, they plotted
geographic information to determine whether social conditions and geographic
setting were associated with delinquency. They found that, within the city, high
levels of delinquency were concentrated in the most undesirable, disenfranchised
areas of the city. These disenfranchised communities were comprised of poor
communities with sub-standard living conditions, racial and ethnic segregation, and
low socioeconomic status. Overall, Shaw and McKay (1942) felt that the totality of
such conditions was related to delinquency. Additional research, however, led to
social disorganization theory, as discussed below.
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Social Disorganization Theory
Social disorganization theory is an outgrowth of Shaw and McKay’s (1942)
research. This theory suggests that social conditions in disenfranchised poor
communities with sub-standard living conditions, racial and ethnic segregation, and
low socioeconomic status may be related to delinquency.
Shaw and McKay (1942) had discovered marked differences in the crime
rate in various parts of Chicago. Based on this finding, they developed the
concentric zones model. This model was based on dividing the city into five
concentric circles. The first circle started at the center of the city and was known as
the core business district. The additional circles that followed from the center
expanded out. Crime rates were then monitored for each of these circles or
geographic regions: (1) central business; (2) zone of transition; (3) working class
homes; (4) middle class homes; and (5) commuters.
According to Shaw and McKay (1942), the highest crime rates were located
the zone of transition (Zone II). Zone II was next to the central business district
and, within the zone, many people moved in and out. Shaw and McKay (1942)
hypothesized that such a zone of “transition” led to social disorganization.
To explain social disorganization, Shaw and McKay (1942) examined arrest
rates of juveniles throughout the city of Chicago during the 1900s, which were the
years of high immigration and movement. As new, but poorer, immigrants arrived
to the city, many of them moved into the inner city (Zone II). The more established
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immigrant groups, who had once lived in the center of the city, had now moved
into the suburbs. Shaw and McKay believed that, by comparing the rates from
three different time periods, they could show whether immigrant groups or the
environment in which they lived caused delinquency.
By dividing three maps of Chicago into even grids and comparing the maps,
Shaw and McKay (1942) found that the pattern of delinquency remained constant
over time. As a result, they concluded that delinquency rates always remained high
for a particular region of the city (Zone II), no matter the immigrant group living
there. As such, they correlated delinquency to the ecological environment of a
community and not to the group who lived in that community.
Using the concept of social disorganization, delinquency is viewed as a
result of a dysfunctional, social disorganized environment. That is, a socially
disorganized environment and the values within that environment produce juvenile
delinquents. A juvenile growing up in a socially disorganized environment would
be subjected to criminal life styles, gangs, drugs, alcohol, poor schools, lack of
employment opportunities, and single-parent households and would learn the
deviant patterns of behavior and norms of the community.
Social Control Theory
Social control theory suggests that human behavior is by nature antisocial
and delinquent. Further, social bonding with people such as our parents, teachers,
relatives, and friends is what prevent us from becoming criminals. According to
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Hirschi (1969), people commit crimes because it is in their nature to do so. He felt,
however, that most people do not commit crimes due to their social bonds. Social
bonds between children and important people such as parents, relatives, friends,
and teachers create positive social norms and models of behavior. Such bonding
and modeling lead to such values as getting a good education, meaningful
employment, or the pursuit of a career. Overall, by establishing these bonds,
people create a higher level of social norms, including being law-abiding citizens.
According to social control theory, juvenile delinquency would be viewed
as a juvenile acting out of instinctive behavior. The failure to establish bonds and
to achieve a level of appropriate social norming would result in a juvenile who is
prone to engage in criminal activity.
Strain Theory
Strain theory suggests that all individuals value, and are motivated to seek,
achievement and success. However, when lower class individuals cannot achieve
such success through legitimate opportunities, illegitimate means will be used to
achieve success.
Strain theory was developed by the sociologist Merton (1938) and was
based on Durkheim’s 1897 concept of anomie. Like Durkheim, Merton defined
anomie as a state of normlessness. Merton’s strain theory (1938) posits that
anomie occurs whenever there is a breach between what society’s goals and the
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means to achieve these goals. According to Merton (1938), there are five possible
reactions to anomie.
The first reaction is conformity, in which individuals conform and accept
both the goals and the means for achieving those goals. The second is ritualism, in
which individuals relinquish the goals they once believed to be within their reach
and, instead, commit themselves to the reality of their current lifestyle. The third is
innovation, in which individuals accept societal goals, but lack legitimate means to
achieve those goals. A potential anomie may occur if an individual chooses to
accept the goals of the society, but uses other means, including criminal behavior,
to achieve these goals. The fourth is retreatism, which occurs when individuals
give up not only their goals, but also the means to achieve them. In retreatism,
individuals lose the desire to meet their goals or social expectations. Such
individuals may give in to drugs, alcohol, or other means to retreat. The fifth is
rebellion, in which individuals rebel against society’s goals and replace them with
their own goals and manner.
According to strain theory, young people share the value of success with the
larger society. However, due to inadequate socialization or opportunities, they are
unable to compete effectively. As a result, they develop a defiance of socially
accepted norms. This dilemma produces “strain,” which leads to delinquent
behavior.
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In summary, these four classical delinquency theories—cultural deviance,
social control, social disorganization, and strain—have played a vital role in
understanding and explaining the causes of crime and juvenile delinquent behavior.
Perhaps due to their limited single-theory approach, however, they have
continuously evolved. Because modem society has become so complex, a single
theory approach to understanding delinquency is limited and does not provide a
sufficiently broad approach to understanding complex issues. As such,
understanding today’s delinquency issues needs a multi-perspective approach. One
such approach is the concept of multiple marginality. Multiple marginality
attempts to explain crime and delinquency from multiple theoretical approaches
versus a single-theory perceptive.
Multiple Marginality
The concept of multiple marginality (Vigil 1988) was developed to
conceptualize understanding of both historical and present research and
observations of juveniles engaged in delinquent behavior and gang membership.
According to Vigil (1988), the city streets have become a strong socialization force
for Latino youths involved in delinquent behavior such as street gang membership.
Such delinquent streets socialize youth, reflecting multiple stresses and pressures
that result in multiple marginality. “This multiple marginality derives from various
interwoven situations and conditions that tend to act and react upon one another.
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Although interrelated, the unfolding and interpretation of these ecological,
economic, social, cultural, and psychological features of the street gang suggest a
development sequence” (Vigil, 1988, p. 1).
Vigil (1988) indicated that a multiple research strategy is particularly useful
in understanding both in-depth self-reflective and life history information. This
type of information reflects various times, places, thoughts, and events that must be
unpeeled layer by layer, and thus, a multiple construct facilitates such discussion.
It is a construct that views reality as a constellation of forces tending to act and
react upon another. Multiple marginality encompasses the consequences of barrio
life, low socioeconomic status, street socialization and enculturation, and
problematic development of a self-identity (p. 9).
Vigil (1988) believes that multiple marginality is a useful concept in the
analysis of delinquent youth through a multiple perspective examination of youth
delinquency versus a single-theory cause concept. He stated, “the use of the
concept can lead to what Geertz has called “thick description” (p. 9). “Looking at
various circumstances and forces in a combinative way increases our understanding
of the similarities and variations found within and across groups” (p. 9).
Multiple marginality contains several concepts to facilitate analysis and
provides a holistic approach to understanding delinquency. According to Vigil
(1988), an eclectic multiple marginality analysis makes it possible to integrate key
elements of several theories that have been conceptualized to explain delinquency
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and he identified some of these theories as cultural deviance theory, social control
theory, and strain theory, which were discussed above. Although Vigil did not
specifically name social disorganization theory, his observations and explanations
of the marginalization of youth through street socialization and barrio life certainly
support point to the influence of this theory.
In summary, based on these four theories, Vigil’s (1988) multiple
marginality is an eclectic approach to the understanding and analysis of youth
delinquency and the ecological, economic, social, cultural, and psychological
factors that contribute to such behavior. It is Vigil’s belief, that the “multiple
marginality framework better allows for descriptions and interpretations of
particular (and perhaps peculiar) facts of people, time, and place” (p. 10).
Gangs in General
Definition
A gang is defined in terms of group processes, rather than in terms of
delinquency. A gang is “a group whose members meet together with some
regularity, over time, on the basis of group-defined criteria of membership and
group-determined organizational structure, usually with some sense of
territoriality” (Short, as cited in Moore, 1991, p. 39). Moore (1991) indicated that
there are a number of theoretical understandings of gangs. She presented (Short, as
cited in Moore, 1991) the theory of “normal deviance” as a general means to
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understand the meaning of gangs. In essence, “normal deviance theory permits us
to look at the so-called deviance of the gangs as the normal play of adolescent
males with universal developmental needs to experiment with sexuality,
aggressiveness, and self-control within a peer group” (pp. 40-41). She pointed out,
however, that this theory has not been proven useful for understanding girl gangs.
Historical and Background Information
Moore (1991) conducted research on two major Los Angeles gangs, White
Fence and El Hoyo Maravilla, through interviews with 106 men and 52 women.
She noted that, in the 1920s, Mexican neighborhoods first began to see male groups
that were later considered ‘gangs’. Young men from different barrios hung out
together and fought with boys from other barrios, but by adulthood, they left the
gang. The gangs that Moore studied in Los Angeles grew out of these early groups.
In the earliest years of gangs, in the 1930s and 1940s, they were known as
“the boys from the barrio” (Moore, 1991, p. 25). Originally, these ‘gangs’ were
young men’s sports groups, who were associated with the church and integrated
into community activities. Toward the end of World War II, while the church
crowd was away at war, the White Fence gang got started, along with El Hoyo
Maravilla.
According to Moore (1991), the literature on female gangs from this period
of time is sparse. It was not until the mid-1940s that there was something close to a
female auxiliary. However, these girls had a certain independence and did not
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affiliate with, or were considered the “property of,” any one of the boys’ gangs.
What research there was indicated that the girls who joined the gang, apart from
relatives of the boys, tended to come from somewhat more troubled backgrounds.
Gangs started out as neighborhood friendship groups that shared common
interests. In addition, they were “committed to defending one another, the barrio,
the families, and the gang name ...” (Moore, 1991, p. 31). The gangs developed
an age-graded structure of cliques and became quasi-institutionalized agents of
socialization. The communities in which these gangs developed were poor and
marginalized, making the gangs attractive to boys and girls in the neighborhood.
Moore (1991) noted that many cliques were active at the same time during
the 1940s and 1950s. Each had a separate identity, but was part of the larger gang.
The gangs of this time could be viewed as transitional, maintaining linkages to
conventional groups. Over time, these gangs made the transition from an “accepted
barrio group to something on the far reaches of tolerability” (p. 32).
The gangs of the 1970s were clearly more deviant that those of the 1940s
and 1950s, and the gang structure was less well defined. Members could “jump”
from one clique to another and, more recently, men in prison could switch from one
clique to another. However, there were few changes in the girls’ cliques, which
continued to show considerable autonomy.
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Changes Over Time
Moore (1991) discussed how gangs have changed over time, specifically in
terms of recruitment and initiation patterns, sociability and drug use, gender-related
attitudes, and violence. Earlier cliques generally recruited during early
adolescence, while more recent cliques continue to recruit into late adolescence.
This is the case for both boys and girls. Almost all of the men grew up in the
gang’s territory. The pattern of being “raised in the gang” was less common for the
girls, with two thirds growing up in their gang’s territory. In addition, girls were
more likely to join through relatives and friends.
Over time, gang initiation became more ritualized. By the time newer
cliques became active, most boys and girls were “jumped” into the gang, in an
“initiation rite in which the recruit is tested for his/her ability to stand up in a fight”
(Moore, 1991, p. 49).
According to Moore (1991), in terms of sociability, gang members spend
most of their time “hanging around” at some special spot in the neighborhood. The
essence of gang sociability is “partying,” which is generally associated with getting
high. Getting high is accomplished through alcohol, marijuana, PCP, and
barbiturates.
Although Moore’s (1991) research focused on male-oriented gangs, she did
look at gender-related perceptions of the role of girls in the gang. She found that
two-thirds of the girls disagreed with the statement that guys treat them like
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possessions. Yet, more of the boys, especially the younger ones, felt that the boys
did treat the girls as possessions. Other boys, however, pointed out that the gang is
like a family and, as such, the girls are treated with respect.
Among those boys who felt that the girls were treated as possessions, three
themes emerged. The first theme rejects girls as gang members, as the gang is a
male preserve, and includes the idea that any girl who joins a gang is “worthless
and deserves whatever happens to her” (Moore, 1991, p. 54). The second theme
emphasizes the “legitimacy of male dominance over women” (p. 54). The third
theme emphasizes male sexuality and the need for companions in sex. It is
important to point out, however, that a full range of attitudes was found in each
clique.
Moore (1991) noted that gang violence can come about for a variety of
reasons, including invasion of territory, rivalry over dating, fights related to sports
events, and personal matters. There was an escalation in violence between 1950
and 1970. However, this did not mean that there has been a continuous rise in
violence from clique to clique since the gangs began. As a matter of fact, after a
decade or so of escalating violence, gang killing in East Los Angeles dropped
sharply in the 1980s. In more recent times, drug use and marketing have become
important and have mixed effects on the level of violence. On the one hand,
members of rival gangs can cross into each other’s territories with impunity in
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search of heroin connections. On the other hand, some drugs, such as PCP,
cocaine, and crack, have psycho pharmaceutical effects that enhance violence.
Vigil (1988) provided an excellent summary of the contemporary street
gang:
In sum, contemporary street gangs are far more formalized and
autonomous today. Although some . . . characteristics have
remained (especially age-grading), new and different traits mark
the barrio youth groups, such as alcohol and drug use, violence,
and various symbolic events and behavioral codes. Most of these
developments emerged as a result of adjusting to urban street life,
as more and more children sought a source of stability and identity
in the gang. In time, routines and procedures for attracting and
retaining recruits took over as a clique tradition unfolded (p. 102).
Neighborhood and Familial Acceptance
Moore (1991) also examined the world around gang members. In the early
days of barrio youth groups, there was acceptance by the families in the
neighborhood. The gang norm insisted that “since the gang was ‘all for the
neighborhood’, the neighborhood must be ‘all for the gang’, or at worst, neutral”
(p. 70). However, as barrio youth groups evolved into gangs, there was
increasingly less acceptance by neighbors and parents. In the recent cliques, nearly
two thirds of the boys and girls reported that the parents were upset about their
gang involvement. Interestingly, while very few of the parents approved of the
gang, they did express approval of the kids who were in the gang.
Moore (1991) notes that, although boys and girls in gangs had non-gang
friends, they hung out more with gang friends. Among the girls, 75% had
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boyfriends who were in the gang, and 44% dated boys who were “square” (not in
the gang). However, only 40% of the boys had girlfriends in the gang, while 65%
had “square” girlfriends. This reflects the traditionalism underlying the boys’
sexist attitudes towards girls in the gang. They noted that “square” girls were
“nicer, less streetwise, less likely to drink or use drugs” (p. 75) and saw these girls
as their future.
Neighborhood and familial opposition to gangs generally did not dissuade
these boys and girls from joining. For most gang members, both boys and girls, the
gang was very important, and there was a sense of total dedication to the gang.
Further, this sense of dedication was also “significantly and substantially greater”
among girls from recent, as opposed to older, cliques (Moore, 1991, p. 77).
Gang Members’ Families
The concern with gang members’ families has focused around ethnicity and
poverty. According to Moore (1991), although there has been an assumption that
ethnic identity confusion and poverty leads boys and girls into gangs, the research
has not borne this out. What is relevant, however, is the emotional climate of the
family during childhood. Moore found that most of the families of gang members
were not particularly happy, at least according to the gang members themselves.
Only about half of the girls and boys indicated that their parents got along well.
Moreover, approximately 33% of the boys and 40% of the girls, from more recent
cliques, saw their fathers occasionally beat their mothers. In addition, much of the
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paternal violence toward both the mothers and the children has been associated
with heavy drinking.
Moore (1991) found that over half of the gang members were afraid of their
fathers. In addition, 55% of the girls and 42% of the boys were afraid of their
mothers. Yet, there was more ambivalence expressed about mothers in that gang
members expressed a combination of fear and respect. In addition, girls faced more
restrictions than did boys. The limitations placed on girls stemmed from
traditionalism. The attitudes toward boys were more tolerant, based upon the
notion that “boys will be boys.”
While 29% of the girls reported having been victims of incest, this figure
essentially does not differ from societal averages. Incest appeared to be associated
with patriarchy in that the more patriarchal families were more likely to be
incestuous (Moore, 1991). As a result of the restrictions placed on girls, plus the
high incidence of incest, girls were more likely than were boys to run away from
home.
Overall, according to Moore (1991), the families of gang members show a
high degree of stress. In addition, Moore found that clearly more girls than boys
came from troubled families. Further, a large majority of the girls had a relative
who died or was arrested. What can be said conclusively is that gang members
come from troubled families.
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Adulthood
Moore (1991) considered what happens to the boys and girls in gangs when
they grow out of adolescence into adulthood. She addressed drugs and prison and
then more general issues of family life and earning a living. For gang members,
heroin was the drug of choice. Overall, male gang members were more involved
with heroin than were female members. Interestingly, those gang members who
used heroin did not come from families who were appreciably different from those
of non-using gang members.
While users and nonusers came from relatively similar backgrounds, there
were gender differences in heroin use. Men tended to start and continue heroin use
within the peer group. Men also were more likely to go to prison and to spend their
lives in and out of prison. Women tended to start and continue their heroin use
within the family and generally did not go to prison. They became preoccupied
with their children and their heroin use was kept within the family (Moore, 1991).
Moore (1991) noted that most men and women had been married at least
once. In general, the marriages did not last and married life was not the norm.
Gang-related activities, such as hanging around with other gang members,
contributed to marital instability. Most of the men and women had children.
Having children was a major turning point for the women, causing many of them to
become “square.”
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In general, these men and women worked to earn their living. Most found
their jobs through personal connections, were reasonably satisfied with their jobs,
but did not earn much. In addition to their wages, these men and women relied on
the earnings of other people in their households, which could include some form of
government assistance. Some also had income from illegal activities, such as
small-scale drug dealing (Moore, 1991).
Moore (1991) developed a typology of ex-gang members, which includes
the categories of tecatos, cholos, and squares. The tecato lifestyle revolves around
the heroin culture. Cholos are those who do not grow up. They maintain the
values and behaviors of the adolescent gang and generally have sparse work
histories and unstable marriages. Squares go on to live conventional lives. Moore
noted that the number of squares may be underestimated because they were most
likely to have refused to be interviewed.
Gang Structure, Process, and Form
Vigil (1988) discussed gang structure, process, and form, using a multiple
marginality perspective. He noted that “the effects of multiple marginality are seen
in the adoption of role models and coping strategies to adapt to street life, and in
the way that group traits and processes represent a collective resolution to (certain)
problems ... ” (p. 87). He believes that early life experiences mediate an
individual’s induction and inclusion into a gang. More specifically, gang members
generally come from a background of family stress, lack of success in, and
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alienation from, school, and a disinclination toward the conventional pursuits of
childhood and adolescence.
Vigil (1988) also discussed the concept of multiple marginality as the basis
for gang street life and identity in Southern California. He believes that the lives of
gang members reflect multiple stresses and pressures, resulting in a multiple
marginality. “This multiple marginality derives from various interwoven situations
and conditions that tend to act and react upon one another. Although interrelated,
the unfolding and interpretation of these ecological, economic, social, cultural, and
psychological features of the street gang suggest a developmental sequence”
(p. 125). Vigil believes that the multiple marginality framework better allows for
descriptions and interpretations of gang life.
Vigil (1988) found that family role models were more important than were
peer influences in serving as a socializing agent in encouraging gang membership.
It is important to note, however, that there was very little verbal encouragement to
join a gang. Rather, family models acted as reinforcement.
Once joined, the gang becomes a surrogate family. It fills the void left by
families under stress. When gang members are interviewed about why the gang
became important to them, their reasons can be understood as indicating that the
gang provides “familial supportive behavior” (Vigil, 1988, p. 90). Vigil noted that
many families experience acute poverty and limited social mobility and thus, over
time, an underclass with its own set of problems developed. It is from among the
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children of these families that the boys and girls most involved in gangs tend to
come. Further, poor academic records and limited job opportunities make them
even more street oriented. As part of their survival, they join gangs and adopt their
cultural values and customs.
Vigil (1988) noted that “collective human behavior requires some ordering
of thinking and behaving, especially when the conditions that produce a collective
response reflect what members of groups do (activities), whom they do it with
(interaction), and why they do it (sentiment)” (p. 91). The gang structure is an
example of collective human behavior and certainly has norms that order thinking
and behaving. Vigil (1988) explained that gangs have developed a subculture that
has its own social structure and cultural value system with age-graded cohorts,
initiations, norms and goals, and roles.
Klein (as cited in Vigil, 1988) distinguished four categories of gang
membership: regular, peripheral, temporary, and situational. Gang members from
each of the categories come from different home backgrounds. Regular members
join at an early age, are consistent in their participation, and remain active members
into their twenties. They usually come from stressful family backgrounds.
Peripheral members’ participation is inconsistent and tempered by other interests,
and they mature out of the gang by their twenties. They may have the same family
background as regular members or have a moderately stable one. Temporary
members usually become involved with the gang during adolescence, and their
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commitment is often tenuous and easily dissolved. They come from a reasonable
stable family background. Finally, situational members demonstrate episodic gang
membership and gravitate to recreational and social activities. Such members may
come from either a stressful or a fairly stable background.
Vigil (1988) also noted that gangs are divided into age cohort, or cliques,
which are separated in age by two to three years. This enables there to be a place
for everyone within the gang. There are also different levels and lengths of
involvement within the gang. Female cliques are of interest because, more
recently, there appear to be an increasing number of barrios with girls who
regularly affiliate themselves with the street gangs. There is even an increase in
females conducting their own actions against rival female gangs.
Initiation and Maturing Out
Vigil (1988) discussed the meaning of the initiation ceremony, commonly
known as “jumping in.” The initiation ceremony indicates the public nature of
membership in the gang and provides insight into gang identification processes. In
most cases, the initiation occurs when the boy or girl is in junior high school,
around the age of 12 or 13.
The initiation ceremony is commonly understood as an ordeal that involves
a physical beating by several other gang members. The beating must be endured
without complaint. In this sense, the initiation serves to eliminate the weak or
uncommitted. Successfully undergoing the initiation process demonstrates the
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initiate’s desire to belong, prove himself or herself, gain respect, and show loyalty
to the gang. Further, “once having succeeded in passing through the ceremony
with honor, the psychological aftermath of the experience contributes towards
creating bonds of solidarity with those other initiates who have shared this vital
experience with him” (Bloch & Niederhoffer, as cited in Vigil, 1988, p. 106).
Vigil (1988) noted that an exit ceremony, commonly known as “jumping
out,” also exists. “Jumping out” also involves a physical beating by members of
the gang. However, “jumping out” is generally limited to situational and temporary
members who expect to have continued contact with gang members. Members
who do not have such expectations may simply quit the gang. In general, most
members of a gang simply mature out. Maturing out is a process of gradual
disaffiliation from the gang.
Attire, Adornment, and Demeanor
According to Vigil (1988), gang affiliation entails the embracing of certain
external signs that characterize the gang. Clothing includes certain pants, shirts,
shoes, hairstyles, and head adornments. The pants are generally khakis, which are
large and baggy, heavily starched with a crease, and worn with a long and unrolled
hem hiding the heels of the shoes. Shirts are usually long-sleeved, plain, and dark
in color, known generically as “pendletons,” and worn with all buttons fastened,
shirt tailed outside, often in an oversized fit. Shoes are generally of two kinds:
long, tapered toe “Imperials,” similar to the Florsheim French toes of the past, and
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either “Hush Puppies” or deck shoes, known as “winos.” Hair is shortly cropped,
combed straight back, and neatly trimmed around the ears and neck. Head
adornments include a stingy-brim version of a fedora or watchcap beanie and a
baseball cap, depending on personal tastes.
Vigil (1988) noted that girls also have taken up this style and, with slight
variations, have fashioned their own style. Girls wear cords and regular jeans,
blouses, and female T-shirts and polo shirts. Their hair is long and natural and a
great deal of facial make-up is worn, specifically “peacock-hued eye shadow
beneath thin, high eyebrow” (Morrison, as cited in Vigil, 1988, p. 112). In
addition, dark, heavily applied lipstick is used to complement the heavy eye make
up.
Patterns of demeanor also serve to demonstrate and reinforce one’s gang
affiliation. Gang members are given nicknames indicative of their personal
appearance. Tattoos have become a widespread practice among gang members. In
addition, often there are public “tattoos” in the form of “placas” (literally
“plaques,” but used to indicate graffiti) on walls and fences, which publicize a gang
member’s affiliation with and commitment to the gang (Vigil, 1988).
Vigil (1988) also discussed the distinctive body language of gang members.
Overall, their posture conveys a stance of being in control of a situation.
Movements are usually methodical, deliberate, and smooth. Proxemic behavior
also has its norms. Interpersonal encounters are generally characterized by gang
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members stopping short of arm’s length from each other and staring directly at each
other. This signifies a readiness to meet a potential challenge. Gesturing is also
common, and head movements serve to punctuate other facial expressions. Vigil
believes that most of the body language of gang members serves the purpose of
managing inner psychic tension. Finally, gang members have their own unique
form of speech. Gang talk is mostly in English, but there is a certain degree of
Spanish and “cholo” terms spoken, dependent upon the traditions and generational
history of the barrio.
Vigil (1988) stated that gang members adopt a distinctive street style of
dress, speech, gestures, tattoos, and graffiti. This style is known as “cholo,” which
is a centuries-old term for a group of Latin American Indians who are partially
acculturated to Hispanic-based elite cultures.
Two additional aspects of the gang life include “partying” and the car
culture. Partying can mean a number of things, but, in general, it means that gang
members are involved and that some form of intoxicants are available. The number
of participants and the types of inebriants may vary, but the essence of partying
remains the same (Vigil, 1988).
In terms of car culture, the automobile is a focal concern. Chicano gang
members developed a distinctive care style as well as a pattern of “low riding.”
Such cars have a lowered rear end, or are completely lowered. This lowering is
either permanent or temporary, using hydraulic lifts. The cars can be an older
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1940s model or a more recent 1970s model, usually a General Motors vehicle,
especially a Chevrolet. The vehicle can be regular in appearance or high decorated
with multicolored paint jobs, sparking wheels, rich leather, or velvet upholstery.
The driver is low and slumped back, and the driving is smooth and slow.
Nicknames are even given to the cars (Vigil, 1988).
In sum, Vigil (1988) offered his belief that multiple marginality is as
relevant to girls as it is to boys. According to Vigil, “uneven culture change,
underclass patterns, and intergenerational street socialization, in time, all operated
as new situations and conditions to affect the female role in gangs. Thus, the
dialectics of multiple marginality applies to why females now are more active in
street gangs” (p. 101).
Female Gangs
Harris’s (1988) research, as discussed in more detail below, also subscribes
to the idea of multiple marginality for understanding why girls join gangs. She sees
these girls as socially, economically, and racially caught in a world that does not
provide ready or easy access to dominant institutions. She cites two areas in
particular—the family and the school.
Harris (1988) studied a gang of Latina girls in the San Fernando Valley of
Los Angeles. The purpose of her research was to study the female cliques within
the male-dominated Latino gangs that operate in the San Fernando Valley. She
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described the structure of the cliques, illustrated the manner in which these cliques
within gangs interact within the barrio environment, and provided an understanding
of the worldview of the gang girl. She interviewed 21 girls, both current and
former gang members, concerning their participation in and attitudes toward gang
activities.
Harris (1988) found that the inability of the family to develop strong ties
was one reason cited by girls for joining gangs. In addition, these girls also cited
lack of support from the family and the inability of the family to develop ties with
other societal institutions, including educational, cultural, and social. Harris also
found that no core gang member in her study finished high school. These girls had
not developed a sufficiently strong attachment to school. Further, the stronger the
attachment to the gang, the less the attachment to school. Her findings are similar
to Quicker’s (1983) and, as such, their findings will be discussed together.
Quicker (1983) studied the Chicana gang of the East Los Angeles area,
which is characterized by widespread unemployment, underemployment, and
poverty. His data came from interviews with girls from 12 different gangs. He
conducted intensive interviews with 13 girls and, on a less formal level, with 30
other gang members, as well as probation officers, sheriff personnel in specialized
gang units, and teachers.
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Gang Structure, Process, and Form
Quicker (1983) reported that a constant theme that emerged was the failure
of traditional institutions and the subsequent importance of gangs in the lives of
these girls. Quicker views girl gangs as a solution to those deleterious conditions in
the girls’ lives over which they have little or no control. Harris (1988) discussed
the human experience, particularly in adolescence, of wanting to belong to a group.
She noted that each girl she interviewed expressed “a strong need for safety,
belongingness, and for approval, which can only be satisfied by other people. This
means considerable dependence on the gang . . . therefore, she must adapt and
adjust to the . . . gang, in order to win approval” (pp. 101-102).
Miller (as cited in Quicker, 1983) noted that, “traditionally, females have
been involved in gang activities in one of three ways: as auxiliaries or branches of
male gangs, as essentially autonomous units, or as participants in sexually mixed
gangs” (p. 8). Quicker reported that both boys and girls report ambivalence
regarding the acceptability of the girls’ affiliates.
Quicker (1983) found that the Chicana gangs of East Los Angeles are
predominantly auxiliaries and never achieve complete independence from the boys.
As an indication of this, the girls’ groups derive their names from the boys’ names,
and the girls often assist the boys with their activities. Yet, they also have their
own activities in which only girls can attend. Quicker added, however, that their
autonomy varies from group to group. Harris (1988) further noted that the girls’
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cliques often have names which imply being bad or crazy, for example “Tiny
Locas” (small crazies).
Quicker (1983) stated that girl gangs tend to function democratically, and
decisions are usually accomplished through voting. Members are “up front” about
their business, and what leadership there is tends to be diffuse. Harris (1988) had
similar findings, noting that in most cases, leadership is not clearly defined and
generally does not reside in one girl. It is openly share by many of the girls,
depending upon the group’s activities and the context of the moment.
Initiation and Maturing Out
Quicker (1983) reported that membership in a girl gang is not open to all
who want to join. Rather, there are at least three criteria: (1) the girl must not be
interested in joining solely for protection; (2) there must be an indication that the
girl will not fold under pressure, but will support the gang even under adverse
conditions; and (3) the girl must be able to “throw” (fight). Shonka (1992), who
compiled a report on girl gangs in Los Angeles using existing literature, statistical
reports, and interviews with law enforcement personnel, professionals who have
family contacts with gangs, and the gang members themselves, also spoke of the
importance of the fight as part of the initiation process. Shonka (1992) reported
that the purpose of the initiation ceremony is to see the new member’s ability to
give or take a beating and to see how much “heart” she has. This is a way to test
her loyalty to the gang.
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Harris’s (1988) findings are in keeping with those of Quicker’s (1983). She
found that the willingness and ability to fight, to face the enemy, to not run from
confrontation, to be “bad,” to be “crazy,” to be tough, and to use drugs are
esteemed behaviors. Support for the group is held in the highest esteem. The girls
who demonstrate these qualities are most desired as gang members.
If the criteria are met, then the girl will be ready for the ritual initiation, to
be “jumped in.” There are also other ways of joining, which are less frequently
used. These can involve a “fair fight,” in which the novitiate “throws” with one of
the gang members until she proves her skill, or the girl can be “walked in,” in
which her initiation occurs by agreement. In any case, the girl’s final acceptance is
signified by having all the members embrace her warmly and welcome her into the
group (Quicker, 1983; Harris, 1988).
According to Harris (1988), once in the gang, there are different degrees of
involvement, which are indicated by the rates of social interaction with others in
the group. At one end is the core group of girls who are most active and are always
working to keep the gang together. At the other end are girls who claim affiliation,
but limit their participation and do not specifically identify themselves as gang
members.
Quicker (1983) stated that leaving the gang is more complicated than
entering and can be characterized by active or passive departure. In the active
mode, either the girl herself or the other members remove her from the gang.
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Active departure is violent and can be attributed to the fact that the remaining gang
members experience the departure as a betrayal. Active departure usually involves
“jumping out.”
Harris (1988) and Shonka (1992) stated that the “ jumping out” of a girl is
more serious than when a girl is “jumped in.” There are no rules that govern this
ritual and there are no time limits. The severity of the attack depends on the
amount of displeasure or anger the gang members feel toward the girl.
Fortunately, according to Quicker (1983), passive departures are the most
common and are relatively easy. Passive departures are seen as natural
developments and generally involve a reduction in gang activity as a girl gets older.
Harris (1988) noted that, for girls who are fringe members of the gang, leaving the
gang can be as simple as no longer participating in gang activities. Girls who
reduce their participation often receive emeritus status, are given an honorific title,
veterana, and are sought after for advice.
Activities
Harris (1988) discussed the various activities of these girl gangs. They
include activities with homeboys; meetings; the use of drugs and alcohol, violence,
and weapons; and the “set-up.” Activities with homeboys included participating in
their activities in a supportive or back-up fashion. While the girls purported to be
independent of the male gang members, their belief in male superiority and their
deference to male gang members became clear. Meetings ranged from informal to
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formal. More formal meetings generally involved policy discussions and planning
sessions.
According to Harris (1988), the gang culture is a drug culture. She found
that, almost without exception, female gang members engaged in heavy drug use.
Further, the use of drugs appeared to serve as a catalyst for promoting sexual
activities between the homeboys and homegirls.
Harris (1988) also pointed out that the gang culture includes a shared
understanding that encourages violent behavior. Gang norms demand violent acts
and being “bad,” “crazy,” or “wild,” earn gang members respect and status.
Naturally, as violence escalates, the use of weapons increases. Finally, there is the
gang ritual of a “set up,” which involves arranging to trap rival gang members.
Sometimes the set-up is used for revenge; sometimes, in the case of a girl, it may
be so that male gang members can rape her. Homegirls are sometimes used by
homeboys to lure a rival gang member into the barrio so that they can “jump” him.
Attire, Adornment, and Demeanor
Impression management is a term used by Harris (1988) to denote the ways
in which gang members send a message through their dress, language, and symbols
such as tattoos and placas. These aspects of “impression management” have been
discussed above (1988).
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Gang Values
Harris (1988) conceptualized the gang as a reference group. She noted that
core gang members identify strongly with the gang and conform to its values.
“They see their self-image and reach self-appraisals through their close
identification . . . she relinquishes her autonomy and adapts her behavior, dress,
style, and gesture to the organized gang community” (p. 116). Further,
commitment is demonstrated by the willingness to exert high levels of effort, to
accept the gang’s goals and values, and to believe in the positive value of the gang.
Quicker (1983) spoke of a similar idea when he noted that the most
impressive quality of these gangs is their strong emphasis on loyalty, which
parallels what is found in the family structure. “In effect, as the gang takes on
some of the same functions of the family, the gang begins to receive the affect
ordinarily reserved for it exclusively” (p. 25). In addition, the closer one is to the
gang, the more likely one’s friendships will come from within the gang. The gang
also offers a strong support system for the girls, assuming the position of a primary
group for them.
Quicker (1983) also discussed girl gangs from the perspective or working
class sororities. He stated that gangs “share many values and are organizationally
very similar to another well know adolescent group—the Girl Scouts” (p. 53).
Quicker iterated the similarities between the two groups in terms of the sharing of
values, the concept of friend and sister, and additional issues.
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The values of trust, loyalty, being useful and helpful, being a friend to all
and a sister to other scouts, obeying orders, promotion personal integrity, and good
relations with others are the primary values of Girl Scouts. Quicker (1983) added
that these values are also promoted by girls in gangs, particularly loyalty. “The
importance of loyalty for barrio girls may be due in part to the intense kinds of
struggles the girls face, stemming from the bitter environment where they live”
(p. 64).
The concept of friend and sister is part of Law 4 of the Girl Scout code.
This value encourages Girl Scouts to accept people who are different from they are,
to teach and to learn from others, and to invite them to share in their activities.
According to Quicker (1983), girls in gangs take this even further.
The friendship value is extended to one’s family, often to one’s
non-gang friends, and occasionally to significant others. The . ..
friendship is often worthy of the highest regard in the Girl Scout
code . . . some . . . even extend the friend to all concept to people
they do not know (pp. 65, 67).
Quicker (1983) believes that girls in the gang and Girl Scouts share a
certain emotional maturity. However, he tempers that belief by stating, “while it is
naive to suggest that the average barrio girls was the emotional equal of the average
Girl Scout, the differences do not appear to be as significant as popularly
conceived” (p. 69). Quicker views gang girls as bright, perceptive, rational, and
capable of articulating thoughts and emotions.
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Quicker (1983) pointed out further similarities. Both the Chicana gangs and
the Girl Scouts have existed for over 50 years, both are voluntary organizations,
representatives of both groups point out that if a girl has not joined by the time she
is of a certain age, she probably will not join, girls remain in both groups for only a
certain number of years, and girls of both groups join those organizations that are
close to home.
Finally, Quicker (1983) stated that gangs and Girl Scouts are separated by
social class and geographic boundaries. While both groups provide girls with
significant peer group relationships, these organizations are most often judged by
their social class rather than by their values.
In conclusion, Quicker (1983) stated,
To be in a gang is to be part of something. It means having a place
to go, friends to talk with, and parties to attend. It means
recognition and respected status. As one homeboy so cogently
expressed: ‘As long as there is a need for people to come together,
and no better place to do it, there will be gangs’ (pp. 80-81).
Adulthood
Moore and Hagedom (1996) were concerned with understanding the careers
of women who had become involved with heroin. They examined several points in
the lives of these women: their families of origin, their behavior in the gang, and
their behavior in adulthood. Overall, they found that the women who became
involved with heroin became largely confined to a street-oriented life.
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Importantly, Moore and Hagedom (1996) pointed out that girls who joined
gangs generally come from different kinds of families than boys. It was more
acceptable to boys to be “out on the streets,” and so they were more likely to come
from conventional families. In comparison, the girls were more likely to come
from underclass or abusive families. Further, almost of third of gang boys ran
away from home, but three quarters of the girls ran away.
The differing home environments of girls and boys resulted in a self
selection process in gang recruitment that centered on gender. Moreover, this
selectivity was exaggerated for the girls who ended up using heroin. “Their
families were even unhappier and more violent than those of other female gang
members . .. (and) girls were also more likely to have alcoholic or heroin-using
parents” (Moore & Hagedom, 1996, p. 207). This initial self-selectivity is fateful
because membership in the gang further narrows a young woman’s social
opportunities, especially if she turns to heroin.
In tracking the lives of these women, Moore and Hagedom (1996) noted
that most of these women have children and that children had a greater effect on the
lives of women than of men. For women, more so than men, the responsibilities
associated with child rearing may accelerate the process of maturing out of the
gang.
Childbearing also offered these women the opportunity to retrieve their
reputation. Horowitz (as cited in Moore and Hagedom, 1996), argued that if a
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woman “becomes a ‘good mother’ and stays away from gang hangouts, her past is
forgiven, but if she neglects her children and continues to hang out with her
buddies, her bad reputation is simply confirmed” (p. 211).
Moore and Hagedorn (1996) noted that becoming a mother results in a
number of other changes for gang girls. Their relationship with their parents
changes in that they usually become more deeply involved. In addition,
motherhood engenders internalized identity changes. The women they interviewed
cited having a child as a significant turning point in their lives. These changes
were supported by the finding that most of these women were primarily responsible
to raising their children, often on their own.
Sociological Considerations
Community and Class Context
Campbell (1990) believes that if one is to understand female gang
membership on its own terms, it is important to incorporate the community and
class context in which these girls grow up. She stated that this involves an
examination of gang youth in relationship to both the parent culture (the ethnic
working class or poverty class community in which they arise) and the mainstream
culture, of which their class forms a marginal part. Campbell views gangs as
representing a means by which some youths try to resolve the problems presented
by their structural position in relationship to both these groups.
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Campbell (1990) delineated five problems faced by poverty class girls for
which they seek answers in the gang: (1) a future of meaningless domestic labor
with little possibility of educational or occupational escape; (2) subordination to the
man of the house; (3) responsibility for children; (4) the social isolation of the
housewife; and (5) the powerlessness of underclass membership. According to
Campbell, the gang represents a collective solution to the bleak future that awaits
them. Members portray the gang to themselves, as well as to others, in a romantic
light.
Shonka’s (1992) findings were similar to those of Campbell (1991).
Shonka reported that the girls who become gang members seldom had anyone to
direct them into positive activities. Further, “they are surrounded by pathetic and
dismal role models, either from the neighborhood or their family. This causes girls
to seek other areas for recognition” (p. 3). Becoming a gang member fills their
need for belonging and provides them with an exciting social life.
While gang girls may be seen as sexually promiscuous, Campbell (1990)
noted that gang girls exert strong normative control over one another’s sexuality.
They are acutely sensitive to the view of them as sexually “cheap.” To counter this
view, serial monogamy is expected of girl gang members. Once a girl becomes
involved with a boy, she is expected to remain faithful until the relationship ends.
Another reason behind the expectation of serial monogamy is that suspicion and
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jealousy are the most disruptive forces in the gang, and the reinforcement of the
norm of serial monogamy helps keep these forces in check.
Campbell (1990) noted that the tough image to which gang girls aspire is a
source of ambivalence to both girls and boys. While the girls take pride in the
forays against other gangs, they are also gratified both by the boys’ determination
to protect them from more lethal encounters and intervention by the boys when
they see the homegirl being beaten in a fight. In addition, because the boys’
approval is important to the girls, the girls often publicly defer to the boys. In
general, when both boys and girls are present, the girls tend to remain quiet, letting
the boys do most of the talking. However, when the boys are not present, the girls’
attitude becomes one of indulgence, in which men are infantilized in talk.
Acceptable Deviance
Swart (1991) considered these girls from the perspective of the ambiguous
deviance norms operating within the gang structure. More specifically, “caught
within competing behavioral norms, female gang members are forced to ‘fine tune’
their deviant behavior in order to make it ‘acceptable’ to their unique position as
females within a delinquent gang” (p. 78). Swart believes that the resulting
behavior of these girls is a typical form of female delinquency which is deviant
enough to qualify them for gang membership, but not so deviant as to contradict
female character expectations. Swart used his perspective to examine the issues of
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sexual promiscuity, drug use, aggressive or violent behavior, and motherhood of
female gang members.
Rather than sexual promiscuity, Swart (1991), in keeping with Campbell
(1990), found that the norm among girl gang members was serial monogamy. He
cited two reasons for this. The first is the girls’ interest in protecting their
relationships with their boyfriends. The second is to maintain the respect of male
gang members. Swart feels that these women are caught between the extremes of
sexual purity and promiscuity and the serial monogamy serves as an “acceptable
deviance.”
Swart (1991) found that, while female gang members are involved in drug
use, they tend to use light drugs and are less likely to use heavy drugs such as LSD,
PCP, or heroin. Further, the girls drew a clear distinction between recreational use
and addiction, and drug abusers were perceived by the girls as “unreliable,
inconsistent, and committed only to themselves and their addiction” (p. 80). This
use of drugs for only recreational purposes can be seen as another indicator of the
female gang member’s struggle to find a level of “acceptable deviance.”
According to Swart (1991), aggressive and violent behaviors afford positive
status among male gang members, but have the opposite effect for female gang
members. Female gang members who are considered excessively violent are seen
as “breaching” their female role. Yet, at the same time, a certain amount of
aggression is expected of these girls. These two opposing forces again serve to
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place the girls into an ambiguous situation. Thus, “acceptably deviant” behavior
must fall somewhere in between these two extremes and generally takes the form of
female aggression against other females.
Finally, Swart (1991) discussed the role of motherhood in constraining the
identity and behavior of female gang members. Specifically, these girls need to
constrain their deviant behavior to and extent that enables them to be good mothers.
The issue of abortion adds yet another dimension. Males view fathering a child as
an indication of their masculinity, while females value their independence and are
often leery of being controlled by men through pregnancy. “Acceptably deviant”
behavior is constrained by the perception of either being a bad mother or exploited
by men.
Klein (1995) also commented on the concept of “acceptable deviance.” He
stated that girls, even those in a gang, are under social pressures to develop into
“nice young ladies” (p. 67). As such, they must walk a fine line between their
expected roles in the gang and more traditional female behavior. “The girls must
find a form of ‘acceptably deviant behavior’ in order to maintain their dual roles of
gang girls and development young women” (p. 67).
Delinquency
Giordano (1978) studied a sample of 108 incarcerated girls. She found a
relationship between friendship patterns and delinquent involvement and noted that
her findings cast doubt on the assumption that female delinquency represents a
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form of personal maladaptation. Rather, she found a significant relationship
between group affiliation and self-reported delinquency. Specifically, she found
that other girls are the most important reference group to which these girls compare
themselves. This finding confirms the “important status-conferring, delinquency
inducing influence of the same sex peer group” (p. 132).
Chesney-Lind, Shelden, and Joe (1996) reported on quantitative and
qualitative research on delinquency and gang membership. The quantitative
research concerns violent crimes. They noted that, while there has been in increase
in arrests for violent crimes among girls, this increase parallels increases in the
arrest of boys. In addition, serious crimes of violence are only a very small
proportion of all girls’ delinquency, and this proportion, which is between about
2% and 3%, has remained essentially unchanged. Finally, they cited a study using
FBI data which found that girls accounted for “proportionately fewer homicides in
1993 (6 %) than in 1984 (14%)” (p. 190).
Other research cited by Chesney-Lind, et al. (1996) showed that girls’
homicides differ significantly from those committed by boys. Girls’ homicides are
more likely to grow out of a dispute with the victim, whereas boys’ homicides are
more likely to be crime related. In addition, female gang members committed
fewer of most offenses than males and also committed less serious offenses.
Most interesting, an analysis of offense patterns of female gang members by
Chesney-Lind, et al. (1996) indicated no major differences between female gang
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members and their non-gang counterparts. In keeping with Chesney-Lind, et al.,
Klein (1995) noted that, regardless of the prevalence of arrest, most of the crime
committed by female gang members consisted of minor offenses such as drinking,
sex, thefts, and joy riding.
Joe-Laider and Hunt (1997) studied 65 female gang members in auxiliary
gang and in independent gangs to identify the factors which influence their
behavior toward violence. Their analysis showed that these girls experienced
potential and actual violence in certain violence prone situations. More
specifically, there were three overall findings. First, women in both auxiliary and
independent gangs spoke of extensive violence in their relationships with their
boyfriends. Some of this violence involved efforts by their boyfriends to ensure
that these girls behaved in a traditional female role. Second, girls in the auxiliary
gangs were more subject to violence prone situations than girls in independent
gangs. Third, some of the violence was provoked by the homeboys. This suggests
that, not only did the homeboys control the girls in the auxiliary gangs by
determining the extent to which they were allowed to become involved in violent
activities, they also played a divisive role in the homegirls’ relationships with each
other. This was not the case, however, for girls in independent gangs.
The qualitative research cited by Chesney-Lind, et al. (1996) and Joe-Laider
and Hunt (1997) was ethnographic in nature. Chesney-Lind, et al. (1996) noted,
however, that “the long-standing ‘gendered habits’ of researchers has meant that
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girls’ involvement with gangs has been neglected, sexualized, and oversimplified”
(p. 194). More recent research, however, has involved female researchers
interviewing the girls themselves.
Quicker (as cited in Chesney-Lind, et al., 1996), found that girls in gangs,
although somewhat dependent on their male counterparts, were becoming more
independent. Quicker noted that there are few economic opportunities to meet the
needs of the family unit. As a result, families are disintegrating and “do not have
the capability of providing access to culturally emphasized success goals . . .”
(p. 197).
Harris (as cited in Chesney-Lind, et al., 1996) found that although cholas
(female gang members) resembled male gangs, the gang served to challenge the
girls’ traditional destiny in two ways.
First, the girls rejected the traditional image of the Latina woman
as wife and mother .... Second, the gang supported the girls in
their estrangement from organized religion, substituting instead a
form of familialism that ‘provides a strong substitute for weak
family and conventional school ties’ (p. 198). Campbell (as cited
in Chesney-Lind, et al., 1996), who also studied cholas, came to a
similar conclusion. “In short, their lives reflect all the burdens of
their triple handicaps of race, class, and gender” (p. 200).
Chesney-Lind, et al. (1996) conclude that, for these girls, “their
choice of gang membership is heavily shaped by the array or
economic, educational, familial, and social conditions and
constraints that exist in their families and neighborhood” (p. 204).
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Changes Over Time
Moore and Hagedom (1996), in an effort to understand the later lives of Los
Angeles gang women, analyzed interviews with random samples of 51 female and
106 male members of two long-standing Chicano gangs. In addition to the findings
presented above, in “Adulthood,” Moore and Hagedom drew conclusions about the
changes that have occurred at the level of the broader society that have influenced
these girls.
The three changes cited by Moore and Hagedom (1996) are supported by
changes in time and place. The first change concerns the probability of marriage.
The researchers state that “the 1950s scenario that held out marriage and family as
the ultimate ideals is much more difficult to obtain” (p. 215). Most gang members
live in the inner cities, and the economies of these communities have been severely
damaged in the past generation. This means that most young males in these areas
no longer have much of a future to anticipate, and it has become much more
difficult for the women in these areas to look forward to marriage as a part of their
future.
The second change, according to Moore and Hagedom (1996), concerns
changes in gender ideologies that correspond to changes in opportunities for men
and women. Young women, out of necessity, are now more likely to see
themselves as potentially independent, and young men are likely to take on a facade
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of aloofness and control to counter the damaged pride that comes from their life
circumstances.
The third change has to do with aspects of the economy. Moore and
Hagedorn (1996) noted that “the economy of many inner-city communities has
become informalized, with a heavy illicit component” (p. 216). The drug economy
has become much more important over the past 40 or so years.
A Comparison Between Male and Female Gangs
Bjerregaard and Smith (1993) looked at gender differences in gang
participation, delinquency, and substance use. As background to their research,
they discussed the theoretical literature explaining gang membership among
females. They noted that, from this literature, two schools of thought have
emerged. The first is that the factors explaining female gang membership are
different from those that explain male gang membership. In particular, Campbell
(as cited in Bjerregaard & Smith, 1993) noted the psychological problems and the
inappropriate gender-role behavior of female gang members.
The second school of thought, according to Bjerregaard and Smith (1993),
argues that the factors explaining female gang membership are not fundamentally
different from those factors explaining male gang membership. In this view, girls
and boys are influenced by similar structural factors, especially marginal economic
conditions. Vigil (as cited in Bjerregaard & Smith, 1993), for example, suggested
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that “the female gang member of today is comparable to the male gang member of
the past in terms of issues such as their low socioeconomic status, residence in
disorganized areas, and exposure to street socialization” (p. 332).
Based on the previous research, Bjerregaard and Smith (1993) chose four
areas of the literature for further investigation: social disorganization and poverty,
delinquent peers, family processes, and personal maladjustment. In terms of social
disorganization and poverty, the literature reviewed by Bjerregaard and Smith
suggested that for both boys and girls, the gang may be viewed as a response to
problems inherent in their communities. In regard to delinquent peers, Bjerregaard
and Smith found that there is a strong relationship between peer relationships and
gang deviance for both boys and girls. In contrast to these two similarities between
girls and boys, the researchers also found that females are more influenced by
family processes. Finally, again a similarity was found between boys and girls in
terms of personal maladjustment in that self-esteem came into play for both sexes
as a reason for gang membership.
Based on the literature, Bjerregaard and Smith (1993) addressed two issues.
The first issue was whether females were similar to or different from males in the
extent of their gang participation and in their involvement in delinquency. The
second issue was whether the same risk factors were related to both female and
male gang participation. The data for their study were drawn from the Rochester
Young Development study, an ongoing multi wave panel study examining the
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development of delinquent behavior and substance use in a predominantly high
risk, urban sample of youth. Their independent variables were social
disorganization, poverty, school expectations, peer delinquency, parent attachment,
parent supervision, sexual activity, and self-esteem. The dependent variables were
gang participation, delinquency, and substance use.
Bjerregaard and Smith (1993) found that overall, the extent of female
participation in gangs differed from what was seen in the earlier literature. First,
females were found to have a similar rate of gang participation. Further, gang
members of both sexes were significantly more likely than non-gang members to
have participated in delinquency, including serious delinquency and substance
abuse. Thus, for both sexes, gang membership appeared to have an effect on
delinquency and substance use.
Second, Bjerregaard and Smith (1993) found a great deal of similarity
between the sexes in the risk factors associated with gang membership. More
specifically, peer activity and sexual activity were found to be significantly
associated with both female and male gang participation. In contrast, self-esteem,
family processes, poverty, and social disorganization were found to be unrelated to
gang participation for either sex. Only school expectations differed in their effect
on female and male gang participation. Specifically, for females, having low
expectations of completing school increased the probability of gang membership.
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According to Bjerregaard and Smith (1993), overall, “for both sexes, gang
membership is strongly associated with both the prevalence and the incidence of
delinquency and substance use, with peer delinquency, and also with other problem
behaviors such as early adolescent sexual activity” (p. 348). The researchers
believe that these patterns are consistent with other researchers’ claims that gangs
arise in the context of normal adolescent developmental needs to manage sex,
aggression, and substance use.
Further, Bjerregaard and Smith (1993) found that while family variables are
unrelated to gang membership for either females or males, sexual activity as found
to be significantly associated with gang membership for both sexes. Moreover,
sexual involvement at an early age was more strongly associated with the risk of
gang involvement for females than for males. Finally, for both sexes, peer
delinquent behavior was found to be significantly associated with the probability of
gang membership.
In conclusion, Bjerregaard and Smith (1993) noted that females are joining
gangs as a result of the lack of perceived opportunities within their communities.
They further noted that, for females, a lack of educational opportunities appears
especially important to their decision to join a gang.
Esbensen and Deschenes (1998) sought to describe gang membership in a
survey of eighth-grade students in a cross-section of the United States and to
examine differences between boys’ and girls’ attitudes and gang membership. The
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social psychological variables of interest to the researchers were representative of
two of the dominant theoretical perspectives in criminology: social control and
social learning theories. Underlying the social control perspective is the belief that
“human behavior is a product of self-interest and that individuals with low levels of
self-restraint are more likely to engage in illegal behavior” (p. 805). Social
learning theory maintains that “criminal behavior is influenced through a learning
process involving differential associations, definitions, differential reinforcements,
and imitation” (p. 805).
Esbensen and Deschenes’ (1998) sample consisted of 5,935 eighth-grade
students from 315 classrooms in 42 schools. The students were given a self
administered questionnaire that contained demographic, attitudinal, and behavioral
measures. The attitudinal measures were representative of social learning and
social control theories.
Indicators of social control theory included maternal attachment, paternal
attachment, social isolation, school commitment, parental monitoring, impulsivity,
risk seeking, perceived limited opportunity, and self-esteem. Indicators of social
learning theory included prosocial peer behavior, commitment to negative peers,
commitment to positive peers, perceived school environment, neutralization, and
guilt (Esbensen & Deschenes, 1998).
Gang membership was determined through self-identification. A restrictive
definition of gang status was used in that only those youth who reported ever
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having been in a gang that their gang engaged in at least one type of delinquent
behavior were classified as gang members (Esbensen & Deschenes, 1998).
Overall, Esbensen and Deschenes (1998) found significant differences by
gender for all of the independent variables, with the exception of maternal
attachment and pro-social peers. Both sexes reported strong attachment to their
mothers, but boys reported a higher attachment to their fathers than did girls. Both
boys and girls also reported a high level of parental monitoring, which was higher
among girls than boys. School commitment was also higher among girls than boys.
Both commitment to and involvement with delinquent peers was higher for
boys than for girls. Neither boys nor girls perceived their educational opportunities
to be limited, but girls were less likely to report limited educational opportunities.
In comparison, girls reported a higher degree of social isolation than boys and had
lower self-esteem and lower levels of risk seeking and impulsive behavior in
comparison to boys. Girls were more likely than boys to feel guilty about engaging
in delinquent behavior and were less likely to approve of such activities. Both boys
and girls were likely to disagree that there was much violence at school, but boys
disagreed more than girls. The researchers also note two important interaction
effects between gender and gang membership. Specifically, female gang members
reported lower levels of self-esteem and high levels of social isolation than males
(Esbensen & Deschenes, 1998).
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Esbensen and Deschenes (1998) also tested the fit of the two models of
social learning and social control. For the full sample, the social learning model
provided a better model, explaining more of the variance than the social control
model. When the models were analyzed separately for males and females, not all
of the variables were relevant for both sexes. There were variations in the relative
contribution of the different variables delineated for each model for males and
females. There were considerable differences for the social control variables.
Specifically, parental monitoring was negatively associated with gang membership
for both males and females. Risk-seeking behavior increased the likelihood of
gang membership for girls, but not for boys. Higher levels of both attachment to
mothers and limited opportunities were associated with gang membership for boys.
However, higher levels of social isolation meant that boys were less likely to join a
gang. In terms of self-esteem, higher levels kept girls from joining gangs, but
higher levels among boys was associated with gang membership.
The social learning variables were more comparable for males and females
than were the social control variables. The one exception concerned the
relationship between pro-social peers and gang membership, which was significant
for girls, but not for boys. Having pro-social peers was a protective factor for girls,
but had no effect on boys. Concerning demographic characteristics, living in a
non-intact household was a stronger predictor of gang membership for females than
for males (Esbensen & Deschenes, 1998).
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According to Esbensen and Deschenes (1998), overall, the models were a
better fit for males than for females, although neither model provided a good fit for
either sex. In terms of the social control model, the researchers conclude that boys
and girls join gangs for different reasons. Girls with high levels of self-esteem are
less likely to join gangs, whereas boys with high levels of self-esteem are more
likely. In regard to social isolation, boys who feel socially isolated are less likely to
join gangs, while social isolation has virtually no effect on girls. Boys who believe
that educational success is unattainable have a higher probability of joining a gang,
but this variable has no effect on girls. For girls, school commitment was
negatively associated with gang membership. Maternal attachment was predictive
of gang membership for boys only. Risk seeking was a predictor of female gang
membership but not for male gang membership. Finally, impulsivity was not an
important factor for either boys or girls.
In addition, Esbensen and Deschenes (1998) noted that the social learning
model shows similar relationships for boys and girls, although the magnitude of the
effects differs. The peer variables of negative peer commitment and having pro
social peers are more strongly related to gang membership among girls than boys.
In comparison, the attitudinal variables of guilt expected from delinquent acts and
neutralization of behaviors are more strongly related to gang membership among
boys.
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Esbensen and Deschenes (1998) concluded:
Social control variables do not hold much promise for predicting
gang membership. Indicators of social learning theory hold
slightly more promise, but given the group nature of gangs, the
magnitude of these effects can only be considered modest. Future
efforts to explain gang affiliation would be well advised to expand
the range of predictor variables to incorporate factors identified by
ethnographic studies (e.g., measures of social disorganization,
marginalization, poverty, family interactional patterns, and family
violence) and to explore further the differential effects of self
esteem and social isolation in explaining male and female gang
membership (pp. 819-820).
Summary
This review of the literature has presented research on gangs in general,
followed by research on female delinquency and gangs, and then studies that
compared male and female criminal activity, delinquency, and gangs. For the
purposes of this study, the comparative research is the most relevant. Such
research considers criminal activity, delinquency, and gang membership in terms of
cultural deviance, social control, social disorganization, and strain theories,
supported by a foundation of multiple marginality in the lives of both males and
females. In general, the researchers believe that multiple marginality is the reason
behind the male and female criminal activity, delinquency and joining gangs.
Flistorically, research has been primarily focused on understanding male
criminal activity, delinquency, and male-dominated gangs. Traditional gang
research has neglected the role of female criminal activity, delinquency, and female
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gang membership. This lack of research has created a “gap” in gang literature,
particularly, since female gang delinquency, membership, and aggression is a
growing threat. The present study intends to add to the literature by furthering the
understanding of the psychosocial dynamics of both male and female delinquency
and by comparing the perceptions held by juvenile probation officers regarding
their criminal and delinquent behaviors relevant to gang-related crimes, substance
and alcohol abuse, person-on-person crimes, and property crimes. Specifically, this
study seeks to determine the relationship between risk factors, relevant to the
concept of multiple marginality (Vigil, 1988), and criminal behaviors.
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CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
This chapter presents the methodology used in the study. The chapter
begins with a discussion of the research design. This is followed by a presentation
of the instrumentation, participants, procedures and data analysis, and assumptions.
The chapter concludes with the limitations of the study.
Research Design
As noted in Chapter 1, the purpose of this study is to further the
understanding of the psychosocial dynamics of both male and female criminal
activity and delinquency by comparing the perceptions held by juvenile probation
officers regarding both the criminal and delinquent behaviors of these youth. This
study compared perceptions held by juvenile probation officers regarding risk
factors for criminal and delinquent behaviors relevant to gang-related crimes,
substance and alcohol abuse, person-on-person crimes, and property crimes, as
engaged in by males and females. The research design is exploratory and
comparative.
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Instrument Development
The research survey and interview questions were developed by creating an
outline of the key concepts of the four classical delinquency theories and the
multiple marginality perspective. Then, a list of psychosocial factors that have
been identified by the multiple marginality perspective was compiled. Once the
psychosocial factors were identified, the factors were cross-referenced and matched
according to the appropriate four classical theories.
This information was organized and developed into a matrix (Appendix A).
The matrix serves as a theoretically grounded working guide in the creation of an
appropriate, theory-based survey questionnaire and interview questions.
Instrumentation
The 21-question Adolescent Development survey (Appendix B) was
developed from the multiple marginality matrix. The survey questions measure
perceptions of criminal and delinquent behaviors as relevant to gang-related crimes,
substance and alcohol abuse, person-on-person crimes, and property crimes and are
answered with a 5-point Likert-type scale. The scale was administered eight times,
with four administrations each for boys and girls (e.g., gang-related crimes,
substance and alcohol abuse, person-on-person crimes, and property crimes). In
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addition to the survey questions, seven adolescent development interview questions
were developed (Appendix C).
Participants
Two hundred probation officers employed with the Los Angeles County
Probation Department were asked to respond to the survey questions. These
officers were employed as juvenile probation officers, working primarily with both
male and female adolescents, in one of the four juvenile halls located in Los
Angeles County. They work with the wards on behavior, school related matters,
mental-health issues, family problems, legal situations, gang-related activities, and
alcohol and substance abuse problems. Finally, officers who have completed the
survey will be asked to volunteer to participate in the interview portion of the
survey.
These officers had contact and worked with both male and female
adolescents on a daily basis. In fact, some of the officers surveyed were resident
supervisors who lived in and supervised the dorm in which the wards lived. The
four juvenile halls are detention centers in which both male and female adolescents
are detained in a lock-down facility. The probation officers were required to
periodically appear in juvenile court and report their wards’ progress while
detained.
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Procedures and Data Analysis
The researcher obtained written permission from the Los Angeles County
Probation Department Probation Officers to participate. The probation officers
were told that their participation would consist of a self-administered questionnaire
and an interview. The probation officers were told that their responses would be
used to obtain information about their perceptions of delinquent youth and that
their responses will be kept confidential.
Based on the probation officers’ responses, the two groups, males and
females, were compared. The statistical procedure used to compare the probation
officers’ answers to the questionnaire were conducted by using /-tests and an
analysis of variance (ANOVA). The interview data were analyzed by content
analysis.
Assumptions
There were two assumptions inherent in the methodology. First, it was
assumed that the Adolescent Development questionnaire has face validity and that
the questions associated with each factor indeed measure that factor. Second, it
was assumed that the probation officers would answer the survey and interview
questions in an honest manner.
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Limitations
The major limitation of this study was that is it retrospective in nature. As
such, the data, gathered from various probation officers with a variety of experience
in the juvenile justice system, may have been different than if similar data had been
collected prospectively. Another limitation concerns the generalizability of the
findings. According to a Los Angeles County Probation Department Demographic
data (1996), the majority of the wards were Latino. As such, the results of this
study may only be generalizable to Latinos.
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CHAPTER 4
RESULTS
This chapter presents the results of the study. The chapter begins with a
restatement of the purpose of the study, data collection and research questions
followed by a presentation of the results of the two research questions. Then the
results of the interviews are presented, followed by the chapter summary.
The purpose of this study is to further the understanding of the psychosocial
dynamics of both male and female criminal activity and delinquency by comparing
the perceptions held by juvenile probation officers regarding both the criminal and
delinquent behaviors of these youth. Probation officers are an especially useful,
but understudied, source of information on this topic because of their extensive
contact with juvenile offenders. Specifically, this study sought to determine the
relationship between risk factors, relevant to the concept of multiple marginality
(Vigil, 1988) and criminal and risk behaviors of both juvenile male and female, as
observed by juvenile probation officers.
Two hundred Probation officers employed with the Los Angeles County
Probation Department were asked to respond to the survey questions. Of the 200
officers asked to complete the survey questionnaire, only 105 officers actually
completed the surveys. Additionally, of the 105 officers who actually participated
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in the survey, only 25 officers volunteered to participate in the interview section of
the study.
Research Questions
1. Do probation officers perceive gender differences relative to delinquent
behavior involving gang-related crimes, substance and alcohol abuse, person-
on-person crimes, and property crimes and the five multiple marginality
psychosocial risk factors of self-esteem, family, school, peers, and
community?
2. Independent of gender, as related to gang-related crimes, substance and
alcohol abuse, person-on-person, and property crimes, among the five
psychosocial factors, do probation officers’ perceive some psychosocial
factors as having a greater influence?
Results
Research Question No. 1
Do probation officers perceive gender differences relative to delinquent
behavior involving gang-related crimes, substance and alcohol abuse, person-on-
person crimes, and property crimes and the five multiple marginality psychosocial
risk factors of self-esteem, family, school, peers, and community?
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Table 1 presents the /-test means and standard deviations by gender for
gang-related crimes and the five psychosocial factors. Overall, mean scores for
males were significantly higher (p < .05) than those of females on all five
psychosocial factors.
T ablet. Gang-Related Crimes: Means and Standard Deviations.
Psychosocial
Factors
Males Females
Total Mean
Mean Std. Dev. Mean Std. Dev.
Self-Esteem 3.63 .632 3.46 .606 3.54*
Family 3.77 .587 3.59 .504 3.68*
School 3.59 .675 3.35 .617 3.47*
Peers 4.02 .571 3.78 .538 3.89*
Community 3.72 .698 3.55 .691 3.64*
P < -05
Table 2 presents the /-test means and standard deviations by gender and
total population for substance and alcohol abuse and the five psychosocial factors.
Overall, there were no significant differences between males and females in their
mean scores in relation to the five psychosocial factors.
Table 2. Substance and Alcohol Abuse: Means and Standard Deviations.
Psychosocial
Factors
Males Females
Total Mean
Mean Std. Dev. Mean Std. Dev.
Self-Esteem 3.66 .656 3.63 .587 3.65
Family 3.62 .631 3.58 .577 3.60
School 3.48 .730 3.46 .730 3.47
Peers 3.53 .668 3.67 .699 3.76
Community 3.60 .770 3.49 .735 3.54
p < .05
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Table 3 presents the f-test means and standard deviations by gender and
total population for person-on-person crimes and the five psychosocial factors.
Overall, there were no significant differences between males and females in their
mean scores on the five psychosocial factors.
Table 3. Person-on-Person Crimes: Means and Standard Deviations.
Psychosocial
Factors
Males Females
Total Mean
Mean Std. Dev. Mean Std. Dev.
Self-Esteem 3.71 .652 3.62 .634 3.72
Family 3.75 .656 3.67 .620 3.71
School 3.60 .716 3.45 .756 3.53
Peers 3.96 .653 3.82 .588 3.89
Community 3.73 .804 3.69 .773 3.71
P S -05
Table 4 presents the t-test means and standard deviations by gender and
total population for property crimes and the five psychosocial factors. There were
no significant differences between males and females in their mean scores on the
five psychosocial factors.
Table 4. Property Crimes: Means and Standard Deviations.
Psychosocial
Factors
Males Females
Total Mean
Mean Std. Dev. Mean Std. Dev.
Self-Esteem 3.59 .673 3.58 .677 3.59
Family 3.65 .665 3.58 .656 3.61
School 3.49 .756 3.42 .762 3.46
Peers 3.89 .651 3.83 .619 3.86
Community 3.75 .796 3.70 .807 3.72
p < .05
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Gender differences in gang-related crimes
The results of an analysis of variance (ANOVA) of gender differences in
gang-related crimes are presented in Table 5. Concerning gang-related crimes, the
mean scores for males were significantly higher than those of females, F( 1,210) =
8.61, p = s m .
Table 5. Gang-Related Crimes: Gender Differences.
Source SS df MS F
P
Gender 10.61 1 10.61 8.61 .004
Within 256.25 208 1.23
Gender differences in substance and alcohol abuse
The results of an ANOVA of gender differences in substance and alcohol
abuse are presented in Table 6. In regard to substance and alcohol abuse, there
were no significant differences between males and females (p = .319).
Table 6. Substance and Alcohol Abuse: Gender Differences.
Source SS df MS F
P
Gender 1.64 1 1.64 1.00 .319
Within 341.82 208 1.64
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Gender differences in person-on-person crimes
The results of an ANOVA of gender differences in person-on-person crimes
are presented in Table 7. In regard to substance and alcohol abuse, there were no
significant differences between males and females (p = .194).
Table 7. Person-on-Person Crimes: Gender Differences.
Source SS df MS F
P
Gender 2.83 1 2.83 1.70 .194
Within 347.01 208 1.67
Gender differences in property crimes
The results of an ANOVA of gender differences in property crimes are
presented in Table 8. In regard to substance and alcohol abuse, there were no
significant differences between males and females (p = .531).
Table 8. Property Crimes: Gender Differences.
Source SS df MS F
P
Gender .74 1 .74 .39 .531
Within 392.75 208 1.89
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Research Question No. 2
Independent of gender, as related to gang-related crimes, substance and
alcohol abuse, person-on-person, and property crimes, among the five psychosocial
factors, do probation officers’ perceive some psychosocial factors as having a
greater influence?
Psychosocial factors and gang-related crimes
As seen in Table 9, and as detailed below, probation officers perceived
some of the psychosocial factors to be greater contributors to gang-related crimes.
Table 9. Gang-Related Crimes: Relative Importance of
Psychosocial Factors.
Scales SS df MS F
P
Self-Esteem vs. Family 3.93 1 3.93 22.66 .001
Self-Esteem vs. School 1.11 1 1.11 3.49 .063
Self-Esteem vs. Peers 25.75 1 25.75 92.29 .001
Self-Esteem vs. Community 1.71 1 1.71 5.27 .023
Family vs. School 9.23 1 9.23 28.66 .001
Family vs. Peers 9.56 1 9.56 43.34 .001
Family vs. Community 0.45 1 0.45 1.19 .275
School vs. Peers 37.59 1 37.59 94.78 .001
School vs. Community 5.60 1 5.60 12.92 .001
Peers vs. Community 14.17 1 14.17 31.72 .001
Self-esteem
The results of an analysis of variance (ANOVA) indicate that there was a
significant difference between self-esteem, family, and peers, F (1, 210) = 22.66, p
= .001 and F(1, 210) = 92.29, p = .001. While all three factors contribute to gang-
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related crimes, self-esteem was perceived by probation officers as the strongest
contributor. There was no significant difference between self-esteem, school, and
community. Overall, as perceived by probation officers, there were no differences
in contribution among self-esteem, school, and community.
Family
The results of an ANOVA indicate that there was a significant difference
between family, school, and peers, F (l, 210) = 28.66,p = .001 and F( 1, 210) =
43.34,/) = .001. While all three factors contribute to gang-related crimes, family
was perceived by probation officers as the strongest contributor. Overall, as
perceived by probation officers, there were no differences in contribution between
family and community.
School
The results of an ANOVA indicate that there was a significant difference
between school, peers, and community in contributing to gang-related crimes, F (l,
210) = 94.78,/) = .001 and F (l, 210)= 12.92,/? = .001.
Peers
The results of an ANOVA indicate that there was a significant difference
between peers and community in gang-related crimes, F(l, 210) = 31.72,/? = .001.
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Psychosocial factors and substance and alcohol abuse
As seen in Table 10, and as detailed below, probation officers perceived
some of the psychosocial factors to be greater contributors to substance and alcohol
abuse.
Table 10. Substance and Alcohol Abuse: Relative Importance of
Psychosocial Factors.
Scales SS df MS F
P
Self-Esteem vs. Family .41 1 .41 3.34 .069
Self-Esteem vs. School 6.31 1 6.31 18.96 .001
Self-Esteem vs. Peers 2.75 1 2.75 10.68 .001
Self-Esteem vs. Community 2.12 1 2.12 4.89 .028
Family vs. School 3.48 1 3.48 10.79 .001
Family vs. Peers 5.31 1 5.31 22.29 .001
Family vs. Community 0.65 1 0.65 1.71 .192
School vs. Peers 17.40 1 17.40 37.94 .001
School vs. Community 1.11 1 1.11 2.86 .092
Peers vs. Community 9.70 1 9.70 22.18 .001
Self-esteem
The results of an ANOVA indicate that there was a significant difference
between self-esteem, school, and peers, F( 1, 210) = 18.96,p = .001 and F (l, 210) =
10.68,/? = .001. While all three factors contribute to substance and alcohol abuse,
self-esteem was perceived by probation officers as the strongest contributor.
Overall, as perceived by probation officers, there were no differences in
contribution among self-esteem, family, and community.
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Family
The results of an ANOVA indicate that there was a significant difference
between family, school, and peers, F{\, 210) = 10.69,/? = .001 and F( 1,210) =
22.29, p = .001. While all three factors contribute to substance and alcohol abuse,
family was perceived by probation officers as the strongest contributor. Overall, as
perceived by probation officers, there were no differences in contribution between
family and community.
School
The results of an ANOVA indicate that there was a significant between
school and peers in contributing to substance and alcohol abuse, F (l, 210) = 37.94,
p - .004. Overall, as perceived by probation officers, there were no differences in
contribution between school and community.
Peers
The results of an ANOVA indicate that there was a significant difference
between peers and community in contributing to substance and alcohol abuse, F( 1,
210) = 22.18,p = .004.
Psychosocial factors and person-on-person crimes
As seen in Table 11, and as detailed below, probation officers perceived
some of the psychosocial factors to be greater contributors to person-on-person
crimes.
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Table 11. Person-on-Person Crimes: Relative Importance of
Psychosocial Factors
Scales SS df MS F
P
Self-Esteem vs. Family 0.37 1 0.37 3.05 .082
Self-Esteem vs. School 3.95 1 3.95 10.66 .001
Self-Esteem vs. Peers 10.27 1 10.27 43.57 .001
Self-Esteem vs. Community 0.37 1 0.37 0.97 .324
Family vs. School 6.76 1 6.76 19.26 .001
Family vs. Peers 6.72 1 6.72 35.17 .001
Family vs. Community .00047 1 .00047 0.001 .275
School vs. Peers 26.97 1 26.97 53.67 .001
School vs. Community 6.75 1 6.75 13.55 .001
Peers vs. Community 6.73 1 6.73 14.16 .001
Self-esteem
The results of an ANOVA indicate that there was a significant difference
between self-esteem, school, and peers, F( 1, 210) = 10.66, p = .001 and F( 1, 210) =
43.57,p = .001. While all three factors contribute to person-on-person crimes, self
esteem was perceived by probation officers as the strongest contributor. Overall, as
perceived by probation officers, there were no differences in contribution among
self-esteem, family, and community
Family
The results of an ANOVA indicate that there was a significant difference
between family, school, and peers, F( 1, 210) = 19.26,p = .001 and F( 1, 210) =
35,17,p = .001. While all three factors contribute to person-on-person crimes,
family was perceived by probation officers as the strongest contributor. Overall, as
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perceived by probation officers, there were no differences in contribution between
family and community.
School
The results of an ANOVA indicate that there was a significant difference (p
= .001) between school, peers, and community in contributing to person-on-person
crimes, F (l, 210) = 53.67, p = .001 andF(l, 210) = 13.55,/? = .001.
Peers
The results of an ANOVA indicate that there was a significant difference (p
= .001) between peers and community in contributing to person-on-person crimes,
F (l, 210)= 14.16,/? = .001.
Psychosocial factors and property crimes
As seen in Table 12, and as detailed below, probation officers perceived
some of the psychosocial factors to be greater contributors to property crimes.
Table 12. Property Crimes: Relative Importance of Psychosocial Factors.
Scales SS df MS F
P
Self-Esteem vs. Family 0.17 1 0.17 1.27 .259
Self-Esteem vs. School 3.47 1 3.47 11.96 .001
Self-Esteem vs. Peers 16.25 1 16.25 63.77 .001
Self-Esteem vs. Community 3.94 1 3.94 10.80 .001
Family vs. School 5.19 1 5.19 17.44 .001
Family vs. Peers 13.08 1 13.08 67.35 .001
Family vs. Community 2.46 1 2.46 7.04 .009
School vs. Peers 34.77 1 34.77 88.90 .001
School vs. Community 14.82 1 14.82 38.79 .001
Peers vs. Community 4.18 1 4.18 9.05 .003
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Self-esteem
The results of an ANOVA indicate that there was a significant difference
between self-esteem, school, peers, and community, F(\, 210) = 11.96,/? = .001,
F(l, 210) = 63.77,p = .001, and F( 1, 210) = 10.80,p = .001. While all four factors
contribute to property crimes, self-esteem was perceived by probation officers as
the strongest contributor. Overall, as perceived by probation officers, there were no
differences in contribution between self-esteem and family.
Family
The results of an ANOVA indicate that there was a significant difference
between family, school, and peers. While all three factors contribute to property
crimes, family was perceived by probation officers as the strongest contributor,
F( 1, 210) = 17.44, p = .001 and F( 1, 210) = 67.35,p = .001. Overall, as perceived
by probation officers, there were no differences in contribution between family and
community.
School
The results of an ANOVA indicates
that there was a significant difference between school, peers, and community in
contributing to property crimes, F (l, 210) = 9.05,p = .003.
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Peers
The results of an ANOVA indicate that there was a significant difference
between peers and community in contributing to property crimes, F ( l,210) =
92.29, p = .001 and F(1, 210) = 92.29, p = .001.
Summary of Interview Results
Twenty-five juvenile probation officers were interviewed in regard to seven
questions designed to elicit their perceptions of why juvenile males and females
become delinquent. The information gained from the interviews builds upon the
results of the statistical analysis and allows for greater generalization.
The probation officers’ responses appeared to support the idea of the
relevance of the five psychosocial factors. Although such support was not
intentionally sought, the probation officers possess a reservoir of information about
and perceptions of the psychosocial factors pertaining to both male and female
juveniles. Importantly, the interview results also identified additional contributory
factors outside of the five psychosocial factors. The results of the interviews are
presented by factor.
Family
The majority of the probation officers indicated that positive family
relationships and dynamics play an important role in adolescent development. Poor
parenting, dysfunctional families, single-parent households, lack of a father figure,
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and families with an intergenerational gang history were important factors leading
to both male and female juvenile delinquency.
Peers
Most probation officers agreed that peers easily influenced both males and
females. A poor choice of friends, poor role models, and peer pressure were
perceived to be a pathway to delinquency for both juvenile males and females.
Substance abuse
A majority of the probation officers perceived that both drug
experimentation and abuse are contributory factors to delinquency for both juvenile
males and females. The probation officer’ considered marijuana to be an entry-
level drug and that these youths are later introduced to more addictive drugs such
as cocaine, heroin, and methamphetamines. Probation officers indicated that the
drug of choice for recreational purposes is the designer drug, ecstasy. In their
opinion, once the youth become addicted to drugs, they will commit crimes to
support their drug habit.
Self-esteem
The majority of the probation officers agreed that poor self-esteem among
adolescents leads adolescents to seek attention, even if it is negative. Poor self
esteem appears to manifest itself differently by gender. For instance, probation
officers report that females with poor self-esteem are much more submissive in
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their behavior and easily influenced by peers to make wrong decisions. One
interviewee indicated that “hanging out” with the wrong crowd would lead to
delinquency. Poor self-esteem makes females seek the need to be loved. Females
seek self-worth and attention, even if it means doing the wrong thing. Females will
commit delinquent acts to impress boys or a gang and will mimic the delinquent
behavior of boys to gain acceptance. Conversely, males with poor self-esteem are
concerned with gaining respect. Gaining respect improves their ego strength and
makes them important. Males with poor self-esteem seek respect even through
negative means. Males commit crimes to have a sense of “power,” which further
strengthens their ego. Males, similar to females, will commit delinquent acts to
impress their peer group or gang.
In addition to the traditional psychosocial factors recognized, interviews
from the more experienced probation officers revealed additional contributory
factors. They include sexual exploitation, poverty, dropping out of school, drug
babies, media influence, and gang rules.
Sexual exploitation
A major difference between males and females involves sexuality. For the
most part, probation officers report that females who become sexually active at an
early age get in trouble at an early age. These particular females are in need of
guidance and love and get little or no attention from their family. Many of these
females get pregnant at a very early age. Other females become sexually exploited
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by abuse, rape, or molestation. Such abuse disrupts their lives and creates a sense
of poor self-esteem, depression, anger, despair, and worthlessness. Probation
officers report that such abuse results in negative sexual behavior, which may result
in sexual delinquency or becoming involved in sexually oriented crimes such as
prostitution.
Dropping out o f school
All probation officers felt that adolescents who drop out of school are prone
to becoming delinquent.
Poverty
Probation officers observed that adolescents who came from impoverished
communities are likely to become delinquent. Such adolescents are obligated to
start working at an early age to financially support their family. Such responsibility
can result in dropping out of school which, in turn, perpetuates the cycle of poverty.
Drug babies
Probation officers believe that adolescents who were bom as drug or crack
babies have a predisposition to become delinquent. They appear to be social
disoriented, low functioning, and have poor peer relationships.
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Media
Probation officers also pointed out the negative effects of the media,
particularly gangster rap music. They felt that gangster rap as well as gangster
music videos glorify the gangster lifestyle and provided youth with a false sense of
reality.
Gang rules
Once males or females join a gang, the rules of the gang override any
personal issues. The gang becomes their life. They are easily influenced by
negative or delinquent peers who get them into trouble, with no immediate thought
to the consequences of their behavior.
Summary
The means by gender and population for gang-related crimes were
significantly higher for males than for females on each of the five psychosocial
factors. That is to say that males, who are involved in gang related crimes, have
significantly higher issues with self-esteem, family, school, peers and community
than females. In comparison, the means for gender and population for substance
and alcohol abuse, person-on-person crimes, and property crimes, as related to the
five psychosocial factors, showed no significant differences between males and
females. This indicates that both males and females are actively engaged in
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substance and alcohol abuse, person-on-person, and property crimes. Moreover,
both genders experience and have issues with self-esteem, family, school, peers,
and the community as well.
Independent of gender, probation officers rated some psychosocial factors
as having a greater influence than others, as related to gang-related crimes,
substance and alcohol abuse, person-on-person, and property crimes. Specifically,
probation officer’s perceived and rated issues with poor self-esteem and poor
family relationships as having a greater influence on youths involved in gang-
related crimes, substance and alcohol abuse, person-on-person, and property
crimes.
The probation officers’ interview responses supported the notion of the
importance of the psychosocial factors presented in this study. Importantly, in
addition to the traditional psychosocial factors recognized, the interviews revealed
additional contributory factors, including sexual exploitation, poverty, dropping out
of school drug babies, media influence, and gang rules.
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CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This chapter concludes the dissertation. The chapter begins with a
summary and discussion of the results, followed by implications for law
enforcement. The chapter ends with recommendations for future research.
Summary and Discussion
The purpose of this study is to further the understanding of the psychosocial
dynamics of both male and female criminal activity and delinquency by comparing
the perceptions held by juvenile probation officers regarding both the criminal and
delinquent behaviors of these youth. Specifically, this study sought to determine
the relationship between risk factors, relevant to the concept of multiple
marginality (Vigil, 1988) and criminal and risk behaviors of both juvenile male and
female, as observed by juvenile probation officers.
The study was guided by two research questions. First, do probation
officers perceive gender differences relative to delinquent behavior involving gang-
related crimes, substance and alcohol abuse, person-on-person crimes, and property
crimes and the five multiple marginality psychosocial risk factors of self-esteem,
family, school, peers, and community? Second, independent of gender, as related
to gang-related crimes, substance and alcohol abuse, person-on-person, and
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property crimes, among the five psychosocial factors, do probation officers’
perceive some psychosocial factors as having a greater influence?
The results of the study indicated that the means by gender and population
for gang-related crimes were significantly higher for males than for females on
each of the five psychosocial factors of self-esteem, family, school, peers, and
community. This mean difference between gender and delinquent behavior in the
area of gang related is understandable in that demographically, males make up a
significant proportion of gangs and gang activity in comparison to females
In comparison, for gender and population for substance and alcohol abuse,
person-on-person crimes, and property crimes, as related to the five psychosocial
factors, there were no significant differences between males and females. While,
historically, females have not actively engaged in delinquent behaviors or gang
activity, both demographic data and research indicate that females have become
just as involved in both delinquent behaviors and gang activity in comparison to
their males counter parts. Further, Bjerregaard and Smith (1993) stated that
overall, “for both sexes, gang membership is strongly associated with both the
prevalence and the incidence of delinquency and substance use, with peer
delinquency, and also with other problem behaviors such as early adolescent sexual
activity” (p. 348). The researchers feel that these patterns are consistent with other
researchers’ claims that gangs arise in the context of normal adolescent
developmental needs to manage sex, aggression, and substance use. Vigil (1988)
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offers his belief that multiple marginality is as relevant to girls as it is to boys.
According to Vigil, “uneven culture change, underclass patterns, and
intergenerational street socialization, in time, all operated as new situations and
conditions to affect the female role in gangs. Thus, the dialectics of multiple
marginality applies to why females now are more active in street gangs” (p. 101).
Additional study results indicated that, independent of gender, while all
psychosocial factors play a role in influencing both males and females, probation
officers perceived family and self-esteem as having a greater influence than others
for both genders, as related to gang-related crimes, substance and alcohol abuse,
person-on-person, and property crimes. In regards to these issues of family and
self-esteem, Moore (1991) found that most of the families of gang members were
not particularly happy, at least according to the gang members themselves. Only
about half of the girls and boys indicated that their parents got along well.
Moreover, approximately 33% of the boys and 40% of the girls, from more recent
cliques, saw their fathers occasionally beat their mothers. In addition, much of the
paternal violence toward both the mothers and the children has been associated
with heavy drinking. Harris (1988) found that the inability of the family to develop
strong ties was one reason cited by girls for joining gangs. In addition, these girls
also cited lack of support from the family and the inability of the family to develop
ties with other societal institutions, including educational, cultural, and social.
Vigil (1988) found that family role models were more important than were peer
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influences in serving as a socializing agent in encouraging gang membership. It is
important to note that there was very little verbal encouragement to join a gang.
Family models acted as reinforcement.
Once joined, the gang becomes a surrogate family. It fills the void left by
families under stress. When gang members are interviewed about why the gang
became important to them, their reasons can be understood as indicating that the
gang provides “familial supportive behavior” (Vigil, 1988, p. 90). Vigil noted that
many families experience acute poverty and limited social mobility and thus, over
time, an underclass with its own set of problems developed. It is from among the
children of these families that the boys and girls most involved in gangs tend to
come. Further, poor academic records and limited job opportunities make them
even more street oriented. As part of their survival, they join gangs and adopt their
cultural values and customs.
Finally, the probation officers’ interview responses supported the notion of
the importance of the psychosocial factors presented in this study. More
importantly, in addition to the traditional psychosocial factors recognized, the
interviews revealed additional contributory factors, including sexual exploitation
for females, poverty, dropping out of school, drug babies, media influence, and
gang rules. These additional psychosocial factors are perceived to influence and
encourage youths to commit delinquent acts or become victims of such
delinquency. These psychosocial stressors or “multiply marginalities” are strong
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social forces that impact youths into street life and or delinquent behavior (Vigil,
1988). According to Vigil (1988), the city streets have become a strong
socialization force for Latino youths involved in delinquent behavior such as street
gang membership. Such delinquent streets socialize youth, reflecting multiple
stresses and pressures that result in multiple marginality. “This multiple
marginality derives from various interwoven situations and conditions that tend to
act and react upon one another. Multiple marginality encompasses the
consequences of barrio life, low socioeconomic status, street socialization and
enculturation, and problematic development of a self-identity (p. 9).
Conclusion
This study focused and compared factors in criminal and delinquent
behavior for both juvenile males and females. The understanding of the
psychosocial dynamics of both male and female is integral in addressing the
problem of male and female delinquency and criminal gang activity. This research
was important for several distinct reasons. First, male and female juveniles have
both been involved in criminal and delinquent behavior. Some of these criminal
and delinquent behaviors have significant relevance with gang-related crimes,
substance and alcohol abuse, person-crimes and property crimes. These behaviors
have resulted through delinquent behaviors, street socialization, gang membership
and/or association. Additionally, this study suggests that the efficacy of juvenile
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delinquency and criminal behavior should be viewed from a multiple theoretical
perspective versus a single-theory approach. That is, examining juvenile
delinquent behavior through a Multiple Marginality approach. For instance, Social
Disorganization Theory, Strain Theory, Social Control Theory and Cultural
Deviance Theory are all interrelated under the Multiple Marginality framework.
From this point of view, a youth who lives in a socially disorganized community
has a greater tendency of developing delinquent behaviors. Social disorganization
*
breeds a lack of opportunities and community resources placing exorbitant amounts
of much stress and strain on a youth. A youth under Strain Theory, is unable to
meet basic goals through traditional means and will instead pursue illegitimate
means (criminal) to achieve their goals. Lack of social norms is indicative of
increasing family stress, instability, poor role models, and negative peer pressure.
This breakdown in social conditions and personal choices are conducive to creating
a delinquent environment.
Lastly, this study finds that juvenile probation officer’s have been
overlooked as a viable source of research information regarding juvenile male and
female psychosocial dynamics.
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Implications for Law Enforcement
The researcher is an experienced Juvenile Court School Administrator with
a background in law enforcement. As such, the researcher believes it important to
present implications for law enforcement.
Individuals in law enforcement should recognize that both males and
females become delinquent or gang involved not necessarily due to criminal intent,
but perhaps as a result of psychosocial circumstances. To deter delinquency, both
social and educational intervention programs must be available to both male and
females. Both male and female gang members generally come from a background
of family stress, lack of success in, and estrangement from, school, and reluctance
toward the conventional pursuits of childhood and adolescence. It is hoped that the
findings of this study will be used to develop delinquency prevention programs that
are based on the factors most related to why both males and females become
criminal and delinquent and manifest such behaviors through gang membership or
involvement. In this way, these programs will be responsive to the needs of these
youth.
Recommendations for Future Research
Based on the findings and limitations of the present study, the researcher
has three recommendations for future research. First, because this study was
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limited to adolescents from 13 to 17 years of age, it also would be useful to study
the psychosocial dynamics of delinquent preadolescents, ages 10 to 12. This would
increase our understanding of the development of later gang-related and delinquent
behaviors. Second, because this study predominantly focused on Latino males and
females, it would be useful to study the precursors of gang involvement and
delinquent activity among other racial and ethnic groups. Third, additional
contributory factors were gleaned from the probation officers’ interview responses,
including sexual exploitation of girls, poverty, dropping out of school, drug babies,
media influence, and gang rules. Each of these is worthy of further study.
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APPENDICES
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APPENDIX A
MULTIPLE MARGINALITY AND CLASSICAL THEORY
QUESTION DEVELOPMENT MATRIX
Mm/Classical
Theories
Summary Of Classical Theories
Social Disorganization
Poor, Dysfunctional
Communities
(Barrios)
Poor Schools
When a community is completely disorganized there is a great
tendency towards delinquency. This theory suggests that social
conditions in disenfranchised poor communities with sub-standard
living conditions, racial and ethnic segregation, and low
socioeconomic status may be related to delinquency. Shaw and Mckay
-1942
Strain Theory
Unmet goals through
Traditional means.
Gang Lifestyle
Drug Dealing
Street Socialization
Poor Academic
Achievement
People who commit crimes have basically had the same values as
everyone else. According to this theory, success and achievement is
greatly restricted for people in the lower class.
Strain theory suggests that all individuals value, and are motivated to
seek, achievement and success. However, when lower class
individuals cannot achieve such success through legitimate
opportunities, illegitimate means will be used to achieve success.
Merton (1938)
112
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Social Control
Family Stress &
Instability
Poor role-models
Delinquent peer-
group/associations
Negative Peer Pressure
Poor Socialization
Parents lose control
Street Socialization
Poor Academic
Achievement
Social control theory suggests that human behavior is by nature
antisocial and delinquent. Further, social bonding with people such as
our parents, teachers, relatives, and friends is what prevent us from
becoming criminals. According to Hirschi (1969), people commit
crimes because it is in their nature to do so. He felt, however, that
most people do not commit crimes due to their social bonds.
Cultural Deviance
Theory
Economic Stress
of Families
Poor j ob-opportunities
Unemployment
Divorce
Family Abandonment
Single-parent
Poor socialization
Delinquent subculture
Substance abuse
Alcohol Abuse
Street Socialization
Depression
The theory posits that it is the environment and the values within that
environment that produce juvenile delinquents. A juvenile growing up
in a culturally deviant environment will be subjected to criminal life
styles, gangs, drugs, and alcohol and could learn deviant patterns of
behavior and norms within the environment.
Shaw and Mckay -1942
113
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APPENDIX B
ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT SURVEY
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ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT SURVEY
This survey is anonymous. Please do not put your name on it.
Remember, all of your answers are CONFIDENTIAL. Absolutely no one at the center will see your survey.
This questionnaire asks you to state your degree of agreement with each of the statements below. There are two
sets of identical questions. The first set pertains to the reasons that GIRLS become delinquent relevant to
Gang-Related Crimes.
Please answer each question using the scale below: Code Number:__________________
1 = Strongly disagree, 2 = Disagree, 3= Neutral, 4 = Agree, 5 = Strongly agree
GIRLS:
1. Their self-esteem is low. 1 2 3 4 5
2. They come from a single-parent household. 1 2 3 4 5
3. They are doing poorly in school. 1 2 3 4 5
4. They were pressured into it by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
5. They lack ties to the community. 1 2 3 4 5
6. They feel unloved by their family. 1 2 3 4 5
7. They feel that belonging to gang will enable them to 1 2 3 4 5
obtain things for their family.
8. They are overlooked by their teachers. I 2 3 4 5
9. They are afforded status by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
10. Their community is economically impoverished, I 2 3 4 5
with few resources.
11 . Their role models belong to a gang. 1 2 3 4 5
12. Their fathers or mothers were gang members. 1 2 3 4 5
13. They feel that they are more likely to be successful 1 2 3 4 5
by joining a gang than staying in school.
14. They are afraid that, if they do not join a gang, they 1 2 3 4 5
will be beaten up.
15. They have no place to go for recreation. 1 2 3 4 5
16. They E ire anxious about their future. 1 2 3 4 5
17. They want their family to think they are strong and tough. 1 2 3 4 5
18. They feel that their teachers do not like or respect them. 1 2 3 4 5
19. They hope that the gang will be a surrogate family. 1 2 3 4 5
20. They feel that there are no jobs available to them. 1 2 3 4 5
21. They are depressed. 1 2 3 4 5
115
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ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT SURVEY
This survey is anonymous. Please do not put your name on it.
Remember, all of your answers are CONFIDENTIAL. Absolutely no one at the center will see your survey.
This questionnaire asks you to state your degree of agreement with each of the statements below. There are two
sets of identical questions. The first set pertains to the reasons that BOYS become delinquent relevant to Gang-
Related Crimes.
Please answer each question using the scale below: Code Number:__________________
1 = Strongly disagree, 2 = Disagree, 3= Neutral, 4 = Agree, 5 = Strongly agree
BOYS:
1. Their self-esteem is low. 1 2 3 4 5
2. They come from a single-parent household. 1 2 3 4 5
3. They are doing poorly in school. 1 2 3 4 5
4. They were pressured into it by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
5. They lack ties to the community. 1 2 3 4 5
6. They feel unloved by their family. 1 2 3 4 5
7. They feel that belonging to gang will enable them to 1 2 3 4 5
obtain things for their family.
8. They are overlooked by their teachers. 1 2 3 4 5
9. They are afforded status by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
10. Their community is economically impoverished, 1 2 3 4 5
with few resources.
11. Their role models belong to a gang. 1 2 3 4 5
12. Their fathers or mothers were gang members. 1 2 3 4 5
13. They feel that they are more likely to be successful 1 2 3 4 5
by joining a gang than staying in school.
14. They are afraid that, if they do not join a gang, they 1 2 3 4 5
will be beaten up.
15. They have no place to go for recreation. 1 2 3 4 5
16. They are anxious about their future. 1 2 3 4 5
17. They want their family to think they are strong and tough. 1 2 3 4 5
18. They feel that their teachers do not like or respect them. 1 2 3 4 5
19. They hope that the gang will be a surrogate family. 1 2 3 4 5
20. They feel that there are no jobs available to them. 1 2 3 4 5
21. They are depressed. 1 2 3 4 5
116
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT SURVEY
This survey is anonymous. Please do not put your name on it.
Remember, all of your answers are CONFIDENTIAL. Absolutely no one at the center will see your survey.
This questionnaire asks you to state your degree of agreement with each of the statements below. There are two
sets of identical questions. The first set pertains to the reasons that GIRLS become delinquent relevant to
Substance and Alcohol Abuse.
Please answer each question using the scale below: Code Number:__________________
I = Strongly disagree, 2 = Disagree, 3= Neutral, 4 = Agree, 5 = Strongly agree
GIRLS:
1. Their self-esteem is low. 1 2 3 4 5
2. They come from a single-parent household. I 2 3 4 5
3. They are doing poorly in school. 1 2 3 4 5
4. They were pressured into it by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
5. They lack ties to the community. 1 2 3 4 5
6. They feel unloved by their family. 1 2 3 4 5
7. They feel that belonging to gang will enable them to
obtain things for their family.
1 2 3 4 5
8. They are overlooked by their teachers. 1 2 3 4 5
9. They are afforded status by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
10. Their community is economically impoverished,
with few resources.
1 2 3 4 5
11. Their role models belong to a gang. 1 2 3 4 5
12. Their fathers or mothers were gang members. 1 2 3 4 5
13. They feel that they are more likely to be successful
by joining a gang than staying in school.
1 2 3 4 5
14. They are afraid that, if they do not join a gang, they
will be beaten up.
1 2 3 4 5
15. They have no place to go for recreation. 1 2 3 4 5
16. They are anxious about their future. 1 2 3 4 5
17. They want their family to think they are strong and tough. 1 2 3 4 5
18. They feel that their teachers do not like or respect them. 1 2 3 4 5
19. They hope that the gang will be a surrogate family. 1 2 3 4 5
20. They feel that there are no jobs available to them. 1 2 3 4 5
21. They are depressed. 1 2 3 4 5
117
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT SURVEY
This survey is anonymous. Please do not put your name on it.
Remember, all of your answers are CONFIDENTIAL. Absolutely no one at the center will see your survey.
This questionnaire asks you to state your degree of agreement with each of the statements below. There are two
sets of identical questions. The first set pertains to the reasons that BOYS become delinquent relevant to
Substance and Alcohol Abuse.
Please answer each question using the scale below: Code Number:___________________
1 = Strongly disagree, 2 = Disagree, 3= Neutral, 4 = Agree, 5 = Strongly agree
BOYS:
1. Their self-esteem is low. 1 2 3 4 5
2. They come from a single-parent household. 1 2 3 4 5
3. They are doing poorly in school. 1 2 3 4 5
4. They were pressured into it by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
5. They lack ties to the community. 1 2 3 4 5
6. They feel unloved by their family. 1 2 3 4 5
7. They feel that belonging to gang will enable them to 1 2 3 4 5
obtain things for their family.
8. They are overlooked by their teachers. 1 2 3 4 5
9. They are afforded status by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
10. Their community is economically impoverished, 1 2 3 4 5
with few resources.
11. Their role models belong to a gang. 1 2 3 4 5
12. Their fathers or mothers were gang members. 1 2 3 4 5
13. They feel that they are more likely to be successful 1 2 3 4 5
by joining a gang than staying in school.
14. They are afraid that, if they do not join a gang, they 1 2 3 4 5
will be beaten up.
15. They have no place to go for recreation. 1 2 3 4 5
16. They are anxious about their future. 1 2 3 4 5
17. They want their family to think they are strong and tough. 1 2 3 4 5
18. They feel that their teachers do not like or respect them. 1 2 3 4 5
19. They hope that the gang will be a surrogate family. 1 2 3 4 5
20. They feel that there are no jobs available to them. 1 2 3 4 5
21. They are depressed. 1 2 3 4 5
118
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT SURVEY
This survey is anonymous. Please do not put your name on it.
Remember, all of your answers are CONFIDENTIAL. Absolutely no one at the center will see your survey.
This questionnaire asks you to state your degree of agreement with each of the statements below. There are two
sets of identical questions. The first set pertains to the reasons that GIRLS become delinquent relevant to
Person-on-Person Crimes.
Please answer each question using the scale below: Code Number:__________________
1 = Stronelv disagree, 2 = Disagree, 3= Neutral, 4 = Agree, 5 = Strongly agree
GIRLS:
1. Their self-esteem is low. 1 2 3 4 5
2. They come from a single-parent household. 1 2 3 4 5
3. They are doing poorly in school. 1 2 3 4 5
4. They were pressured into it by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
5. They lack ties to the community. 1 2 3 4 5
6. They feel unloved by their family. 1 2 3 4 5
7. They feel that belonging to gang will enable them to
obtain things for their family.
1 2 3 4 5
8. They are overlooked by their teachers. 1 2 3 4 5
9. They are afforded status by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
10. Their community is economically impoverished,
with few resources.
1 2 3 4 5
11. Their role models belong to a gang. 1 2 3 4 5
12. Their fathers or mothers were gang members. 1 2 3 4 5
13. They feel that they are more likely to be successful
by joining a gang than staying in school.
1 2 3 4 5
14. They are afraid that, if they do not join a gang, they
will be beaten up.
1 2 3 4 5
15. They have no place to go for recreation. 1 2 3 4 5
16. They are anxious about their future. 1 2 3 4 5
17. They want their family to think they are strong and tough. 1 2 3 4 5
18. They feel that their teachers do not like or respect them. 1 2 3 4 5
19. They hope that the gang will be a surrogate family. 1 2 3 4 5
20. They feel that there are no jobs available to them. 1 2 3 4 5
21. They are depressed. 1 2 3 4 5
119
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT SURVEY
This survey is anonymous. Please do not put your name on it.
Remember, all of your answers are CONFIDENTIAL. Absolutely no one at the center will see your survey.
This questionnaire asks you to state your degree of agreement with each of the statements below. There are two
sets of identical questions. The first set pertains to the reasons that BOYS become delinquent relevant to
Person-on-Person Crimes.
Please answer each question using the scale below: Code Number:__________________
I = Strongly disagree, 2 = Disagree, 3= Neutral, 4 = Agree, 5 = Strongly agree
BOYS:
1. Their self-esteem is low. 1 2 3 4 5
2. They come from a single-parent household. 1 2 3 4 5
3. They are doing poorly in school. 1 2 3 4 5
4. They were pressured into it by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
5. They lack ties to the community. 1 2 3 4 5
6. They feel unloved by their family. 1 2 3 4 5
7. They feel that belonging to gang will enable them to
obtain things for their family.
1 2 3 4 5
8. They are overlooked by their teachers. 1 2 3 4 5
9. They are afforded status by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
10. Their community is economically impoverished,
with few resources.
1 2 3 4 5
11. Their role models belong to a gang. 1 2 3 4 5
12. Their fathers or mothers were gang members. 1 2 3 4 5
13. They feel that they are more likely to be successful
by joining a gang than staying in school.
1 2 3 4 5
14. They are afraid that, if they do not join a gang, they
will be beaten up.
1 2 3 4 5
15. They have no place to go for recreation. 1 2 3 4 5
16. They are anxious about their future. 1 2 3 4 5
17. They want their family to think they are strong and tough. 1 2 3 4 5
18. They feel that their teachers do not like or respect them. 1 2 3 4 5
19. They hope that the gang will be a surrogate family. 1 2 3 4 5
20. They feel that there are no jobs available to them. 1 2 3 4 5
21. They are depressed. 1 2 3 4 5
120
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT SURVEY
This survey is anonymous. Please do not put your name on it.
Remember, all of your answers are CONFIDENTIAL. Absolutely no one at the center will see your survey.
This questionnaire asks you to state your degree of agreement with each of the statements below. There are two
sets of identical questions. The first set pertains to the reasons that GIRLS become delinquent relevant to
Property Crimes.
Please answer each question using the scale below: Code Number:__________________
1 = Stronslv disagree, 2 = Disagree, 3= Neutral, 4 = Agree, 5 = Strongly agree
GIRLS:
1. Their self-esteem is low. 1 2 3 4 5
2. They come from a single-parent household. 1 2 3 4 5
3. They are doing poorly in school. 1 2 3 4 5
4. They were pressured into it by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
5. They lack ties to the community. 1 2 3 4 5
6. They feel unloved by their family. 1 2 3 4 5
7. They feel that belonging to gang will enable them to
obtain things for their family.
1 2 3 4 5
8. They are overlooked by their teachers. 1 2 3 4 5
9. They are afforded status by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
10. Their community is economically impoverished,
with few resources.
1 2 3 4 5
11. Their role models belong to a gang. 1 2 3 4 5
12. Their fathers or mothers were gang members. 1 2 3 4 5
13. They feel that they are more likely to be successful
by joining a gang than staying in school.
1 2 3 4 5
14. They are afraid that, if they do not join a gang, they
will be beaten up.
1 2 3 4 5
15. They have no place to go for recreation. 1 2 3 4 5
16. They are anxious about their future. 1 2 3 4 5
17. They want their family to think they are strong and tough. 1 2 3 4 5
18. They feel that their teachers do not like or respect them. 1 2 3 4 5
19. They hope that the gang will be a surrogate family. 1 2 3 4 5
20. They feel that there are no jobs available to them. 1 2 3 4 5
21. They are depressed. 1 2 3 4 5
121
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT SURVEY
This survey is anonymous. Please do not put your name on it.
Remember, all of your answers are CONFIDENTIAL. Absolutely no one at the center will see your survey.
This questionnaire asks you to state your degree of agreement with each of the statements below. There are two
sets of identical questions. The first set pertains to the reasons that BOYS become delinquent relevant to
Property Crimes.
Please answer each question using the scale below: Code Number:__________________
1 = Strongly disagree, 2 = Disagree, 3= Neutral, 4 = Agree, 5 = Strongly agree
BOYS:
1. Their self-esteem is low. 1 2 3 4 5
2. They come from a single-parent household. 1 2 3 4 5
3. They are doing poorly in school. 1 2 3 4 5
4. They were pressured into it by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
5. They lack ties to the community. 1 2 3 4 5
6. They feel unloved by their family. 1 2 3 4 5
7. They feel that belonging to gang will enable them to
obtain things for their family.
1 2 3 4 5
8. They are overlooked by their teachers. 1 2 3 4 5
9. They are afforded status by their peers. 1 2 3 4 5
10. Their community is economically impoverished,
with few resources.
1 2 3 4 5
11. Their role models belong to a gang. 1 2 3 4 5
12. Their fathers or mothers were gang members. 1 2 3 4 5
13. They feel that they are more likely to be successful
by joining a gang than staying in school.
1 2 3 4 5
14. They are afraid that, if they do not join a gang, they
will be beaten up.
1 2 3 4 5
15. They have no place to go for recreation. 1 2 3 4 5
16. They are anxious about their future. 1 2 3 4 5
17. They want their family to think they are strong and tough. 1 2 3 4 5
18. They feel that their teachers do not like or respect them. 1 2 3 4 5
19. They hope that the gang will be a surrogate family. 1 2 3 4 5
20. They feel that there are no jobs available to them. 1 2 3 4 5
21. They are depressed. 1 2 3 4 5
122
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APPENDIX C
INTERVIEW PROTOCOL
1. Tell me about your experience working with delinquents.
2. Tell me how female adolescents become delinquent.
3. Tell me how male adolescents become delinquent.
4. Which factors are the most/least important for females and why?
5. Which factors are the most/least important for males and why?
6. What are the differences between girls’ and boys’ in becoming delinquent?
7. Is there anything else that you would like to tell me about boys’ or girls’
delinquent behavior?
123
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Asset Metadata

Creator Rivera, Joseph (author)

Core Title A descriptive study of probation officers' views of delinquency in males and females

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag education, guidance and counseling,OAI-PMH Harvest,sociology, criminology and penology

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Rueda, Robert (committee chair), Ferris, Robert (committee member), Gothold, Stuart (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-345553

Unique identifier UC11340260

Identifier 3180379.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-345553 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 3180379.pdf

Dmrecord 345553

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Rivera, Joseph

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA