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Assessment of racial identity and self -esteem in an Armenian American population

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Assessment of racial identity and self -esteem in an Armenian American population

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Content ASSESSMENT OF RACIAL IDENTITY AND SELF-ESTEEM
IN AN ARMENIAN AMERICAN POPULATION
by
Viken V. Yacoubian
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(EDUCATION - COUNSELING PSYCHOLOGY)
August 2003
Copyright 2003 Viken V. Yacoubian
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UMI Number: 3116807
Copyright 2003 by
Yacoubian, Viken V.
All rights reserved.
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90089-1695
This dissertation, written by
Viken V. Yacoubian
under the direction o f h l s dissertation committee, and
approved by all its members, has been presented to and
accepted by the Director o f Graduate and Professional
Programs, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Director
Date A u gu st 12 2003
DissertSflofPCommittee
Chair
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DEDICATION
To Dr. Frederick J. Hacker
“ Asleep, not dead; a great man never dies. ”
(Source: Saon o f Acanthus, Ancient Greek Poet)
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iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
There are people whose greatness penetrates in ways that transforms one
forever. I have been lucky to have crossed paths with a few great men to whom I
shall always remain indebted: Dr. Frederick J. Hacker, Dr. Karl Menninger, and
writer/poet Moushegh Ishkan.
I would like to acknowledge my professors, mentors, and, ultimately,
friends at Loyola Marymount University where I began my journey as a graduate
psychology student: Dr. AnnNesbit, Dr. Richard Gilbert, Dr. Mike O’Sullivan,
S. J., and Dr. William Parham. They are collectively the reason why I continued my
pursuit of a doctorate in psychology. They inspired, empowered, and created the
person I am today as a professional. Specifically, I would like to thank Dr. Nesbit,
Dr. Gilbert, and Dr. O’Sullivan for supporting me unconditionally during the most
arduous challenges in my life. Dr. Parham was the inspiration behind the topic of
my dissertation: A seed he unwittingly planted in me 15 years ago.
I would like to thank my friends and colleagues at Rose and Alex Pilibos
Armenian School for their continuous help and support. Particularly, I thank Susie
Gadjian, my assistant, for putting up with me and going well beyond the call of
duty to help me out with dissertation-related tasks. I am grateful to Dr. Maral
B abian for her u n w averin g support, gu id an ce, and en cou ragem en t at ev ery critical
juncture. I could not have accomplished this undertaking without her help and
support. Special thanks to my friend Nazo Apanian for his help at a moment’s
notice. Additionally, I thank my former students for their help in retrieving research
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iv
material and collecting the data: Koko Boyrazian, Mary Ashdjian, Tamar
Vartanian, and Myma Douzjian.
In my research for this dissertation, I got to know individuals whose
intellectual brilliance is only matched by their compassion and willingness to help.
I would like to thank Dr. Janet E. Helms, Dr. Thomas Parham, Dr. Jean Phinney,
Dr. James Mahalik, and Dr. Khachig Tololyan for their invaluable assistance.
At USC, many have shepherded me through mazes, helping me find
intellectual and philosophical anchor. In this context, I would like to specifically
thank Dr. Don Polkinghome, Dr. Joan Rosenberg, Dr. Betty Walker, and Dr.
Robert Rueda. I am forever indebted to my Dissertation Committee members, Dr.
Rodney Goodyear, Dr. Jose Abreu, and Dr. Donald Miller. They have helped me in
ways that mere words cannot express. I have reached this stage in my life thanks to
their guidance, support, and unequivocal willingness to help. My advisor and
committee chair Dr. Rod Goodyear has been my mentor, inspiration, and hope for
over a decade. I have been honored and blessed to have known him. Aside from his
scholarly and intellectual depth, Dr. Goodyear is a man of unmatched empathy and
compassion.
On a personal note, I would like to thank my two sets of parents: First,
V ask en and F im i, for g iv in g m e all th ey cou ld d esp ite d ifficu lt circu m stan ces at
times; second, Jasik and Vigen, for being no different than my biological parents.
My brother Vahe whose protective and loving older-brother instincts have never
wavered. My departed heroes, grandparents, Ashod, Dikran, Arousiak, my uncle
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Sahag and aunt Adrine for inspiring me in ways too difficult to articulate. Above
all, I would like to thank my own family, my wife Azita and son Ara; they are the
reasons why the sun shines every day in my life, my two loves, and my two angels.
I want to thank them for staying all alone on so many Saturdays while I worked on
my dissertation. I hope I’ve made them proud.
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v i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii
LIST OF TABLES ix
LIST OF FIGURES x
ABSTRACT xi
CHAPTER I 1
Introduction 1
Demographic Perspective 1
Need for the Study 2
Racial Identity 2
Personal Self Esteem 7
Purpose 8
Significance of the Study 10
Definitions 11
Summary 12
Review o f Literature 13
Theoretical Framework 14
People of Color Racial Identity Attitude Theory 14
Theoretical Influences on Helms’ Work 19
Black Racial Identity Development Theory 23
Racial/Cultural Identity Development Theory 25
White Racial Identity Development Theory 26
People of Color Racial Identity Attitude Scale 28
The Kohatsu (1992) Study 29
The Alvarez (1996) Study 31
The Canabal-Ines (1995) Study 33
The Miville (1996) Study 35
Phinney’s Model of Ethnic Identity 36
Social Identity Theory 39
Social Psychological Perspective 41
Theories of Acculturation 42
Cultural Acquisition 43
The Orthogonal Model of Cultural Identification 44
Personal Self-Esteem 46
Summary 47
Research Questions 54
Hypotheses 54
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v ii
CHAPTER II 58
Methodology 58
Research Design 58
Sample 58
Measures 59
The People of Color Racial Identity Attitude Scale 59
The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure 61
Rosenberg’s Self-Esteem Scale 62
Procedures 63
Ethical Considerations 65
Data Analysis 66
Assessment of Reliability of the POCRIAS, MEIM, and SES 67
for Armenian Americans
Factor Analysis of the POCRIAS Scores for Armenian 67
Americans
Factor Analysis o f the MEIM Scores for Armenian 67
Americans
Linear Regression Analysis of the POCRIAS and the MEIM 68
for Armenian Americans
Linear Regression Analysis of the POCRIAS and the SES 68
for Armenian Americans
Linear Regression Analysis of the MEIM and the SES 68
for Armenian Americans
Linear Regression Analysis Between Pairs of 68
Continuous Variables
CHAPTER III 69
Results 69
Preliminary Analyses 69
Cronbach’s Alpha Correlation 74
Tests o f Hypotheses 75
Hypothesis One 75
Hypothesis Two 78
Hypothesis Three 81
Hypothesis Four 83
Hypothesis Five 84
Hypothesis Six 84
CHAPTER IV 86
Discussion 86
Armenian Language Proficiency 87
Coefficient Alphas 92
Validation of Instruments 93
Racial Identity Variables 94
Racial Identity Variables and Self-Esteem 96
Conclusion 100
Limitations 101
Implications and Future Directions 104
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REFERENCES 109
APPENDICES 121
Appendix A 122
Appendix B 125
Appendix C 127
Appendix D 128
Appendix E 131
Appendix F 133
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IX
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Matrix of Pearson Correlation Coefficients 70
Table 2: Means, Standard Deviations, and Cronbach’s Alpha 74
Table 3: First Ten Eigenvalues o f Reduced Correlation Matrix 76
Table 4: Classification of POCRIAS Items 77
Table 5: Eigenvalues of the Reduced Correlation Matrix for the MEIM Scores 79
Table 6: Classification o f MEIM Items 80
Table 7: Assignment o f Respondents to POCRIAS Stages 81
Table 8: Average MEIM Scores and Standard Deviations 82
Table 9: Steps in Stepwise Regression for Flypothesis 6 85
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. MEIM overall scale score versus assigned POCRIAS stage 83
Figure 2. Racial/Ethnic Consciousness versus Armenian Language 133
Figure 3. POCRIAS Conformity/Preencounter score versus Racial/Ethnic 134
Consciousness
Figure 4. POCRIAS Immersion/Resistance score versus Racial/Ethnic 135
Consciousness
Figure 5. POCRIAS Internalization score versus Racial/Ethnic Consciousness 136
Figure 6. SES score versus Racial/Ethnic Consciousness 137
Figure 7. MEIM score versus Racial/Ethnic Consciousness 138
Figure 8. POCRIAS Conformity/Preencounter score versus Armenian Language 139
Figure 9. POCRIAS Dissonance score versus Armenian Language 140
Figure 10. POCRIAS Immersion/Resistance score versus Armenian Language 141
Figure 11. POCRIAS Internalization score versus Armenian language 142
Figure 12. SES score versus Armenian Language 143
Figure 13. MEIM score versus Armenian Language 144
Figure 14. MEIM score versus SES score 145
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ABSTRACT
This study employed a sample of 186 Armenian American college students from 25
California colleges to investigate their racial and ethnic identity status and the
relationship of these variables to self-esteem. Helms’ (1995a) People of Color
Racial Identity Attitude scale (POCRIAS) and Phinney’s (1992) Multi group Ethnic
Identity Scale (MEIM) were used to measure racial and ethnic identity,
respectively. Rosenberg’s (1979, 1986) Self-Esteem Scale (SES) was used to
measure self-esteem. Racial/ethnic consciousness and Armenian language
proficiency were important secondary variables. The first step in data analyses was
to factor analyze the POCRIAS and MEIM items in order to confirm that, with this
sample, the factor structures of these measures were consistent with those obtained
during the initial development of these two measures. Once similarity of structure
was confirmed, those measures then were used to examine their relationships with
one another and with other variables. Armenian language proficiency was
significantly related to the overall and subtest scores of the three instruments. Three
of the four POCRIAS subscale scores and ethnic identity as measured by the
MEIM were significantly related to self-esteem. Racial identity stage as measured
by the POCRIAS was significantly related to ethnic identity as measured by the
M E IM . H o w ev er, no e v id e n c e was fou n d that racial identity stage as m easured by
the POCRIAS is related to self-esteem. Furthermore, no evidence was found that
the POCRIAS and MEIM scores taken jointly can better predict self-esteem than
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the same scores taken singly. Implications of these findings and possible future
research directions are discussed.
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CHAPTER I
Introduction
The experiences of Armenian Americans in the development of their racial
identity are in many ways similar to those of African Americans and other minority
groups in the United States. In particular, Armenians have experienced a long history
of oppression at the hands of many groups around the world, including occasionally
even Whites in the United States. Thus, it is surprising that the sequelae of
oppression have not been integrated into the definition of the racial identity
development of Armenian Americans. It is equally surprising that the relationship
between racial identity development and self-esteem in this group has not previously
been investigated , for this association traditionally has been considered significant
in the study of identity development. This investigation presents a first step toward
that end.
Demographic Perspective
Although the exact number of Armenians living in the United States is
unclear, estimates range from 600,000 to 800,000 (Bakalian, 1993). It is most likely
that the number has doubled in the last 30 years, with the majority now living in
California. In the mid-1970s, the demographic distribution presented a different
reality with approximately 75% living on the east coast and the mid-west, with only
25% residing in California (Avakian, 1977; Mirak, 1983). Today, in addition to the
traditional geographic pockets, there are established Armenian communities in
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Seattle, Washington; Atlanta, Georgia; Tucson, Arizona; Baton Rouge, Louisiana;
Minneapolis, Minnesota; and Las Vegas, Nevada.
Los Angeles, the primary setting for this research, is purported to have
attracted its first Armenian from the East coast of the United States in 1900
(Yeretzian, 1923). Soon a rug merchant followed. Shortly thereafter, relatives and
friends were urged to join the initial migrants and the population of Armenians in
Los Angeles began to flourish. According to Yeretzian (1923), who presented a
historical thesis of Armenian immigration to America at the University of Southern
California, the number of Armenians in Los Angeles at that time was between 2,500
to 3,000. Today, that number has increased more than 175 times, making it more
important than ever that measures be taken to understand the racial identity
development of this significant segment of the American population.
Need fo r the Study
Racial Identity
For the purposes of this research, it is important to underscore the role that
oppression has played in the racial identity development of Armenians in general and
Armenian Americans specifically. It must be noted that Armenian Americans cannot
be regarded as a homogeneous group because their individual characteristics depend
on their immigration status (old versus new), origin of migration (former Soviet
Union, Republic of Armenia, or Diaspora), intracultural background (Eastern versus
Western Armenian), and degree of acculturation (Bakalian, 1993). Nevertheless, it
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would be safe to assume that the exposure to oppression, overt or covert, blatant or
subtle, is a common theme that runs through the multitude o f individual experiences.
In this respect, it is important to call attention to the intricate, sophisticated, and
organized cultural infrastructures built by Armenian American communities
wherever they found themselves at the end of their migration. Aside from serving
practical purposes necessary for survival, these infrastructures also served as a
psychological barrier that protected Armenian Americans from discrimination and
oppression. For many, these structures represented shelters from a dominant culture
that could be hostile and unforgiving. William Saroyan (1936), a prominent
Armenian American writer, conveyed in a somewhat poetic manner the Armenian
drive to survive by building psychological shelters:
I should like to see any power of the world destroy this race, this small tribe
of unimportant people, whose history is ended, whose wars have all been
fought and lost, whose structures have crumbled, whose literature is unread,
whose music is unheard, whose prayers are no longer uttered. Go ahead,
destroy this race. Let us say that it is again 1915. There is war in the world.
Destroy Armenia. See if you can do it. Send them from their homes into the
desert. Let them have neither bread nor water. Burn their houses and their
churches. See if they will not live again. See if they will not laugh again. See
if the race will not live again when two of them meet in a beer parlor, twenty
years after, and laugh, and speak in their tongue. Go ahead, see if you can do
anything about it. See if you can stop them from mocking the big ideas of the
world, you sons of bitches, a couple of Armenians talking in the world, go
ahead and try to destroy them. (p. 181)
S aroyan ’s (1936) A rm en ian is on e w h o can su rvive the w o rse kind of
adversities: Prejudice, oppression, and discrimination. His words represent that part
of the Armenian psyche that assumes the ubiquity of oppression and remains
determined to resist it by way of external (i.e., cultural infrastructures) and internal
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(i.e., racial identity) structures. In fact, one study found that even in the face of a
natural calamity (i.e., the Soviet Armenian earthquake of 1988), a group of
Armenian youth in Los Angeles interpreted the event within the larger context of the
injustices against and the persecution and oppression of the Armenian people
(Yacoubian & Hacker, 1989). Therefore, it becomes increasingly important to both
identify and understand just what factors contribute to the development of racial
identity among Armenian Americans.
In this study, the experience of oppression is considered central to the
formulation of a definition o f the racial identity development o f Armenian
Americans. It must be noted, however, that in the existing literature the concept of
racial identity in general is not all that clear. Namely, racial identity is often used
interchangeably with ethnic or cultural identity when in fact each may be referring to
a different aspect of group identity (Canabal-Ines, 1995). For instance, few studies
have taken into account the confounded nature o f the terminology, exploring cultural
identity (i.e., Latinos/as) without specifying ethnicity (e.g., Cuban, Nicaraguan, etc.)
or generalizing results to the entire group whereas in fact only ethnicity has been
investigated (e.g., Garcia & Lega, 1982; Keefe & Padilla, 1987). Thus, for the
purposes of the present study it is important to delineate the terminology from the
o u tset so that the relev a n ce o f the m easu res to be studied is clear. T o a ch iev e this
goal, the sociopolitical evolution of the group under study must be taken into
account.
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As was asserted above, persecution and oppression have been common in the
lives of Armenians. Having experienced genocide, the sense of victimization has
been present in the collective identity of Armenians regardless of their individual
relocation experiences (i.e., settling in countries outside of Armenia, such as France,
Lebanon, United States, etc., the collective experience of which is known as the
Diaspora). Furthermore, this sense has been transferred from one generation to the
next by way of cultural narratives (Tololyan, 1988), a critical contributor to the
Armenian’s perception of sharing a common racial heritage with other Armenians all
over the world. Some researchers have demonstrated the significant differences in
individuals’ reactions to the Armenian Genocide. However, they also have agreed on
the existence of a common pattern, especially as it relates to the formation of an
Armenian identity (Boyajian & Grigorian, 1986; Miller & Miller, 1986).
One way of conceptualizing genocide would be the attempted obliteration of
group genotype. Thus, the experience o f genocide, direct or through cultural
narratives, can be considered the main ingredient of “...a common racial heritage
with a particular racial group” (Helms, 1990a, p. 3). Moreover, this racial experience
is further expanded by value orientations as reflected in language structures and
social institutions that transcend geographical boundaries. In essence, orientations
that define one’s “Armenianness” beyond nationality. Here too Saroyan’s (1936)
lyrical imagery vividly describes this notion as he accidentally runs into an
Armenian waiter in a beer parlor in Rostov, Russia, as he visits from Fresno,
California:
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And the Armenian gestures, meaning so much. The slapping of the knee and
roaring with laughter. The cursing. The subtle mockery of the world and its
big ideas. The word in Armenian, the glance, the gesture, the smile, and
through these things the swift rebirth of the race, timeless and again strong,
though years have passed, though cities have been destroyed, fathers and
brothers and sons killed, places forgotten, dreams violated, living hearts
blackened with hate. (p. 181)
Additionally, for the purposes of this investigation, racial identity has been
defined in terms of the individual’s perception of belonging to a particular group. As
noted by Casas (1984), “ .. .group classification of people who share a unique social
and cultural heritage (customs, language, religion, etc.) passed from generation to
generation” (p. 787). Some literature has referred to this kind of group identity as
ethnic identity (e.g., Canabal-Ines, 1995); however, for the purposes of this study,
the term racial identity should be understood as encompassing this type of identity as
well. Although the merging of these terms might create language and construct
ambiguities in the definition of ethnicity, especially for such groups as Latinos/as
(e.g., Garcia & Lega, 1982; Padilla & Aranda, 1974), in the case of Armenians such
interethnic issues do not exist. That is, notwithstanding the acculturative effects of
the majority culture, Armenians in the Diaspora are all minorities living in a
dominant culture, be it Iran, Lebanon, France or the United States. Furthermore, their
original migratory path does not emanate from a variety of “Armenian” nation-states,
each w ith their o w n u nique sociocu ltu ral and p o litica l h istories, as w o u ld b e the ca se
of Latinos/as, for example.
In conclusion, racial identity in this study will be conceptualized in terms of:
(a) the Armenian American’s perception of belonging to a group of people who share
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a unique cultural heritage that is passed from one generation to the next; and (b) a
racial identity formation that occurs within the context of overt and covert societal
racism and oppression. Although for the purposes of this study the terminology of
racial identity should be understood in terms of both conceptualizations stated above;
different measures will nevertheless be used to operationalize each component. This
will be further discussed later.
Personal Self-Esteem
Researchers consistently have been interested in examining the relationship
between racial identity and self-esteem (e.g., Charlesworth, 2000; Phinney, 1990;
Tajfel, 1981, 1982). A most likely reason for this interest is the theoretical premise
that identity formation and development is a multipronged process which includes
different interrelated components. In this context, some researchers have considered
both self-esteem and racial identity as part of an individual’s self-concept (Tajfel,
1981). Thus, to understand self-concept in its totality, the relationship between self
esteem and racial identity has been considered a crucial area of investigation.
Often, self-esteem has been used interchangeably with self-concept. It is
important to note, however, that self-esteem is but one component of self-concept
(Rosenberg, 1979, 1986; Samuels, 1977). Namely, it is that part of one’s self-concept
which should be understood in terms of “ .. .the evaluation which the individual
makes and customarily maintains with regard to himself [sic]; it expresses an attitude
of approval or disapproval” (Rosenberg, 1965, p. 5). Judgments and evaluations are
considered the distinguishing factors in self-esteem as compared to self-concept
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where one’s ideas about oneself are descriptive in nature (Mussen, Conger, Kagan, &
Huston, 1984).
Keeping the above context in mind, one can conclude that it is very difficult
to overlook the evaluative component of one’s racial identity if the ubiquity of
racism and its manifestations, overt and covert, is considered in American society.
Thus, the implications of racial identity, as perceived and evaluated by the
individual, especially as they relate to one’s self-esteem, have been a source of great
interest to researchers.
As is the case with racial identity, the relationship between racial identity and
self-esteem of Armenian Americans has not been examined or investigated in the
existing psychological literature. As the variable of self-esteem has been considered
an appropriate and important introductory element in the research on racial identity
development, for the purposes of this study, the dimension of self-esteem will also be
examined.
Purpose
In this study, Helms’ (1995c) People of Color Racial Identity Attitude Scale
(POCRIAS), Phinney’s (1992) Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM), and
Rosenberg’s (1979, 1986) Self-Esteem Scale (SES) were administered to a sample of
Armenian American college students to
(a) Assess the applicability of Helms’ (1995a) People of Color Racial Identity
Development Theory to the sampled Armenian American population.
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The assessment was carried out through a factor analysis of the POCRIAS
item scores. The research was intended to determine the extent to which the
factors (i.e., subscales) identified by Helms for a population of black students
apply to the sampled Armenian American population. A Cronbach alpha
internal consistency reliability analysis of the subscales also was performed.
( ■ b) Assess the applicability of the subscales of the MEIM to the sampled
population through factor analysis of the item scores and through Cronbach
alpha internal consistency reliability analysis.
( c) Assess the applicability of the subscales of the SES to the sampled
population through factor analysis of the item scores and through Cronbach
alpha internal consistency reliability analysis.
(id) Study the relationship between the POCRIAS subscale scores and the MEIM
subscale scores in the sampled population using linear regression analysis.
(e) Study the relationship between the POCRIAS subscale scores and SES
subscale scores in the sampled population using linear regression analysis.
(/) Study the relationship between the MEIM subscale scores and the SES
subscale scores in the sampled population using linear regression analysis.
(g) Study the relationship between the POCRIAS and MEIM subscale scores (as
predictor variab les) and the SES su b scale sco res (as tw o separate resp on se
variables) in the sampled population using linear regression analysis.
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Significance o f the Study
The term “identity” is intricately connected to an individual’s perception of
the unique characteristics that distinguish him or her from others. Within this larger
context of self-definition, the individual also develops a sense of group belonging
that arises from a clear awareness of the existence of boundaries between various
groups and his or her strong identification with one particular group (Arroyo, 1995).
Racial identity is developed through this process of group identification. Racial
identity often has been used interchangeably with racial categorization (e.g., Black
versus White). However, as noted by Helms (1990a), such a usage of the term is
erroneous because racial identity “.. .actually refers to a sense of group or collective
identity based on one’s perception that he or she shares a common racial heritage
with a particular racial group” (3).
Over the past 30 years, the concept of racial identity development has been
the focus of a wide body of research. During this period, as society has become
structurally more complex, the findings of research related to racial identity have
confirmed that members of racially diverse groups undergo a developmentally-based
process through which they form a racial identity that defines their bi- or
multicultural status in society. Thus, regardless of the specific characteristics of a
racial group, an individual’s minority status in a dominating culture (i.e., White)
triggers the process of racial identity development as a result of the larger
majority-minority dynamics in society. Furthermore, to shed further light on the
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11
understanding of racial identity, its relationship to self-esteem has been a significant
area of interest in the existing research.
Although several researchers have asserted the universality of the process of
racial identity development in minorities (e.g., Helms, 1990a; Phinney, 1990), a
definitive conclusion cannot be reached in this regard unless all significant minority
groups have been investigated in this context. Unfortunately, Armenian Americans
have been overlooked in this research, although they represent an important minority
in the United States. The significance of this research is threefold: first, the study had
the potential for contributing to the body of knowledge on the various dimensions of
racial identity development; second, this study could possibly facilitate a better
understanding of the Armenian American community; and third, the study could lead
to a better understanding of the complex, racially diverse population of the United
States.
Definitions
The definitions deemed necessary for a complete understanding of this
research include:
(a) Racial identity: Defined in terms of both (a) the Armenian American’s
perception of belonging to a group of people who share a unique cultural
heritage that is passed from one generation to the next (Phinney, 1992); and,
(b) the context of oppression within which a racial identity is formed and
developed (Helms, 1990a, 1994, 1996).
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(b) Personal self-esteem: Defined as one’s assessment of one’s self, including his
or her sense of competence, self-approval, and intrinsic worth.
(c) Armenian Americans: People of Armenian ancestry who reside in the United
States of America (Bakalian, 1993).
(d) College students: Individuals who attend either a two-year college or a
university with undergraduate and graduate programs. Graduate students are
included in this definition.
(e) Helms’ POCRIAS: A measure that attempts to quantify the expression of
various racial identity ego statuses (Helms, 1996).
(f) Phinney’s (1992) MEIM: A measure that attempts to operationalize ethnic
identity as a universal phenomenon across groups; it purports to measure
feelings of attachment to one’s group, as well as ethnic identity achievement
(i.e., understanding one’s ethnicity).
(g) Rosenberg’s (1979, 1986) SES: a measure designed to measure self-esteem.
Summary
Taking the overt and covert prejudice, discrimination, and mistreatment of
Armenian Americans into consideration, coupled with the fact that the racial identity
of this particular group in general has, heretofore, only been treated in the context of
acculturation theory, Helms’ (1995c) POCRIAS and Phinney’s (1992) MEIM were
selected to investigate the racial identity development of Armenian Americans.
Furthermore, as an important element of introductory research with this group of
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population, various aspects of the relationship between racial identity and
self-esteem were considered. Incorporating Helms’ and Phinney’s conceptualizations
into the research of the racial identity development of Armenian Americans, as well
as assessing the variable of self-esteem within this context, provide an opportunity
for ground-breaking work in this area. To pave the way for future research, it is
important to first conduct a validity study of Helms’ (1995c) POCRIAS, Phinney’s
(1992) MEIM, and Rosenberg’s (1979, 1986) SES with an Armenian American
population. Satisfying this prerequisite and assessing possible associations between
racial identity and self-esteem will provide a host of research possibilities in the
future vis-a-vis the exploration of the various layers of group identity development in
this significant American minority group.
Review of Literature
The remainder of this chapter reviews the literature related to racial identity
theory in general, and Helms’ (1995a) People of Color Racial Identity Attitude
Theory and Phinney’s model of ethnic identity specifically. A context will also be
created vis-a-vis the inclusion of personal self-esteem in this research. Unfortunately,
there are no reports in the literature of investigations that relate to the experience of
Armenian Americans. Instead, researchers have focused on the racial identity
development of other minorities in the United States (e.g., Latinos/as, Asian
Americans, African Americans).
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The limited research that relates to Armenian Americans focuses only on
issues of acculturation which do not provide the same potential for comprehensive
study of this group of population as racial identity does. Notwithstanding this fact,
the review here provides a basis for the goal of this investigation, which is to assess
the applicability of two group identity measures and a self-esteem measure to
Armenian Americans, as well as assess their relationships to one another. This
investigation enables Armenian Americans to be included in the vast and important
research pertaining to racial identity development.
Theoretical Framework
People o f Color Racial Identity Attitude Theory
In describing racial identity theory and measurement, Helms (1996) notes:
“Racial identity theory and, consequently, racial identity measurement deals with the
psychological consequences of individuals being socialized in a society in which a
person is either privileged (i.e., White identity) or disadvantaged (e.g., Black and
other People of Color identity) because of her or his racial classification” (pp. 153-
154). In defining the term people of color Helms (1995a) states: “In the United
States, the term people o f color refers to those persons whose ostensible ancestry is
at least in part African, Asian, Indigenous, and/or combinations of these groups
and/or White or European ancestry” (p. 189). It is within this definition that these
populations find shared socioeconomic and political experiences. From these shared
experiences, Helms (1995a) contends, shared racial identities have emerged.
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15
However, this does not mean that these groups share world views. According
to Carter (1995), “each level of racial identity is presumed to be associated with a
distinct world view that corresponds to emotional, psychological, social, and
interpersonal preferences consistent with that world view. Thus, one’s racial identity
resolution is believed to be integrated into personality” (p. 139). Hence, it is
presumed that the shared reality of minority status, in a dominant culture, is
manifested in these populations’ racial identities, with unique world views remaining
present in each.
In the United States, people of color have been exposed to sustained racial
stereotypes (Arce, Murgia, & Frisbie, 1987; Chan, 1991; Selden, 1999). Often,
exposure to such stereotypes has caused these individuals to develop internalized
racism (Jones, 2000; Retish & Kavanaugh, 1992; Vasquez, 1982). Continuous
exposure to the ubiquitous reality of racism in society, be it blatant or subtle, results
in the internalization of that reality by none other than the victim himself or herself,
not unlike the analytic process o f identification-internalization, where sustained and
systematic contact with a significant other would produce a strong identification with
him or her ultimately leading to the internalization of the significant other’s
emotional representation (Fairbairn, 1952; Freud, 1946; Kemberg, 1988). Thus, the
developm ent o f racial identity begins w ith the recognition o f internalized racism and
ends with the psychological overcoming of that experience. According to Helms
(1995a),
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Therefore, the central racial identity developmental theme of all people of
color is to recognize and overcome the psychological manifestations of
internalized racism. My model that explains the process by which this
adaptation potentially occurs is a derivative of Cross’s (1971) Negro-to-Black
conversion model and Atkinson, Morten, and Sue’s (1989) Minority Identity
Development model, (p. 189).
This recognition process occurs in a sequential manner and requires the individual’s
active awareness and participation.
Helms’ racial identity development model proposes five sequential stages.
The individual’s naive devaluation o f his or her racial group and idealized embracing
of the dominant White culture characterize the first, Conformity. The second stage,
Dissonance, is marked by a sense of confusion about one’s racial identity and
realization, for the first time, that one’s cultural status separates him or her from the
dominant White culture. Typically, Dissonance is experienced as a result of an
emotionally jolting experience that brings about an awareness in the person of his or
her minority status in society. The third stage, Immersion/Emersion, is a period of
inward turning, where the individual is completely immersed in his or her ethnic
culture and rejects all that is perceived to be part of the dominant culture.
Conceptually, the second component of this stage signifies the coming out process
from this deep immersion. However, Helms (1995a) does not distinctly separate the
two, noting “that Immersion and Emersion are described as a single status. I think
that eventually it will be possible to distinguish them empirically as well as
theoretically, although this is not the case at present” (p. 190). During
Internalization, the fourth stage, the individual is able to achieve a positive racial
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identity with clearly defined racial attributes. The final stage, Integrative Awareness,
is the further honing of the fourth stage, in which the individual values his or her
ethnic culture, is empowered by it and, at the same time, understands and values the
culture of others. At this stage, the racial identity struggle is synergistically resolved.
At the fourth and fifth stages the individual is also committed to the struggle against
racism in society at all levels.
Although Helms’(1995a) racial identity development model is very similar to
that of Cross (1971) and Atkinson et al. (1989), Helms posits that her model reflects
the common experience of all people of color of having been affected by racism.
Thus, the unavoidable experience of racism in society is considered a universal
dynamic among all people of color. According to Helms (1995a),
Various historians contend that many of the same racial stereotypes were
used to control each of the visible socioracial and ethnic groups. Therefore,
abandonment of internalized racism involves similar processes for each of the
groups of color, regardless of the specific group to which they have been
relegated, (p. 189).
Based on this understanding, Helms (1995a) contends that her model could be used
to define the racial identity development of people of color within the United States
without being limited to one or another group.
Helms’ (1995a) People of Color Racial Identity Attitude Theory resolves that
the experiences o f A frican A m ericans, A sian A m ericans, and Latinos/as reflect those
of all people of color in the United States. This suggests that Helms’ theory is also
applicable to Armenian Americans.
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Research findings indicate that integration into White society is difficult and
problematic for individuals who have lower levels o f racial identity attitudes (Ford-
Harris, Schuerger, & Harris, 1991). Specifically, these individuals experience higher
levels of psychosocial problems as they attempt to integrate into White society.
Commonly, these problems emanate from the tension that is produced by the clash
between the value systems of the two cultures. The tension between the two value
systems, and the subsequent clash, have a detrimental effect on the psychosocial
stability and development of people of color. In this respect, the value systems of
Armenians and the White culture differ in significant ways, creating a disparity that
can be a source of substantial psychosocial stress for the Armenian American who is
attempting to integrate.
Phinney and Onwughalu (1996) have noted that one’s racial self-perception
naturally affects the level of his or her self-esteem. In this context, Armenian
Americans differ significantly from their White counterparts in social interactions
and relationships. Often, these differences have a stigmatizing effect which, in many
cases, comes in the form of racism.
Whereas Armenian Americans share many similarities with Asian
Americans, Latinos/as and other minority groups, they also have cultural features
unique to their group. A ccurate definition o f racial identity developm ent necessitates
the thorough examination of similarities and differences between various groups
(Garrett & Myers, 1996). In this respect, few studies have been conducted for the
purpose of understanding the process of racial identity development in groups and
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the impact this process has on the lives of members of unique groups. In the case of
Armenian Americans, no research conducted from such a perspective has been
found. The current study aims to explore the possibility of understanding the racial
identity development of Armenian Americans through the same means used to
understand the racial identity development of other groups of people of color.
Including Armenian Americans in the body of racial identity development research
facilitates understanding of the similarities and differences between Armenian
Americans and other racial groups, and will contribute to the knowledge base of
counselors, clinicians, teachers, and others who provide services to people of color in
the United States.
Theoretical influences on Helms ’ work
The genesis of racial identity development theory seems to have been in the
oppression endured by people of color in the United States and its ensuing
expression of a unique process of racial identity formation (Ponterroto & Casas,
1991). During the last 15 years, as the population growth rate of ethnic minorities in
the United States has surpassed that of Whites, research interest in racial identity
development has also significantly increased. One important area o f study has been
the developmental pattern of the racial identity of the individual. The underlying
assumption in such a consideration is that the individual’s coping mechanism toward
his or her minority-group status affects his or her personal identity (Helms, 1990a).
Thus, a psychological challenge for an ethnic individual is to develop a racial
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2 0
identity that is healthy and well adjusted. Researchers who have studied racial
identity development models have generally discussed the process by which a well
adjusted and healthy racial identity is achieved (e.g., Cross, 1971; Cross, 1982; Hall,
Cross, Jr., & Freedle, 1972; Helms, 1985; Sherif & Sherif, 1970; Thomas, 1971).
Although various models have been proposed to describe the developmental process
of racial identity, virtually all the models identify sequential stages which represent
an individual’s psychological progress from a lower stage of development to higher
stages of development. Typically, lower stages are considered less well defined,
underdeveloped mental/psychological states, while higher stages are considered to
have more mental/psychological depth, definition, and development.
The general structure of these racial identity theories begins with a stage
where the individual’s ethnicity is either denied or only naively understood (Helms,
1996). Such an individual functions according to the erroneous premise that his or
her minority status has no bearing on his or her experiences. Because racism is
pervasive and omnipresent in our society, individuals in the initial developmental
stages invariably encounter experiences at one point in their lives which present
serious moral dilemmas. For example, such individuals find themselves in situations
where they are forced to recognize their minority status and weigh the benefits and
draw backs o f their racial-group m em bership. H ow these experiences are dealt w ith
and processed determine the progression of the individual’s racial identity
development through the later stages. Individuals may respond to such experiences
by developing their own racist attitudes, or they may undergo a psychological
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2 1
process of growth that may move them from being a racist to becoming an individual
with a non-racist, unbiased attitude.
Keeping in mind that racial identity development theories have been
primarily conceptualized as stage theories, it must also be recognized that these stage
theories follow a developmental progression whereby the individual gradually moves
from lower levels of psychological and/or physical functioning to higher levels as he
or she processes, and subsequently integrates, experiences into his or her identity.
Generally speaking, developmental stage theories are based on such a progression
and racial identity theories follow a similar conceptual pattern.
Stage models of racial identity development began to emerge between 1968
and 1976, perhaps propelled by the American Civil Rights Movement (Helms,
1990a). In this context, Cross (1971), exploring the psychological dynamics of Black
liberation, advanced his theory of the racial identity transition of Blacks from a pro-
White and anti-Black attitude to a pro-Black orientation. Cross’ stage model
hypothesized a process of developmental transition that primarily occurred because
of the Black individual’s experience with oppression (Stevenson, 1995). Basing their
model on Cross’ Black Racial Identity Development Theory, Atkinson, et al. (1989)
suggested that the experience of oppression in a dominant White culture, and its
psychological im plications, can be extended to other m inority groups including
Native Americans, Latinos/as and Asian Americans. Thus, in both instances these
theories were formulated on the basis of the experience of the ethnic individual in a
society where racism, in its covert and overt forms, is prevalent.
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As a natural continuation to the aforementioned theories, Helms (1990a)
proposed a White racial identity model, asserting that the development of a healthy
White racial identity requires the White person’s coming to terms with the fact that
he or she bears some responsibility for the oppression of the African American and
for the perpetuation of racism. Thus, Helms concluded that the development of the
White racial identity can occur only within the context of the White-Black
relationship—a systemically intertwined historical reality. In the end, a positive
White racial identity can be achieved by the recognition of racism and its effects in
the United States (Carter, 1995).
All proposed stage models of racial identity development, including Helms’
White racial identity model, heavily emphasize self-awareness as a prerequisite to
progress toward higher levels of development. Thus, an individual who is apathetic
toward the dynamics of racial relations in his or her milieu and is unaware of his or
her own direct or indirect contribution to the perpetuation of such dynamics is likely
to remain in the lower stages of racial identity development. Alternatively, an
individual who is aware of the dynamics of racial relations in his or her milieu and is
aware of his or her own direct or indirect contribution to the perpetuation of such
dynamics will most likely move toward higher stages of racial identity development.
H elm s’ (1995a) People o f Color Racial Identity Attitudes Theory was
influenced by three major theories of racial identity development. Thus, to provide
the proper foundation for Helms’ model, it is beneficial to discuss these theories first.
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Black Racial Identity Development Theory
According to Cross (1971), two dynamically connected processes serve as the
basis of Black racial identity formation and development. The first, deracination,
refers to the attempt to erase Black consciousness; the second, Nigrescence,
represents the process toward the development of Black identity. Cross (1995)
described the Negro world view as one that is rooted in the experience of slavery. On
the other hand, the Black mentality forms the foundation of a positive identity
development and understanding of Blackness.
Historically, the definition of Blackness has been conceptualized
dichotomously (Cross, 1971). The term Black was used to define the militant
generation of the Civil Rights Movement (e.g., Black Panthers) and Negro to
describe the traditional, internalized reality of the subjugated and enslaved. The
undertones of such a conceptualization have generally perpetuated a negative
perception o f Black identity, a reality that continues to persevere, notwithstanding
the positive strides made in the past 30 years.
Although several theories of Nigrescence have been advanced over the years,
Cross’ model was one of the important conceptual precursors to Helms’ theoretical
formulation. Initially, Cross (1971) introduced four stages of racial identity, to which
he later added a fifth.
According to Cross (1995), the progress from one stage of racial identity
development to the next occurs as a result of the individual’s inner reflection
vis-a-vis his or her racial identity and a consequent desire to change. The first stage,
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Pre-Encounter, is a state of stasis marked by a deracinated or Negro identity. This
first stage is followed by an emotionally jarring experience, an Encounter, that
disrupts the steady-state of stage one and propels the beginning of change. Stage
three, Immersion-Emersion, represents a deep psychological change in the person, a
result of which is immersion in his or her newly found Black identity. Ultimately, in
stage four, the individual internalizes his or her Black identity, thereby entering a
final, albeit very different than the initial, steady-state. Cross’ (1995) fourth stage has
been described as a combination of introspection and desire for action that emanates
from the individual’s Afrocentric awareness (Taylor & Howard-Hamilton, 1995).
This fourth stage is the action component of the newly found Black identity
awareness that ultimately dictates the intensity of the individual’s “new” racial
identity. According to Cross (1991),
In recycling, a person searches for new answers and continued growth in his
or her thinking about what it means to be Black. Depending on the nature and
intensity of the new encounter, recycling may vary from a mild refocusing
experience to passage through full-blown Encounter, Immersion-Emersion,
and Internalization stages, (p. 221)
The fifth stage, Internalization/Commitment, has not been operationalized. At this
stage, the individual’s Black identity is fully anchored, and he or she transcends his
or her narrow focus to contribute to the eradication of racism in society (Watt, 1997).
Transition occurs w ithin the aforem entioned stages because o f the pow erful interplay
between new and old identity.
Thompson (1994) suggested that the process of development of a Black racial
identity, as formulated by Cross (1991), unfolds in the context of a racist society in
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the midst of which the individual engages in a search for his or her true Blackness.
Taylor and Howard-Hamilton (1995) emphasize the Encounter stage, which
initializes the process of change because of the emotional consequences of the
experience. Thus, depending on the strength of the Encounter experience, the
individual is jolted into a determined search for a new Black identity or simply walks
away with distaste and a mildly elevated awareness of his or her Blackness.
Racial/Cultural Identity Development Theory
Focusing on cross-cultural counseling, Sue and Sue (1990) argued that
effective psychotherapy presupposes a firm knowledge of cultural identity
development on the part of the therapist. In this context, they maintain that it is
crucial for the cross-cultural counselor to understand and appreciate the role of
oppression in the identity formation of minority individuals. In an attempt to assist
counselors to better understand issues relevant to minority clients, Atkinson et al.
(1989) developed the Racial/Cultural Identity Development Theory, assuming that
more effective interventions can be provided if counselors understand the process
through which their minority clients develop a racial identity.
Five stages form the Racial/Cultural Identity Theory (Atkinson et al., 1989).
In the first stage, Conformity, the minority individual embraces and conforms to the
values of the dominant culture while denying the discrepant nature of his or her
minority status in such a culture. It is in the second stage of Dissonance that the walls
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of denial begin to break down. Consequently, the individual begins to question his or
her closely held beliefs of the Conformity stage.
The Resistance/Immersion stage, the third stage, can be conceptualized as the
opposite of Conformity, and is the stage in which the minority individual becomes
exclusively immersed in his or her minority culture. At this stage the values and
beliefs of the dominant culture are completely rejected. In the fourth stage,
Introspection, the individual begins an attempt to achieve internal balance by
desiring to explore aspects of the White culture that are positive and, therefore, have
the potential to be integrated into his or her own racial identity. However, a
successful racial identity has not, at this point, been constructed because the
individual continues to feel strong pressure from his or her Resistance/Immersion
stage peer group to continue to reject all aspects of the White culture.
In the fifth and final stage, Integrative Awareness, the minority person is able
to achieve an inner equilibrium with a genuine sense of pride, related to his or her
minority status, coupled with an appreciation of the positive aspects of the White
American culture.
White Racial Identity Development Theory
Asserting that minority status and racial identity development can be
explained only in the context of a large, dominant culture and to help Whites
understand how racial identity is developed, Helms (1990a) formulated the White
Racial Identity Development Theory. Helms notes that the Black experience in
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America has had a crucial impact on the formation and development of the White
identity. Thus, White and Black racial identities in America are systemically
connected and must be understood as such.
Helms (1990a) suggests that development of a healthy and positive White
identity requires that the individual progresses through six distinct stages, resolving
each successfully and positively. These six sequential stages include: Contact,
Disintegration, Reintegration, Pseudo-Independence, Immersion/Emersion, and
Autonomy. These stages, moving from lower to higher, also signify a progression in
personal adjustment (Tokar & Swanson, 1991).
According to Helms (1990a), the first stage of White racial identity
development, Contact, is marked by a general state of naivete where one is oblivious
to his or her Whiteness and the complex implications of a multicultural society.
During the second stage, Disintegration, the individual is engulfed by a sense of
confusion as he or she consciously acknowledges his or her membership in the White
racial group and the moral dilemmas resulting from such a membership.
In the third stage, Reintegration, the individual interprets his or her Whiteness
as a sign of superiority over the Black minority. Pseudo-Independence, the fourth
stage, is the individual’s first attempt to understanding his or her Whiteness and
consequences o f that status for the larger society. The first genuine attem pt to
develop a meaningful and moral definition o f Whiteness occurs in the fifth stage,
Immersion/Emersion, in which the individual attempts to redefine his or her
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Whiteness in personally relevant and non-racist ways and, at the same time,
encourages others to follow suit.
In the final stage, Autonomy, the direction and attempts of the two former
stages are internalized and the individual finally develops a non-racist White identity
based on a realistic assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of Whites, both as a
group and as culture. According to Helms (1990a), the White identity development
stages can be divided into two larger groups. The first, consisting of the initial three
stages, signifies a process toward the abandonment of racism, whereas the second,
made up of the last three stages, characterizes the acquisition and definition of a non
racist White identity. Helms (1990a) posits that only by thoroughly understanding
themselves as racial beings can White individuals forge a positive coexistence with
racial minorities.
People o f Color Racial Identity Attitude Scale
Helms has postulated that shared racial socialization experiences of people of
color yield five specific information-processing strategies or attitudes, and the use of
four of these strategies can be assessed by her measure, the The People o f Color
Racial Identity Attitude Scale (POCRIAS; Helms, 1995c). These strategies “are
derived from Cross’ (1971) and Atkinson, et al.’s (1989) racial/ethnic identity
models, but are not synonymous” (Helms, 1995c, p. 1).
The POCRIAS was developed to be used with all people of color in the
United States and contains 50 items, which are divided into four subscales based on
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the first four stages of Helms’ People of Color Racial Identity Attitude Theory.
According to Helms (1995c), the subscales include: “Conformity/Preencounter:
conformance to the racial status quo and denial or lack of awareness of personal
relevance of societal racial dynamics.... Dissonance: confusion, disorientation when
racial dynamics are in consciousness or awareness.... Immersion/Resistance: physical
and psychological withdrawing into one’s own racial/ethnic group....[and
Internalization: integration of positive own-group racial identification with capacity
to realistically appreciate the positive aspects of Whites” (p. 1).
Thus far, there has been no research conducted on Helms’ scale with
Armenian Americans. However, the following four studies focused on the use of the
scale to study the racial identity attitude development of other racial groups. These
studies were based on Helms’ (1995a) People of Color Racial Identity Attitude
Theory and, in the absence of specific research, would create the context for an
initial study with Armenian Americans.
The Kohatsu (1992) Study
Kohatsu (1992) focused on the effects of racial identity and acculturation on
anxiety, assertiveness, and ascribed identity among 267 Asian American college
students in the Eastern United States. He hypothesized that racial identity attitudes
and acculturation would differentially predict the levels of personal identity and
ascribed identity variables. His sample contained 70 Japanese Americans, 84
Chinese Americans, 71 Korean Americans, and 42 Vietnamese Americans. He
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administered the Cultural Identity Attitude Scale (Helms & Carter, 1990), the State
Anxiety Inventory (Speilberger, 1983), the Rathus Assertiveness Schedule (Rathus,
1973), Anglo and Asian acculturation scales (Lee, 1991), and the Cultural Mistrust
Inventory (Terrell & Terrell, 1981).
Kohatsu conducted a reliability analysis of the four subscales of the
POCRIAS and obtained the following Cronbach’s alpha coefficients: .71
(Conformity), .76 (Dissonance), .74 (Immersion-Emersion), and .67 (Integrative
Awareness). Kohatsu also obtained intercorrelations between the subscales of the
POCRIAS which are consistent with the findings of Helms (1995a). The Conformity
subscale was positively correlated with the Dissonance subscale (r = .49), negatively
correlated with the Integrative Awareness subscale (r = -.31), and positively
correlated with the Immersion subscale (r = .13). The Dissonance subscale was
negatively correlated with the Integrative Awareness subscale (r = -.17) and
positively correlated with the Immersion subscale (r = .18). The Integrative
Awareness subscale was negatively correlated with the Immersion subscale
(r = -.26) (All correlations had/?-values less than .05.). Thus, these findings are
consistent with Helms’ (1995a) People of Color Racial Identity Attitude Theory with
the variance accounted for ranging from 2% to 24%.
U sing hierarchical and standard m ultiple regression analyses, K ohatsu found
that racial identity attitudes significantly predict levels of anxiety, assertiveness, and
awareness of interpersonal and political racism. Furthermore, Asian and White
acculturation significantly predicts assertiveness and awareness levels of
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interpersonal and political racism, but not anxiety. Acculturation contributes little to
the explained variance in predicting levels of personal identity and ascribed identity
variables. These findings suggest that the reference group orientation variables of
these participants were independent constructs. When racial identity attitudes are
viewed alone they predict more variance than acculturation.
The subscales of POCRIAS were also found to predict levels of anxiety,
assertiveness, and perceptions of racism. Additionally, Immersion-Emersion
attitudes were significantly related to an individual’s high levels of awareness of
interpersonal racism. Kohatsu’s findings suggest that racial identity attitudes could
be effectively used to understand the cultural adaptation and transitional issues
encountered by Asian American college students. Furthermore, his findings strongly
support Helms’ (1995a) People of Color Racial Identity Attitude Theory.
The Alvarez (1996) Study
Alvarez (1996) studied racial identity, identity styles, and reflected racial
appraisals as they relate to racial adjustment and to one another with a group of
ethnic undergraduate college students at a medium-size private university in the
eastern United States. The participants were 67 Chinese-Americans, 60 Indian-
Americans, and 61 Korean-Americans. Participants were asked to complete
questionnaires designed to assess their world views and racial adjustment. World
views were assessed using the POCRIAS (Helms, 1995c), the Identity Styles
Inventory (Berzonsky, 1992), and the Perceptions of Asian Americans Scale, a
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semantic differential scale developed to measure reflected racial appraisals. The
Collective Self-Esteem Scale (Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992), designed to assess racial
self-evaluations of the participants and the Cultural Mistrust Inventory (Terrell &
Terrell, 1981), designed to assess the participants’ level of awareness of White
racism, were used to operationalize racial adjustment.
Alvarez computed Cronbach’s alphas on the POCRIAS subscales and found
that the Internalization subscale had a low reliability coefficient (alpha = .55).
Alvarez’s finding is consistent with previous reliability analyses (Helms & Carter,
1990; Kohatsu, 1992). As a result of this finding, the Internalization subscale was
merged with the Dissonance subscale to create the revised Dissonance subscale. The
current instrument reports only four subscales (Conformity, Dissonance, Immersion-
Emersion, Integrative Awareness). Alvarez’ alpha coefficients for the four subscales
are .75 (Conformity), .78 (Dissonance), .83 (Immersion-Emersion), and .61
(Integrative Awareness).
Alvarez reported interscale correlations on the POCRIAS ranging from -.34
to .53. Using correlation analyses, Alvarez found that racial identity statuses,
identity styles, and reflected racial appraisals were significantly related. Multiple
regression analysis revealed that racial identity statuses were predictive of
participants’ aw areness o f racism . On the other hand, A lvarez found that identity
styles and reflected racial appraisals were not predictive of racism.
Alvarez’s work suggests that racial identity theory may be the most
appropriate avenue to take toward gaining an understanding o f how Asian Americans
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understand and integrate their experiences of racism. Furthermore, Alvarez (1996)
found that racial identity statuses, identity styles, and reflected racial appraisals
significantly predict the collective self-esteem of Asian Americans. These findings
are consistent with those of Helms’ (1995a).
The Canabal-Ines (1995) Study
Canabal-Ines (1995) examined the relationship between identity and self
esteem among 50 Latinos and 45 Latinas in a mid-Atlantic university in the United
States. Three types of group identity (racial, ethnic, and cultural) and two types of
self-esteem (collective and personal) were investigated. Canabal-Ines hypothesized
that the group identity could be used to predict self-esteem using regression analyses.
Helms’ (1990a) White Racial Identity Attitude Scale, Luhtanen and Crocker’s
(1989) Collective Self-Esteem Scale, an adapted version of Helms and Carter’s
(1984) Visible Racial Identity Attitude Scale (VRIAS), Phinney’s (1992) Multigroup
Ethnic Identity Measure, and Rosenberg’s (1986) Personal Self-Esteem Scale were
used to measure the various types of group identity and self-esteem. It must be kept
in mind that, as noted above, the POCRIAS had at one point been named the Visible
Racial/Ethnic Identity Attitude Scale.
Canabal-Ines reported that interscale correlations for the VRIAS ranged from
-.45 to .37. Canabal-Ines found that the Pseudo-Independence subscale of Helms’
White Racial Identity Attitude Scale (1990a) is most related to a strong overall sense
of collective self-esteem for Latinos/as of all races. The Pseudo-Independence stage
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is characterized by one’s intellectualized understanding of the White race and the
consequences o f racism. In contrast, Canabal-Ines found that none of the racial
identity attitudes is predictive of personal self-esteem. Additionally, racial identity
attitudes and racial-group commitment were found to be better predictors of
collective self-esteem than cultural identity attitudes. The results for the VRIAS
(Helms & Carter, 1984) indicated that there are positive predictive relationships
between the Ethnic Identity Attitudes Scale of Articulation of Awareness and the
Collective Scales of Membership, Private, Importance to Identity, and Total.
Canabal-Ines also found a negative relationship between the Collective Self-Esteem
subscale of Importance to Identity and that of Dissonance in the VRIAS.
Canabal-Ines also found that, when respondents reported feelings of conflict
concerning their Latino/aness, such feelings negatively affected the process of
developing a positive collective identity. Typically, when faced with feelings of
conflict, these individuals immersed themselves in the Latino culture. When the
conflict between their Latino/aness remained unresolved, their personal self-esteem
was found to suffer.
Whereas cultural identity attitude was a better predictor of personal self
esteem, Canabal-Ines found that racial identity attitudes and racial-group
commitment seem ed to be the better predictors of collective self-esteem . For
Latinos/as of all races (i.e., regardless of ethnic origin, such as Cuban or Nicaraguan)
Canabal-Ines’ results indicate that ethnic group identity is a better predictor of
collective self-esteem than other group identities.
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The Miville (1996) Study
Miville (1996), also working with Latino/a college students, investigated the
relationships between cultural, gender, and personal identity. The interrelationships
of these variables were assessed using Helms’ (1995c) POCRIAS for cultural
identity; Helms’ (1990b) Womanist Identity Attitude Scale (WIAS) and Helms’
(1995b) Men’s Identity Attitude Scale (MIAS) for gender identity; and the Personal
Identity Status Scale (PIS) (Bennion & Adams, 1986) for personal identity. A total of
279 self-identified Latinos/as participated in the study— 177 female and 102 male.
For Latinos, Miville found that, with the exception of the Diffusion personal
identity subscale and the gender identity subscale, both cultural and gender identity
statuses strongly related to all four personal identity statuses. For Latinas, Miville
found that cultural identity status and gender identity status both strongly related to
all four personal identity statuses. Overall, Miville found that cultural and gender
identity statuses representing conflict and resolution were found to significantly
relate to personal identity statuses representing conflict and resolution.
In addition, Miville conducted separate canonical correlation analyses to
investigate the significance of shared relationships between gender and cultural
identity among women and men. For the Latina participants, the correlations were
.75 and .68, explaining 56% and 46% of the variance among the two statuses. On the
other hand, for the Latino respondents, the correlations were .71 and .59, explaining
50% and 35% of the variance between the two statuses. Miville found that the alpha
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coefficients of the POCRIAS were: Conformity .71, Immersion .83,
Dissonance/Introspection .71, and Integrative Awareness .78.
Miville’s results imply that personal identity is significantly related to both
cultural and gender identity for the Latino/a participants. Furthermore, for this
population, cultural and gender identity were also significantly related to each other.
Of particular interest is the suggestion that the experience of racism and sexism for
Latinos/as has an important effect on psychological development— experiences of
racism and sexism can have significant positive relationships with personal identity.
Phinney ’ s Model o f Ethnic Identity
As noted earlier, racial identity in this research is being conceptualized in
terms of Helms’ formulation (explained above) and Phinney’s (1992) model of
ethnic identity. Ambiguities in the constructs are not deemed relevant vis-a-vis the
appropriate terminology to be used with Armenian Americans for reasons already
stated. However, because the operationalization of the models is being achieved
through two different scales, Phinney’s theoretical framework will also be briefly
discussed.
Phinney’s (1992) conceptualization of ethnic identity can be understood in
terms of a two-level construct: One with a developmental and cognitive component;
and, the other with an affective one. Earlier, Phinney had included a third component
of ethnic behavior and practices. However, this was subsequently omitted (Phinney,
personal communication, April 14, 2003). Phinney considers ethnic identity as being
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part of one’s self-concept. Namely, ethnic identity is manifested in one’s
self-concept by way of knowledge of group membership and an affirmation, sense of
belonging, and commitment to that membership.
Phinney acknowledges the multitude of cultural differences between different
ethnic groups; however, she bases her model on the commonalities that exist
between ethnic groups. Her theoretical framework is based on an assumption of
universality, very much like other dynamic models of development. Thus, based on
this premise, it can be appreciated that Phinney’s model emanates from Erikson’s
(1968) theory of ego identity as operationalized by Marcia (1980). From the
perspective of these models, identity development follows a linear course during
adolescence and, if successfully resolved, results in an achieved identity. Phinney’s
model operates on the assumption that an achieved identity will remain relatively
stable throughout one’s life. Therefore, although her research is primarily based on
adolescents, her measure can also be used with adult populations. In her ethnic
identity model Phinney discusses three stages: Diffuse/Foreclosed, Moratorium, and
Achieved.
Phinney’s first stage, Diffuse/Foreclosed, is essentially a mixture of two
identity states. Diffused adolescents lack an understanding o f the concept o f identity.
They have never addressed their ethnicity or m atters generally related to ethnicity.
For this reason, their ethnic identity does not present any kind of relevance in their
lives. On the other hand, adolescents who have an understanding of the concept of
ethnicity, however, have not explored their own status vis-a-vis this concept are
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considered foreclosed. Typically, they acknowledge their ethnicity based on the
degree of knowledge imparted to them by their families; however, they have not
explored or found values and feelings attached to such knowledge. Consequently,
their evaluation of their ethnicity, be it negative or positive, is based on their
superficial understanding of what has been transferred to them by parents or other
family members.
In Phinney’s second stage, Moratorium, the adolescent takes on a proactive
role in searching for his or her ethnic group identity; he or she actively searches for a
meaning of ethnicity engaging in a variety of activities such as discussions with
friends, research, and so forth; he or she has an understanding of racial prejudice and
discrimination. However, at this stage, the adolescent has not yet come to terms with
his or her ethnicity; that is, he or she has not acquired or adopted a particular
definition of his or her ethnic group membership. In the final stage, the adolescent
ultimately resolves his or her search by finding a meaning for ethnic identity to
which he or she subscribes with a sense of commitment. At this stage, called
Achieved, the adolescent develops a deeper sense of belonging to an ethnic group
and a clearer understanding of the meaning of ethnicity within the larger context of
his or her life.
In addition to the developm ental process o f ethnic identity, Phinney (1992)
has also presumed universality vis-a-vis ethnic identity. That is, notwithstanding
cultural differences between various groups, she has asserted that there are aspects of
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ethnic identity that are shared by all ethnic groups. In this context, Phinney suggests
that there are four components of ethnic identity that can be considered universal.
First, an important prerequisite of ethnic identity is one’s self-identification
as a member of a particular ethnic group. That is, one cannot develop an evaluative
position (i.e., attitude) about an ethnic group without first identifying himself or
herself as part of that group. The second is a behavioral component that looks at the
extent to which one is involved in activities and cultural traditions related to his or
her ethnic group.
The third component is an affective one that relates to the individual’s
feelings of belonging to and affirmation of his or her ethnic group. This component
is directly related to one’s ethnic pride. In the fourth and final component, Phinney
asserts that ethnic identity is a dynamically developing process; that is, ethnic
identity achievement evolves over time following a process of gradual maturation.
Social Identity Theory
The social identity approach to identity development asserts that the
dynamics of minority status are dependent on the contextual structure of the majority
culture. In the United States, members of the White European culture would be
considered the in-group. Researchers have noted that the in-group sets the cultural
standards for the various racial and ethnic cohabitants, the out-groups (e.g., Katz,
1985). In this way, the standards of the majority culture shape the cultural identity of
the out-group. When this notion is paired with the reality of racism, especially
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institutional racism, it becomes increasingly clear that the traditional world views
and folklores of many minority groups are relegated to secondary status.
These approaches, notably Erik Erikson’s work, have developed a theoretical
premise of dynamic interaction between in-group and out-group, as a result of which
the individual can potentially change aspects of his or her identity in the face of in
group cultural dicta (i.e., in-group bias) in his or her environment. In this respect,
Erikson (1963), addressing the ego identity development of adolescents, contended
that in our society, where in-group cultural values are those of Whites (Anglos), the
achievement of a positive ego identity was dependent on the individual’s ability to
successfully replace his or her cultural values with those of the in-group. In fact,
Erikson suggested that the American society only allowed White children to develop
healthy identities, as the cultural milieu provided only the alternative of some form
of assimilation to minority children.
The effects of this process on self-esteem have not been directly examined by
Erikson or other adherents of this perspective (e.g., Erikson, 1963; Luhtanen &
Crocker, 1991; Marcia, 1966); it would be plausible, however, to infer from the
preceding discussion that this type of in-group bias produces a negative self-esteem
in individuals who stand apart (i.e., not acculturated) from the majority culture. The
desirable outcome therefore, vis-a-vis the development of a positive self-esteem,
would be successful assimilation into the in-group (i.e., White culture).
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Social Psychological Perspective
A somewhat less fatalistic derivative of social identity theory is the social
psychological approach of Hogg and Abrams (1988). Here, it is asserted that one’s
group membership significantly contributes to the psychological process of forming
an identity. In fact, one’s identity is dependent on his or her social group and the
degree of significance attributed to it (Hogg & Abrams, 1988). Therefore,
identification with group membership is not merely a form of categorization but a
psychologically significant process whereby the individual takes ownership of the
social groups to which he or she belongs.
According to this perspective, an individual associates himself or herself with
social categories and engages in a process of self-classification based on the groups
with which he or she identifies, associates, and interacts. Social categorization
involves the division of individuals based on their nationality, race, occupation, sex,
class, and religion, among other characteristics (Hogg & Abrams, 1988).
Categorization can only exist in relation to other categories. That is,
categorization provides a means to differentiate one’s group (e.g., African American)
from another (e.g., White). Therefore, categorization occurs not by chance but by
design. According to Hogg and Abrams (1988), “Categorization and social
com parison operate together to generate a specific form o f behaviour: G roup
behaviour” (p. 23). In this approach, group behavior can be explained as an
internalized process that is goal-driven and in which social rejection becomes just as
much a part of an individual’s psyche as does social acceptance.
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Theories o f Acculturation
The basis of acculturation theory is the assumption that racial descriptors,
such as Native American, Asian, and so forth cannot accurately define or describe
minority groups. According to Landrine and Klonoff (1995),
Acculturation loosely refers to the extent to which ethnic-cultural minorities
participate in the cultural traditions, values, beliefs, assumptions, and
practices of the dominant White society (acculturated), or remain immersed
in their own cultural traditions (traditional), or participate in the traditions of
their own and of the dominant White society (bicultural). Some members of
minority groups are highly traditional whereas others are highly acculturated.
Although highly traditional ethnic minorities differ significantly from Whites
on a variety of scales and behaviors, highly acculturated minorities typically
do not. (pp. 124-125)
Thus, the acculturation model looks at the cultural behavior of the individual,
the extent of participation in the traditions and practices of his or her ethnic culture,
and categorizes him or her accordingly. It is important to note that the acculturation
model defines the minority person according to his or her level of identification with
the dominant culture. The assumption is that the dominant culture represents a static
background toward which the minority individual moves and, depending on personal
attributes, including degree of motivation, the individual begins to forego ethnic
culture to assume the characteristics of the dominant culture (Alba, 1985).
In this way, the minority group is defined according to its degree of
acculturation. Helms’ (1990a) conceptualization significantly departs from such an
approach, maintaining that the racial identity of an individual, including degree of
interaction with the dominant culture, cannot be defined or assessed without taking
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into account the experience of oppression that the minority person has endured in a
society where overt and covert racism is prevalent. The White majority, in racial
identity development models, is not viewed as a static; rather, it is a dynamic entity
that contributes to the formation and development of the racial identity of people of
color in significant ways. Thus, the racial identities of Whites and people o f color are
intricately connected and intertwined.
Only a handful of publications describing the experience of Armenian
Americans can be found, and these mainly address some aspect of acculturation
(e.g., Bakalian, 1993; Davidian, 1986; and, Nelson, 1953 ). The issue of racial
identity development as defined by Helms (1990a) and others has not been addressed
in the context of Armenian Americans, nor have measures been identified or
developed for the purpose of exploring the experience of this group.
Cultural Acquisition
Cultural acquisition focuses on the process an individual undergoes as
cultural habits, behaviors, and beliefs are developed. Cultural acquisition addresses
the process of cultural adaptation. Lonner and Berry (1986) suggested that behavior
is influenced both by enculturation and acculturation. Enculturation is the process by
which an individual adapts to a culture and assimilates its values. It is difficult to
ascertain which of the two has the most influence over behavior. It is even more
difficult to separate and measure the enculturated influences from the acculturated
influences.
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Understanding the dynamics of acculturation will assist in gaining an
understanding of the process of cultural acquisition. Acculturation assumes that a
dynamic process takes place when an acculturating group comes in contact with a
dominant group. Initially, the acculturating group must be significantly different
from the dominant group and sustained contact must produce visible changes in the
acculturating group. As in the social psychological approach to social identity (e.g.,
Hogg & Abrams, 1988), psychological processes are also at work during cultural
acquisition. As a group undergoes the process of acculturation, due to the influence
of the dominant group, psychological changes also occur in the individual members
of the acculturated group. These changes indicate that members of the acculturated
group have actually claimed ownership of their new cultural acquisition. They have
internalized the beliefs and influences of the dominant group so that these have now
become part of their own world view.
The Orthogonal Model o f Cultural Identification
The Orthogonal Model of Cultural Identification adopts a more pluralistic
view of cultural identification. Here, the coexistence of people of color and Whites
does not automatically assume the ultimate outcome of acculturation of the minority
group (Oetting & Beauvais, 1991). Instead, the Orthogonal Model of Cultural
Identification suggests that people of color can retain their cultural beliefs and
attitudes while incorporating beneficial parts of the White culture. According to this
model, people of color can indefinitely retain their racial identity without being
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completely assimilated into the dominant culture. Unlike acculturation, this model
asserts that long exposure to a dominant culture does not necessarily produce a
natural process of acculturation. Instead, members of the minority culture may
choose to adapt some of their beliefs and attitudes to those of the dominant culture
without being completely assimilated.
The Orthogonal Model of Cultural Identification also suggests that American
society can redefine itself as one that holds numerous separate subcultures in
coexistence. In this way, the dominant White culture can offer aspects of its culture
to people of color without the requisite expectation that this latter gives up its
cultural values. Therefore, there is a genuine belief on the part of Whites that people
of color can maintain their own culture while adopting some of the benefits of the
White culture. The individual chooses the extent to which this cultural incorporation
occurs. Thus, distancing oneself from the dominant culture for fear of assimilation
becomes unnecessary. Individual people of color consciously make the decision of
assimilation. Because, in this model, acculturation is not necessarily the desired goal
in a society, the minority individual may choose to retain all or some of his or her
cultural beliefs and attitudes and still be regarded as a contributing member of the
larger society.
In sum, acculturation theories define individuals according to their preference
of one culture over the other. The presence of racism or the experience of oppression
is not factored into these models. Basically, a minority individual, based on his or her
personal attributes and group membership, will partly or wholly acculturate. The
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dominant culture is viewed as static and unchanging or, at best, one that tolerates and
accommodates minority values and beliefs. The focus is on how permeable the
boundaries of the minority group are and, consequently, how the process of
acculturation takes place. This view of dominant-minority dynamics forms the basis
of acculturation perspectives.
Personal Self-Esteem
Many studies in the literature have looked at the relationship between racial,
cultural, ethnic identity, and self-esteem (e.g., Charlesworth, 2000; Phinney, 1990;
Phinney & Rotheram, 1987; Tajfel, 1981, 1982; Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986;
Turner, 1982). In fact, it would be reasonable to conclude that the relationship
between racial identity and self-esteem has been one of the earlier foci in this body
of research.
The underlying assumption in this research is that racial, cultural, and ethnic
identity is a subset of one’s global self-concept (Charlesworth, 2000; Samuels,
1977). Tajfel (1981), discussing this relationship from a social identity theory
perspective, asserted that social or collective identity (i.e., racial, cultural, ethnic
identity) is “.. .that part of an individual’s self-concept which derives from his [sic]
knowledge of his [sic] membership in a social group (or groups) together with the
value and emotional significance attached to that membership” (p. 255). There are
several components to self-concept, including body image, social self, cognitive
self, and self-esteem. For the purposes of this study, the focus will be self-esteem as
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defined by Samuels (1977): . .how the person evaluates his or her self-concept;
how much respect the person has for himself or herself’ (p. 459).
As is the case with the research on the racial identity development of
Armenian Americans, investigations exploring the relationship between racial
identity and self-esteem in this group are also nonexistent. Thus, in addition to
searching for an appropriate definition and measure of racial identity for Armenian
Americans, this study will investigate the possible relationship between various
aspects of racial identity and self-esteem for this group of population.
Summary
For the purposes of this discussion, it must be borne in mind that the
combined conceptualizations of racial identity development are being used to define
Armenian Americans; namely, an identity that is developed within the context of
prejudice, oppression, and racism, as well as one that emanates from a sense of
belonging to a group with whom a cultural heritage is shared (often referred to as
“ethnic”).
As was noted above, in the existing research, the experience of Armenian
Americans has been viewed only from the perspective of acculturation.
Acculturation theory. This is substantially different from the racial identity
perspective. The definition of an individual’s racial identity is not, as in the
acculturation approach, solely based on his or her self-perceived cultural preferences
and associations. Thus, considering racial identity development theories, specifically
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Helms’, it becomes obvious that an important aspect in the definition of Armenian
Americans has been overlooked; namely, the role that prejudice, oppression, and
racism have played in the development of the Armenian American’s racial identity.
Generally speaking, oppression is nothing new to Armenians. From forced
deportations to massacres to genocide, Armenians have endured oppression, in its
various forms, throughout the last two centuries (Dadrian, 1975 a; Dadrian, 1975b;
Horowitz, 1986; Hovannisian, 1986). Furthermore, the experience of being uprooted
and the necessity to adapt to new cultural milieus, where prejudice and
discrimination have often been prevalent, have played a significant role in the racial
identity development of Armenians in the Diaspora (Handlin, 1973). However, for
the present study, only the experience of Armenians in the United States is
considered, although the transpositional strength of the aforementioned historical
context must be kept in mind.
As has been the case with other ethnic minorities, Armenians have also
encountered oppression from the initial days of their immigration to America at the
end of the 19th Century. In the United States, Armenians were generally categorized
alongside Greeks, Jews, and Japanese Americans, stereotyped as ambitious
wheeler-dealers with a self-serving intelligence (Simpson & Yinger, 1985). In
Fresno, California, w here A rm enians resided in large num bers since the beginning o f
the 20th Century, discrimination and oppression were rampant. For example, in 1909,
the State of California attempted to forbid Armenians from purchasing land because
of their Asiatic status. The attempt was stopped through the intervention o f an
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4 9
appellate court which ruled that Armenians could be considered White (Ordjanian,
1991). For decades following that incident, Armenians in Fresno continued to face
overt prejudice and discrimination, including being systematically excluded from
professional associations, social clubs, and even local churches.
Armenians were called Turks, which was particularly offensive to them, as
they had suffered genocide at the hands of the Turks. Also, they regularly were
mistreated by salespeople and merchants (LaPiere, 1930). It is in such a context that
the racial identity of Armenians was formed in America.
Notwithstanding the fact that sentiments might be significantly different
today, one cannot undermine the powerful effects of the initial experiences (e.g.,
Garry, 1977). Unfortunately, all previous research relating to Armenian Americans
has in effect done so. The focus has been the process of acculturation, thus relegating
the dominant culture (White) to a passive, static status. A more accurate definition
can be achieved if the dynamic interaction between majority-minority cultures is
factored into the concept of racial identity development for this group of population.
With this in mind, the application of racial identity development theory adds an
important layer to the existing research on the racial identity development of
Armenian Americans.
As to theories o f social identity these approaches em phasize the role o f o n e’s
social group in his or her global self-concept. Social identity defines the social group
in terms of its similarity or dissimilarity to the in-group (the dominant White
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5 0
culture). Here too the role of the minority culture is understood by its ability to adjust
to and ultimately assimilate into the dominant culture.
In this respect, one might argue that Armenian Americans long ago shed their
visible cultural idiosyncrasies and therefore are immune to a devalued status in
American society. However, such an observation would only be superficial, taking
into account that with the cyclical waves of immigration to the United States,
minority status for Armenians has been consistently renewed, recycled, and
replenished; thus, the cultural norms of this group have often been viewed with
peculiar suspicion by the in-group, especially in large metropolitan areas such as Los
Angeles (Bakalian, 1993). Not too long ago Soviet Armenians in Hollywood were
characterized as “.. .cheating the welfare system, and .. .engaging in gang-related
crimes” (Bakalian, 1993, p. 21), when in fact most were hardworking, honest
citizens. Furthermore, as a vivid example of institutional racism (without naively
undermining the supremacy of political pragmatism), arguably the most painful
experience in the collective psyche of Armenians, the Genocide, continues to be
denied recognition by the government of the United States. In such a context,
expressions of the original culture of Armenian Americans, not unlike other minority
groups, often times remain confined to close-knit circles (e.g., families) rather than
becoming in some way integrated into the majority cultural values.
Based on the research reviewed in this section, this investigation presents an
initial step toward assessing the applicability of heretofore-unexamined racial
identity measures to Armenian Americans. This research will contribute to a more
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comprehensive understanding of Armenian Americans and also pave the way for
future research that aims at exploring a variety of psychological variables related to
this group of population.
The relationship between group identity and self-esteem has been widely
studied in the research literature. Although the social identity literature implies that
in-group bias can have a negative effect on one’s self-esteem, racial identity
approaches have suggested that the effects of racial identity on self-esteem may vary
according to the particular racial identity development stage that the individual is in.
Theoretical work has posited that a positive relationship exists between
higher stages of racial identity and self-esteem (Phinney, 1992); furthermore,
empirical studies have confirmed this notion (e.g., Chavira & Phinney, 1991;
Lorenzo-Hemandez & Ouellette, 1998; Martinez & Dukes, 1997; Phinney, 1992;
Phinney, Chavira, & Tate, 1993). Phinney (1993) concluded that adolescents with
positive ethnic identities employed more effective coping mechanisms in the face of
prejudice and negative stereotypes while the absence of a positive ethnic identity
resulted in the internalization of negative self-perceptions. Phinney further asserted
that a positive ethnic identity contributed to positive psychological adjustment.
Along the same lines, researchers have found that a positive racial identity
significantly contributed to a sense of competence and well-being in individuals
(Carter, 1991; Pyant & Yanico, 1991).
In the larger context of racial identity and psychological adjustment, several
studies have examined possible relationships between racial identity and a variety of
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factors such as depression, stress, and school performance. In this respect, positive
racial attitudes and identification have been associated with less stress, less
delinquent involvement and higher self-esteem (McCreary, Slavin, & Berry, 1996;
Spencer, Cunningham, & Swanson, 1995). It has been suggested that awareness of
racism results in decreased personalization of failures and setbacks, thus reducing
self-blame and consequent assaults on self-esteem (Crocker & Major, 1989).
More specific to the present investigation, Parham and Helms (1985a)
conducted a study with a group o f African American college students based on
Cross’ (1978) racial identity model; Helms’ People of Color Racial Identity Attitude
Theory, one of the objects of this investigation, was derived from Cross’ model.
They found that low self-esteem was associated with the lowest, first stage of racial
identity (Pre-Encounter) and the Immersion stage, whereas the Encounter stage,
which precedes and precipitates the movement toward the Immersion stage, was
found to be significantly correlated with high self-esteem. In a related study, Parham
and Helms (1985b) found that the Pre-Encounter and Immersion stages were related
to feelings of anxiety and inferiority. These studies suggest that various stages of
racial identity exploration may be associated with levels of self-esteem. In this
respect, Munford (1994) found that racial identity attitudes were indeed related to
self-esteem . Specifically, M unford found that Pre-Encounter attitudes were
significantly negatively correlated with self-esteem. That is, high Pre-Encounter
subscale scores were associated with lower self-esteem scores.
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53
On the other hand, more advanced racial identity attitude, Internalization, was
found to be positively correlated with self-esteem. Namely, high Internalization
subscale scores were associated with higher self-esteem scores. Echoing a similar
conclusion, Boushel (1996) noted that a review of the research on the experiences of
multiracial families indicated that there was a general agreement among
psychologists vis-a-vis the relationship between a positive racial identity and high
self-esteem. It must be noted, however, that this conclusion was based on black and
mixed-parentage children living in a racist society.
In conclusion, the research authoritatively establishes an important link
between various aspects of social identity (i.e., racial, cultural, and ethnic) and
self-esteem. Furthermore, some research has suggested that higher levels of racial
identity (i.e., awareness of one’s ethnic status and positive commitment to it)
produce higher levels of self-esteem. Thus, being able to adopt attitudes, beliefs, and
behaviors of one’s racial group in the face of racial prejudice and discrimination
often translates into achieving a positive self-esteem (Robinson, 1995).
As noted earlier, the development of racial identity in Armenian Americans
has not been addressed in the psychological literature. As steps are taken in this
study to include this group in the vast literature of racial identity development, it
w ould be inform ative and significant to also prelim inarily assess the relationship
between racial identity and self-esteem in this sample. In this way, Armenian
Americans could be viewed, at least from the perspective of research, alongside
other racial and ethnic minorities in the United States.
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Research Questions
The specific research questions identified for this study were:
(a) Is Helms’ (1995a) People of Color Racial Identity Development Theory
applicable to the sampled Armenian American population when factor
analyzed on the basis of the Helms’ (1995c) POCRIAS?
(b) Is Phinney’s (1992) MEIM applicable to the sampled Armenian American
population?
(c) Is Rosenberg’s (1979, 1986) measure of self-esteem applicable to the
sampled Armenian American population?
(d) Is there a significant relationship between the POCRIAS and the MEIM for
the sampled Armenian American population?
(e) Is there a significant relationship between the POCRIAS and the SES for the
sampled Armenian American population?
(f) Is there a significant relationship between the MEIM and the SES for the
sampled Armenian American population?
(g) Is there a relationship between the POCRIAS and the MEIM and the SES if
the first two are considered predictor variables and the latter the response
variable?
Hypotheses
The larger goal of this investigation was to create the research premise for the
inclusion of Armenian Americans in cross-cultural psychology studies that look at
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55
various aspects of racial identity development. To this end, initial steps were taken
toward assessing the applicability of racial identity measures to an Armenian
American population. As an added dimension to this larger goal, based on the
various aspects of hypothesized linear associations between racial identity and self
esteem found in the existing literature, the relationship between racial identity and
self-esteem as it pertains to this group of Armenian Americans was investigated.
Specifically, the following hypotheses were examined.
In their specific narratives and evolution, the experiences o f Armenian
Americans are unique. However, these experiences have unfolded within the larger
context of a society where overt and covert racism is ubiquitous. Thus, it is
reasonable to consider the experiences of Armenian Americans within the
framework of Helms’ (1995a) racial identity theory. Consequently, it is reasonable
that Helms’ (1995c, 1996) measure of racial identity attitudes, the POCRIAS, will
apply to Armenian Americans. Thus,
Hypothesis 1: The POCRIAS is applicable to the sampled (Armenian
American) population. Specifically, when factor analysis is applied to
the POCRIAS responses from the sample, a set of factors will be
extracted that are similar to those that were extracted by Helms for
B lack A m ericans.
Phinney’s (1992) MEIM has been used with various minority groups to
assess its members’ knowledge of and commitment to their ethnic group (Phinney,
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5 6
1990; Casas, 1984; Ethier & Deaux, 1990). Armenian Americans share many basic
features of ethnicity with other minorities. Thus,
Hypothesis 2: The MEIM is applicable to the sampled population.
Specifically, when factor analysis is applied to the MEIM responses
from the sample, a set of factors will be extracted that are similar to
those that were extracted by Phinney.
Research has indicated that as an individual reaches higher stages of racial
identity development, he or she will feel more connected to and think more
positively of his or her racial group (Helms, 1990; Phinney, 1990). Thus,
Hypothesis 3: The stage of racial identity development in the sampled
population, as measured by the POCRIAS, will significantly predict
ethnic identity development, as measured by the MEIM.
It appears that as an individual reaches higher stages of racial identity
development, he or she will think more positively of himself or herself (Helms,
1990). It is expected that this positive regard will be reflected in one’s self-esteem
(Regan 1992; Tokar & Swanson, 1991). Thus,
Hypothesis 4: The stage of racial identity development in the sampled
population, as measured by the POCRIAS, will significantly predict
self-esteem , as m easured by the SES.
Research has indicated that among minority groups various aspects of
affective states (such as depression and self-esteem) can be related to different levels
of ethnic identity (e.g., Casas, 1984). Furthermore, higher levels of group identity as
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5 7
measured by the MEIM have been linked to an overall sense of well being (Ethier &
Deaux, 1990; Phinney, 1990). Thus,
Hypothesis 5: Ethnic identity in the sampled population, as measured
by the MEIM, will significantly predict self-esteem, as measured by the
SES.
Presumably the POCRIAS and MEIM measure different aspects o f racial and
ethnic development. Thus, in view of Hypotheses 4 and 5, they may be better
predictors of self-esteem when taken jointly than when taken singly. Thus,
Hypothesis 6: Self-esteem in the sampled population, as measured by
the SES, is better predicted by the POCRIAS and MEIM scores taken
jointly than by either set of scores taken singly.
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CHAPTER II
Methodology
This chapter discusses the research design, the setting and sample, and the
methods of the collection, management, and analysis o f the data. Permission to
conduct research from the university is included, as well as the means of protecting
human subjects in the research. Issues related to reliability and validity are also
discussed.
Research Design
The research was a non-experimental, cross-sectional survey in the form of a
questionnaire. This type of descriptive study is used to gain information about
characteristics in a particular field of study or for a particular group of individuals.
Surveys enable researchers to collect extensive information including the knowledge,
opinions, attitudes, and values of various individuals or groups of individuals and
provide flexibility and broadness of scope (Heppner, Kivlighan, & Wampold, 1999).
A questionnaire survey method of data collection provides self-reported information,
which is limited only by what the respondents are willing to report.
Sample
The 186 (72 m ale; 114 fem ale) participants in this study w ere A rm enian
American college students attending the 25 California universities from which the
sample was drawn. The ages of the participants ranged from 18 to 39 years-old (M
=20.6; SD =2.6). Following Gorsuch’s (1997) guidelines, which recommend a
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minimum of 150 sample size for an effective outcome, 186 students participated in
this investigation.
Measures
The instruments used in this study were as follows: (a) the POCRIAS
(Helms, 1995c); (b) the MEIM (Phinney, 1992); and, (c) the Rosenberg SES
(Rosenberg, 1979, 1986). Reliability and validity issues related to each of the scales
are discussed below.
In addition to completing the three instruments, each respondent completed a
one-page demographic data sheet (see Appendix E). This sheet recorded
respondents' gender, age, institution, academic level, academic major, birthplace
information, and parents' education level. The sheet also asked respondents to rate
their racial/ethnic consciousness and their Armenian language proficiency on
separate ten-point scales.
The People o f Color Racial Identity Attitude Scale
Each item on the People o f Color Racial Identity Attitude Scale (POCRIAS)
is a statement about race or ethnicity. For example, the first item is “In general, I
believe that Anglo-Americans (Whites) are superior to other racial groups.” Subjects
respond to each item using a five-point Likert scale with a response of 1 signifying
strong disagreement with the item and a response of 5 indicating strong agreement.
The score for a subscale is computed by adding together the scores for all the items
associated with the subscale. A higher score on a subscale indicates a stronger level
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6 0
of the racial identity attitudes associated with the subscale. As different subscales
have different numbers of items associated with them, the subscale scores range from
10 to 50 for the Conformity/Preencounter subscale, 15 to 75 for the Dissonance
subscale, 13 to 65 for the Immersion/Resistance subscale, and 10 to 50 for the
Internalization subscale. (Two items in the fifty items are presently unused.)
Since its inception, Helms’ (1995c) scale has been modified and renamed
several times. It has been called the Visible Racial/Ethnic Group Racial Identity
Attitude Scale, then the Cultural Identity Scale, and is presently called the
POCRIAS, the name used in this investigation. Originally the scale had five
subscales, with each subscale being associated with ten unique items from the overall
scale. Initial reliability analyses on the research version of the POCRIAS has been
conducted with an African American undergraduate (n = 28) and other people of
color sample (n = 103) (Helms & Carter, 1990). In this version, Helms and Carter
(1990) merged items from the Introspection subscale with items from the Dissonance
subscale to create the current Dissonance subscale. For the African American
sample, Helms and Carter (1990) reported internal consistency coefficients
(Cronbach’s alpha) for the four subscales that ranged from .62 to .87. With the
students of color, internal consistency coefficients ranged from .72 to .82. When the
sam ples were com bined, the internal consistency coefficients for the four scales
were: .79 (Conformity), .72 (Dissonance), .79 (Immersion-Emersion), .82
(Integrative Awareness).
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Although the POCRIAS was clearly designed to have face validity, no direct
studies of other forms of validity of the scale have been found in the literature.
The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure
In order to assess her theoretical model, Phinney (1990) developed the
Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM). The original version of the MEIM
consisted of 14 items that assessed three aspects of ethnic identity: (a) ethnic identity
attitudes and sense of belonging (5 items); (b) ethnic identity achievement, assessing
both exploration and resolution of identity issues (7 items); and (c) ethnic identity
behaviors or practices (2 items). On the original version, items were rated on a four
point scale from “strongly agree” to “strongly disagree”. Subsequently, based on
additional research (Roberts, Phinney, Masse, Chen, Roberts, & Romero, 1999), the
measure was reconceptualized based on two factors: (a) ethnic identity search (a
developmental and cognitive component) and (b) affirmation, belonging, and
commitment (an affective component). Two items that originally purported to
measure ethnic identity behaviors or practices were dropped as they were deemed to
be “.. .highly dependent on the setting one is in, for example, if there is an ethnic
community that one can participate in” (Phinney, personal communication, April 14,
2003). Additionally, in the current version, a five-point Likert scale is used “ ...as
that allows for a neutral position” (Phinney, personal communication, April 14,
2003). It should also be noted that the original version of the MEIM included an
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6 2
Other-Group Orientation scale which was later omitted as it was considered to be a
separate construct.
Phinney (1992) used two samples, consisting of high school (the largest) and
college students, to establish the reliability of the MEIM. Taking into account that
the sample in this research consists of university students, the psychometric
information for the college sample is reported. The reliability coefficient for the
overall measure was .90. Reliability coefficients for the subscales were .86 for
Affirmation and Belonging, and .80 for Ethnic Identity Achievement. The
information vis-a-vis the reliability of Ethnic Behaviors and Other-Group Orientation
are being omitted here for the reasons delineated above.
Rosenberg’ s Self-Esteem Scale
Rosenberg’s Self-Esteem Scale (SES) is a 10-item Guttman scale designed to
measure global self-esteem. The items are answered by way of a 4-point Likert scale
with 1 signifying strong disagreement and 4 strong agreement. The reliability and
validity of the SES have been well established (Rosenberg, 1965). Rosenberg (1979,
1986), has reported a reproducibility coefficient of .92 and scalability of .72.
Furthermore, test-retest reliability has typically ranged from .82 to .88, (the latter on
a college sample). Various samples have been administered the SES (e.g., Puerto
Rican, African American, Mexican, Dominican, and White adolescents) with
Cronbach’s alphas obtained in the range of .77 to .88 (Der-Karabetian & Ruiz, 1997;
Lorenzo-Hernandez & Ouellette, 1998; Martinez & Dukes, 1997; Phinney, Cantu, &
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6 3
Kurtz, 1997; Blascovich & Tomaka, 1993; Rosenberg, 1986). Construct, predictive,
and concurrent validity have been demonstrated by significant correlations with
theoretically similar measures such as the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory and
by an absence of significant correlations with dissimilar measures (Sibler & Tibbett,
1965).
Procedures
This research was conducted on 25 California college campuses. All of the
colleges, except for three (one in Central and two in Northern California), were
located in Southern California. This is significant as Southern California represents
the fastest growing segment of Armenians in the world (Bakalian, 1993). It is often
noted that Los Angeles has the largest concentration of Armenians outside Yerevan
(Bakalian, 1993). In addition, the influx of Armenian immigrants to California has
been from all parts of the world, thus representing the most intraculturally diverse
population. In this sense, having a sample that spans across so many different
campuses is significant vis-a-vis representativeness.
Interested participants were asked to contact the researcher via the posted
telephone number or email address on the recruitment flyers. Those who responded
were first evaluated for their eligibility to participate in the research. Namely, they
had to be of Armenian American descent and to be current college students. Both
undergraduate and graduate students were deemed eligible candidates for
participation. Once eligibility was established, the purpose of the research was
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6 4
explained and a packet forwarded. The packet consisted of the following: (a)
informed consent to participate in non-medical research (Appendix D); (b)
demographic data sheet (Appendix E); (c) The POCRIAS ; (d) The MEIM; and, (e)
The SES . Furthermore, a self-addressed, stamped envelope was included in the
packet so that respondents could return the completed questionnaires to the
researcher via U.S. mail. The participants were reminded in writing not to write their
names anywhere on the questionnaires or on the self-addressed envelope.
Respondents were asked to complete the questionnaires alone without any input from
others.
A total of 186 Armenian American college students participated in the
research. As each packet was received back, it was thoroughly examined to ensure
that all questions were answered and correctly completed. Packets with missing
information were set aside. Thirty respondents had missing data on one or more of
the variables used in the analyses. Because no pattern was discerned in the missing
data and thus the missing data appeared to be mere oversights on the part of
respondents, each analysis was performed with all the intact respondents available
for that analysis including respondents who were missing values on variables that
were not used in that analysis. This enabled maximization of the power of the
statistical tests and maximization of the accuracy of the estimates. This resulted in
different numbers of respondents being used in different analyses, with the number
ranging from 185 for the correlation between one pair of continuous variables down
to 156 (for the test of Hypothesis 6). Once examination of the packets was
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completed, each was coded, scored, and analyzed. Whenever the packets and data
were not being analyzed, they were placed in a safe, locked location where only the
researchers had access. All the pencil an paper measures were destroyed within two
months once the analysis was complete. The electronic data was saved as anonymous
data.
Ethical Considerations
The permission process included application to the Institutional Review
Board of the university (IRB) (Appendix A), which is an oversight review board
charged with ensuring that the rights of human subjects in research will not be
violated during the course of the study. Permission to conduct research was
subsequently obtained from the university prior to implementation of the study
(Appendix B). The anonymity of the respondents was protected by segregating all
personal and demographic information from the packet upon receipt and destroying
them after the necessary information was extracted for the purposes of the research,
at the latest within two months. Specific information about individual respondents
was not reported in the final document.
Recruitment flyers that conformed to the university regulations (Appendix C)
were prepared and posted in various buildings and meeting halls of the participating
universities. Eligible participants who contacted the researcher via the listed
telephone number or email address were sent the survey packet which included an
informed consent to participate in non-medical research as required and approved by
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6 6
the IRB (Appendix D). The informed consent identified the primary (Chair of the
Dissertation Guidance Committee) and secondary researchers, explained the purpose
of the study, and identified the benefits of the study. Furthermore, the consent letter
assured participants anonymity and confidentiality of records, as well as the fact that
participation was voluntary and that the respondent could withdraw from the study at
any time without jeopardy. In the consent letter, participants were also told that there
was no form of compensation for their participation in the study. Finally, as dictated
by the IRB for non-medical investigations, respondents were told in the letter that the
return o f completed questionnaires constituted their informed consent to participate
in the research.
Data Analysis
The purpose of this research was to determine whether the racial identity
development of Armenian Americans could be comprehensively and effectively
operationalized by way of the POCRIAS and the MEIM. Furthermore, the possible
associations between these measures and self-esteem, as operationalized by the SES,
were explored. Specifically, the respondents’ POCRIAS, MEIM, and SES scores
were subjected to reliability and factor analyses, and the results compared with the
findings o f earlier researchers. The distributions o f the demographic variables were
also summarized.
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Assessment o f Reliability o f the POCRIAS, MEIM, and SES fo r Armenian Americans
Cronbach (1951) coefficient alpha analysis was used to estimate the
reliability (internal consistency) of the items defined in Helms’ (1995c) four
POCRIAS subscales, Phinney’s (1992) two MEIM subscales, and Rosenberg’s
(1979, 1986) SES. According to Heppner et al. (1999), internal consistency is a
measure of the similarity of the items. When the scores for the various items in a
subscale are highly correlated, the alpha coefficient will be high.
Factor Analysis o f the POCRIAS Scores fo r Armenian Americans
The respondents’ 48 individual POCRIAS item scores for the items used to
define Helms’ four subscales were factor analyzed and four factors extracted.
Various rotation schemes were investigated to determine whether factors can be
reasonably extracted that resemble those defined by Helms (1995c). A factor
analysis analyzes the interrelationships among a larger number of variables and
summarizes that information into common factors (Heppner et al., 1999). The
primary aim of factor analysis is to locate common dimensions underlying the
original variables.
Factor Analysis o f the MEIM Scores fo r Armenian Americans
The respondents’ 12 individual MEIM item scores for the items used to
define Phinney’s two subscales were factor analyzed and two factors extracted.
Various rotation schemes were investigated to determine whether factors can be
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68
reasonably extracted that resemble those defined by Phinney. In this way, common
dimensions underlying the original variables were located.
Linear Regression Analysis o f the POCRIAS and the M EIM for Armenian Americans
Linear regression analysis was used to investigate the relationship between
the POCRIAS and SES subscale scores.
Linear Regression Analysis o f the POCRIAS and the SES for Armenian Americans
Linear regression analysis was used to investigate the relationship between
the POCRIAS and SES subscale scores that were obtained.
Linear Regression Analysis o f the MEIM and the SES fo r Armenian Americans
Linear regression analysis was used to study the relationship between the
obtained MEIM and SES subscale scores.
Linear Regression Analysis Between Pairs o f Continuous Variables
Linear regression analysis was used to investigate the bivariate relationship
between variables including all subscale scores (but excluding item scores).
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CHAPTER III
Results
Preliminary Analyses
To obtain an initial view of the data before studying the hypotheses, the
Pearson and Spearman correlations between pairs of the 11 available continuous
variables were examined. These variables were Age, Racial Consciousness,
Armenian Language Proficiency, the four POCRIAS subscale scores, the SES score,
the MEIM overall score, and the two MEIM subscale scores. Table 1 shows the
Pearson correlations and the corresponding /7-values. As can be noted, with the
exception of the Age variable, most of the relationships between the variables were
highly significant.
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Table 1
Matrix of Pearson Correlation Coefficients for Continuous Variable Relationships
Age Arm
Lang
Racial
Con
POC
Confo
POC
Dis
POC
Imm
POC
Int
SES
Total
MEIM
Avg
MEIM
Search
MEIM
Affin
Age 20.6
2.56
Arm
Lang
.08 6.00
2.65
Racial
Con
.10 .69*** 6.92
2.47
POC
Confo
-.09 -.37*** -.50*** 2.42
0.86
POC
Dis
-.06 -.17* -.14 57*** 2.75
0.56
POC
Imm
.01 .36*** .43*** 24-** .14 2.85
.69
POC
Int
.19* .21** .29*** -.25*** -.05 .22** 4.05
0.67
SES
Total
.10 .25*** .18* -.16* -.17* .08 21** 22.4
3.95
MEIM
Avg
.01 .66*** .63*** - 39*** -.14 .33*** 26*** 28***
4.13
.70
MEIM
Search
-.04 .63*** 62***
3 7 * * *
-.10 .36*** .22**
25***
.96*** 3.99
0.83
MEIM
Affin
.05 .64*** .60*** -.38*** -.17* .28*** 27*** .30*** .97*** .87*** 4.22
.65
Note: Numbers on the diagonal are the mean (upper number) and standard deviation (lower number) for the
associated variable. Exactly the same correlation coefficients logically appear in the mirror-image cells above the
diagonal, but these are omitted. * p<.05 ** p<.01 ***p<.001
Key to Measures: Arm Lang=Participants’ self-rating on Armenian Language proficiency; Racial
Con=Participants’ self-rating o f racial consciousness; POC Confo=POCRIAS Conformity stage; POC
Dis=POCRlAS Dissonance stage; POC Imm=POCRIAS Immersion stage; POC Int=POCRIAS Internalization
stage; SES Total=Total score on the Self-Esteem Scale; MEIM Avg=Total Score on the MEIM; MEIM
Search=Score on the MEIM Search subscale; MEIM Affir=Score on the MEIM Affirmation subscale.
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71
The present discussion focuses on the significant relationships between
Racial Consciousness, Armenian Language Proficiency, and the three instruments
under study, namely, the POCRIAS, MEIM, and SES.
Racial Consciousness was positively related to the participants’ Armenian
Language Proficiency (r = .69, j9<.0001). Therefore, the higher a person rated
himself or herself in terms of racial consciousness, the higher his or her Armenian
language proficiency tended to be. Racial Consciousness was negatively related to
the Conformity subscale of the POCRIAS (r = -,50,/?< 0001) and positively related
to the Immersion and Internalization subscales of the POCRIAS (r = .43, /?< 0001
and r = .29, /?<.0001 respectively). This suggests that respondents with a higher
sense of racial consciousness display less conformity to the racial status quo and a
greater tendency toward being immersed in their racial (i.e., Armenian) group.
In addition, these respondents’ higher scores on Helms’ Internalization
subscale suggest an ability to integrate positive racial group attributes with a realistic
appreciation of positive aspects of the dominant White culture. It must be noted,
however, that the relationship between Racial Consciousness and Immersion was
found to be stronger than the relationship between Racial Consciousness and
Internalization (r = .43 versus r = .29). Furthermore, the inverse relationship between
Racial C onsciousness and the Conform ity subscalc w as found to be the strongest o f
the three (r = -.50). Figures 2 -5 in Appendix F present the scatterplots for the
relationships discussed above.
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7 2
Racial Consciousness was also significantly positively related to SES scores
(r = .18,/?=.02) and to the overall MEIM scores (r = ,63,/?<.0001). These findings
suggest that higher racial consciousness is related to an overall higher self-esteem;
similarly, higher racial consciousness was indicative of a stronger emotional bond to
ethnic (i.e., Armenian) identity. Figures 6 and 7 in Appendix F present the
scatterplots for these relationships.
The results also yielded interesting relationships between Armenian
Language Proficiency and the SES scale and the POCRIAS subscales and MEIM
overall scores. A significant negative relationship was found between Armenian
Language Proficiency and the Conformity and Dissonance subscales of the
POCRIAS (r = -,37,/?<.0001 and r = -,17,/?=.02 respectively). In contrast, the
relationship between Armenian Language Proficiency and the Immersion and
Internalization subscales of the POCRIAS was significant in a positive direction {r =
.36,/?<.0001 and r = .21,/?=.004 respectively). These findings suggest that higher
language proficiency might be triggering a movement in these individuals away from
the racial status quo (i.e., Conformity) and confusion vis-a-vis racial identity (i.e.,
Dissonance) and toward the higher stages of immersion into the Armenian culture
and, to a lesser extent, synergistic integration of the minority and majority cultures
(i.e., Internalization). It is interesting to note here that the correlation coefficient for
the relationships between language proficiency and the Conformity and Immersion
subscales are essentially the same (i.e., .37) but in opposite directions. This finding
will be further discussed in the next chapter.
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Language proficiency was also found to be significantly positively related to
self-esteem (r = .25,/?=.001) and the overall MEIM scores (r = .66,/?<.0001). The
results suggest that higher language proficiency is related to higher self-esteem, as
well as a higher sense of connection with one’s ethnicity (i.e., Armenianness).
Several interesting relationships emerged between the three measures used
in this study. An inverse relationship was found between the POCRIAS Conformity
subscale and the overall MEIM scores (r=.-.39, p<.0001). In contrast, the
relationship was significant in a positive direction between the POCRIAS Immersion
subscale and the overall MEIM scores, as well as the POCRIAS Internalization
subscale and the overall MEIM scores (r=.33,/K.0001 and r=.25,/>=.0005
respectively). These results indicate that the higher one scores in the lowest stage of
the POCRIAS (i.e., conformity) the less he or she identifies with his or her ethnicity
as measured by the MEIM. Also, higher scores in the more advanced stages of the
POCRIAS (i.e., Immersion and Internalization) seem to be significantly related to
stronger identification with ethnicity as measured by the MEIM.
Racial identity as measured by the various subscales of the POCRIAS yielded
several significant relationships with self-esteem as measured by the SES. The
Conformity and Dissonance subscales of the POCRIAS were found to be
significantly related to self-esteem in a negative direction (r=-.16,/>=.03 and r=~. 17,
p =.03 respectively). The relationship between the Internalization subscale of the
POCRIAS and SES was significant in a positive direction (r= .21, p=.007). Thus, the
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results indicate that movement toward the higher stages of the POCRIAS is
associated with higher self-esteem as measured by the SES.
Racial identity as measured by the MEIM total score was also found to be
significantly related with self-esteem as measured by the SES in a positive direction
(r==.28,/?=.0002). This result suggests that a stronger overall connection with one’s
ethnic identity is associated with higher levels of self-esteem. Figures 8 -13 in
Appendix F present the scatterplots for the relationships discussed above.
Cronbach’ s Alpha Correlation Analysis
Cronbach’s alpha was computed for each of the four subscales of the
POCRIAS, for the overall SES, for the overall MEIM, and for the two MEIM
subscales. The values of alpha are given in Table 2.
Table 2
Means, Standard Deviations, and Cronbach’s Alpha for Scales and Subscales
Scale Name Mean
Value
Standard
Deviation
Cronbach’s
Alpha
POCRIAS Conformity / Preencounter 2.42 0.860 .89
POCRIAS Dissonance 2.75 0.564 .80
POCRIAS Immersion / Resistance 2.85 0.687 .87
POCRIAS Internalization 4.05 0.667 .86
SES overall 22.4 3.95 .86
MEIM Overall 4.13 0.700 .96
MEIM Search 3.99 0.829 .92
MEIM Affirmation 4.22 0.648 .95
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The MEIM and its two subscales have Cronbach’s alphas ranging between
.92 and .96, which is surprisingly high. No doubt part of the reason for these high
alphas is that many subjects answered all the MEIM questions with 4 (Agree) or all
with 5 (Strongly agree).
Tests o f Hypotheses
Hypothesis 1: The POCRIAS is applicable to the sampled Armenian American
population
Responses to the POCRIAS were subjected to a factor analysis using squared
multiple correlations as prior communality estimates. The principal factor method
was used to extract the factors, and this was followed by a PROMAX (oblique)
rotation. Table 3 shows the eigenvalues and proportion of the variance accounted for.
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Table 3
First Ten Eigenvalues of the Reduced Correlation Matrix for the POCRIAS Scores
Factor
Number
Eigenvalue
Difference
Between
Eigenvalues
Proportion of
Variance
Accounted For
Cumulative
Proportion of
Variance
1 9.94 4.10 0.3151 0.3151
2 5.83 1.18 0.1848 0.4999
3 4.71 3.00 0.1494 0.6492
4 1.71 0.37 0.0543 0.7035
5 1.34 0.23 0.0426 0.7461
6 1.11 0.09 0.0353 0.7814
7 1.02 0.08 0.0324 0.8138
8 0.94 0.12 0.0298 0.8437
9 0.82 0.09 0.0259 0.8696
10 0.73 0.06 0.0232 0.8928
A scree test (Cattell, 1996) suggested that three or possibly four meaningful
factors could be extracted. Thus five factors were initially extracted and then the
numerical criteria in the next paragraph were used to determine the final number of
factors.
In interpreting the rotated factor pattern matrix, an item was said to load on a
given factor if its factor loading was .5 or greater and if the loading for the item was
less than .5 for the item for the other three factors. No items loaded on the fifth
factor. The results of applying these criteria, together with Helms’ classification of
the POCRIAS items for comparison, are summarized in Table 4.
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77
Table 4
Classification of POCRIAS Items by Derived Factors with Helms’ Classification for
Black Americans for Comparison___________________________________ _________
Armenian Americans Black Americans
Factor
Number
POCRIAS
Items
# of
Items
Corresponding
Scale
POCRIAS
Items
# o f
Items
1 1-9, 46 10 Conformity /
Preencounter
1-9, 44 10
2 10, 11, 13-15,
17-19, 47-49
11 Immersion /
Resistance
10-19
47-49
13
3 20-28, 50 10 Internalization 20-28, 50 10
4 31,33, 36
38-40
6 Dissonance 29-43 15
The row in the table for the third factor indicates our analysis identified the
items on the Internalization scale perfectly. The row for the first factor indicates that
the analysis made one error identifying the items on the Conformity/Preencounter
scale. The row for the second factor indicates that the analysis made two omissions
with the Immersion / Resistance scale. But the row four, the fourth factor, indicates
that the analysis made nine omissions with the Dissonance scale. (The fourth factor,
being last in this analysis, is by the nature of factor analysis the weakest factor.)
Thus although there are discrepancies, the table suggests that our analysis has come
“close” to identifying the same factors as were identified by Helms.
Note how with one exception (item 46 and the Conformity /Preencounter
scale) the nature of each error is that in the data for the Armenian American sample
some items identified by Helms failed to load meaningfully on their associated
factors. In short, the factor structure for the POCRIAS items were the same with this
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7 8
sample as with that on which Helms developed it, though not all items loaded on
these four factors.
Inter-factor correlations among the four factors were all less than .25 with the
exception of the correlation between factors 1 and 4, which was .55.
Hypothesis 2: The M EIM is applicable to the sampled Armenian American
population
As with the POCRIAS, responses to the MEIM were subjected to a factor
analysis using squared multiple correlations as prior communality estimates. The
principal factor method was used to extract the factors, and this was followed by a
PROMAX (oblique) rotation. Table 5 shows the eigenvalues and the proportion of
the variance accounted for.
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7 9
Table 5
Eigenvalues of the Reduced Correlation Matrix for the MEIM Scores
Factor
Number
Eigenvalue
Difference
Between
Eigenvalues
Proportion of
Variance
Accounted For
Cumulative
Proportion of
Variance
1 8.67 8.19 0.9400 0.9400
2 0.48 0.30 0.0522 0.9922
3 0.18 0.03 0.0193 1.0115
4 0.15 0.08 0.0159 1.0273
5 0.07 0.009 0.0076 1.0349
6 0.06 0.06 0.0066 1.0415
7 -.002 0.04 -0.0002 1.0413
8 -.04 0.02 -0.0041 1.0372
9 -.06 0.01 -0.0063 1.0309
10 -.07 0.02 -0.0077 1.0232
11 -.09 0.03 -0.0099 1.0133
12 -.12 - -0.0133 1.0000
A scree test suggested that one or at most two meaningful factors could be
extracted. Thus two factors were initially extracted and then the numerical criteria in
the next paragraph were used to determine the final number of factors.
As with the POCRIAS, in interpreting the rotated factor pattern matrix, an
item was said to load on a given factor if the factor loading was .5 or greater for that
factor and if the loading for the item was less than .5 for the item for the other
factors. Using these criteria items loaded on both factors. The results of applying
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8 0
these criteria, together with Phinney’s classification of the MEIM items for
comparison, are summarized in Table 6.
Table 6
Classification of MEIM Items by Derived Factors with Standard MEIM
Classification for Comparison____________________________________
Armenian Americans
Standard MEIM Factor Results
(Phinney 2003)
Factor
Number
MEIM
Items
# o f
Items
Corresponding MEIM
MEIM Scale Items
# o f
Items
1 3, 5 - 7,
9 - 12
8 Affirmation, 3, 5 - 7,
Belonging, 9,11,12
Commitment
7
2 1,2, 4,8 4 Search 1,2,4,8,10 5
The results in the table indicate that our factor analysis is consistent with
Phinney’s factor analysis with the exception o f the misclassification of one of the
twelve items— item 10.
The correlation between the two factors is. 73, which suggests that the two
factors are strongly related; this implies that the two factors may reflect what is
essentially the same underlying construct.
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81
Hypothesis 3: The stage o f racial identity development in the sampled Armenian
American population, as measured by the POCRIAS, will significantly predict ethnic
identity development, as measured by the MEIM.
To investigate Hypothesis 3, each subject was assigned to a stage of racial
identity development on the basis of the POCRIAS scale he or she scored highest on.
For example, if a subject scored higher on the POCRIAS Dissonance scale than any
of the other three scales, he or she was assigned to the Dissonance stage of racial
identity development. The variable indicating the stage a subject was in was called
POCStage. Table 7 shows the distribution of the subjects across the four stages.
Table 7
Assignment of Respondents to POCRIAS Stages
POCRIAS Stage
With Highest Score
Frequency Percent
Conformity 16 9.5
Dissonance 6 3.6
Immersion 9 5.3
Internalization 138 81.7
Note: Missing data for one or more POCRIAS items prevented 17
respondents from being assigned to a POCRIAS STAGE.
To directly test Hypothesis 3 a one-way analysis of variance was performed
with the overall MEIM average score as the response variable and with POCStage as
the predictor variable. This analysis was highly significant, with a /?-value of .0007.
(F[3,165]= 5.97.) Table 8 shows the average MEIM score in each group.
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8 2
Table 8
Average MEIM Scores and Standard Deviations for the Four POCRIAS
Groups
POCRIAS Stage
With Highest Score
n
Average
MEIM Score
Standard Deviation
of
MEIM Scores
Conformity 16 3.49 .79
Dissonance 6 3.75 .67
Immersion 9 4.37 .69
Internalization 138 4.17 .65
Note: Missing data for one or more POCRIAS items prevented 17 respondents
from being assigned to a POCRIAS STAGE.
It is noteworthy that the MEIM scores basically increase with increasing
levels of racial identity development although there is a slight (but non-significant)
decrease between the Immersion and Internalization groups. Figure 1 illustrates
these results.
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83
O
8 4
«0
r e
0
(0
1
a >
>
0
1 3
HI °
S
2
Conformity Dissonance Immersion Internalization
POCRIAS Stage with Highest Score
Figure 1. MEIM overall scale score versus assigned POCRIAS stage.
Each dot on this “ jittered” scatterplot represents one subject. The diagonal lines join
the mean MEIM scores for each group and the two vertical lines on each mean (an
upper line and a lower line) each show the standard error of the mean.
To check which of the four groups were significantly different from each
other, Tukey’s standardized range test (a post hoc test that controls the maximum
experiment wise error rate) was used with a critical p -value of .05. This test
indicated that the Conformity group had a significantly lower mean MEIM score
than both the Immersion and Internalization groups.
Hypothesis 4: The stage o f racial identity development in the sampled Armenian
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8 4
American population, as measured by the POCRIAS, will significantly predict
self-esteem as measured by the SES.
To directly test Hypothesis 4 a one-way analysis o f variance was performed
with overall SES score as the response variable and with POCStage as the predictor
variable. This analysis was non-significant, with a /?-value of .46 (F[3, 152] = .46).
A Kruskal-Wallis one-way analysis of variance was performed on the same
data and it also was non-significant, with a /?-value o f .45. Thus, no support for
Hypothesis 4 was found in this analysis.
Hypothesis 5: Ethnic identity in the sampled Armenian American population, as
measured by the MEIM, will significantly predict self-esteem, as measured by the
SES.
Hypothesis 6: Self-esteem in the sampled Armenian American population, as
measured by the SES, is better predicted by the POCRIAS and MEIM scores taken
jointly than by either set o f scores taken singly.
Hypotheses 5 and 6 were studied jointly using stepwise multiple linear
regression (Draper & Smith 1998), with the SES total score as the response variable
and with the MEIM average score and the four POCRIAS subscale scores as the
predictor variables.
The p -value for a predictor variable to enter the model and the />-value for a
predictor variable to be removed from the model were both set at .15. The stepwise
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procedure entered variables to the model in the following order: MEIM score,
POCRIAS Dissonance subscale score, and POCRIAS Internalization subscale score.
After entering the three variables the procedure stopped, with no more predictor
variables satisfying the entry or removal criteria. The statistics for the three
predictor variables entered at the end of the third step are given in Table 9.
Table 9
Steps in Stepwise Regression for Hypothesis 6
Step
Variable
Entered
Variable
Removed
Partial
r-Square
Model
/t-Square
Mallows’
Cp
F
P
1 MEIMAvg - .08 .08 4.25 14.1 .0002
2 POCDis - .0 2 .10 2.71 3.55 .06
3 POCInt - .0 1 .1 2 2.48 2.25 .14
The results support Hypothesis 5, but not Hypothesis 6: Because only the
/> values for the MEIM score is less than .05, we have not found any unequivocal
evidence that we can predict self-esteem better using the MEIM and POCRIAS
scores jointly than by using the MEIM scores singly.
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86
CHAPTER IV
Discussion
This study assessed racial identity and self-esteem in an Armenian American
population. Racial identity is viewed in the context of belonging to a group with
whom a cultural heritage is shared (Phinney, 1992), as well as of identity
development in a milieu of overt and covert racism (Helms, 1990a, 1994, 1996). The
significance of the study lies in the inclusion o f Armenian Americans in the literature
of cross-cultural psychology that examines racial identity development. Although
Armenian Americans are a significant group in American society, especially in
Southern California, they have been absent from this area of research.
Furthermore, similar to other investigations in this area (e.g. Charlesworth,
2000; Phinney, 1990; Tajfel, 1982), self-esteem was considered from the
perspective of its relationship to racial identity.
The first step of this study assessed the validity of the three measures with
Armenian Americans. Subsequently, various aspects of the relationship between
racial identity and self-esteem were explored to gain a better understanding of the
different patterns of racial identity development and self-esteem in this group.
This section discusses the findings and their implications. Limitations of the
study are also addressed. Prior to a discussion o f the specific hypotheses, som e parts
of the preliminary analyses are addressed as they present interesting and potentially
important findings.
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8 7
Armenian Language Proficiency
Most of the relationships between the continuous variables were found to be
significant. O f particular interest is the relationship between Armenian language
proficiency and the three measures under study.
A significant relationship was found between Armenian language proficiency
and self-esteem. Specifically, individuals who rated themselves higher in language
proficiency also tended to score higher in self-esteem. Although caution should be
used in making too much of this relationship, it is interesting to explore possible
interpretations.
It is also important to observe this relationship in the context of an equally
significant relationship between Armenian language proficiency and ethnic identity
as measured by the MEIM—higher language proficiency was associated with a
higher sense of connection to one’s ethnicity. Language appears to be an important
component of cultural access, increasing one’s sense of connection to the associated
culture. O’Grady (1979) has suggested that Armenians Americans often acquire
cultural knowledge by way of symbolic representation —the definition of “Armenia”
in the Diaspora has been constructed through cultural narratives passed from one
generation to the next (Tololyan, 1988).
Thus cultural transference rests in important ways on linguistic cues; namely,
on words that symbolize much more than their literal meaning. Thus, for example,
the basic question of “hay es?” (are you Armenian?) when two Armenian-resembling
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88
individuals meet by chance symbolizes a meaning that goes far beyond a mere
inquiry; it may very well signify victory over a forlorn past. Thus language, even in
its most rudimentary form, becomes . .an identity marker, it sends out signals that
only insiders can readily decipher.” (Bakalian, 1993, p. 268). The relationship
between language proficiency and MEIM scores suggests that language plays an
important role in the development of and connection to the Armenian American’s
ethnic identity. Viewed from this perspective, language also imparts a sense of
belonging via cultural access.
The research literature has amply addressed the relationship between positive
racial identity and high self-esteem (Boushel, 1996). The results of this study suggest
that language for Armenian Americans, with its symbolic significance, may be
playing an important role in the building of a positive racial identity which in turn
yields higher self-esteem.
The preliminary analysis also reveals an interesting pattern of relationships
between Armenian language proficiency and the various POCRIAS subscales.
Specifically, higher language proficiency seems to be propelling individuals to
higher stages of racial identity as defined by Helms. Thus, a positive significant
relationship was found between high language proficiency and scores on the higher
stages of the POCRIAS (i.e., Immersion and Internalization). In contrast, the
relationship was significant in the negative direction for scores on lower stages of the
POCRIAS. That is, individuals with high language proficiency tended to score low
on the first two stages of the POCRIAS (i.e., Conformity and Dissonance). This
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8 9
finding suggests that language proficiency plays a significant role in helping one to
resist conformity to the dominant (i.e., White) culture and in helping one to
appreciate the difference between the dominant and minority (i.e., Armenian)
cultures. This is supported by the fact that language has been a constant factor in the
activism of Armenian Americans vis-a-vis prevention of assimilation (O’Grady,
1979; Ordjanian, 1991; Rustigian, 1979). Thus, in this respect, knowledge of
language is ipso facto discordant with the dominant culture.
The significant negative relationship between Armenian language proficiency
and the scores on the Dissonance subscale of the POCRIAS may at first seem more
puzzling. As observed by Cross (1971), Helms (1995a), Parham (1989) and others,
the stage of dissonance is marked by a cognitive confusion that emanates from the
individual’s realization for the first time that his or her culture is distinctly different
from that of the dominant culture. The individual further realizes that the difference
is not viewed in a positive light by members of the dominant culture. In the face of
this reality, the individual becomes confused and, as noted by Festinger’s (1957)
classic theory, he or she attempts to resolve this cognitive dissonance via a variety of
coping mechanisms. Thus, we would expect an individual who is aware of and
confused by this cognitive dichotomy to score high on the Dissonance subscale of
the PO CRIA S. W hy then is high A rm enian language proficiency associated w ith low
scores on the Dissonance subscale?
As suggested above, access to language in the context of the sociopolitical
experience of Armenians would by definition decrease conformity to the dominant
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9 0
culture. The naive obliviousness to the cultural tensions in a multicultural milieu
characterized by the Conformity stage is to some extent circumvented by knowledge
of the Armenian language, especially taking into account that cultural narratives are
linguistically embedded (Tololyan, 1988). Theoretically, it would be expected that
this decrease in conformity is followed by an increase in Dissonance (i.e., increased
awareness of the tense cultural dichotomy in one’s milieu). But we found the
opposite: High language proficiency was associated with lower scores on the
Dissonance subscale. A possible explanation is that individuals who have learned the
language have simultaneously internalized the cultural messages carried
linguistically. That is, through the acquisition of language the fact of the cultural
disparity between the dominant and minority culture was also being acquired, be it in
an empowering manner or not (Davidian, 1986; Ordjanian, 1991). In this context,
language proficiency would translate into an understanding of rather than confusion
toward one’s cultural duality. The significant negative relationship between
Armenian language proficiency and the Dissonance subscale of the POCRIAS
suggests this unique pattern.
To further study these ideas, it is useful to examine the pattern of the
relationship between scores for the two higher stages of the POCRIAS and Armenian
language proficiency. Both these relationships are increasing relationships— higher
language proficiency is associated with higher scores on both the POCRIAS
Immersion and Internalization subscales. Therefore, Armenian language is possibly
playing an important role in not only disrupting conformity to the dominant culture,
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91
but also in propelling these individuals to move to the Immersion stage which is
characterized by a withdrawal into one’s own racial/ethnic group. Here it is useful to
note Parham’s (1989) suggestion that the stages of racial identity development are
fluid rather than rigid. That is, depending on individual experiences, as well as
developmental progress, one can move back and forth between the racial identity
stages. This perspective suggests that language proficiency, with its embedded
cultural symbolism, plays a forceful role in preventing conformity with the dominant
culture and in encouraging immersion into one’s own culture. In further support of
this, one can note that the strength of the significant relationship between Conformity
and Immersion is essentially identical (i.e., r = .37) except that one is negative and
the other positive. That is, the language variable might be reshuffling the progression
of the racial identity stages such that the importance of the mediating stage between
Conformity and Immersion, namely Dissonance, has decreased. This possibility is
consistent with Parham’s view of the racial identity development process.
Finally, Armenian language was also positively associated with the
Internalization subscale of the POCRIAS. This relationship appears to be weaker
than the Immersion one, which may be due to the fact that this last stage of racial
identity development requires a process of cognitive integration and thus requires
m ore sophistication and m aturity, and thus few er m em bers o f the sam ple students
may be expected to have reached this stage. A further indication of this is the
significant relationship between Age and the Internalization subscale of the
POCRIAS as could be seen on the correlation matrix (Table 1). Accordingly, a high
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9 2
score on the Age scale (i.e., older individuals) was associated with higher scores on
the Internalization subscale of the POCRIAS. Thus, consistent with the above
finding, developmental maturity seems to be associated with a more frequent
employment o f the most advanced POCRIAS cognitive style.
Coefficient Alphas
Cronbach’s alpha values for the three instruments were all found to be
respectably high. Thus, the three instruments and their subscales were shown to
perform reliably with the Armenian American sample.
In several studies with diverse populations, alpha coefficients for the MEIM
have ranged from .81 to .92 (Cuellar, Nyberg, Maldonado, & Roberts, 1997; Mack,
Tucker, Archuleta, DeGroot, Hernandez, & Cha, 1997). The present study obtained a
MEIM alpha value of .96 which is almost “too” high. A possible explanation of the
high value is that many respondents answered all the MEIM questions with 4
(Agree) or all with 5 (Strongly agree).
The SES has also been examined with diverse populations, including
Mexicans, Dominicans, Puerto Ricans, and African Americans (Der-Karabetian &
Ruiz, 1997; Lorenzo-Hernandez & Ouellette, 1998; Martinez & Dukes, 1997;
Phinney, et. al., 1997). In these studies coefficient alphas ranged from .79 to .85. The
Armenian American sample in this study had an alpha value of .86.
Several studies have reported coefficient alphas for the four POCRIAS
subscales. Helms and Carter (1990) reported values from .72 to .82 with a Black
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93
sample; Kohatsu (1992), .67 to .76 with a sample of Black, Japanese, Chinese,
Korean and Vietnamese American respondents; Miville (1996) found alphas ranging
.71 to .83 with a Latino/a sample, and Alvarez reported alphas of .61 to .83 with a
sample of Chinese, Indian, and Korean Americans. For the sample of Armenian
Americans in this study coefficient alphas were obtained ranging from .80 to .89.
These findings are consistent with Helms’ (1995c) contention that the POCRIAS is
applicable to different populations of color.
Validation o f Instruments
The first two hypotheses of this study were aimed at validating the use of the
POCRIAS, and MEIM with Armenian Americans. This was considered a critical
step both in terms of the testing of the hypotheses that followed and in addressing the
issue of future use of the instruments with this population.
The factor analysis results suggest that the POCRIAS and MEIM instruments
operated properly with the Armenian American sample in the important sense that no
serious anomalies were discovered in the analyses, and the POCRIAS and MEIM
analyses yielded factors that were quite similar to the factors identified in analyses
conducted by other researchers (Helms 1995c; Phinney, 1992). Thus the first two
hypotheses are generally (but not unequivocally) supported.
The factor analysis of the POCRIAS scores suggests that Armenian
American students establish their sense of racial identity with the same information
processing strategies that Helms has postulated for Black students.
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9 4
The failure to extract factors that are exactly the same as the factors extracted
by Helms and Phinney has two possible explanations: This failure could reflect a real
difference between the Armenian American respondents and the respondents Helms
and Phinney used to select the items on their instruments. Alternatively, the failure
could reflect a sample size effect. That is, the proper items might be selected if the
research is repeated with a larger sample of Armenian American students. The
plausibility of the latter becomes more salient as we consider Phinney’s and Helms’
sample sizes in the construction of their instruments, 800 (college and noncollege
students) and 300 (Black respondents) respectively (Roberts et al., 1999; Helms,
1995c).
Racial Identity Variables
Hypothesis 3 stated that achievement of higher stages of racial identity would
result in a stronger connection to one’s racial group and a more positive perception
toward it. Both Helms (1990a) and Phinney (1990) have suggested that
understanding and coming to terms with one’s racial identity strengthens one’s sense
of attachment to his or her ethnic group. Hypothesis 3 is supported in the sense that
individuals classified in the higher two stages of the POCRIAS, namely Immersion
and Internalization, had significantly higher average MEIM scores. This pattern
indicates as individuals gain a better understanding of the context within which their
racial identity develops their cognitive and affective connection to their culture
seems to also become stronger.
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95
Looking at the overall pattern o f the significant relationship between the
average MEIM scores and the POCRIAS subscale scores illustrated in Figure 1, the
most interesting aspect remains the finding that a stronger attachment to one’s ethnic
group is associated with the employment of higher cognitive processes vis-a-vis
one’s racial identity development. This is consistent with findings that suggest that
deeper and more sophisticated understanding of one’s racial identity (i.e., higher
stage of the POCRIAS) precludes rejection o f one’s ethnic group (Parham & Helms,
1985a, 1985b).
The above finding is especially important for the Armenian American
community where debate continues about the implications of assimilation. On one
side, much like earlier debates on immigration (Gleason, 1980), arguments favor
complete assimilation. For these individuals ethnicity in America is an obstacle that
must be overcome. On the other side is the argument that there is a moral imperative
to preserve the heritage, especially taking into account that the new generation has a
role to play in undoing the injustices perpetrated against Armenians (Bakalian,
1993). For this group assimilation must be avoided at all costs. The findings of this
study suggest that the synergistic resolution of one’s racial duality can be positively
associated with a cognitive and affective attachment to one’s ethnic group. This
approach contradicts the argum ent that successful resolution o f racial identity
requires either the rejection of one’s ethnicity or active participation in the dominant
culture.
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96
Racial Identity Variables and Self-Esteem
The research literature contains many studies that explore the relationship
between various forms of racial identity and self-esteem (e.g., Chavira & Phinney,
1991; Gopaul-McNicol, 1988; Lorenzo-Hemandez & Ouellette, 1998; Martinez &
Dukes, 1997; Parham & Helms, 1985a; Powell-Hopson & Hopson, 1988; Young &
Bagley, 1982). Although a few studies have suggested that a strong racial identity is
associated with low self-esteem (e.g., Gopaul-McNicol, 1988; Powell-Hopson &
Hopson, 1988), researchers generally agree that there is a relationship between high
self-esteem and positive racial identity (Boushel, 1996).
The findings of this study generally confirm the positive relationship between
racial identity and high self-esteem with some exceptions that will be discussed later.
The results indicate that in this sample of Armenian Americans, individuals with
high self-esteem, as measured by the SES, also displayed a strong attachment to their
ethnic group, as measured by the MEIM. Taking into account that the MEIM has a
strong affective component (e.g., “I have a lot of pride in my ethnic group”), it is not
surprising that high scores on the MEIM were associated with high scores on the
SES. This finding also lends credence to the idea that ethnic identity is one aspect of
global self-concept (Charlesworth, 2000; Samuels, 1977) and is also consistent with
Phinney’s (1990) assertion that self-esteem is unquestionably related to ethnic
identity.
It seems reasonable that one’s sense of group belongingness will contribute to
his or her self-esteem and several researchers have found supporting evidence
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97
(Barry, Trimble, & Olmedo, 1986; Markstrom-Adams, 1992). In the case of
Armenian Americans building a sense of community has always been considered a
priority. From the 1900s onward, Armenian Americans have built infrastructures
such that a sense of community can be built around them ( Bakalian, 1993;
Ordjanian,1991). The effects of the Armenian Genocide and racism may also play a
role here because many have only found solace in the emotional safety and security
of their communal associations. Writers such as Saroyan (1936) have eloquently
described this feeling. This suggests that historically group membership has played a
crucial role in the psychological survival of Armenian Americans. Some researchers
have even suggested that in the face of traumatic events long-distance group
membership was achieved in Armenian Americans by way of symbolic emotional
connections (Yacoubian & Hacker, 1989). The findings of the present study are
consistent with these ideas in the sense that individuals with a strong connection to
their ethnic identity also scored high on the self-esteem measure.
This study also explored the relationship between self-esteem and racial
identity using the POCRIAS and MEIM scores as joint predictor variables
(Hypothesis 6). This hypothesis was explored on the premise that the POCRIAS and
MEIM may measure different aspects of racial identity and thus each individually
will predict different aspects o f self-esteem . Thus, it was suspected that together they
would predict self-esteem in a more comprehensive manner. This hypothesis was not
confirmed.
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98
One might conclude that hypothesis 6 was not confirmed because the
POCRIAS and the MEIM are essentially similar. Indeed, the failure to include at
least one of the POCRIAS subscales in the model suggests that none of the four
POCRIAS subscales is substantially different from the MEIM scale. However, this
conclusion contradicts the results of the factor analyses that were reported earlier and
which found that the four POCRIAS subscales are different from each other. We can
be reasonably sure that the subscales are different from each other because the four
subscales that were derived in the factor analysis of the POCRIAS item scores in this
study were reasonably similar to the subscales that Helms (1995c) had derived. This
agreement between the results of this study and those of Helms’ is highly unlikely to
have occurred through chance. Therefore, we can conclude with good confidence
that the subscales of the POCRIAS are real and different from each other. Thus, at
least three of the POCRIAS subscales are measuring properties of respondents that
are different from the properties measured by the MEIM.
In light of the above, the failure of the analysis to include at least one of the
POCRIAS subscales as a predictor variable in the model with the MEIM scores may
be due to the fact that the relationship between the SES scores and the other scales
are weak and will be observable in data only if the sample size is larger.
This study was also unsuccessful in confirming Hypothesis 6: one’s
classification in a particular stage of racial identity development in the sampled
Armenian American population as indicated by the POCRIAS subscale with the
highest score will significantly predict self-esteem as measured by the SES. No
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99
significant evidence was found in this regard. That is, scoring highest on any of the
four POCRIAS subscales was not associated with higher or lower self-esteem. On
the other hand, interestingly, the correlation matrix in Table 1 does indicate
significant separate relationships between three of the four POCRIAS subscale
scores and self-esteem scores. Specifically, it was found that the Conformity and
Dissonance scores of the POCRIAS were significantly negatively related to the SES
scores, while the Immersion score was significantly positively associated with
self-esteem. There was no significant relationship found between the Immersion
score of the POCRIAS and the SES scores. Although caution should be exercised in
making too much of these findings, especially in light of the weak nature of these
relationships, they are at least theoretically consistent with Helms’ (1995a)
conceptualization. Namely, lower stages of the POCRIAS subscales are associated
with lower self-esteem while higher racial identity development stages are correlated
with higher self-esteem. Taking into account that the Conformity stage is marked by
a na'ive obliviousness of the cultural dynamics and that the Dissonance stage is
characterized by a state of general confusion, it would be conceivable that
individuals who score high on these subscales do not have a particularly high self
esteem. Conversely, those who are in the most advanced Internalization stage could
be expected to have a high self-esteem as they have resolved the conflicts that
emanate from the tension inherent in racial dynamics. However, as was seen, these
associations were not found when tested in the context of Hypothesis 6.
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100
Conclusion
Although not all the hypotheses of this study were confirmed, several
findings suggest important implications for the racial identity development of
Armenian Americans and its relationship with self-esteem.
In the preliminary analyses, the possible role of Armenian language
proficiency in racial identity development stood out in the sense that we found
significant relationships between this variable and the four POCRIAS subscales, as
well as the MEIM scale. These findings suggest that language proficiency should be
considered carefully when further studies are conducted on the racial identity
development of Armenian Americans and other ethnic groups. Furthermore, the
findings contribute to the long-standing debate in the Armenian American
community regarding the role of the native language in accessing one’s culture
(Bakalian, 1993).
The three instruments used in this study, the POCRIAS, MEIM, and SES,
were subjected to a factor analysis to determine their validity with the Armenian
American population in the study. Hitherto, validation of these instruments with
Armenian Americans has not been attempted. The instruments performed well with
the sample, suggesting that they are valid for use with Armenian Americans.
Evidence o f reliability o f these instrum ents w as also found w ith respectable
coefficient alpha findings for the scales and subscales. Thus the POCRIAS, MEIM
and, SES can be considered as valid and reliable instruments for use with Armenian
Americans.
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101
The results indicate that the POCRIAS stage of racial identity development is
associated with ethnic identity development as measured by the MEIM. This is
important in the sense that it shows construct validity in the developmental pattern of
racial identity.
Finally, through this study, Armenian Americans are now included in the
many ethnic groups that show a relationship between positive racial identity and high
self-esteem (e.g., Chavira & Phinney, 1991; Lorenzo-Hemandez & Ouellette, 1998;
Martinez & Dukes, 1997; Phinney, 1992; Phinney et al., 1993). This study suggests
that a sense of connection and belongingness to one’s ethnic identity is associated
with high self-esteem. That is, the more connected one feels to his or her Armenian
identity as measured by the MEIM, the higher his or her self-esteem tended to be as
measured by the SES. This finding negates the suggestions of members of the
Armenian American community who argue that connection to one’s ethnicity is
disadvantageous in the sense that it operates as a roadblock to success in larger
society (Bakalian, 1993). This sense of being at a disadvantage was not reflected in
the self-esteem scores of Armenian Americans in the sampled population.
Limitations
The limitations of the research reviewed earlier, especially as they relate to
racial identity development, must be borne in mind: It may be difficult to generalize
the results to all minority populations because the sample sizes in the studies were
usually small and limited to college students from a few universities. Therefore, it
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102
would be problematic to assume similar findings with populations other than
students. The possibility that respondents gave only socially desirable responses
must also be considered, especially in view of the cultural context. Furthermore,
deficiency in language skills might also have played a role in the outcome because
language acquisition and skills were not entirely addressed.
Survey research design suffers from a number of inherent weaknesses, the
greatest of which is due to the fact that all surveys are basically exploratory
(Heppner et al., 1999). It is possible to make inferences from the findings of survey
research, but not at the level of cause-and-effect and ruling out rival hypotheses, as
can be accomplished with full scale experimental or quasi-experimental research.
Other survey research design weaknesses include: (1) participants tend to give
socially desirable responses that they believe either make them look good or that
seem to be the answers the researcher wants to hear; (2) it may be difficult to obtain
the proper number and type of people necessary to provide a representative sample
of the target population; (3) there is often a high drop-out rate in survey research; and
(4) surveys often reflect systematic biases or loaded questions, which can cause
measurement errors (Heppner et al., 1999).
Specifically as it relates to this study, considering that research is scarce vis-
a-vis the racial identity developm ent o f A rm enian A m ericans, it becom es
exponentially more difficult to speculate on the possible interplay between this
process and other psychological variables such as self-esteem.
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103
A further difficulty is the fact that Helms’ POCRIAS is still undergoing
development and refinement. Given that research into the POCRIAS is limited, the
results of studies using this tool must be interpreted with caution and regarded as
preliminary with any population until enough replication is achieved to ensure
validity. Also, research is needed on other populations defined as people of color in
order to determine if the theory and scale are representative across all peoples of
color. Progression in the racial identity development of people of color should also
be investigated in longitudinal studies to enable data collection of changes over time
of scale levels in individuals.
As has been shown in the literature, there are important subgroup differences
in all ethnic minorities. For this reason, to lump all Asian Americans, Latinos/as and
other groups together may overlook important intracultural differences. Future
research should also be conducted to address issues in this area. For the purposes of
this study this concern has been addressed to an important extent by operationalizing
racial identity via two separate measures (i.e., the POCRIAS and the MEIM) based
on the terminological position taken here vis-a-vis Armenian Americans.
Specifically, there are four limitations to the generalizability of the findings
of this study to other populations in different geographic locations: (1) Purposive
sampling represents only those who were studied. Some generalization is possible,
but conclusions are limited to those who participated and others who are
“sufficiently similar”. (2) No generalizations to other populations can be made from
accidental sampling. This is especially true since all participants in this study will be
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104
college students and it would be difficult to assume that findings would be similar
with populations consisting of non-college students. (3) The small size of the sample
and limited geographical area in which the study was conducted restricts the
generalizability of the findings to populations in other geographic areas. It must be
added, however, that unlike other studies in this area, the sample has been drawn
from a relatively wider variety of settings (i.e., universities and colleges). (4)
Deficiency in language skills might also play a role in the outcome of this research.
Issues related to language acquisition and skills have not been addressed.
However, based on the existing studies, certain conclusions regarding overall
directions have emerged: (a) racial identity attitudes appear to be a better overall
predictor of anxiety, self-esteem, and awareness of racism than acculturation, (b) the
psychological development of people of color may be significantly effected by
experiences related to the individual’s racial identity development process, (c)
conflicts related to racial identity seem to propel people of color to immerse
themselves in their own ethnic culture, and (d) literature in the psychology of
minority populations can benefit significantly from the findings of research related to
racial identity attitude formation and development.
Implications and Future Directions
Despite the limitations discussed above, this study provides groundwork for
further research with Armenian Americans. Importantly, evidence was found in
support of Helms’ (1995a) assertion that the POCRIAS could be used with all people
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105
of color. In this respect, at least with the sampled group, the results suggest that the
POCRIAS, SES, and MEIM are reliable and valid instruments for use with
Armenian Americans.
The Armenian American community has a uniquely organized and expansive
sociopolitical structure (Bakalian, 1993). Several factors contribute to this
uniqueness. First and foremost is the experience of the Genocide. The Armenian
Genocide is the root cause for the Armenian Diaspora after 1915. This fact has
salient implications. Aside from the practical imperative of survival in foreign
countries for the first generation, there has been a need in subsequent generations to
process the trauma of survival, come to terms with its economic, social, and political
effects, build infrastructures aimed at preserving the Armenian identity, and, for
some, engage in political activism designed to secure the recognition of the Genocide
and eventual repatriation to lands that historically belonged to the Armenian people
(Bedoyan, 1979; Boudjikanian-Keuroghlian, 1982; Boyajian & Grigorian, 1986;
Chalk & Jonassohn, 1990; Der-Karabetian, 1980). The fact that community
infrastructures were built in the backdrop of such dynamics sets Armenians apart
from other ethnic minorities. That is, the question of the permanence of the Diaspora,
be it real or symbolic, has been a source of continuous debate among a significant
num ber o f D iasporan A rm enians, including A rm enian Am ericans. M any
infrastructures (i.e., schools, churches, organizations, etc.) have been built on an
ideological premise that assumes eventual repatriation. In this context, many who
have been brought up in the social milieu of these infrastructures consider that part
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106
of their duty as Armenian Americans is to perpetuate the idea that the day will come
when a Diaspora will no longer exist (Boyajian & Grigorian, 1986). Relevant to this
observation is Miller and Miller’s (1986) conclusion that many second and third
generation Armenian Americans were found to be more revengeful toward the
perpetrators o f the Genocide than the actual survivors. This unfortunate fact must be
understood and remedied.
This study provides the groundwork for the design of future research that
could empirically explore the areas addressed above. The validation of the scales
with Armenian Americans provides opportunities to explore the constructive versus
destructive psychological adjustment to the experience of mass trauma and
uprootedness. For example, the relationship between behavioral variables and stage
of racial identity could be examined to explore which behaviors are significantly
associated with higher ego statuses as defined by Helms (1995a). Also, the role of
community infrastructures could be explored in its possibly halting effect on the
racial identity development progress of the young. This possibility could be explored
based on Parham’s (1989) position regarding the cyclical nature of racial identity
development. That is, could the community structures play a role such that its active
members’ racial identity is continuously recycled back to earlier stages of
development? Based on these findings, ways could be sought to develop educational
programs that help individuals move to higher stages of racial identity development
characterized by a synergistic resolution of identity conflicts. Also, initial steps have
been taken through this study to facilitate future research that focuses on the
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107
relationship of racial identity development and other psychological variables, such as
anxiety and depression.
From a counseling perspective, change in a positive direction is generally the
desirable goal. Locke (1998) notes that change is dependent on culture. Helms
(1985b) has asserted that the minority client’s reaction to the counseling process is
significantly influenced by his or her racial and ethnic identity. Therefore, increased
awareness of the cultural dynamics is a prerequisite in the successful treatment of
issues presented by the ethnic minority client. The role of cultural variables is often
difficult to identify in treatment. But knowledge and awareness of such dynamics are
imperative for effective counseling (Sue, Arredondo & McDavis, 1992). The
findings of this study as well as future studies in this area can contribute to the
cultural responsiveness of counselors to Armenian Americans. Therefore, it is
important to conduct research that examines the relationship between ethnicity and
self-esteem with a wider Armenian American population. This will help educational
institutions and counselors to adopt cultural pluralism based on scientific data.
This study also speaks to the “either/or dilemma - my culture or theirs”
(Barr, 1997, p.3). It has been suggested that faced with this dilemma students often
fail to develop a cultural identity, which leads to a deficient personal identity and a
decreased self-esteem (Barr, 1997). The important relationship between a sense of
connectedness to one’s culture and high self-esteem has been re-confirmed in the
present research. This suggests that the student does not need to choose between
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108
cultures and is instead perhaps best served by immersing him- or herself in the good
parts of both.
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109
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APPENDICES
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APPENDIX A
APPLICATION FOR HUMAN SUBJECTS REVIEW
Please answer all of the following questions sequentially:
a. What is the title of the project?
Assessment of Racial Identity and Self-Esteem in an Armenian American
Population
b. Is this study being funded? Please include the following information for all
funding sources for this research, including pending funding source(s) (extramural
(external), intramural (within the University), and intermural (departmental or other
source): PI of Contract or Grant, Funding Source, Contract or Grant Number from
Agency (if known), Contract or Grant Title, PI of Main Grant (if applicable), and
Title of Main Grant (if applicable). Please include a copy of the full Grant
Application/Proposal and Budget Proposal for the UPIRB’s review.
This study is not being funded
c. Who is the principal investigator/faculty advisor? Who is the secondary/student
investigator?
Principal investigator/faculty advisor: Rodney K Goodyear, Ph.D.
Secondary/Student investigator: Viken Yacoubian, PhD. (Candidate)
d. What is the school or department?
Rossier School of Education — Counseling Psychology Division (EDCO)
e. What is the telephone number and e-mail address of the investigators?
Principal investigator/faculty advisor: Dr. Rodney K Goodyear
Tel: (213) 740-3267
e-mail: goodyea@usc.edu
Secondary/student investigator: Viken Yacoubian
Tel: (323) 668-1624
e-mail: vikenl@pacbell.net
f. Who will have contact with human subjects? List names and positions.
Viken Yacoubian, secondary/student investigator
g. Briefly summarize the major objective(s) of the research, the project plan
(methodology), and procedures, particularly those involving the use of human
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123
subjects, so that the IRB can understand what you plan to do.
1. Investigating the applicability of Janet Helms’ People of Color Racial
Identity Attitude Scale (POCRIAS) to an Armenian American population;
2. Assessing this population’s sense of ethnic group belonging with Phinney’s
Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM);
3. Looking at possible correlations between racial identity and self-esteem by
using Rosenberg’s Self-Esteem Scale.
Flyers will be posted in all the campuses from where participants will be
recruited. These will consist of 25 colleges and universities in California. The
flyers will be posted for the Spring 2003 semester/quarter through the end of
the 2003 summer session. The flyers will briefly describe the purpose of the
research and ask interested Armenian American students to contact the
researcher via the posted telephone number or email address. The flyers will
be posted in the buildings around the campus, as well as the areas where
campus student association meetings take place. Interested students will
contact the researcher and they will be sent the packet to complete. They will
complete the following: 1. Demographic Data Sheet; 2. The People of Color
Racial Identity Attitude Scale; 3. The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Scale; and,
4. the Rosenberg Self- Esteem Scale. They will be asked to return the
completed packet to the researcher in the provided addressed and self
stamped envelope via the U.S. mail. It will take between 15-20 minutes for the
participants to complete the entire packet. Each questionnaire will require
about 5 minutes. The survey replies will be anonymous. The data will be
transcribed and, upon transcription, destroyed within 2 months at the latest.
h. Describe the type, source, and number of subjects in the study. Are any of the
following special groups involved: minors (under 18), prisoners, mentally disabled,
or pregnant women?
A minimum of 150 male and female college and university students will
participate in the study. None belongs to the above mentioned special groups.
The students will be recruited by responding to the advertisement flyers
posted in various places on campus, including buildings and areas where
student association meetings take place. The flyers will specifically ask for
Armenian American students to respond. A copy of the advertisement flyer is
attached.
i. What are the potential risks and/or discomforts to human subjects? Are there any
negative effects with regard to the subjects’ physical, psychological, social, or legal
well-being as a result of the research activity to which they will be exposed?
There are no potential risks or discomforts to the human subjects.
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124
j. Investigators are expected to minimize risks to the subjects by using procedures
which are consistent with sound research design and which do not unnecessarily
expose subjects to risk. How will the rights and welfare of subjects be protected?
Explain how confidentiality will be maintained?
The only involvement of human subjects will be to fill out questionnaires. This
will be done on a voluntary basis and anonymously. Therefore, there are no
potential adverse effects both in terms of rights and welfare, as well as
maintenance of
confidentiality. The questionnaires will be destroyed at the most two months
after they are collected, once the transcription of the data is complete.
k. Are the risks to subjects reasonable in relation to anticipated benefits, if any, or
to the importance of the knowledge to be gained?
The research will have important contributions in terms of understanding the
racial identity development process of this population. This will contribute
positively to the knowledge base of counselors, therapists, educators and
others. There are no foreseeable risks or costs to this study
1 . Please indicate if you plan to publish the data that is collected and analyzed, such
as for a master thesis, dissertation, journal, website or any other forms of public
dissemination? If yes, please include information about how you will fund
dissemination of the data?
I do not plan to publish the data except for what is required by the university
in terms of filing the completed cJissertation There are no relevant funding
matters
m. Please attach Curriculum Vita(e) of the investigator(s), non-standardized
questionnaire(s), grant application/protocol, and Informed Consent(s) that conform
to the Informed Consent Form Template.
Please see attached.
n. Please explain the method of recruiting subjects and include any advertisements
(recruitment flyers, ads, letters) that will be used to recruit subjects.
Flyers will be used to recruit volunteer participants who are willing to fill out
the questionnaires and return them to the secondary investigator in an
enclosed self- stamped envelope. Attached please find a copy of the
recruitment flyer.
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use
ROSSIER
SCHOOL OF
EDUCATION
Division of
Counseling Psychology
University o f
Southern California
W aite Phillips Hall 503
Los Angeles,
California 90089-0031
Tel: 213 740 325S
Fax: 713 van x x o
125
. . APPENDJX B
U n iv e r s it y o f S o u t h e r n C a l ifo r n ia
U n iversity P a r k I n stitu tio n a l R ev iew B oard
MPANo.M-1299
Review of Research Involving Human Subjects
APPROVAL NOTICE
D ate; May 19,2003
Principal Investieatorfsl: Rodney Goodyear, Fh.D. / Viken Yacoubian
Project Title: Assessment of Racial Identity and Self-Esteem with an Armenian
American Population
USC UPIRB #03-05-122
The University P ark Institutional Review Board has reviewed the information you
subm itted pertaining to the above proposal at its meeting of_____ N/A and has:
Approved study Educ Psych SocWk Socio Bus Annen
; ^pproved the Delegated Review M 0 Q Q 0 D
: A pproved the Claim of Exemption
. A pproved continuation
jApproved am endm ent
0Apptoved under the review by thechair, exemption: - 45. CFR 46.101 (b) (2)
(Approved by C hair with conditions on M ay 13,2003)
Conditions of Approval:
' The Investigators must provide the following requested information prior to proceeding research (which
includes contacting, recruiting, and enrolling potential subjects) or adhere to the following conditions:
Please note: This Claim of Exemption Approval Notice is valid for the life of the study
unless otherwise noted. An application for Continuing Review of a Claim of
Exemption is not necessary unless there are changes to the study. In which case, an
amendment to the original Claim of Exemption must be submitted to the UPIRB for
review and approval.
NOTE; The IRB must review all advertisem ents and/or recruiting materials. Serious
adverse events, am endm ents, and/or changes in the protocol must be submitted to the
U P IR B for approval. Changes m ay not be im plemented until you have received the
B oard’s approval. Exception: changes involving subjects’ safety may be im plem ented
prior to notification to the UPIR B.
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ROSSIER
SCHOOL OF
EDUCATION
Division of
Counseling Psychology
University o f
Southern California
W aite Phillips Hall 503
Los Angeles,
California 90089-0031
Tel: 213 740 3255
Fax: 213 740 3262
126
Principles To Be Followed By Principal Investigators:
As the Principal Investigator, you have ultimate responsibility for the conduct of the study,
the ethical perform ance of the project, the protection of the rights a nd welfare of hum an
subjects, and strict adherence to any stipulations im posed by the USC UPIRB. You must
abide by the following principles when conducting your research :
1. Perform the proje ct by qualified personnel according to the approved protocol,
2. Do not im plement changes in the approved protocol or consent form without prior USC
UPIRB app roval (except in a life-threatening emergency, if necessary to safeguard the
well-being of hum an subjects.
3. If written consent is required, obtain the legally effective written informed consent
from hum an subjects or their legally responsible representative using only the currently
approved USC-UPIRB stam ped consent form .
4. Prom ptly report all undesirable and unintended, although not necessarily unexpected
adverse reactions or events, that are the result of therapy or other intervention, within
five working days of occurrence. All fatal or life-threatening events or events requiring
hospitalization must be rep orted to the USC U PIR B in writing within 48 hours after
discovery.
5. No subjects may be identified, contacted, recruited, or enrolled until the University
finalizes the contract with the sponsor.
Marlene S. Wagner, Ph.D., Chairperson
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ROSSIER
SCHOOL OF
127
EDUCATION
APPENDIX C
ANNOUNCEMENT FOR RESEARCH PARTICIPANTS
D iv is io n of
Counseling Psychology
IF YOU ARE ARMENIAN AMERICAN AND INTERESTED IN
PARTICIPATING IN A RESEARCH PLEASE TAKE NOTICE
OF THE FOLLOWING:
A study is being conducted by Viken Yacoubian, PLD. (Candidate) and
supervised by Rodney K. Goodyear, PLD. from University of Southern
California’s Rossier School of Education-Division of Counseling Psychology. The
results o f this study will contribute to the completion o f a doctoral dissertation.
We are asking you to take part in this study because we are trying to learn more
about ways to assess the racial/cultural identity o f Armenian Americans, as well as
its relationship to self-esteem. Participants must be college students of Armenian
descent. Both graduate and undergraduate students can participate.
If you are interested to volunteer as a participant in this study please contact Viken
Yacoubian at (323) 668-1624 or vikenl @pacbell.net. If qualified, you will be
given further information and the surveys to complete. Participation is strictly
voluntary and no compensation will be given You participation will not require
more than 15-20 minutes of your time. Anonymity will be preserved. No
information that will identify your person will be used or revealed in any way.
We appreciate you participation.
Southern California
W aite Phillips Hall 5
l o s Angeles,
University o f
California 900894X131
U S C UNIVERSITY PARK
INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOAflO Tel: 213 740 32SS
Fax: 213 740 3262
USC UPIRB #03-05-122
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ROSSIER
SCHOOL OF
EDUCATION
Division of
Counseling Psychology
University o f
Southern California
W aite Phillips Had 503
Los A n geles,
California 90089-0031 '
Tel: 213 7 4 0 3255
Fax: 213 7 4 0 3262
128
APPENDIX D
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education, Division of Counseling Psychology
INFORMATION SHEET FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH
Completion and return of the questionnaire or response to the interview
questions will constitute consent to participate in this research project
Title of Studv: Assessment of Racial Identify and Self-Esteem in an
Armenian American Population
You ate ashed to participate in a research study conducted by Vikea Yacoubian,
PhD. (candidate) and supervised by Rodney K. Goodyear, PhD., from the
Rossier School of Education Counseling Psychology Department at the
University of Southern California. The results of this study m il contribute to the
completion of a doctoral dissertation. You were selected as a possible participant
in this study because you meet the criteria of participation: 1. you ate of
A rm enian descent living'permanently in the United States; and, 2. you are a
college/university student Your participation is voluntary.
We are asking you to take part in a research study because we are trying to leam
mote about ways to assess the racial/cultural identify of Armenian Americans, as
well as the relationship between racial/cultural identity and self-esteem. A
m inim um of 150 male and female college/university students of Armenian
descent will participate in this study.
If you volunteer to participate in this study, we would ask you to do the following
things:
1. Complete the.cnclosed dem ographic questionnaire and three surveys. Each
of these will not take more than 5 m inutes of your time. The entire packet
can be completed in approxim ately 15-20 minutes. Complete the
questionnaire and surveys alone.
2; Place the surveys and the dem ographic questionnaire in the enclosed
postage-paid, addressed envelope and r etu rn them via U.S. Mail. Please
do hot put your name or address anywhere on the surveys or on the
outside of the large envelope.
This study can benefit you as it would provide an opportunity for you to think
P P R 0 ¥ E
Date of Preparation:
f t
MAY 1 9 2003
1
USC UPIRB #03-05-122
U S C UNIVERSITY PARK
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ROSSIER
SCHOOL OF
EDUCATION
Division of
Counseling Psychology
University o f
Southern California '
W aite Phillips Hall 503
Los Angeles,
California 90089-0031
Tel: 213 7 4 0 3255
129
about a n d explore issues related to your racial/cultural identity. Often, exploring
these issues can contribute to a positive un d ersta n d in g of oneself. In a larger
sense, this a rea of research is significant a nd im p o rta n t because very few studies
could be found that examine the racial/cultural identity formation and
developm ent of Armenian Americans and their effects on self-esteem. Most of the
existing research looks at acculturation without addressing the issue of
racial/cultural identity.
Experimental Subject’s Bill of Rights for Psychosocial Studies
Any person who is requested to consent to participate as a subject in a research
study involving a psychosocial study has the right to:
1. Be in form ed of the nature and purpose ofthe study.
2. Be given an explanation of the procedures to be followed in the study.
3. Be .given a description of any attend ant discomforts and risks reasonably
to be expected from your participation in the study.
.4. Be given an explanation of any benefits reasonably to be expected from
your child’s participation in Ihe study.
5. Be given a disclosure of any a p p ro p ria te alternatives that might be
advantageous to you, and their relative risks a nd benefits.
6. Be inform ed of avenues of resources, if any, available to you after the
study procedure if complications should arise.
7. Be given an opportunity to ask any questions concerning the study or (he
procedures involved.
8. Be instructed that consent to participate in the study may be withdrawn at
any time, and that you may discontinue participation in the study without
prejudice.
9. Be given a copy of this form a nd the signed and dated written study
consent form .
1 0 . Be given the opportunity to decide to consent or not to consent to
participate in the study without the intervention of any element of force,
fra u d , deceit, duress, coercion, or undue influence on your decision..
Your participation in this study does not pose any reasonable foreseeable risks,
discom forts or inconveniences to you. You will not he paid for participating in
this research study.
Any inform ation that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be
identified with you will remain confidential a n d will be disclosed only with your
permission or as required by law. When the results of the research are published
or discussed in conferences, no information will be included that would reveal
your identity. The data will be kept in the research ers’ possession and locked at
Date of Preparation;
USC UPIRB #03-05-122
PPR0 W
MAY 1 9 2003
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ROSSIER
SCHOOL OF
EDUCATION
130
D iv is io n of
Counseling Psychology
University o f
Southern California'
W aite Phillips Had S03
' Los A ngeles,
. California 90089-0031
Tel: 213 74 0 32S5
Fax: 213 74n ajfio
all times whea not in use. Hie data will be destroyed im mediately after they are
coded, entered, an d analyzed. The anticipated time for the completion of data
analysis is 2 m onths. The coding, altering, and analysis of the data do not involve
any information that would identify you.
You can choose whether to be in this study or not If you volunteer to be in tins
study, you may withdraw at any time without consequences of any land. You may
also refuse to answer questions you do not want to answ er. The investigators may
withdraw you from this research if circumstances arise which w a rra n t doing so.
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel tree to
contact Dr. Rodney K. Goodyear at (21$) 740-3267 or Viken Yacoubian, PhD.
(Candid ate) at (323) 668-1624; University of Southern California, Rossier School
of Education, Counseling Psychology D epartm ent, W PH 500, Los Angeles, CA,
90089. You are not waiving any legal chums, rights or remedies because of your
participation in tins research study. If you have any questions regarding your
rights as a research subject, contact the University Park IRB, Office of the Vice
- Provost for Research, G race Ford Salvatori Hall, Room226, Los Angeles, CA,
90089-1695, (213) 821-5272 dr uoirb@usc.edu.
Date of Preparation:
USC UPIRB #03-05-122
P P R 0 W
M A Y 1 9 2003
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131
APPENDIX E
Demographic Data Sheet
Instructions: Please answer each item by checking (and/or filling in the) appropriate blank
corresponding to your responses. Do not write name or any identifying information on this
sheet.
1. The university you attend is _______________________________________________
2. Sex: Male Female
3. A ge:______(in years)
4. Class standing (circle one): Freshman Sophomore Junior Senior
5. Academic M ajor:_______________________________
6. Were you born in the United States:_____ Yes No
If not, where?__________________ Years living in the U.S.___
7. Were your parents born in the U.S.?
Mother: Yes No Father: Yes No
8. Were your maternal grandparents bom in the U.S.?
Grandmother: Yes_No Grandfather: Yes____No__
9. Were your paternal grandparents born in the U.S.?
Grandmother: Yes_No Grandfather: Yes____No__
10. Please indicate the highest educational level your parents have completed:
Mother Father
below high school _____ below high school
some high school _____ some high school
high school _____ high school
some college _____ some college
2-year college _____ 2-year college
4-year college _____ 4-year college
beyond Bachelor’s degree ______ beyond Bachelor’s degree
Don’t know Don’t know
11. Why did you decide to attend the university you have chosen?
close to hom e financial reasons sports academics
scholarship friends attending
other
Reproduced with permission ofthe copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
132
12. On a scale of 1 (none) to 10 (maximum), how would you describe yourself in terms
of racial/ethnic consciousness?____
13. How would you rate your language proficiency in Armenian?___________
(use a 10-point scale where l=not at all proficient and 10=Highly Proficient)
Reproduced with permission ofthe copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
APPENDIX F
133
10
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
A r m e n ia n L a n g u a g e P r o fic ie n c y
Figure 2. Racial / Ethnic Consciousness versus Armenian Language Proficiency.
Each plus sign represents one or more respondents. The diagonal line is the least-squares
best-fitting straight line for the points. With a few exceptions, values are restricted to integers
because most respondents responded to the two questions with integer values.
Reproduced with permission ofthe copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Racial I Ethnic Consciousness
Figure 3. POCRIAS Conformity / Preencounter score versus Racial / Ethnic
Consciousness.
Each plus sign represents one or more respondents. The diagonal line is the least-squares
best-fitting straight line for the points.
Reproduced with permission ofthe copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
135
5
4
3
2
1
9 10 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
R a cia l I E th n ic C o n s c i o u s n e s s
Figure 4. POCRIAS Immersion / Resistance score versus Racial / Ethnic
Consciousness.
Each plus sign represents one or more respondents. The diagonal line is the least-squares
best-fitting straight line for the points.
Reproduced with permission ofthe copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
136
5
4
3
2
1
6 9 1 2 3 4 5 7 8 10
R a cia l / E th nic C o n s c io u s n e s s
Figure 5. POCRIAS Internalization score versus Racial/Ethnic Consciousness.
Each plus sign represents one or more respondents. The diagonal line is the least-squares
best-fitting straight line for the points.
Reproduced with permission ofthe copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
137
£
o
o
< 0
£
o
&
w
u i
a >
3 0 4 4 4
2 9 4 4 4 4 4 4
2 8 4 4 4 4 4 4
2 7 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4
2 6 4 4 4 4
2 5 4 4 4 4 -
4
-L 4
4
2 4 4 4 4 4 4 4
2 3 4 4 4
— 4
2 2 4 4 4 4 4
21 — 4 4 4
o
C N
4 4 4 4 4 4 4
1 9 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4
18 4 4 4 4 4 4
17 4 4 4 4 4
1 6 4 4
1 6 4
1 4 - 4
1
1 2 3 4 5
I
6
~ I
7
.. -r
8
— j —
9
~T
1 0
Racial / Ethnic Consciousness
Figure 6. SES score versus Racial / Ethnic Consciousness.
Each plus sign represents one or more respondents. The diagonal line is the least-squares
best-fitting straight line for the points.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
138
s
!>
c
H I
a
3
g
O )
3
5
5
4
3
2
3 6 7 8 9 10 1 2 4 5
Racial I Ethnic Consciousness
Figure 7 . MEIM score versus Racial / Ethnic Consciousness.
Each plus sign represents one or more respondents. The diagonal line is the least-squares
best-fitting straight line for the points.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
139
5 -
+ +
+ +
1-1 + 4-
y -------------- ------------------ r --------------- j j ] 1 - j p
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
A r m e n ia n L a n g u a g e P r o fic ie n c y
Figure 8. POCRIAS Conformity / Preencounter score versus Armenian Language
Proficiency.
Each plus sign represents one or more respondents. The diagonal line is the least-squares
best-fitting straight line for the points.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
— ! + 4-4-4- 4 * 4— r4- +4- 4 - 4 - 4-4-4-
140
5
+
+ +
*
1 - + 4-
S------------------1 --------------------- 1 ----------------1 ------------------ 1 ------------------ 1 ------------------ 1 ------------------ 1 ------------------ 1 r
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
A rm en ia n L a n g u a g e P r o fic ie n c y
Figure 9. POCRIAS Dissonance score versus Armenian Language Proficiency.
Each plus sign represents one or more respondents. The diagonal line is the least-squares
best-fitting straight line for the points.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
141
£
O
o
< n
4>
4)
E
JE
( 0
<
c c
o
o
a .
5
4
- +
3
2
1
T T
I 5 6 7
A rm en ia n L a n g u a g e P r o fic ie n c y
10
Figure 10. POCRIAS Immersion / Resistance score versus Armenian Language
Proficiency.
Each plus sign represents one or more respondents. The diagonal line is the least-squares
best-fitting straight line for the points.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
142
£
o
o
( 0
( / )
<
o c
o
o
Q.
A r m e n ia n L a n g u a g e P r o f ic ie n c y
Figure 11. POCRIAS Internalization score versus Armenian Language
Proficiency.
Each plus sign represents one or more respondents. The diagonal line is the least-squares
best-fitting straight line for the points.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
+ A M -A A A + +
143
2 7
2 5
0 )
2 4
O
o
( / )
E
( 0
LLi
G >
( 0
6 8 9 10 1 2 3 4 5 7
A rm en ia n L a n g u a g e P r o fic ien cy
Figure 12. SES score versus Armenian Language Proficiency.
Each plus sign represents one or more respondents. The diagonal line is the least-squares
best-fitting straight line for the points.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
144
A r m e n ia n L a n g u a g e P r o fic ie n c y
Figure 13. MEIM score versus Armenian Language Proficiency.
Each plus sign represents one or more respondents. The diagonal line is the least-squares
best-fitting straight line for the points.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
+ 4- 4 - ' + +
145
s
4
3
2
i i i i i i 1 ---------- 1 ----------1 ---------- 1 --------- 1---------- 1 ---------- 1 ---------- 1 --------- t --------- 1 ---------- r
14 16 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30
S e lf - E s t e e m S c o r e
Figure 14. MEIM score versus SES score.
Each plus sign represents one or more respondents. The diagonal line is the least-squares
best-fitting straight line for the points.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Yacoubian, Viken V. (author)

Core Title Assessment of racial identity and self -esteem in an Armenian American population

School Graduate School

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Education - Counseling Psychology

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,psychology, behavioral,psychology, social

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Goodyear, Rodney (committee chair), Abreu, Jose (committee member), Miller, Donald (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-656661

Unique identifier UC11340167

Identifier 3116807.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-656661 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 3116807.pdf

Dmrecord 656661

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Yacoubian, Viken V.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA