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College aspirations of ninth-grade low -income African American students in urban schools

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Content COLLEGE ASPIRATIONS OF NINTH GRADE
LOW-INCOME AFRICAN AMERICAN STUDENTS IN URBAN SCHOOLS
by
Donahue Wayde Tuitt
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
December 2004
Copyright 2004 Donahue Wayde Tttirt
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U M I Number: 3155492
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Dedication
To my Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, who provided me with the strength,
wisdom, and guidance throughout this journey. It is only through You that
completing this was possible. This was done through You, for You, and now
graciously given back to You.
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Acknowledgements
My family, Lee Keith, Melvin Tuitt, Jr., Rose Keith, Linda Alexander,
Theresa Charles, Leniick Keith, Brian Alexander, Liz, Glen, Paula, and all the
baby girls. Thank you for the support. My big sister, Michelle Kirton, thank you
for the wisdom and encouragement Foluke Bennett and Kim Vamer for the
prayers and time spent editing. Words can never express my gratitude. Daven
Baptiste, for your patience, prayers, and countless other favors. Dr. Tiemey, for
pushing me to be and do my best. Dr. Harper, for setting me on the right path. Dr.
Sundt, for your listening ears. Finally, the students, teachers, and administrators
who contributed to this research. May your voices be heard, and offer others
insight into life in this world as seen through your eyes, and felt in your heart.
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iv
Table of Contents
Dedication ii
Acknowledgements iii
List of Tables vi
List of Figures vii
Abstract viii
CHAPTER 1 : INTRODUCTION 1
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW 12
CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 81
CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS 120
CHAPTER 5: SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION, AND
IMPLICATIONS 192
BIBLIOGRAPHY 248
APPENDICES
Appendix A. Racial Identity Survey 263
Appendix B. Participant Questionnaire 266
Appendix C. Focus Group Questions 267
Appendix D. Interview Analysis Report 268
Appendix E. Review of Research Involving Human Subjects
Approval Notice 269
Appendix F. Student Recruitment Letter 271
Appendix G. Parent Letter of Introduction 272
Appendix H. Opening Script for First Meeting with Students 273
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Appendix I. Parental Permission to Access Child’s School
Records, Audio-tape, and Excuse from Class 276
Appendix J. Informed Consent for Non-Medical Research 277
Appendix K. Assent to Participate in Research 281
Appendix L. Approval Letter from the Site Administrator
at DuBois Academy 283
Appendix M. Approval Letter from the Site Administrator
at Woodson High School 284
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List of Tables
vi
2.1 2003 Urban Public School District 18
8t h grade Mathematics Assessment Scores
3.1 Graduation Data 96
3.2 DuBois Academy Ninth Grade Students Ethnic Distribution 96
3 3 Woodson High Ninth Grade Students Ethnic Distribution 96
3.4 DuBois and Woodson Teacher Ethnic Distribution 97
3.5 Woodson High SAT 9 Reading Scores by Ethnic Group 98
3.6 Woodson High SAT 9 Math Scores by Ethnic Group 98
3.7 Ninth Grade Student Participants 104
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List of Figures
4a Factors Influencing College Aspirations 120
4b Social Pressure and College Aspirations 123
4c Classroom Climate and College Aspirations 148
4d Parental Involvement and College Aspirations 176
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viii
ABSTRACT
This study examines the coliege aspirations of low-income, African
American students, in two urban high schools. Focus groups and individual
interviews were conducted with 100 African American ninth graders in Southern
California. The researcher explores the extent to which theories, such as
Bourdieu’s cultural capital and Cross’ Black Racial Identity are relevant to
understanding what variables influence the college aspirations of low-income
African Americans. Using the interpretative methodological approach, the
researcher investigates how experiences in ninth grade encourage or discourage
academic achievement and college aspirations. Findings indicate that social
pressure to fit in, classroom climate, and the level of parental involvement,
influenced college aspirations. Comparison to previous research findings,
implications for parents and practitioners, and recommendations for future
research are offered.
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
In his book Rock This (Rock, 1997) Emmy Award winning comedian Chris
Rock commented that in the African American community a person who is
released from prison receives greater praise, than a college graduate. Rock argued
that being a good physical fighter is held in higher regard than academic
achievement among African Americans. Although Rock’s social commentary was
shocking to some and offensive to others, if true, it reflects a conflicting message
some African Americans may experience in pursuit of educational aspirations.
African American adolescents may have a fear of being ostracized in their
communities by people who have not had the opportunity to learn or choose not to
leam about college. Rock’s statements suggest a conundrum within the African
American community, possibly contributing to the stagnant college enrollment
growth of low-income African Americans, in comparison to other ethnic groups.
Before delving further into this exploration about the college aspirations of
low-income African Americans, it must be emphatically stated that Chris Rock’s
views do not reflect the attitudes and beliefs of the entire African American
community. However, it illustrates the conflicting messages some African
Americans may experience in pursuit of educational aspirations. It also provides
an interesting perspective on the thoughts that some low-income African
Americans may have towards higher education. There may be racial identity and
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socio-economic factors influencing their thoughts on higher education,
which can easily skew college aspirations.
“As a man thinketh in his heart, so is he,” is an ancient Biblical Proverb by
King Solomon. This Proverb reflects the qualitative researchers’ mission to
understand the attitudes, beliefs, and actions of individuals. Although college
enrollment has soared in the 21st century, educators remain perplexed as to why
low-income, African American students continue to enroll at a rate far below their
White and Asian American peers. This chapter discusses the problem of college
enrollment among low-income African Americans, outlines why studying the issue
is significant, and provides a brief overview of the ensuing chapters.
Problem Statement
Traditionally, stating the problem that drives a study begins with empirical
findings of researchers, questions that perplex educators, or a societal phenomenon
that significantly impacts present social conditions. However, I begin somewhat
selfishly, with a problem that I, an African American male coming from a low-
income family, have with higher education. As I near completion o f the next stage
of education, I wrestle with whether or not the new specialized training pulls me
further away from my culture and community. The academy, Carter G. Woodson
argues, prepares African Americans for life as “an Americanized or Europeanized
white man” (1933, p. 5). I agree with Woodson. As a historian, teacher and
socially conscious individual, I straggle with the reality that America’s educational
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system justifies and reinforces upper-class ideals that affirm capitalism
and winks at oppression by not affording my cultural peers equal educational
opportunities.
Yes, I have come far, but then I ask myself, “At what cost?” The
educational system forces me to conform my writing and speech to what is
considered a White standard, which may not be readily affirmed in my
community. In one setting, writing and speaking in a certain manner is deemed
“keepin’ it real,” whereas in another I am labeled ignorant Charges on my intellect
because, at times I choose not to speak and write on Eurocentric terms, make me
understand why New York University professor Robin Kelley (1997) titled his
book, Yo' Mama’ s Dysfunctional.
These claims are not to fuel or exacerbate arguments of racial
discrimination, but rather to illustrate the inner struggles o f a low-income, African
American person dealing with social class and racial identity issues within the
context o f die formal educational system. My experience may echo the attitudes of
other low-income African Americans who deal with the frustrations o f fitting in
both academic and community cultures. For some low-income African Americans,
having to learn and releam how to speak and write to appease an educational
system often causes one to wonder whether or not the benefits outweigh the costs.
These contentions are not simply erroneous thoughts, but realities presently
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contemplated by many low-income, African American students who are
trudging through the American school system.
Some African American adolescents, struggle between maintaining what
Fordham (19S8) calls a “fictive-kinship,” which is a cultural and collective identity
among other African Americans, and the competitive, individualistic mentality
within the school system. The racial identity and academic identity conflict
increases when school environments do not affirm cultural norms that African
American students embrace (Delpit, 1998). Consequently, the quandary that
evolves is how to navigate the educational system in such a way to achieve
academically, while maintaining ties to their cultural identity. For some, the
dilemma becomes a choice between embracing a “faceless” persona in pursuits of
academic achievement or maintaining cultural norms to sustain meaningful
friendships. In turn, African American students who favor their cultural identity
over academic achievement may forego opportunities to pursue higher education.
It has been 50 years since the May 1 7 ,1954 decision in the Brown vs. the
Board o f Education case, which overturned Plessy vs. Ferguson, and ultimately
integrated public schools. The mission was to provide African Americans equal
access to a quality education. Some would argue that 50 years later, the mission
has failed. African Americans rank last in Standardized Achievement Test (SAT)
scores in comparison to Hispanic, Asian American, Pacific Islander, and White
students across all economic lines, and are not enrolling in four-year colleges at
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the same rate as other racial groups (College Board, 2004). The average
SAT score is 1059 for Whites, 1077 for Asians and Pacific Islanders, 909 for
Hispanics, and 857 for African Americans (College Board, 2004).
The wide test score margin between African American and White students,
has been commonly called, “the achievement gap.” The average African American
high school student in America graduates from 12th grade with achievement test
scores comparable to those o f the average White eighth grader (National Center
for Education Statistics, 2003a). Although low-income African American students
and parents have been heavily scrutinized, far less is known about the cause of the
achievement gap and diminishing college aspirations. Has the achievement gap
scared African American students’ academic identity and contributed to
diminishing college aspirations among low-income African Americans? Or, is it
the reverse? Do low-income, African American students who have low college
aspirations lose their academic motivation and widen the achievement gap?
Research is unclear. However, one thing is certain. Despite federal initiatives, the
college enrollment numbers o f low-income African Americans have not
progressed at the same pace as their White and Asian peers. This problem
continues to perplex educators and is where this inquiry begins.
Hossler and Gallagher (1987) posit that the college choice process begins
in die developmental phase. The first phase is predisposition. During
predisposition students determine whether or not they desire to attend college after
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high school. Research has found that low-income, African Americans
predisposed to college in eighth grade lose interest by the 12th grade (Cabrera &
LaNasa, 2000; Hamrick & Stage, 2004). In a study of low-income, high-achieving,
African American eighth graders, 94% stated their expectations were to attend
four-year institutions (Hurtado, Kurotsuchi, Briggs & Rhee, 1997). However, by
the end of their 12th grade year, only 19% had applied to college (Hurtado et al.,
1997). Simply put, low-income, African American students predisposed towards
college frequently change their minds during the high school years. Researchers
note that decisions to forego college are influenced by difficulties adjusting to
academic expectations in high school (Roderick, 2003), cultural capital received
from parents (Bourdieu, 1977), and conflicts between racial identity and academic
achievement (Cross & Vandiver, 2001).
Although educators have identified multiple variables that influence
college aspirations among low-income African Americans, there remains
uncertainty on how to sustain and increase their interest in college during high
school. Previous studies have examined college predisposition for low-income
African Americans, (Cabrera & LaNasa, 2000; Flowers, Milner & Moore, 2003;
Hamrick & Stage, 2004); however, there is still a lack of research focusing on the
values and dilemmas of low-income African Americans in the predisposition
stage.
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Purpose and Significance of the Study
The purpose of this research is to understand the perceptions low-income,
African American high school students have regarding college that may later
contribute to their enrollment decisions. Howard (2003) began meaningful
dialogue among twenty low-, middle-, and high-achieving African American
students between ninth and twelfth grades on their perceptions o f college,
academic identities, and educational experiences. However, educators are still
uncertain as to what causes the shift in academic identity and college aspirations
during high school. This research centers on low-income, African Americans at the
end of their ninth grade year to gain insight into their educational aspirations and
college perceptions after the first year in high school. In particular, the focus is on
the interplay between racial identity, peer relationships, teacher-student
relationships, academic achievement, and educational aspirations.
This study is significant because it explores the transitional year between
eighth and ninth grades - a pinnacle period where research suggests college
aspirations are affirmed or begin to diminish (Cabrera & LaNasa, 2000; Hurtado et
a l, 1997). In particular, this exploration responds to Tyson’s (2002) call for future
studies to explore what happens during adolescence that may contribute to a
change in attitude among students toward academic achievement. Also, Hamrick
and Stage (2004) call for researchers to explore how aspirations and college
predisposition among low-income minorities can be sustained and reinforced over
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time. Flowers et al. (2003) recommended future researchers explore the
barriers that impede academic achievement and influence African American
educational aspirations.
Previous research agrees that social class and racial identity impacts
college aspirations, however it disagrees on the degree o f influence. Bourdieu’s
(1977) social reproduction theory suggests social inequalities limit opportunities
for low-income individuals to possess the cultural capital needed to enroll in
college. Lareau and Horvat (1999) contend that social class is an obstacle, but
there are opportunities in the educational system to overcome inequities. In regards
to racial identity, Ogbu (1988) suggests that African Americans shun academic
achievement for fear o f the “acting White” label from peers. In contrast, Sanders
(1997) argues that African Americans students with a strong racial identity are
motivated to achieve academically due to racial pride.
Amidst, the different findings, this study conducts in-depth interviews with
100 African American ninth graders in low-income schools to examine how
students academically and socially respond to transitioning into ninth grade. The
variables explored are racial identity, academic motivation, achievement,
aspirations, and expectations. An interpretive framework is used to present
categorical information regarding the variables that influence the college
aspirations of low-income, African American students. By exploring the attitudes
and experiences of these students, the intention is to compare these accounts to
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previous findings, as well as explore how the first year of high school
changes or reinforces the educational goals of low-income, African Americans.
Furthermore, if educational goals are changed or reinforced, the research attempts
to examine how and why.
The discoveries can benefit educators, administrators, policymakers, and
organizers of pre-college enrichment programs who invest millions of dollars and
hundreds of hours to improve access and enrollment of low-income African
Americans into higher education, yet are perplexed by the minimum success of
seemingly maximum efforts. Findings can offer suggestions to colleges and
universities on ways of improving their recruitment initiatives. If educators can
identify and understand the academic perceptions of low-income African
Americans and why they may change during their high school years, they can
tailor pre-college initiatives to address these beliefs.
Research Questions
To these ends, the research questions are:
1. What is it like tob ea low-income, African American ninth grader in an
urban school?
2. How do the experiences during ninth grade influence the college
aspirations of low-income African Americans?
3. Does social class influence college aspirations among low-income
African Americans?
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4. What role does racial identity have on academic motivation
and college aspirations?
5. How does the transition from eighth to ninth grade influence academic
identity and college aspirations?
6. How do teacher-student relationships encourage or discourage college
aspirations?
7. What value do the participants place on college attendance?
8. How do peer influences and interactions influence academic success
and college aspirations?
9. How do parents influence academic motivation and college aspirations?
Organization of the Report of the Study
The dissertation is divided into five chapters. Chapter One presented an
overview o f the problem and significance o f this examination of the college
aspirations o f low-income African Americans. Chapter Two offers a review of
recent and historic literature concerning social class, racial identity, and academic
aspirations among low-income African Americans. This includes an examination
of cultural capital and racial identity theories, and an exploration o f how high
school affects college aspirations. Chapter Three presents an overview o f the
sample and school sites, including - location, and ethnic composition of students
and teachers. Also outlined are the data collection and analysis methods, as well as
the strengths and limitations of the methodological approach. In Chapter Four, the
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findings from the interviews are presented. Chapter Five consists of a
summary of the study, implications for practice, recommendations for future
research, conclusions, and personal reflections.
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CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
According to the National Center for Education Statistics (2003b) in ten
urban cities with a high population of minorities, African American students
scored far below the national average in standardized test scores (National Center
for Education Statistics, 2003b). The poor academic performance of low-income
African Americans has fueled debate and inspired research. In a keynote speech at
the 50-year celebration of the Brown versus Board of Education decision, Bill
Cosby criticized low-income African Americans for their lack of educational
progress.
Lower economic [African American] people are not holding up their end in
this deal. These people are not parenting. They are buying things for kids -
$500 sneakers for what? And won't spend $200 for 'Hooked on Phonics'...
They're standing on the comer and they can't speak English. I can't even
talk the way these people talk: 'Why you ain't,' 'Where you is'... And I
blamed the kid until I heard the mother talk. And then I heard the father
talk.... Everybody knows its important to speak English except these
knuckleheads.... You can't be a doctor with that kind o f crap coming out of
your mouth! (Cosby, 2004)
Cosby’s comments attribute the slow academic progress of low-income African
Americans to bad parenting and individuals not mastering Standard English.
This chapter reviews literature in three areas that researchers suggest
influence the college aspirations o f low-income African Americans: social class,
racial identity, and high school experiences. The first section uses the tenets of
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Bourdieu’s cultural capital and habitus concepts to examine how social
class impacts college aspirations. The second section explores conflicting
viewpoints on how African American racial identity affects academic achievement
and college aspirations. And the third section focuses on the experiences during
the high school years that can influence the college aspirations of African
Americans.
Social Class and College Aspirations
Bill Cosby’s previously mentioned criticisms note the responsibility that
low-income African Americans have for their academic success. However, French
sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu analyzed social inequality in education and noted
structural problems in the curriculum, pedagogy and evaluation tools that make
academic success a greater hurdle for low-income individuals. Bourdieu’s writings
offer keen insight into how social class impacts college aspirations. Since
Bourdieu’s writings, which center on the French educational system, are rather
dense and do not specifically address race issues, American translations and
interpretations have been inconsistent (Horvat, 2003).
Attempts to incorporate Bourdieu’s theories into American social class and
racial issues have caused frustration and led to multiple contortions o f Bourdieu’s
terms and concepts (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992). Consequently, the purpose of
this section is two-fold: (I) to outline the tenets o f Pierre Bourdieu’s theoretical
framework regarding the interplay between social class, culture, and education;
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and (2) to discuss Bourdieu’s capital and habitus terms and how they
have been used to interpret American social class and race issues.
Bourdieu’s Theoretical Framework
Bourdieu’s (1977) theoretical framework centers on the belief that the
educational system is set up to maintain a society’s existing social order. To
explain his claim, Bourdieu (1977) argues that educational institutions, although
masked in ideals of democracy and meritocracy, are governed by upper-class
values, which preserve upper-class interests. Consequently, pedagogy in schools
reinforces upper-class perspectives that invariably become internalized by lower-
class students. Bourdieu posited that curriculum, pedagogy and evaluation
measures are organized and maintained by power structures that perpetuate social
class distinctions (Swartz, 1977).
School curriculum is designed by bodies of non-diverse upper-class
individuals, who appreciate a particular style of content and language that favor
students from similar backgrounds (Bourdieu, 1973). Curriculum developed under
this guise will inevitably possess language patterns that are unfamiliar to lower-
class individuals. He argues that curricular problems further perpetuate social
inequality when they are not addressed in pedagogy. Further examination of how
language patterns in curriculum impact low-income, African American students is
discussed in part two of this chapter.
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Pedagogical approaches, Bourdieu posits, which do not adapt
curriculum to social class cultural distinctions, solely serve the interest of the
economically privileged. These pedagogical flaws manifest in classrooms in
several ways. For example, teachers who penalize students when the language
style in their work does not reflect cultural norms, although the content and
context are correct, contribute to maintaining social inequities because this sends a
message that style is valued over content. Delpit (1998) argues that African
American culture in general, and particularly in low-income communities has a
speech pattern that is different to Standard English. These differences can present
challenges in academic performance and participation in the classroom.
When teacher assessments o f competence are influenced by a child’s
language, teachers may develop low expectations for students and teach them less
(Sims, 1982). A historic study by Cunningham (1977) found that teachers
corrected reading miscues that were “dialect” related 78% o f the time and “non
dialect” related miscues only 27% o f the time. Dialect miscues such as “Here go
my book” for “Here is my book” were corrected over three times as much despite
that fact that “here go” and “here is” have the same meaning in some Black
children’s language. In contrast, non-dialect miscues such as “Here is a pen” for
“There is a pen” were corrected less although they were also incorrect. Delpit
(1998) argues that over-correction based on dialect miscues can be detrimental to
academic motivation because:
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1. Students who understand the text will think they are doing
something wrong,
2. Students will be encouraged to think of reading as a pronunciation exercise
rather than comprehension, and
3. Students will resist reading and resent the teacher.
After years o f being ‘corrected by teachers’ or labeled ‘ignorant’ for their
inaccurate speech patterns, low-income African Americans detach from classroom
involvement (Delpit, 1998). Swartz (1977) argues that this form of pedagogy
imposes meaning on a child rather than negotiates it Discrediting ones language
patterns, although they are dominant in their culture or community imposes
alternative norms on a student by suggesting another dialect is right. Bourdieu
contends that these pedagogical flaws are inherent in the educational system and
favor the upper class. Consequently, the system, built with upper-class values has a
negative effect on self-efficacy and formal education is pertinent to the
examination of college enrollment decisions of low-income African Americans.
In addition to pedagogy, Bourdieu argues that the imposition of meaning
and values are prevalent in evaluation measures, such as standardized tests.
Standardized tests, which lead to college entrance, favor culturally privileged
upper-class students. Bourdieu posits that the questions are inherently developed
from concepts upper-class students are familiar with based on cultural interactions
with their parents and peers.
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Two questions arise: Can Bourdieu’s arguments of social class
inequities in education apply to the American school system? Are the examples
offered by Delpit based on isolated occurrences in one classroom or signs of
pedagogical challenges that may stifle African American academic achievement in
other schools? Answering these questions may be difficult, but exploring academic
achievement data of low-income African Americans in comparison to other ethnic
groups can be a beginning. Chapter One noted the achievement gap between
African Americans and Whites on the SAT. However, the difference in scores is
present in earlier standardized exams.
Table 2.1 illustrates the results of the 2003 National Assessment of
Educational Progress (NAEP) for Mathematics, which was conducted at urban
school districts. The data compares the achievement results for White, Black and
Hispanic eighth graders in ten urban cities in America. The national average in
Mathematics in 2003 was a score of 276 out of a possible 500. Only one city
(Charlotte, NC) met die national average, and African American students scored
significantly lower than Whites and Hispanics in nine of ten cities. For example, in
the first city Atlanta, GA, African American students scored 241,57 points lower
than Whites. Also, 74% o f African American students were below the basic Math
level, in comparison to 17% of Whites.
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Table 2.1
2003 Urban Public School District 8th grade Mathematics Assessment Scores
City Reporting
Group
% of
students
Average
Score
% of
students at
Below
Basic
% of
students at
Basic
% of
students at
Proficient
% of
students at
Advanced
Atlanta Overall Overall 244
White 5 298 17 29 39 15
Black 93 241 74 23 3 0
Hispanic 1 Not known Not known Not known Not known Not known
Eligible
for free
lunch
76 239 76 22 2 0
Boston Overall Overall 262
White 16 289 23 29 36 11
Black 46 251 64 31 5 0
Hispanic 28 252 62 32 6 0
Eligible
for free
lunch
71 256 57 31 10 2
Charlotte Overall Overall 279
White 42 301 9 36 40 15
Black 46 258 53 36 10 1
Hispanic 6 262 54 28 16 1
Eligible
for free
lunch
36 256 56 34 9 1
Chicago Overall Overall 254
White 10 276 32 43 20 5
Black 51 245 71 25 4 0
Hispanic 36 259 52 40 8 0
Eligible
for free
lunch
88 252 61 32 6 1
Cleveland Overall Overall 253
White 15 269 37 49 13 1
Black 72 249 68 27 5 0
Hispanic 11 249 65 32 2 0
Eligible
far free
lunch
100 253 62 31 6 0
Note. Adapted from U.S. Department o f Education, institute o f Education Sciences, National Gaiter
f e a r Education Statistics, National Assessment o f Educational Progress (NAEP), 2003 Trial Urban
District Mathematics Assessment (NCES, 2003b)
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Table 2.1 (continued)
2003 Urban Public School District 8th grade Mathematics Assessment Scores
City Reporting
Group
% of
students
Average
Score
% of
students at
Below
Basic
% of
students at
Basic
%o£
students at
Proficient
% of
students at
Advanced
DC Overall Overall 243
White 3 Not known Not known Not known Not known Not known
Black 87 240 74 23 3 0
Hispanic 9 246 67 30 3 0
Eligible
for free
lunch
57 235 79 19 2 0
San Diego Overall Overall 264
White 27 284 24 40 30 5
Black 16 252 61 32 6 0
Hispanic 38 248 66 28 6 0
Eligible
for free
lunch
52 252 61 30 8 0
Houston Overall Overall 264
White 8 293 20 33 36 1 1
Black 33 259 53 40 6 1
Hispanic 55 261 51 40 8 0
Eligible
for free
lunch
69 259 54 40 6 0
New York Overall Overall 266
White 16 289 21 39 31 9
Black 36 253 60 31 8 1
Hispanic 34 260 52 33 13 2
Eligible
for free
lunch
83 261 51 34 13 2
LA Overall Overall 245
White 10 277 33 38 22 7
Black 12 234 79 18 2 0
Hispanic 71 240 74 23 3 0
Eligible
for free
lunch
65 240 72 24 21 0
Note. Adapted from U.S. Department o f Education, Institute o f Education Sciences, National Center
for Education Statistics, National Assessment o f Educational Progress (NAEP), 2003 Trial Urban
District Mathematics Assessment (NCES, 2003b)
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As Table 2.1 illustrates, African Americans scored lower than the
national average on the Mathematics Assessment, and lower than Whites and
Hispanics in virtually all of the ten urban cities in America. In addition, to the low
performance of African American students, students eligible for free and reduced
lunch, were below proficient in a majority o f the cities. Two findings are
significant from this data. First, the low performance of African American students
is consistent in urban cities throughout the United States. Second, low-income
students, as identified based on free or reduced lunch status, are not succeeding in
Mathematics based on the eighth grade standardized tests.
Table 2.1 and the SAT statistics mentioned in Chapter One are two
examples where African Americans and low-income students do not perform well
on standardized tests. Each example can possibly strengthen Bourdieu’s argument
that social class inequities in education hinder academic progress of low-income
students. They also can be used by individuals who support Delpit’s argument that
there may pedagogical problems that stifle African American academic
achievement. Further examination of how cultural differences in classroom
experiences is explored later in the racial identity section..
In short, Bourdieu’s theoretical framework suggests that curriculum,
pedagogy, and evaluation methods in capitalistic systems benefit upper-class
students. Bourdieu argued that the benefits are based on the capital shared in their
communities and their habitus. The next section builds upon Bourdieu’s theory of
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21
power and social class and discusses how capital and habitus perpetuate
social inequities in education. First, the different forms of capital are defined,
along with variations developed by other researchers. Second, habitus is defined
and discussed in relationship to capital and the cultivation o f college aspirations.
Capital. Capital in relation to educational inequity is often discussed in
three terms: economic, social, and cultural. Economic capital refers to financial
resources like real estate, stocks, or liquid cash. Social capital represents benefits
received through membership in clubs and organizations, which provide valuable
contacts, resources or prestige based on affiliation. Cultural capital is defined as
exposure to activities and events such as museums and theatre that provide a
particular cultural education.
Bourdieu (1987) argues that all three types of capital carry a form of power
that provides entitlement to groups in the social world, which for the purpose of
this review, is college enrollment. The impact of economic capital is rather
straightforward Individuals who come from families with high economic capital
would not consider financial resources as a concern towards college enrollment It
is also likely that college is perceived as a logical step if children notice how
higher education has been economically beneficial for others in their family.
Social capital, albeit different from economic capital, can be influenced by
one’s income status. Social capital involves the contacts and membership in
organizations that high and middle-income communities have, which can be used
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22
for educational or professional advancement (Horvat, 2000). For
example, becoming a member of social clubs, charitable organizations, and being
involved in recreational activities with individuals who have attended college,
offer networking opportunities and grant exposure to college information. Within
the African American community, Jack and Jill, a national social organization,
primarily comprised of middle and high-income families, provides its members
with social capital via college tours, scholarship competitions, etiquette classes,
etc. In general, social capital can be cultivated by exposure to social and
educational settings, centered on upper-class values.
Cultural capital, however, is more intricate and consequently has received
various definitions. For example, Bourdieu (1977) defines cultural capital as the
inherited cultural and linguistic competencies upper class parents pass on to their
children, which in turn afford them advantages over lower-class families. Cultural
and linguistic competencies are learned, which evolve from birth. In regards to
formal education, the competencies could include speech patterns common in
upper-class communities that are not prevalent in lower class communities. For
example, upper-class children exposed to Standard English terminology at home
and in their communities may learn Standard English composition and speech
patterns that are common in traditional school settings much earlier. In contrast,
low-income students who learn Standard English in the classroom do not receive
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2 3
the reinforcement at home and in their communities; therefore,
mastering writing and speaking Standard English may involve a longer process.
Another example of cultural competencies is if an upper-class child is
exposed to different foods, cultures, and customs based on traveling or family
knowledge. If exposure to different cultures is perceived as common knowledge in
upper-class communities and become integrated in standardized tests developed by
upper-class educators, low-income children will be at a disadvantage. Lamont and
Lareau (1988) define cultural capital as “institutionalized attitudes, preferences,
formal knowledge, behaviors, goods and credentials that are used for social and
cultural exclusion” (Lamont & Lareau, 1988, p. 156).
McDonough (1997) offers another, yet slightly different definition that
cultural capital is the symbolic wealth middle and upper class parents transfer to
their children regarding the importance o f a college education. Children in middle
and upper class families may be raised under the notion that college is mandatory,
not an option. In contrast, low-income parents may not have the educational
experiences to share with their children the benefits o f college, nor the knowledge
about the necessary steps to gain entrance. Symbolic wealth includes sharing with
children, the significance of good grades throughout high school, participation in
school activities, standardized tests, the benefits of Advanced Placement courses,
how to complete college applications, financial aid forms, completing college
essays, and obtaining recommendations.
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According to Bourdieu, social class challenges educational
equality, because the cultural capital shared between parents and children differs
based on income level (Driessen, 2001). Parents in middle and high-income
communities may be able to offer their children experiential knowledge about
college that low-income parents, who have not attended college, may not have.
Consequently, low-income students may be less inclined to have college
aspirations if their parents have not passed on that value to them. Furthermore,
research suggests that low-income students with college aspirations may have
difficulty navigating through the educational system and the college enrollment
process, due to personal and parental unfamiliarity with the college application
process (Hurtado et al., 1997). In addition to passing on economic capital, parents
give children their attitudes, behaviors and goals, all of which can shape their
career aspirations and educational expectations (Lamont & Lareau, 1988; Walpole,
2003).
Although cultural capital can be taught, Bourdieu (1977) argues that it is
primarily inherited knowledge - unspoken attitudes, beliefs, and experiences
obtained through peer and familial interactions that shape aspirations,
expectations, and beliefs about life in general and education specifically. For
example, children who grow upina home where books and dictionaries are
present, are visually exposed objects of cultural capital on a daily basis (Bourdieu,
1986; Roscigno et al., 1999). While middle- and upper-income parents tend to
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25
instill in their children the importance of a college education, parents in
low-income families may not if they lack first-hand knowledge about college. This
may occur through verbal or nonverbal communication. Students from middle and
high-income families where parents have attended college may see symbols
around the home such as old textbooks, yearbooks, college paraphernalia, and
possibly attend college reunions and homecomings. These experiences can pass on
to children symbolic assumptions that college enrollment is a norm. In contrast,
students from low-income families who did not have similar exposure to college
memorabilia and activities during childhood may not associate college as an
expected step after high school.
Bourdieu’s main hypothesis is that parental cultural capital exposes
children to ‘cultural codes’ and dispositions that can lead to social inclusion or
exclusion in school and in society at large (Lareau & Horvat, 1999). Zweigenhaft
(1993) and DiMaggio and Mohr (1985) posit that upwardly mobile individuals
exchange educational capital that will increase economic status. Members of
upper-income communities exchange knowledge and resources to build wealth.
Educational capital could be the benefits o f attending a specific college to obtain a
degree in business or medicine, which often yields a demand in a professional field
or is heavily recruited by corporations. Another example of educational capital
shared in upper-income communities might be investment opportunities in real
estate and stocks. Harker (1984) suggests that working-class families share
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26
working-class cultural capital, which often does not include educational
aspirations.
The different perceptions on the value of education also may be due to the
values that govern the educational system. Walpole (2003) argues that die
educational system values the cultural capital ofhigher-income communities and
rewards efforts of students who subscribe to these beliefs. Based on this assertion,
students from low-income families, who do not embrace the upper-income cultural
capital, risk lower success rates in schools. This argument has been at the center of
debates in the educational community over the socioeconomic and racial biases in
curricula and standardized tests, which significantly influence academic
achievement and college opportunities for students who are not from White
middle- or upper-class backgrounds.
Bourdieu’s cultural capital concept posits that socioeconomic status is an
important variable that influences college aspirations, because the value that
parents share with their children will be different based on their own educational
experiences. Oftentimes, the social class and parents’ educational background
shape their views o f school and the information they share with their children
about college. Cabrera and LaNasa (2000) and Hamrick and Stage (2004) note that
parents' educational background and academic expectations have a direct effect on
African American students' predisposition to college and educational attainment.
Lareau and Horvat (1999) agree that cultural capital includes parents being
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27
compliant with and engaged in schools. However, they argue that
African American parents may be less trusting of the educational system due to
generations of discrimination in American schools. Consequently, African
American parents can transfer suspicious beliefs of the educational system to their
children.
Amidst the varying forms of capital - economic, social, and the multiple
definitions of cultural capital, is one common theme - the educational system
favors upper-class values, and thus contributes to what Bourdieu and Passeron
(1977) define as “social stratification.” Their social reproduction theory contends
that social inequalities are reincarnated in capitalistic systems when educational
institutions are governed by upper-class power structures (Bourdieu & Passeron,
1977). After analyzing social reproduction among African American families,
Lareau and Horvat (1999) posit that Bourdieu’s social reproduction theory is
valuable, but somewhat simplistic and underdeveloped.
Lareau and Horvat (1999) make two claims to support their argument
First, that social reproduction is not a linear, easily deterministic process, but
rather negotiated by actors. Although parents, peers, and siblings can influence
decisions, individuals can make different choices. For example, although an
individual is raised with upper-class capital does not mean she or he will actively
use it and its resources, A child will not necessarily choose to enroll in college
because her or his parents did. Furthermore, one should not infer that because a
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28
child’s parent or sibling did not graduate from high school that the
student will drop out.
Second, Lareau and Horvat (1999) argue that although social class and race
may affect social reproduction, they do not determine it. Thus, they suggest
adopting “the moments of inclusion and moments of exclusion” conceptual
framework. On one hand, moments o f inclusion relate to instances in a child’s life
that disrupt the social reproductive process, such as being placed in the gifted track
in school or enrolling in a private school (Lareau & Horvat, 1999). On the other
hand, moments of exclusion may occur when a child is academically tracked in
remedial courses or retained in a grade. While the social reproduction theory
claims that social class privileges are inherently passed from parent to child, the
moments of inclusion and exclusion offer other variables that influence
educational outcomes. The environmental conditions raised by Lareau and Horvat
(1999) introduce another important element to consider regarding social class and
education - one’s habitus.
There is significant research that supports Bourdieu’s theoretical
framework and illustrates the effect of cultural capital on educational aspirations
(Berger, Milem, & Paulsen, 1998; Gaskell, 1985; Horvat, 2000; Lareau, 1993;
McDonough, 1994,1997,1998). Social theorists argue that people from the same
social class often have similar perceptions o f goals and strategies for attaining
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them (Berger, Milem, Paulsen, 1998; Bourdieu, 1977; Horvat, 2000).
Bourdieu (1977) defines these shared perceptions as a person’s habitus.
Habitus. Habitus is the system where an individual develops subconscious
perceptions and expectations about opportunities in life based on viewing other
members in her or his social class and surroundings (Swartz, 1997). Said another
way, individuals observe the accomplishments or lack thereof, among others from
their economic and cultural background and construct their reality of what they
believe, can be achieved in life. Developing subconscious expectations based upon
observing the lives of others leads to conscious determinations of what goals are
attainable and unreachable. Horvat (2003) posits that habitus not only suggests
prescribed boundaries for an individual, but also helps to develop notions of
possibilities in the social world. Bourdieu (1977) defines habitus as the shared
perceptions within an economic class and/or cultural community about life,
personal goals, and strategies to attain one’s goals. These perceptions and
dispositions are created through an individual’s social history, are constantly re
negotiated based on personal experiences and guide an individual’s daily actions.
Research findings note that educational choices are made within the
context of one's habitus (Horvat, 2000; Lareau, 1993). Walpole (2003) argues that
the aspirations and college predisposition of a low-income student may be low if
the child is only exposed to a low-income community; further perpetuating lower
social position. Others posit that habitus can be influenced with exposure to new
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30
experiences, historical changes in the environment and new communities
(Horvat, 2000; Lamont & Lareau, 1988).
Lareau and Horvat (1999) argue that the history of discrimination in the
American educational system has direct and indirect effects on college aspirations
based on internal perceptions of race and racial identity. Thus, Horvat and Antonio
(1999) and MacLeod (1987) encourage educators to extend Bourdieu’s theoretical
framework of cultural capital and habitus beyond social class, by including race
and racial identity for a more comprehensive understanding o f the factors
influencing college aspirations.
Horvat (2003) studied the habitus o f African American women to examine
the interplay between race, class and education. African American women
attending a predominantly low-income, African American high school believed
their SAT scores would be higher if they attended a White private school, because
teaching and computer resources would have been better (Horvat, 2003). However,
the students believed they did “OK for Black kids” (p. 17). In this instance the
students used their color and social class to formulate their educational
expectations.
Another low-income, African American student in Horvat’s (2003) study
who attended an expensive predominantly White private high school, expressed
feeling out of place, because she did not have an expensive car like the White
students from rich families (Horvat, 2003). One student recalled crying at school
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31
each day, due to feeling out o f place. In this instance, the students
attributed their social class and race as exclusionary factors to feel out of place in
the predominantly White high school. This is similar to Lamont and Lareau’s
(1988) process of exclusion Concept However, when the same student at the
private White high school went on to attend a predominantly White college, she
found that her racial background provided a sense of belonging, by becoming
involved in cultural clubs, dance groups and attending cultural events (Horvat,
2003). In this instance, the student’s social class and racial background were not
hindrances to becoming acclimated in a predominantly White environment,
because she found a peer group with which she identified.
Horvat’s (2003) research is one of the better attempts at interpreting
Bourdieu’s theoretical frames, in particular habitus, to social class and race
distinctions in American schools. The purpose of this review is to explore how
social class and race affect college aspirations among low-income African
Americans. This first section outlined Bourdieu’s theoretical frame on the impact
of social class on college enrollment. Bourdieu’s emphasis on social class from his
cultural perspective in France is insightful, yet does not translate with fluidity in
American culture where its racial history is unique. Attempts by researchers to
relate Bourdieu’s concepts to the American educational system, while
commendable, lack consistent interpretations. Horvat’s (2003) work has presented
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32
a strong beginning for researchers seeking to intertwine how race and
class influence education by using Bourdieu’s construct.
Horvat notes that race and class issues are “marked by complexity and
diversity in many domains” (2003, p. 19). Therefore, considering that the nexus
between social class and color is the primary focus of this chapter, it would be
incomplete without examining race. Consequently, the next section builds upon
Bourdieu’s concepts and explores race, in particular, how racial identity affects
academic achievement and college aspirations. The first part explores racial
identity theory, and the second part examines how race influences adolescent
academic achievement.
Racial Identity
Who's more racist: black people or white people? Black people. You know
why? Because black people hate black people, too. Everything white
people don't like about black people, black people don't like about black
people. If s like our own personal civil war. On one side, there's black
people. On the other side, you've got niggers. The niggers have got to go.
Eveiy time black people want to have a good time, niggers mess it up. You
can't do anything without some ignorant-ass niggers fucking it up. (Rock,
p. 17,1997)
The comments by Chris Rock (1997), an African American comedian,
illustrate the paradox within the African American community regarding racial
identity. Lareau and Horvat (1999) describe racial identity as the understanding
and value a group has towards their background, feelings of pride, belonging, and
group membership. Chris Rock’s statement that African Americans are in a
personal civil war demonstrates the enigma within the African American
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33
community. If other African Americans embrace this ideology, Black
racial identity is mixed between feelings o f pride and disgust This section first
outlines Cross’ (1971,1991) racial identity theory called the models of
nigrescence. The second part examines how Black racial identity influences
academic achievement among adolescents.
Racial Identity Theory
In 1971 Cross introduced, the model of psychological nigrescence, and a
Black racial identity theory to better understand the developmental process of
African Americans. “Nigrescence” is a French word that means “the process of
becoming Black” (Cross, 1971,1991,1995). Cross’ definition o f Nigrescence is, a
re-socializing experience seeking to transform a preexisting non-Afro-centric
identity into one that is Afro-centric (1991). Although Cross has revised the model
over die last three decades, his focus remains on capturing the psychological stages
associated with Black identity change.
Cross (1995) describes the progress and regress in die process of becoming
Afrocentric in five stages: (1) pre-encounter, (2) encounter, (3) immersion-
emmersion, (4) internalization, and (5) intemalization-CQmmitment In Stage One,
pre-encounter, African Americans have one of three attitudes toward their race:
low-salience, social stigma, or anti-Black. Those with the low-salience attitude
acknowledge being physically Black, but do not define themselves by their race,
nor consider their color as having a significant role in their daily actions. Cross,
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34
argues that these individuals are unaware of race-related problems and
seldom give thought to race issues. African Americans who hold social stigma
attitudes have low-salience attitudes and a negative outlook on their racial
orientation. The third type of individual in the pre-encounter stage, are those who
have anti-Black attitudes. These individuals despise other Blacks and do not
perceive the Black community as a pillar of support All three pre-encounter types
favor European cultural perspectives, such as physical features and language
(Cross, 1995).
African Americans in Stage Two, encounter, experience a major event or
series o f events - positive or negative that raise awareness o f their racial status.
For example, an African American male who did not believe racism exists may
have a shift in perspective after being assaulted by another racial group solely
because of his skin color. The encounter often leads to feelings o f guilt, anger or
uncertainty for denying or minimizing the importance o f race. During Stage Three,
immersion-emmersion, African Americans begin constructing a new identity
inclusive o f race and strive to be “the right kind o f Black person” (Cross, 1995, p.
106).
In the immersion phase, African Americans may become more involved in
Black cultural events, political organizations and dedicate their time to causes
solely in the African American community. Significant conflicts can evolve during
this stage if African Americans begin to view their race as superior and all White
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35
people as oppressive and evil. During the emmersion phase,
overemotional and racist attitudes begin to temper. This may occur when the
individual meets a mentor who has a strong racial identity, yet channels her or his
energy to address Black community issues through intellectual and not solely
emotional means (Cross, 1995).
The fourth stage, internalization, is illustrated by an individual having an
internalized a high salience to “blackness” yet is manifested in a multicultural
facet. Cross (1995) suggests that an internalized identity provides an individual
with a sense of belonging and social affiliation, while protecting her or him from
the psychological problems associated with living in a society where race matters.
But, interacting and communicating with people, cultures, and situations beyond
the world of blackness is essential. In the fifth and final stage, internalization-
commitment, African Americans focus on ways to translate their personal sense of
blackness into a practical way of impacting their community. They may develop a
lifelong plan that is committed to improving the circumstances o f African
Americans and other oppressed groups (i.e. Hispanics, women).
Cross (1995) notes there are no age parameters for racial identity
development Individuals can progress, regress or remain in a particular stage
throughout their lives depending upon their personalities, experiences, and support
systems. A negative experience in a multicultural setting may prompt an individual
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36
to move from Stage Four, internalization to Stage Three, immersion*
emmersion - where they choose to engage solely in African American culture.
Although Cross’s racial identity theory and model of Nigrescence outlines
the stages of development into a Black identity, it is important to note that he does
not suggest that there is a single ideological stance on what is truly considered
‘Blackness’ or Afro-centricity. Cross stated:
Not all persons in the Internalization stage gravitate toward Black
nationalism or Afrocentricism. In making this observation, I am not trying
to be contentious, I am simply trying to state a fact: Everyone who has a
Black identity may not be Afrocentric, as defined by Afrocentric theorists,
and Afrocentricity does not incorporate all legitimate interpretations of
Blackness. In actuality, the Afrocentric movement itself includes a variety
of definitions o f what it means to be Black, some of which can hardly be
distinguished from a pedestrian (Cross, p. 222,1991).
Cross’ admonition that a universal definition o f ‘Blackness’ does not exist
exemplifies the complexity o f understanding African American racial identity. For
some, Blackness means speaking in slang, dressing in baggy clothes, and listening
to R&B, Rap, Jazz or Gospel music (Kunjufu, 1988). Others define Blackness in
terms of academic intelligence, financial success, and community empowerment
(Kunjufu).
A general definition o f Afrocentric identity is having a connection with and
knowledge of African and/or African American cultural, racial and historical roots
(Howard-Hamihon, 1997). Individuals who have a strong Afrocentric identity
have a positive self* and cultural image and will refute attempts by others to
depreciate their cultural perspective (Howard-Hamilton). For example, a popular
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3 7
fashion trend among African American students today is wearing
athletic paraphernalia of a contemporary or historic athlete or sports team. If a
teacher or parent suggests exchanging their outfit for slacks or a suit, students may
interpret this as an attack on their cultural perspective of fashion. This example
leads to an interesting question. If social and educational conditions favor upper
class values (as suggested by Bourdieu) and Eurocentric ideals (as noted by
Woodson), how would embracing Blackness or Afrocentric identities influence
academic achievement of a student enrolled in a westernized school system? To
explore the potential answer, I turn to research which focuses on the impact that
racial identity has on academic achievement.
Racial Identity and Academic Achievement
As illustrated earlier in Table 2.1, both nationally and in urban cities across
the United States, White and Hispanic students, outperform African American
students academically. To date, researchers have not been successful in finding
solutions for the gap, much less identifying the reasons they exist. Does racial
identity impact academic achievement? The answer is different depending upon
the research. A strong racial identity among African Americans could either be a
curse or a blessing in school. In the former, a strong Black racial identity is
associated with low academic performance. Students who pursue academic
achievement are labeled as “acting White” (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). When
considered a blessing, a strong Black racial identity can propel adolescents to
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38
greater interest in learning and improve their desire for high academic
achievement. This part explores how racial identity can inflate or deflate academic
achievement, present challenges in the classroom, and potentially lead to
detrimental stereotypes for African Americans during testing.
Racial identity - ‘The curse.” The curse associated with Black racial
identity and academic achievement is present when African American adolescents
associate academic success with Eurocentric culture. In these instances, pursuing
academic achievement is defined as “acting White” (Ogbu, 2003; Ogbu &
Simmons, 1998). Students may suppress or reject academically challenging
courses out of fear that peers will view them as “acting White.” Kunjufu (1988)
argues that peer relationships, among African American youth are a dominant
factor influencing racial identity and academic achievement
The “acting White” label often placed on academically successful African
Americans by their peers suggests that the student has adopted Eurocentric values,
by embracing high academic achievement (Butler, 2003). This paradigm emerged
because in the past, education was used politically to stifle the advancement of
African Americans (Madhubuti, 1994). For example, during slavery African
Americans were not taught to read. Throughout the early and mid- 20th century
African Americans did not receive an equal education primarily in order to
maintain the existing social conditions and limit opportunities to vote.
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3 9
Fordham and Ogbu (1986) argue that the opposition to White
social identity developed among African Americans out of feelings of economic,
political, and social disenfranchisement. Kunjufu raises the following questions: If
being smart is acting White, how do you act black? “What is blackness? Being
cool?” (1988, p. 14). In Kunjufu’s (1988) study, African American youth
proclaimed that Blackness was based upon the way a person talks, the type of
music you listen to, and the places you went outside of school. “Students who
spoke Standard English, listened to rock or classical music and went to museums
were White. In contrast, students who spoke Black English, listened to rap and
rhythm and blues music, and went to parties were Black” (Kunjufu, 1988, p. 14-
15). Consequently, certain forms of behavior such as language, style o f dress, and
music interests are perceived as inappropriate by certain African American youth
(Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). If African American adolescents associate intellect with
Euro-centricity and are in the immersion-emmersion stage of Cross’ racial identity
theory, they may shun academic work and disavow what is being taught for peer
acceptance.
Kunjufu (1988) stresses that despite the “acting White” paradigm, African
American students do strive for academic excellence, but struggle between peer
pressure to be socially accepted in their race and the pursuit of academic
achievement. Based on Bourdieu’s cultural capital concept, obtaining group
acceptance supercedes individual achievement in low-income communities. The
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40
pressure to be accepted in one’s peer group and not be labeled as
“White” can severely shape a student’s academic achievement. Many African
American students defined their peers as an obstacle to academic achievement
(Gregory, 1992).
Kunjufu (1988) found that African Americans who initially receive high
grades begin to under perform when their peers do not motivate them to achieve
academically. These students choose to sit in the back of the class, do not answer
questions, become class clowns, take easy courses to be with friends, cut classes,
and/or do not study out of fear o f being called a nerd (Kunjufu, 1988). African
Americans who are high achievers often respond to peer pressure by becoming
athletes, not studying in public places, and becoming “raceless” by hanging with
other ethnic groups (Kunjufu, 1988).
Spencer, Noll, Stoltzfus, and Harpalani (2001) criticize Ogbu and
Fordham’s (1986) ‘acting White’ label, and Ogbu’s (1985) caste-like minority
formulations. They argue that their theoretical assertions suggest African
Americans who possess high academic motivation must subscribe to a White
cultural identity, and African Americans by in-large do not value education.
According to Spencer et al., (2001), these generalizations negate to integrate “the
context character, cultural traditions, developmental status, and diverse responsive
adaptations” (p. 25). Spencer et al., (2001), and Constantine and Blackmon (2002)
believe that the “acting White” label may be detrimental to academic self-efficacy
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41
and African American achievement Research has found that high Black
racial identity has been a blessing to African American adolescents and led to high
academic achievement.
Racial identity - “The blessing.” Spencer et al. (2001) disagree with
Fordham and Ogbu’s (1986) theory that African American youth would do better
if they adopted Eurocentric cultural values. Spencer and colleagues argue that
Fordham and Ogbu’s (1986) theory depends on a deficit-oriented perspective,
which denies African Americans their own culturally specific, normative
developmental perspective. In their study with 562 primarily low-income, African
American youth in 6th - 8th grades, Spencer et al. (2001) found that African
American students who highly embraced “Eurocentric” ideals more often had
lower academic achievement In contrast, they found a high correlation between
youth with high Afrocentric identity and high achievement (Spencer et al., 2001).
Furthermore, the African American students with high racial identity expressed
disappointment over poor academic scores and poor disciplinary actions against
them. These findings are in direct contrast to Fordham and Ogbu’s (1986)
conclusions that adopting Eurocentric ideals is a precursor to high academic
achievement for African Americans.
Similarly, Ford and Harris (1997) conducted one-on-one interviews with
152 African Americans in grades six through nine, to explore racial identity and
achievement status. They found that African American males held more positive
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42
racial identities about being Black, than females. Although females
valued their Black racial identity, their attitudes were stronger towards
multiculturalism. In fact, African Americans in the gifted classes held a high sense
of racial identity, which inspired their high academic expectations and
motivations. The findings ofFord and Harris (1997) and Spencer et al. (2001) both
contradict Fordham and Ogbu’s (1986) claim, and suggest that there is a
correlation between high racial identity and high academic achievement among
African American males and females.
Additionally, Sanders (1997) found that African American students with a
strong racial identity and awareness o f racism and discrimination were more
motivated, and in turn experienced academic success. Sanders’ (1997) study
confirmed Bowman and Howard’s (1985) findings of a direct positive correlation
between racial socialization, academic performance, and personal efficacy.
Consequently, Sanders (1997) argues, “that positive racial socialization practices
that teach African American youth about racism and discrimination and that
expose them to constructive ways to respond to each may be important to the
educational and personal success of the African American child” (p. 91).
Although Ford and Harris’ (1997) results highlight how a strong racial
identity can lead to high academic achievement, they do note some mixed
conclusions. African American low*, mid-, and high-achieving males may
underachieve despite having a high racial identity (Ford & Harris, 1997). In the
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43
early stages of racial identity development, African American youth may
deliberately underachieve to avoid peer pressure, the “acting White” label, and/or
hide abilities in order to be accepted by their peers (Cross, 1995; Fordham, 1996).
It is obvious that research results vary regarding the role of racial identity
on academic achievement. Whether the “acting White” label is a blessing or a
curse is as inconclusive and perplexing as finding an “authentic” definition for the
term “acting Black.” Spencer et al. (2001) argues that defining “acting White” and
White culture is impossible or extremely difficult because, like all cultures, White
is not a homogenous group. Cultural stereotypes and mixed definitions regarding
what is and is not reflective o f Black culture have presented serious challenges
regarding racial identity and academic achievement
Racial identity - “The challenge.” The challenges of racial identity and the
“acting White” paradigm evolved from cultural assimilation and were
foreshadowed by African American social thinkers such as W.E.B. DuBois (1973)
and Carter G. Woodson (1933,1969). At the height of the cultural conflict in the
United States and the emergence of equal educational rights legislation, DuBois
(1973) questioned what would become of African American cultural identity:
What we must now ask ourselves is when we become equal American
citizens what will be our aims and ideals and what will we have to do with
selecting these aims and ideals. Are we to assume that we will simply
adopt the ideals o f Americans and become what they are or want to be and
that we will have in this process no ideals o f our own... ? We would take on
the culture o f White Americans doing as they do and thinking as they think
(p. 149).
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44
DuBois’ (1973) projection o f what would be the state of African
American cultural identity after educational integration profoundly illustrates the
inner conflict that many African Americans may have with racial identity. When
academic achievement is associated with White culture, African American
adolescents actively engaging in a self-identity process may rebel against
schoohvork if the curriculum is rooted in Eurocentric ideals.
In addition to rebelling against the school system, African Americans who
strive for academic success can also face conflict within their race and confusion
with their racial identity, based on peer opinions. The opening statement from
Carter G. Woodson’s (1933,1969) historic novel, Mis-Education of the Negro
expresses the complexities of racial identity for African Americans who pursue
academic achievement:
The ‘educated Negroes’ have the attitude of contempt toward their own
people because in their own as well as in their mixed schools, Negroes are
taught to admire the Hebrew, the Greek, the Latin and the Teuton and to
despise the African (p. 1).
Woodson contends that educated African Americans may be taught to
despise their own culture when curricula affirm Eurocentric ideals. Some African
American writers support Woodson and question whether or not the politically
dominant, White Eurocentric culture, is the foundation of the United States school
system structure and should be deemed as the acceptable universal world view
(Akbar, 1984; White & Parham, 1990; Wilson, 1978). Madhubuti (1994) argues
that all education is value-based and asks the difficult questions: Whose values are
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4 5
African American children learning? Is European culture universal?
African American students may rebel and shun conventional classroom lessons if
their cultural beliefs, such as language or style of dress, are deemed unacceptable
based on Eurocentric values.
If academic achievement is not esteemed and valued among peers, African
American students may wrestle between group acceptance and dedication to their
schoolwork. Consequently, low-income African Americans often find themselves
facing a continuous tension between individual and collective identity, when
personal achievement in school conflicts with commitment to their peers. Shujaa
(1993) argued that African Americans view their relationship to society in
different ways, which increases the tension between individualism and group
acceptance. While some African Americans view themselves as individuals
competing with others for the best things in society, others believe individual
achievement is insignificant if not experienced by others in their group (Shujaa,
1993).
The conflicting views were evident in Fordham’s (1988) research on the
academic aspirations of African American students. She found that some African
American students who are committed to school success combat negative peer
pressure by limiting their interactions with other African Americans and adopting
“White” values. Clark (1991) found that some African American students adopt
the White norms and values necessary to achieve academic success in the
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46
classroom, but embrace the social norms of their African American peers
outside o f school few social acceptance.
More contemporary studies could not conclusively state the relationship
between racial identity and academic achievement. Witherspoon, Speight, and
Thomas (1997) found high school students who had positive identity attitudes and
good grades, as well as, students with pro-Black/anti-White attitudes with poor
grades. Nonetheless, research suggests that the struggle among African American
students with racial identity and the need for social acceptance can present
problems in the classroom.
Race, social class, and classroom experiences. Earlier Bourdieu’s
theoretical framework outlined how upper-class values present challenges in the
classroom. One pedagogical example provided instances when teachers penalize
students for “inaccurate” language patterns based on cultural and social class
differences. According to Bourdieu, curriculum, pedagogy, and evaluation tools
are based on upper-class values that place low-income students and non-European
students at a disadvantage in educational systems.
Throughout the country, educators struggle to identify the reason why a
significant percentage o f low-income African American students do not perform at
the same level as other racial groups in the classroom and on standardized tests.
For example, Perry and Delpit (1998) noted that the mean Grade Point Average for
African Americans in the Oakland, California public school system as 1.8; Asian
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47
American had 2.4; and White students had 2.7. Although African
Americans make up 53% of the student population in Oakland, they represent 80%
of the suspensions and 71% o f die students labeled as “special needs” (Perry &
Delpit, 1998). Researchers attach multiple reasons for academic
underachievement, including, inadequate resources (Kozol, 1991) and academic
inferiority (Hemstein & Murray, 1999).
Delpit (1998) agrees with Bourdieu’s theoretical framework and argues
that there are possible pedagogical flaws in classrooms, which present the greatest
challenge for academic achievement among low-income African Americans.
Delpit suggests that teachers can possibly have a negative influence on racial
identity and college aspirations by demeaning the dialect or style o f dress of an
African American student. Based on Delpit’s argument, African American
students who view correcting their language as degrading, may develop a negative
Black racial identity or feel uncomfortable in formal educational environments.
Although Delpit supports Bourdieu’s framework, it is unclear whether or not
Bourdieu would embrace her theories, because Bourdieu focused on social class
inequalities, not racial differences.
Other researchers focused on language socialization o f African Americans
argue that African American children have a strong self-efficacy and sense of
identity based on their ability to display their intelligence through language, such
as rap songs and improvisations (Goodwin, 1990; Taylor & Dorsey-Gaines, 1988;
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48
Vemon-Feagans, 1996). Although all African Americans do not rap and
do improvisations, these claims highlight the differences in language that can
affect academic achievement in classrooms. African American students’ racial
identity may be suppressed in classrooms when teachers are unfamiliar with
language variations and mistake cultural language differences for errors.
Mentioned earlier, the Cunningham (1977) study on dialect corrections
offered one reason why an African American student would participate less in
class. Due to years of being ‘corrected by teachers’ or labeled ‘ignorant’ for their
inaccurate speech patterns, low-income African Americans detach from classroom
involvement (Delpit, 1998). Based on Delpit (1998) and Kunjufu’s (1993)
findings, the classroom experiences of low-income African Americans can have a
negative effect on racial identity, self-efficacy in formal education, and invariably,
on college aspirations. Teacher interactions have the ability to either encourage or
discourage educational aspirations to pursue formal education. College aspirations
can be aborted if teachers do not acknowledge the differences in speech patterns
and develop meaningful strategies for differences in dialect Perry and Delpit
(1998) emphasize the importance of teaching African Americans Standard
English, yet forewarn that intolerance to Black English/Ebonics is detrimental to
student academic achievement Delpit (1998) recommends teachers:
Recognize that the linguistic form a student brings to school is intimately
connected with a loved one, community, and personal identity. To suggest
that this form is “wrong” or, even worse, ignorant is to suggest that
something is wrong with the student and his or her family (p. 19).
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49
Racial identity can be an important variable affecting African American
classroom experiences, school achievement and college aspirations. The constant
criticism over a cultural dialect can damage the academic esteem o f a student and
lead to insecurities regarding stereotypical statements about one’s race.
Stereotypes can either motivate African Americans to excel academically, or
present self-efficacy issues in school. Some African American students fear
academic related activities because peers may associate it with White behavior
(Gregory, 1992).
Researchers have long debated whether or not there is a difference between
African Americans and other ethnic groups in academic achievement The
achievement gap between Asian Americans, Whites, African Americans, and
Hispanics have spumed countless debates and fueled stereotypes of racial and
genetic superiority and inferiority. Hermstein and Murray’s (1994) controversial
book The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life argued
that controlling for socioeconomic status and cultural bias on standardized tests
African Americans still do not perform at the same level as Whites and Asian
Americans. Inspired by previous claims that slavery damaged the black psyche,
Hermstein and Murray (1994) tested Africans who did not experience or have
descendants o f slavery and maintained their conclusion that Blacks are
academically inferior to other ethnic groups.
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5 0
Albeit quite controversial, the research of Hermstein and Murray
(1994) are part of a long-standing debate. In contrast to Hermstein and Murray’s
(1994), Steele (1990) introduced the phrase “racial vulnerability” to describe how
African Americans are more susceptible to an “inferiority anxiety” in school.
Racial vulnerability suggests that constant exposure to negative images in society
regarding academic ability, can stimulate anxiety during testing for African
American students. This anxiety is known as the “stereotype threat” (Steele &
Aronson, 1995).
Stereotype threat. Stereotype threat is when individuals feel at risk of
confirming a negative stereotype about their group. It focuses on a psychosocial
predicament that may occur when individuals feel pressure that their performance
will affirm current negative perceptions about their race or gender (Steele &
Aronson, 1995). Steele and Aronson examined the stereotype theory on African
Americans during intellectual testing and found that students performed lower than
Whites in ability diagnostic conditions, but not in non-diagnostic conditions.
African American students, when informed that they were being testing on
intellect, performed lower than Whites who were identified with equal academic
ability. However, when testing conditions were structured to remove the perceived
threat of fulfilling the stereotype, African Americans improved their test
performance. Steele and Aronson (1995) argue that the perceived threat of
confirming negative stereotypes about African American academic ability can
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51
impair intellectual test performance, reduce the individual’s academic
expectations, and consequently may lead to academic dis-identification.
Academic dis-identiflcation is when a student disassociates herself or
himself from participating in academic activities like engaging in classroom
activities, completing homework, or studying for exams (Steele, 1992). Although
all students experience anxiety to perform well academically, minority and
disadvantaged students are likely to experience greater anxiety from pressure to
not validate negative stereotypes regarding their race and/or socioeconomic class
(Steele, 1992). Steele and Aronson (1995) also found that African American
students reduce their effort and performance levels when they know that they are
being testing diagnostically and results could potentially confirm a negative
stereotype. In non-diagnostic tests, the African American students performed at or
above their academic levels (Steele & Aronson, 1995). The pattern of under
performance seems consistent between high-, middle-, and low-achieving African
Americans, all who performed below academic level on SAT and ACT exams in
Steele’s (1992) research.
In addition to Steele and Aronson’s (1995) stereotype threat theory,
Thomas Dee’s (2004) findings offer an additional perspective on the achievement
gap between African American and White students. Dee, an assistant professor at
Swarthmore College, compared the academic performance between African
American and White students, who were taught by teachers of their same race.
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52
Two findings are important to this examination of race and academic
achievement. First, the study found that African American students who were
taught by African American teachers scored three to five percentile points higher
on the Stanford Achievement Test in Math, than African American students who
were taught by teachers from other racial groups. Higher scores between three and
six percentile points were also noted in Reading.
Furthermore, African American students who had an African American
teacher for two or more consecutive years scored even higher. For students who
were assigned to a teacher o f their same race for four consecutive years, the
improvement was approximately 9% in Math and 8% in Reading (Dee, 2004). Dee
also found academic improvement among White students who were placed with
White teachers. The academic improvements were noted both through
comparisons of students between classrooms and within individual classrooms.
Dee speculated the possibility that African American students may view
African American teachers as role models, which consequently could raise their
academic self-confidence and self-esteem. He suggests that learning in a classroom
may be easier when the African American student has a teacher she or he trusts
and respects (2004). Second, African American students who benefited the most
from having an African American teacher were concentrated in disadvantaged
schools with a high population o f African Americans (Dee, 2004). Dee
hypothesized that this finding may lend credence to the stereotype threat, because
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53
students may not feel academic inadequacy in a classroom where racial
dynamics reflect their personal identity. It should be noted that Dee’s research
focused on students from first through third grades. However, if the findings are
consistent for other grade levels, educators should be concerned. There is a
shortage of minority teachers. African Americans make up 17% of the K-12
students in public school, yet only 8% of the teachers (Dee, 2004).
In an ideal society race should not matter in teaching and learning.
Although Dee noted, students had higher academic success when they were in
classes with teachers of the same race, he cautioned that wide generalizations
made from his findings could be unjustly used to make a case to reestablished
segregation in schools. Nonetheless, Dee’s findings make the claim that a teacher’s
race can influence a student’s academic success. How or why is not known.
Having a “Racial Role Model” could be a hypothesis, but certainly is not
supported in research. Racial biases among teachers also may be speculated.
However, there is little empirical data to support such claims. The aforementioned
comments by Delpit (1998) and a study conducted 25 years ago by Marylee Taylor
(1979) are examples o f racial biases by White teachers towards African American
students. Taylor’s observations concluded that African American students received
less attention, were praised less, and scolded more often by White teachers (1979).
In addition to anxiety and poor performance on standardized exams,
academic dis-identification is a major factor that leads to student disengagement
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54
Three major variables that affect student motivation and contribute to
disengagement are (I) the student’s perceptions of future opportunities through
education; (2) the student’s perceptions of racial prejudice and discrimination; and
(3) teacher’s attitudes toward and expectations of students (Felice, 1981). Research
notes gender differences in academic dis-identification and achievement.
Gender Differences and Academic Achievement among African
Americans. African American boys are more susceptible than girls to academic
dis-identification, particularly between the 8th and 12th grades (Osborne, 1997).
Osborne (1997) suggested that societal pressures and peer groups may influence
African American boys and increase the probability for disengaging in academic
work. Witherspoon, Speight and Thomas (1997) noted that African American
adolescent males embrace attitudes of Cross’ Immersion stage (Afrocentric
Identity) more often than females. Consequently, embracing Immersion attitudes
may either cause teachers to not invite African American boys “to fully participate
in the learning environment and/or his withdrawal from fixe school environment,
either one of which could result in lower grades” (Witherspoon et al., 1997, p.
353). Furthermore, Witherspoon and her colleagues found gender was a significant
predictor of grade point averages. African American females had higher grade
point averages.
Although early research suggested that African Americans had a negative
self-perception and suffered from self-esteem issues, racial identity may be viewed
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55
through a different lens, based on socio-economic conditions - one’s
habitus (as discussed earlier) or gender. Gender differences among African
American adolescents may contribute to different perceptions o f racial identity and
future goals. For example, Honora (2002) noted that the future goals of African
American girls were primarily in the areas of education, employment, marriage,
and family. In contrast, several researchers have noted that the dominant future
goal for African American males is a career in sports (Assibey-Mensah, 1997;
Honora, 2002; Parmer, 1994; Sellers S c Kuperminc, 1997).
In Honora’s (2002) study, high-achieving, low-income African American
boys had college aspirations, but perceived that an athletic scholarship would be
the means to finance college. High achieving boys knew of more students who
attended college by obtaining an athletic scholarship, than an academic
scholarship. Low-achieving boys viewed sports as their future goal and did not
concentrate on academic achievement. Although sports are a main point of
emphasis among African American boys, its impact on academic achievement can
be positive. There was a positive relationship between sports participation among
African American adolescents and grade point average, self-concept, academic
self-confidence, and academic achievement (Jordan, 1999). However, only 18% of
African American students participated in a team sport, and 10% in an individual
sport. Jordan noted that it was difficult to determine whether or not, higher grade
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5 6
point averages and academic achievement were influenced by coaches
and administrators pressuring teachers to pass athletes.
Whether due to stereotype threat, academic anxiety, or different goals
based on gender, it is evident that African American students may dis-identify with
their schoolwork for a multitude of reasons. Rowley, Sellers, Chavous & Smith
(1998) argue that African Americans adolescents have a strong self-esteem, but do
not hold a desire for “academic esteem” due to the insulation hypothesis.
The insulation hypothesis argues that because of racial segregation in the
United States, the majority of African Americans compare themselves not
with members of the broader society, but with other African Americans. As
a result, African Americans are insulated from the broader society’s
negative perceptions of their racial group, and their personal self-esteem is
protected (Rowley et al., 1998, p. 716).
Clay’s (2003) research on the impact o f rap music offers a strong example of how
the insulation hypothesis manifests itself among African American youth.
Hip-Hop Culture and Racial Identity. Why is the examination of hip-hop
culture and rap music relevant to the analysis of Black racial identity? Berry’s
(1994) study concluded that low-income African American youth develop positive
identities, empowering beliefs, and cultural connections through rap music.
Sullivan’s (2003) research found that on a ten-point Liekert scale (10 = I listen to
rap all the time) African American youth rated 8.57. Furthermore, a significant
percentage of African Americans stated they believe rap music is truthful and
teaches them about life.
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5 7
George (1999) argues that rap music offers lucid illustrations of
die African American experience that has proven to speak in a voice that motivates
African American youth. The evolution of rap music, Clay (2003) posits, gives
African American youth who feel socially and economically disenfranchised from
the American dreams, hope and recognition as they hear and view their stories
represented in songs and music videos. Hip-hop cultures support o f African
American revolutionaries and political leaders has drawn African American youth
who are in search of racial identity, and positioned hip-hop as “the blackest culture
- one that provides the scale on which all others can be evaluated” (Gilroy, 1997,
p. 85).
Clay (2003) supports Gilroy’s (1997) assertions and posits that African
American youth use rap music as a form of cultural capital to authenticate Black
racial identity and construct racial boundaries. By connecting Clay (2003) and
Gilroy’s (1997) arguments to Lamont and Lareau’s (1988) claim that cultural
capital is a basis for social inclusion and exclusion, it can be argued that African
Americans who embrace rap music develop different measures of cultural capital
and values o f authentic Black racial identity. While Lareau and Horvat (1999)
focus on the lack of cultural capital among African Americans, Clay (2003) and
Hall (1992) argue that some African Americans construct their own boundaries
and cultural capital. If this alternative cultural capital and racial identity do not
support college aspirations, African American youth may choose to forego college.
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5 8
These realities may be apparent in recent trends in rap music. Rap artist
Kanye West’s album entitled College Dropout debuted at number two on the
Billboard charts in March 2004, and has presently sold over two million records
(Billboard, 2004). Although all of the album’s lyrics do not portray a negative
attitude towards college, one could argue that the album title alone can send
adolescents an anti-college message.
Clay’s (2003) research found that the more popular students were those
who successfully had a hip-hop identity through fashion, gestures, and knew the
words to rap music. In contrast, other students who did not master the “hip-hop
Black identity” were excluded from certain groups, and not esteemed by peers.
Students set boundaries about racial identity that establish who is authentically
Black based on non-academic criteria. Consequently, students in these settings
searching for racial identity may note what their peers affirm and pursue non-
academic interests to gain acceptance.
Although one could argue that the analysis of rap music and hip-hop
culture is not pertinent to the study of racial identity and college aspirations, it is
evident that educators are competing with rap music for the ears and minds of
African American youth. Thus, an understanding of the medium and awareness of
its messages can shed light on to the variables that shape African American racial
identity and influence their college aspirations.
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59
Others posit that there is a paradox among African Americans
where adolescents do have high academic interests, which do not manifest in
school settings (Mickelson, 1990). Mickelson (1990) cites Coleman’s (1966)
report, Equality in Educational Opportunity, which notes that although African
Americans report having a high interest in academic achievement it “is not
translated through action into achievement” (p. 320). Ogbu (1978) contends that
this paradox is attributed to the “caste-like” system prevalent in American culture
that has led lower-class people and minorities to believe they will never be able to
compete for jobs, despite having the required qualifications. Thus, minorities and
lower-economic class individuals may not pursue academic achievement
wholeheartedly because of the perceptions o f a “ job ceiling.”
Mickelson (1990) describes these aforementioned perceptions as abstract
and concrete attitudes. Abstract attitudes toward education revolve around the
American Dream and the Protestant work ethic that getting a good education will
invariably lead to upward mobility and success in life (Mickelson, 1990). In
contrast, students with concrete attitudes believe that education may or may not
lead to economic opportunity and social mobility (Mickelson, 1990). Concrete
attitudes evolve from a student’s experiences in her or his community and family.
Whereas, abstract attitudes are based on ideologies that education is the gateway to
success.
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60
The Mickelson (1990) study explored the concrete and abstract
attitudes of African American and White high school students and noted that
African Americans are inclined to have concrete attitudes, while White students
typically embraced abstract attitudes. The attitudes of African American high
school students in the Mickelson study offer another rationale for why an African
American student may lose motivation and disengage from schoolwork. Irwin
Katz (1967) was one of the first to examine motivational factors as a reason for the
achievement gap between African American and White students. Rather than
attributing academic differences to incompetence and uncontrollable behavior,
Katz (1967) argued that the gap could be related to values. Graham, Taylor, and
Hudley (1998) suggested that academic values o f a student shift the focus to the
perceived importance, attractiveness, or usefulness o f academic activities. The
emphasis on academic values when explored is not about ability - “Can I do it?”
but rather “Do I want it?”
Graham et al. (1998) researched the academic values o f African American
sixth, seventh and eight graders using peer nomination procedures to explore who
the adolescents admired, respected, and aspired to be like. African American girls
value academic success, a strong effort in school, and admired high-achieving
students (Graham et al., 1998). African American boys however, admired the
academic values o f high achieving African American girls, but noted that they
valued high-achieving boys the least (Graham et al., 1998). Furthermore, African
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61
American boys most admired the boys who were good at sports. These
findings illustrate how racial identity, academic aspirations and achievement in the
African American community is complex. Although the majority o f African
American boys respected high-achieving African American girls, they admired
and aspired to be like their male peers who were good in athletics, rather than
academics.
Cross (1991) said it best when he stated that, Black racial identity is not
monolithic for all African Americans just because they share similar physical
characteristics. There is a unique dynamic between racial identity and self-concept
among African Americans, because each individual may have her or his own
subjective meaning of how race contributes to her or his self-concept (Rowley et
al., 1998). Therefore, it is difficult to identify one sequential relationship between
racial identity and esteem that will motivate African American adolescents
towards their highest academic achievement.
For some African American adolescents, racial identity can either light the
fire or douse the flame in their academic journey. Depending upon how one views
race and the role of school in her or his life will shape their motivation leveL For
other adolescents, they may be too young to be consciously aware of their
ethnicity; consequently, race is not significant in their lives. Marcia (1980)
developed the following four stages o f ethnic identity in adolescence: (1) diffused,
(2) foreclosed, (3) moratorium, and (4) achieved. In the first stage, diffused
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62
identity, individuals have not engaged in exploring racial identity. In the
second stage, foreclosed identity, an individual has a clear understanding of their
ethnic identity, but has not chosen to explore or learn more about their culture.
Oftentimes, a person in the foreclosed stage has embraced their identity based on
the values o f their parents. Individuals in the third stage, moratorium, have begun
to explore their ethnic heritage, but have not chosen to accept or reject it. Finally,
in die fourth stage, achieved identity, individuals display evidence that they have
explored their ethnic identity and have a clear understanding and acceptance of
their ethnicity (Marcia, 1980).
Marcia’s (1980) ethnic identity model presents an additional outline that
differs from the Cross model (1971). Furthermore, it illustrates another perspective
for examining the role, or lack thereof that ethnic identity plays in the lives of
adolescents. The issue of adolescence raised by Marcia’s (1980) model presents a
good transition into the exploration of adolescent attitudes and behaviors. The next
section delves further into the exploration of how race and class impact college
aspirations by exploring the high school years - a pivotal period that researchers
argue can present conflicts between African American academic motivation,
general values, and college aspirations in particular.
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63
The High School Years
High school are crucial years where adolescents decide to pursue college,
stop formal education after receiving their diplomas or drop out. Between 1980
and 2000 the college enrollment of African Americans improved from 9% to 11%
(National Center for Education Statistics, 2003a). Between 1972 and 2000 the high
school dropout rate for African Americans declined from 21% to 13%. Although
there are higher percentages of African Americans in college and a lower
percentage dropping out of high school, the 13% dropout rate among African
Americans is still high in comparison to the 7% rate for Whites (National Center
for Education Statistics, 2003a).
The two parts of this section analyze research that has identified high
school as the critical years where low-income African Americans lose interest in
school, and often choose to forego college enrollment. Part one highlights recent
research noting the decline o f college aspirations among low-income African
Americans during high school. Part two explores how the transition from 8th to
9th grade affects student success and college aspirations.
Declining Aspirations During High School
Although researchers report that academic achievement is valued by
African Americans (Coleman et al., 1966), college aspirations among low-income
African Americans are not sustained and reinforced during their high school years
(Hamrick & Stage, 2004). This chapter began by citing the results o f a study
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64
conducted by Hurtado and associates (1997), where 94% of low-income,
African American eighth graders stated they desired to attend college. However,
by the end of their twelfth grade year only 19% chose to apply (1997). The
Hurtado et al. (1997) study is part of a significant body of research exploring when
college aspirations diminished among low-income African Americans. In
particular, researchers have examined how the transition into high school affects
academic identity and college aspirations (Cabrera & LaNasa, 2000; Hamrick &
Stage, 2004).
Cabrera and LaNasa (2000) conducted a similar study and traced the
academic performance and attitudes of low-income students from 8th to 12th
grade. They noted a decrease in academic performance among low-income
students during their high school years. Out o f 1,000 eighth graders from the low-
income backgrounds, only 285 received at least minimum college qualifications by
twelfth grade. Of the 285, only 215 applied to four-year colleges or universities by
the end of their senior year. Two years after high school graduation, only 144
enrolled into a four-year institution (Cabrera & LaNasa, 2000).
The change in college aspirations between 8th and 12th grade noted in the
Cabrera and LaNasa (2000) and Hurtado et al. (1997) suggest that the high school
years are critical to sustaining the college predisposition of African Americans. On
average African Americans decide to attend college later than Whites (Hossler,
Schmit, & Vesper, 1999). Gandara (2001) suggests that mentor programs for low-
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65
income African Americans should be well timed to coincide with the
high school years, because this is the period when they may lose interest in
college. However, other research suggests that mentor programs may not be
enough. Kaplan (1999) found low-income African American and Latinos in a pre
college program were undecided about enrolling in college, because they feared
leaving peers and expressed concern about whether or not they could achieve
academically.
Whether academically eligible for college or not, peers influence the
educational aspirations o f low-income African Americans. Their academic
identities are influenced by, their parents, the perception teachers and counselors
have o f them, and the perceived long-term benefits of college (Adam & Singh,
1998; Howard, 2003). Cabrera and LaNasa (2000) and Hurtado et al (1997)
findings that the college aspirations among low-income African Americans are
present in eighth grade significantly decrease during high school are consistent
with earlier research However, Adams and Singh (1998) would argue that
Hurtado’s study was weak because they focused on race and class, which are
variables teachers cannot change. Adams and Singh contend that researchers
should examine race and class variables in the context of other important variables,
such as the high school transition year between eighth and ninth grades, which also
can influence academic success or failure. This charge has prompted other
researchers to explore how transitioning from middle school to high school affects
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66
students (Barber & Olsen, 2004; Newman, et al., 2000; Roderick, 2003;
Schiller, 1999).
The Transition from Eighth to Ninth Grade
The transition from eight to ninth grade is a critical point in a student’s
educational career that determines whether or not she or he will enroll in college or
potentially drop out of high school (Romo & Falbo, 1996; Schiller, 1999).
Transitioning to a larger school, greater teacher expectations, more academic
responsibility, and autonomy from parents can affect the academic success of
students (Schiller, 1999). Students unable to adjust to additional assignments and
the more anonymity students experience during the transition year may lead to
decreased attendance, declined achievement, delinquency, and substance abuse
(Newman, et al., 2000; Seidman, Aber, Allen & French, 1996). The sign that a
student may drop out of high school, usually begins with a high absence rate
(Newman et al., 2000). Legters and McDill (1994) suggested that poor academic
tracking could contribute to absenteeism. For example, placing a student in a class
that is too easy or too difficult may decrease student interest, lead them to cut
class, and invariably earn lower grades.
Research has focused on the difficulties that a larger percentage of minority
/
students have when transitioning to secondary school (Reyes, Gillock, & Kobus,
1994; Roderick, 2003; Roderick & Cambum, 1999; Simmons, Black & Zhou,
1991). In particular, researchers note that low-income students are more vulnerable
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67
to a decrease in academic motivation and performance during the
transition to ninth grade (Eccles et al., 1991, 1993; Reyes et al., 1994). Newman
and colleagues (2000) analyzed the variables that contributed to the successful
transition into high school among low-income, African American students. The
five characteristics of low-income African Americans who experienced high
academic success during their transition to ninth grade were that they:
1 . had a strong mother who monitored their academic achievement;
2. exemplified an ability to control their behavior;
3. had the support of extended family members;
4. had support from teachers; and
5. realized the impact their friends could have on their academic
achievement.
Sixty-two percent of the high-performing students believed that high
school was harder than expected. In contrast, only 44% of the low-performing
students stated that high school was difficult Also, both high and low performers
mentioned that adjusting to a new school, its size, social changes, the organization
o f classes, the length o f class periods, and interacting with new people made
transitioning into high school challenging.
Roderick (2003) found that African American males had a more significant
academic decline than African American females during their high school
transition. In Roderick’s (2003) study, 80% o f the African American males were
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68
failing one or more subjects by the end of ninth grade. Furthermore, over
25% of the African American males were failing all o f their courses or had
dropped out. As previously mentioned the challenges African Americans face
during their transition to ninth grade may be associated with the racial identity
issues. In addition, other variables such as conflicting teacher-student relationships
(Roderick), difficulty adjusting socially to a larger school and older students
(Felner & Adan, 1989), and a lack of parental support (Newman et al., 2000) also
contribute to adjustment issues among this population.
Teacher-student relationships. The high percentage of academic failure
among African Americans may be linked to student-teacher relationships in ninth
grade. Roderick’s (2003) study notes that teacher assessment o f students changed
from 8th to 9th grades. The same African American males who received ‘average’
or ‘above average’ ratings from their eighth grade teachers in attitude, skills, and
motivation were ‘below average,’ ‘being disruptive’ and ‘having a discipline
problem’ in the teacher assessment responses from ninth grade teachers (Roderick,
2003). The negative interactions between African American males and their ninth
grade teachers may contribute to a decrease in academic achievement throughout
high school. In Roderick’s study 60% of the African American males and 20% of
the African American females dropped out by the end of twelfth grade.
Newman et al., (2000) found that low-income, African American students
who transitioned in to ninth grade described some teachers as unapproachable,
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6 9
unavailable, not supportive, and belittling. High performing students
said they were not motivated and described their classes as boring and not
interesting. In the Newman et al. (2000) study, only a third o f the students,
primarily the low performers, believed at least one of their teachers was
supportive. Students’ perceptions of teacher commitment are important because it
can influence their academic performance. For example, Davis and Jordan (1994)
found that academic achievement among African American males was correlated
to teacher absences. The schools that had high teacher attendance rates were where
African American males had greater academic success.
In contrast, when students have negative attitudes towards their classes and
teachers, it can lead to an adversarial relationship between the teacher and student.
Earlier in this chapter, statistics noted the high percentage of African American
students who were dismissed from class for class disruptions (Delpit, 1998).
Students noted their primary source o f stress in school as conflicts with authority
figures on campus, such as being sent to the vice-principal’s office, and having
verbal arguments with teachers (Elias, Gara, & Ubriaco, 1985).
Social adjustment problems. In addition to a conflicting teacher-student
relationship, which contributes to declining student motivation during the
transition to high school, researchers suggest that there is a disconnect in high
school to successfully address die developmental needs of adolescents
transitioning from middle school (Elies & Midgley, 1991). Adolescents,
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7 0
transitioning to high school contend with adjusting to larger schools, a
new academic schedule, and peers (Felner & Adan, 1989). Ninth grade students,
who are unprepared to manage new freedoms of choosing their coursework and
adjusting to increased academic expectations, may straggle to adjust socially and
academically. Consequently, ninth grade can be the beginning of the end for new
students who do not perform well early.
The increased academic demands and tracking policies force students to
assess their academic competence and identity as learners (Roderick, 2003).
Oftentimes, ninth grade is the period where teachers require the student to be more
responsible for her or his schoolwork. A child who is not prepared for the
academic responsibility may become overwhelmed in ninth grade. Also, the
tracking system in high school could adversely affect a child’s academic
perception. Being placed on a lower academic track could damage a child’s self
esteem in ninth grade, and possibly throughout high school. A child’s confidence
could also be negatively impacted if she or he is placed in an academic course that
is too challenging for them. Thus, decisions made during these periods of
reflection have the potential to improve or damage one’s high school academic
identity and college aspirations.
Peers. In addition to the academic adjustment in ninth grade, a larger
school requires students to become acclimated to peers who are older and often
more mature. The adolescent development of a thirteen-year-old ninth grader is
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71
significantly different than a seventeen- or eighteen-year old twelfth
grader. The new social settings prompt adolescents to undergo personal identity
development and ask personal questions, such as: Who am I? What am I good at?
What affiliations and activities make me feel valued and competent? To answer
these questions, Roderick (2003) argues that adolescents begin to look to their
status among peers, verbal and non-verbal messages from adults, and messages in
the media.
Steinberg, Dombusch, and Brown (1992) found that it was difficult for
African American students to find peers who encouraged academic excellence.
Witherspoon, Speight, and Thomas (1997) suggested that “for African American
adolescents, racial identity may be intricately linked with the struggle for peer
acceptance” (p. 345). Given the previously mentioned complexities o f formulating
racial identity, African American adolescents navigating the murky waters of
identity formation, within the school, may have increased difficulty if their peers
and neighborhoods do not encourage academic achievement. Reyes and colleagues
(1994) found that low-income minority youth are more susceptible to declines in
academic performance and motivation during the transition to ninth grade.
Parental support. Newman and colleagues’ (2000) interview o f low-
income African Americans, which was conducted to understand the factors that
contribute to academic success when transitioning to ninth grade, noted that
students who successfully performed academically expressed that encouragement
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7 2
and support from mothers, extended family members, teachers, and peer
relationships were beneficial. Although Newman et al. (2000) suggested that
parental support positively impacts African American students’ transition into
ninth grade, Sui-Chi and Willms (1996) found that parents’ communication with
the school had a negative effect on school achievement and performance on
achievement tests, among students with learning or behavioral difficulties. Parents
who discuss school at home, and supervise and involve themselves in a student’s
schoolwork at home, had the most positive association with student achievement
(Sui-Chi & Willms, 1996).
Falbo, Lein & Amador (2001) built upon Newman et al. (2000) and Sui-
Chi and Willms’ (1996) findings on effective parental involvement during the
transition from eighth to ninth grade. Falbo, Lein & Amador (2001) found that
monitoring students’ homework, school attendance, and peer interactions daily,
during the transition to high school, improved the probability o f academic success.
This is because parents were able to identify problems early. In addition, parents
who help their children pick courses, extracurricular activities, tutor at home, help
students find the necessary academic resources, and who oversee and provide
encouragement over homework each day are more likely to see their children
successfully transition academically to ninth grade (Falbo, Lein & Amador, 2001).
Also, parents who encourage their children to participate in activities such as band,
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73
clubs and athletics in middle school, reap the benefits when they can
become involved in similar peer networks in high school (Falbo, Lein & Amador,
2001).
African American Parents. Steinberg et al. (1991) found that when African
American parents promoted academic achievement to their children, peer
influences eroded their positive influences. Honora (2002) found that high-
achieving, low-income, African American students who had clear long-term goals
used their parents as role models. These students discussed their college and career
plans with family members. Also, high-achieving students noted that their parents
and siblings encouraged them academically, made sure they had their school
supplies, and talked to them about college and doing well in school (Honora,
2002).
In contrast, Honora (2002) noted that lower-achieving African American
adolescents described their interactions with parents and family differently. For
example, the lower-achieving students stated that their parents worked long hours,
did not discuss future goals with them, and seldom reviewed their report card.
Parent-child interactions appeared to significantly influence the academic
achievement and future aspirations. African American students who had more
long-term goals (e.g. attending college) primarily described living in a positive,
encouraging home environment (Honora, 2002).
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74
Implications
Although research has examined college predisposition for African
American students (Flowers, Milner & Moore, 2003; Howard, 2003), there is a
lack of research that focuses on the beliefs of low-income African Americans in
the predisposition stage. Tyson (2002) encourages future research to explore what
happens during adolescence, which may contribute to a change in attitude among
students, toward academic achievement. When does the change occur? Could
negative attitudes found among some adolescents be masking other feelings such
as, fear, hurt, or embarrassment (Tyson 2002)?
Although studies note that a significant percentage of low-income African
Americans lose college aspirations between ninth and twelfth grades (Hurtado &
Navia, 1997) few researchers have explored the reasons for this change. Schiller’s
(1999) study notes that teachers can have a positive impact on students despite
socioeconomic status, the school environment, the students’ prior levels of
achievement, and gender. However, the major factor determining standardized
testing achievement among African Americans in high school was previous
achievement in earlier school years. It should be noted that Schiller’s research
focused primarily on academic achievement based on standardized testing and
acknowledges the effect that socioeconomic status has on academic achievement.
Consequently, she suggests that future research use different measures of academic
achievement in conjunction with standardized tests.
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7 5
Four other studies encourage future research to examine college
aspirations among low-income and African American adolescents. Hamrick and
Stage (2004) encourage researchers to explore how college aspirations among low-
income minority students can be sustained over time. Flowers, Milner and Moore
(2003) suggest future research analyze the barriers that impede academic
achievement and influence African American educational aspirations. Graham et
al., (1998) notes that there is no research that directly examines the achievement
values among African American youth, which motivate and disengage them from
academic pursuits - particularly during transitional grades.
Paulsen and St. John (2002) encourage research on student persistence to
consider the effect of students’ perceptions and expectations about college costs.
Kunjufu (1988) found inconsistent results regarding how peer support influences
academics, and recommends that more qualitative research focus on the academic
support African Americans receive within their peer group. Future studies should
focus on the recommendations of these researchers, in order to continue
developing strategies for improving the participation of low-income African
Americans in college.
Pema (2000) suggests additional research on racial/ethnic group
differences and the way in which social and cultural capital influence the process
of college enrollment, as well as how students develop expectations about fixture
labor market opportunities. Sanders (1997) suggested that research:
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7 6
1. fully explore the relationship^) between racial perceptions,
positive racial socialization, achievement motivation/effort, and school
success;
2. seek to determine the degree to which African American students’
perceptions of racism influences student achievement, motivation, and
academic success; and
3. investigate how positive, racial socialization interacts with other factors,
including levels of academic support from teachers, families, and
communities, to better explain the academic performance of African
American youth.
Conclusion
The journey of African Americans in general, and particularly in low-
income communities, is layered with entangled goals. The desire for individual
academic success in society may be met with feelings of disenfranchisement
within one’s community, if there appears a diminution o f racial identity. This
intricate walk was best illustrated in W.E.B. DuBois’ (1903) timeless novel, The
Souls o f Black Folk.
The history of the American Negro is die history of this strife - this
longing to attain self-conscious manhood, to merge his double self into a
better and truer self. In this merging he wishes neither o f the older selves to
be lost He would not Africanize America, for America has too much to
teach the world and Africa. He would not bleach his Negro soul in a flood
of White Americanism, for he knows that Negro blood has a message for
the world. He simply wishes to make it possible for a man to be both a
Negro and an American, without being cursed and spit upon by his fellows,
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7 7
without having the doors of opportunity closed roughly in his
face. This, then is the end ofhis striving: to be a co-worker in the kingdom
o f culture, to escape both death and isolation, to husband and use his best
powers and his latent genius. These powers of body and mind have in the
past been strangely wasted, dispersed, or forgotten.... This waste of
double-aims, this seeking to satisfy two unreconciled ideals, has wrought
sad havoc with the courage and faith and deeds (pp. 4-5).
This chapter highlighted perspectives from sociologists, anthropologists,
and social psychologists on the variables that influence college aspirations.
Sociologist, Bourdieu (1977,1994), emphasized the impact of social class
differences; anthropologists such as Fordham and Ogbu (1986) concentrated on
the cultural and historical background of African Americans; and social
psychologists, such as Graham et al., (1998) focused on how values influence
academic motivations. Bourdieu charged that the pedagogy, curriculum, and
evaluation methods in the educational system are based on upper-class values that
place members of low-income communities at a disadvantage in access to higher
education, and thus perpetuating social class distinctions. Delpit (1998) elaborated
on Bourdieu’s claims in her illustration of how the pedagogical flaws regarding
over correction of the dialect of low-income African Americans hurt their
academic motivation, can diminish self-efficacy, and hinder their desire to master
standard English.
Delpit and Bourdieu’s arguments led to further examination of how racial
identity impacts student interest in school, teacher-student relationships, and
college aspirations among low-income African Americans. In particular, two
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78
levels were discussed - peer acceptance and classroom experiences.
Low-income, African American adolescents who strive for peer acceptance will
face challenges with academic identity when the ‘Black psychology’ among peers
attribute academic achievement with ‘acting White’ and ‘acting Black’ as being
athletic, fashionable, and attending parties. Also, racial identity can be
demoralizing when low-income African Americans struggle to adjust between
socially acceptable speech patterns in their families and Standard English in the
classroom. Low-income African Americans may develop low self-efficacy and
decreased motivation to pursue college, if throughout their high school years they
are labeled as ignorant and academically challenged This is based on classroom
experiences where teachers repeatedly deem their dialect unacceptable.
As low-income African Americans lose interest in formal education and
shift their attention to peer acceptance, the likelihood o f college enrollment
becomes less probable. The growing influence of peers, lack of parental
knowledge about college, and growing influence ofhip-hop culture for a
significant percentage of African Americans, has left educators perplexed about
how to improve college aspirations among low-income African Americans.
Kunjufu (1988,1993) proposes establishing African American schools that
reinforce academic ideals in African American adolescents. There are those who
suggest schools with high concentrations of African Americans implement Afro-
centric curricula to promote cultural beliefs that affirm racial identity (McMahon
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7 9
& Watts, 2002; Mueller & Fleming, 2001; Wentzel & Watkins, 2002)
and high academic achievement (Spencer et a l, 2001). Others propose that
teachers carefully recognize that Black English/Ebonics and cultural norms are
connected to a child’s family and community, and not simply label a child as
“ignorant” (Delpit, 1998).
The disconnect between low-income African Americans and academic
achievement increases during high school years where peer influence surpasses the
roles o f parents and teachers. In particular, the transition into ninth grade is critical
because low-income African Americans have to adjust to new academic
responsibilities and interact with older students. During this transition, if ninth
grade students notice that athletics, clothes, and other non-academic activities are
associated with group acceptance, their attention may shift from academic to social
aspirations. To combat these concerns Kunjufu (1988) recommends recruiting
older adolescents as role models/counselors for students in their first year of high
school. This will ease the social and academic transition, as well as provide
positive support for academic success and cultivate college aspirations.
The challenges facing low-income African Americans are financial, socio
cultural and psychological. Questions remain regarding whether pedagogy has
become antiquated and is failing low-income African Americans or whether
teachers have ever successfully taught children from low-income communities.
Criticism range from placing the responsibility on teachers, students, and changes
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80
in popular culture. Despite these realities, schools cannot regulate
cultural beliefs, television programming, or the music industry any more than the
government can regulate college tuition. The government, high schools, and
colleges continue to explore ways to encourage career aspirations among low-
income African Americans. Research examining the effectiveness of government-
sponsored, pre-college enrichment programs comes at a critical juncture in higher
education (Oakes, Rogers, Lipton & Morrell, 2002; Tiemey & Hagedom, 2002;
Yonezawa, Jones & Mehan, 2002). Policy makers and educators continue to
search for effective approaches to improve college access and the enrollment of
low-income African Americans.
What do the voices of today’s African American ninth graders in low-
income communities have to say about college? What should high school
educators, administrators, and college recruiters know about low-income African
American school experiences that encourage or discourage pursuing higher
education? The next chapter outlines the research design o f this study and the
methodology used to collect and analyze the thoughts o f 100 African American
ninth graders.
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CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The first two chapters reviewed literature discussing how social class, race,
and high school experiences influence college aspirations among low-income,
African Americans. The goal was to highlight perspectives from previous research
on the contributing variables leading to the disproportionate percentage of low-
income, African American students enrolling in college, in comparison to other
ethnic groups. I reviewed Bourdieu’s claims that upper-class ideals embedded in
the educational system’s curriculum, pedagogy, and evaluation measures
contribute to inequities in scholastic outcomes, based on social class differences. I
also highlighted research from Cross (1971; 1991), Kunjufu (1988), Fordham and
Ogbu (1986), and Steele and Aronson (1991) to offer different perspectives from
researchers concerning the influence that race may have on the academic success
of African American students in formal education.
Lastly, I reviewed researchers such as Cabrera and LaNasa (2000) and
Hamrick and Stage (2004) who contend that college aspirations among low-
income African Americans diminish during their high school years. In particular,
the transition from eighth to ninth grades can be difficult for adolescents. The first
two chapters laid the foundation for the present study; exploring the impact of
ninth grade on the college aspirations o f low-income African Americans in urban
schools.
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82
Although the period between ninth and twelfth grade has been
described as critical years for sustaining college aspirations, there is limited
longitudinal research that focuses on this phenomenon. In particular, few
researchers, if any, have concentrated on understanding what experiences
encourage or discourage the college aspirations of low-income, African American
students during these school years. The present study is one step in that direction.
One hundred low-income, African American ninth graders (50 male and 50
female) were interviewed to explore how their experiences during ninth grade
impacted their college aspirations. This chapter introduces this phenomenological
study by first, giving an overview of phenomenological research and the
interpretivist framework utilized Second, this chapter describes the school sites,
the student selection process, and explains how data was collected and interpreted.
Phenomenological Research
Phenomenology is about understanding a phenomenon through the voices
of the research informant. To better discern the voices of the informants, Field and
Morse (1985) suggest that the researcher bracket her or his preconceived ideas
about the phenomenon. To understand phenomenology, it is important to be
familiar with its origin, the types of phenomenological studies, and the procedures
used in phenomenological research.
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83
The Origin of Phenomenological Research
Phenomenological research dates back to Edmund Husserl’s work in the
early 20th century. Husserl argued that research procedures used in natural
sciences should not be used in social sciences because human beings react to
situations based on self-perceptions, past experiences, and other non-formulaic
variables (Laverty, 2003). Based on this argument Husserl introduced
phenomenological research. Phenomenology, according to Husserl (1970),
requires that research engage in a process o f probing into a person’s individual
reality. Accordingly, phenomenological researchers seek to understand how the
participant’s view of reality influences their experiences and outcomes. This
paradigm is different from natural science research where the focus may be on
understanding stimuli and responses. In natural sciences analyzing outcomes is the
central focus in the research. However, in phenomenology the central point is to
understand the participant’s perception of reality.
According to Valle, King, and Hailing (1989), psychologists tend to view
reality separate from the person. In contrast, phenomenological researchers believe
each individual constructs reality differently. Thus, the goal in phenomenological
research is to understand the meaning of human experiences through the eyes of
the person who lived it (Polkinghome, 1983; Valle, et al., 1989).
Phenomenologists aim to understand the world lived by the person being studied.
Simply put, a phenomenological study examines the meaning that lived
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experiences have for a group o f individuals, about a phenomenon
(Creswell, 1998; van Manen, 1997). The phenomenon explored in this study is the
diminishing college aspirations among low-income African Americans during
their high school years.
To begin a systematic exploration o f how the high school years influence
college aspirations, this study is designed to focus on Year One of high school,
which is ninth grade. Thus, the goal is to examine how the experiences during their
first year in high school, influenced their college aspirations. To this end, the
research focus is on how the students viewed their experiences during ninth grade.
Questions center on, do the experiences make the student enjoy school more or
less and to what extent has ninth grade influenced future aspirations beyond high
school? The approaches used to answer the aforementioned sample questions may
differ, based on the background o f the researcher. In fact, the background of die
researcher can categorize phenomenological studies into a specific category or
type. The next part discusses three types o f phenomenological studies and the
interpretivist framework at the core of phenomenological research.
Types of Phenomenological Studies
Three of the more popular descriptions given to phenomenological studies
are social, psychological, and hermeneutic. According to Creswell (1998), the
social phenomenological perspective emerged primarily through Schutz and
focuses on how daily interactions with others influence an individual’s meaning
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85
and understanding of everyday life (Creswell, 1998). Psychological
phenomenology focuses on examining individual experiences, but strives to
develop universal meanings for a broader understanding (Crewell, 1998;
Moustakas, 1994).
Hermeneutic phenomenology emerged from Martin Heidegger who was
concerned with grasping the meaning and understanding life’s small details
(Laverty, 2003; Wilson & Hutchinson, 1991). For example, hermeneutic
phenomenology believes a person’s understanding o f the world is a product of
comprehensive experiences, including a person’s historical background, economic
status, surrounding environment, and what a culture gives a person from birth
(Koch, 1995).
It should be noted that the three types o f phenomenological studies often
do overlap in research. Chapter Two’s research highlighted the complex effect
social class, race, and high school experiences may have on low-income, African
American college aspirations. Thus, this study believes that exploring the
phenomenon from social, psychological and hermeneutic perspectives will each be
valuable. Whether the researcher’s perspective adheres to social, psychological,
hermeneutics or another phenomenological perspective the process of
understanding is based on interpretation. Thus, the procedures in this study utilized
interpretivism and the constant comparative method adopted by other research that
focused on African American students (e.g. Howard, 2003).
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Interpretivism is based on the ontological perspective, which
suggests that reality is relative and constructed by individuals (Laverty, 2003). The
notion of multiple realities is why the interpretivism is also known as anti
positivist. The positivist paradigm suggests that reality is stable and formulaic.
Instead, interpretivists (or anti-positivist) argue that the cause and effect pattern
commonly used in natural science research is not pragmatic in the social sciences.
In social science research the interpretivist believes that although a
person’s reality may be less informed than others does not make it less true
(Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). Thus, the focus in the interpretive process is on the
meanings an individual places on her or his experiences and how she or he
believes the experiences effect personal development (Polkinhome, 1983). For
example, a woman who has been divorced twice may develop specific thoughts
against marriage, based on her personal history. The lingering affects of two failed
marriages may have cultivated a specific outlook on relationships and her personal
reality of marriage unions. In this example, the woman’s reality is not more or less
true, but based on perspectives that evolved from personal experiences. The
interpretivist would argue that subjective interpretation is required to understand a
person’s reality.
Subjectivity is the core o f interpretivism. According to Polkinghome
(1983), interpretivism is an attitude about knowledge, not a strategy to develop
new rules, laws, or theories. Consequently, the primary goal in this framework is
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8 7
to understand and reconstruct the experiences and knowledge of the
individuals interviewed. The knowledge is based on understanding, not concrete
definitions of reality (Laverty, 2003).
The interpretivist framework is appropriate for studying how the ninth
grade influenced the college aspirations of the low-income African Americans, for
two reasons. First, the focus is on learning how these students viewed their
experiences in ninth grade. While teachers, administrators, and counselors may
have perceptions of school culture, students may view school culture differently
based on their experiences. Interpretivism offers an opportunity to learn how the
students view reality (e.g. the school, their environment, attitudes towards college,
etc.). Probing life through a student’s viewpoint offers a clearer perception of what
they value as important, and find encouraging or discouraging in formal education.
Consequently, the procedures used in interpretivism require strong interaction
between the researcher and the respondents.
Interpretivist Procedures
Before the researcher engages in significant interaction with the
participants, it is important that the researcher take time for self-reflection. Self-
reflection is specifically imperative for the interpretivist, in order to help the
researcher become aware of one’s personal biases and assumptions (Laverty,
2003). In the self-reflection process, a researcher may write down personal
reflections or hypothesis about the topic, bracket them, and set them aside
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88
(Polkinghome, 1989). Identifying the personal biases and hypothesis of
the researcher can serve as a check and balance system when designing interview
questions, as well as, analyzing and interpreting participant responses. By
bracketing personal assumptions and biases, the researcher can assess if, and/or to
what extent their questions and interpretations to responses are skewed.
Osborne (1994) believed bracketing simply requires the researcher to
identify one’s hypotheses about the nature of the phenomena and then setting them
aside before beginning to conduct interviews. The overall aim of this study is to
explore how ninth grade experiences impact the college aspirations of low-income
African Americans. When engaging in self-reflection and bracketing hypotheses, 1
found that I had the following assumptions about low-income African Americans
and college aspirations:
1. Bourdieu’s argument that upper-class ideals are at the core of the educational
infrastructure and hinder the academic success of low-income, African
American students is accurate.
2. Bourdieu’s claim that social class status influences college cultural capital is
correct.
3. Curriculum, pedagogy, and evaluation measures (i.e. standardized tests) have
inherent economic and cultural biases that hinder the academic success of low-
income, African Americans.
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8 9
4. There is a decrease in academic motivation and college aspirations
among low-income, African American students, because formal schooling is
not universally affirmed among peers, family, and community members.
5. Low-income, African American students struggle with their racial identity,
when speech patterns affirmed in their community contradict writing and
speech expectations in the classroom This clash contributes to lower college
aspirations among low-income African Americans.
6. There are a high number of low-income African Americans in urban schools,
who do not want to attend college, because school experiences seem irrelevant
to their life outside of school.
7. Low-income African Americans have stronger aspirations to pursue careers in
sports and the arts, than college, because low-income African Americans
admire African American athletes and entertainers, more than college.
8. Peers have a stronger influence than parents and teachers on the college
aspirations of low-income, African American high school students.
After listing all of my assumptions, I made attempts to monitor my
preconceived notions and limit personal bias during the preparation, data
collection, and the data analysis process. In preparing the survey and interview
questions I made efforts to eliminate leading questions. I wanted to be certain that
each question was open ended and provided participants the opportunity to express
freely their experiences during ninth grade. Given my assumptions about
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90
curriculum and evaluation methods, I made certain that questions did not
specifically use the terms: unfair, racist, college, and acting White. For example,
rather than ask the question “Would you say your teachers are racist?” I explored
their beliefs about curriculum and pedagogy with statements such as: “Tell me
about your classes.” And, “How would you describe the relationship you have
with your teachers?”
I also attempted to limit the influence o f my assumptions about the college
aspirations of low-income, African American students. I did not mention college
unless it was brought up by one of the participants. If a participant mentioned
having college aspirations, or lack thereof, 1 specifically asked for further
clarification. For example, if a participant mentioned a desire to attend college, I
followed with a general question such as: “Why do you say that?” Or, “Who
agrees or disagrees with that statement?”
I consulted academic peers when revising my interview questions to ensure
that they were not leading to desired responses. Participant opinions about
pursuing college after high school was never mentioned in the surveys or prepared
focus group questions. This was done to minimize the likelihood o f participants
offering responses about college they may believe is “acceptable” in a school
environment
Before finalizing my results I reviewed the data with two colleagues for
further analysis. The process provided alternative impressions on the participant
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9 1
responses and offered additional insight Obtaining other perspectives on
the data helped compensate for my personal assumptions and biases and gave
stronger control to the analysis process. Later in this chapter I present a detailed
description of the data analysis process.
All qualitative research is susceptible to biases in interpretation of the
researcher. However, interpretivisim is a strong approach to assist educators
develop alternative propositions to sustaining college aspirations among low-
income African Americans in high school. Chapter Two noted inconclusive
findings from past research on how racial identity impacts academic motivation
and educational aspirations among African Americans. For example, Fordham and
Ogbu (1986) and Constantine and Blackmon (2002) argue that the “Acting White”
stereotype associated with high academic achievement deter African American
students from striving for scholastic success. In contrast Ford and Harris (1997)
found that high achieving African Americans had a strong Black racial identity.
The diverse findings illustrate how difficult, if not impossible it is to construct a
single-minded, theory for African Americans. Interviewing 100 ninth graders for
this study continues the examination o f racial identity and social class issues that
influence academic identity, and motivation. It also offers educators further insight
into the factors that impact college aspirations.
Although Cross’ theory is insightful, it does not specifically address the
stages of development that occur among African American adolescents regarding
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9 2
education. More specifically, what are the different perspectives that
low-income, African Americans have regarding school, which lead some to pursue
academic achievement and others to disregard this option? The conflicting
findings on how strong racial identity encourages or discourages academic
motivation, values, and aspirations have left educators uncertain on how to
effectively connect with their African American students. However, the
interpretivist approach offers a potentially viable methodology in exploring the
perspectives of low-income African American adolescents towards formal
education.
Cabrera and LaNasa (2000), Hurtado et al (1997) found that college
aspiration among low-income African Americans diminish during high school, but
did not identify the possible reasons why. Administering a quantitative study may
identify decreasing test scores, disproportionate high school graduation rates, and
poor college matriculation percentages. However, a qualitative approach based on
the interpretative framework provides an opportunity for a deeper understanding
from the research informant The researcher can now examine what experiences
influence their attitudes, preparation for standardized tests, the value placed on
high school graduation, and perceptions o f college.
Howard (2003) began meaningful discourse with African American high
school students about their academic identify and future aspirations. His research
was rooted in the interpretivist stance and utilized a constant comparative method
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93
to draw its findings. The present study follows Howard’s (2003) model
but is different on several levels. First, this study focuses on low-income African
Americans in ninth grade. Howard’s (2003) participants were not specifically from
low-income communities, nor were they solely ninth grade students. He engaged
in dialogue with ninth through twelfth grade students. Furthermore, Howard
examined the influences on academic identity. In contrast, this study focuses on
the influence of academic aspirations. The focus on how the ninth grade influences
academic aspirations in general and college aspirations in particular is the crux of
this study. I now turn to a more expansive look at the research design.
Chapter Two discussed the multidimensional characteristics of African
American adolescents with respect to racial identity and academic motivation.
Interpretivism assists in the exploration of the multidimensional characteristics
within this demographic, and may improve understanding and offer suggestions
for educators striving to improve their participation in schools. The complex
factors influencing college aspirations among low-income African American have
left educators in a quandary. This study seeks information from the students, such
as what encourages or discourages their attitudes towards academic achievement?
The next section discusses the research design, site and student selection process,
data collection and analysis procedures, and research limitations.
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9 4
Research Design
Background on the research design
Early studies note that socioeconomic status, racial background, parental
education level, peer influences, and a successful transition from middle to high
school are important factors that influence college aspirations. These
characteristics are used to understand how college decisions are influenced among
low-income African Americans in ninth grade. Interviews with 100 African
American ninth graders attending two high schools in Southern California were
conducted in seven focus groups and twenty individual interviews. Through these
interviews the results are triangulated with other researchers who focus on college
aspirations among low-income African Americans. To effectively conduct
research from Bourdieu’s perspective, Horvat (2003) argues:
The goal is not necessarily to examine individual interactions with social
systems but rather to uncover the rules and power dynamic that governs
social interaction... It would guide the researcher to look at individual
action as a response to social systems and to examine the ways in which
individual action shapes social structures... Bourdieu’s emphasis on the
importance of field, highlights the role of context in understanding social
interaction (p. 19).
Horvat (2003) sent research in a meaningful direction by focusing on the
interaction between race and social class. As mentioned in Chapter Two, Horvat is
one of few researchers to integrate Bourdieu’s theoretical framework to social
class and racial issues in the United States. Her recommendations that research
should seek to understand the rules and power dynamics that guide social
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95
interactions serve as a starting point for this research. Are there rules
and/or power dynamics among low-income African American students that lead to
diminishing college aspirations during their high school years? To address die
need for research suggested by Horvat (2003), it was imperative that students from
low-income communities with a small percentage of students enrolled in college,
be identified for this study.
Site Selection
The two schools selected, DuBois Academy and Woodson High, which are
fictitious names, are located in low-income communities in Southern California.
They were chosen because out of the twelve schools in their district, they have the
highest enrollment of African Americans (approximately 30% ofthe student
population at each school) and rank last in preparation for matriculation to a
University of California or California State University school. Table 3.1 illustrates
the graduation data, including: the number of graduates who have passed the
courses necessary for admission to a school in the University of California (UC) or
California State University (CSU) system, and the percentage o f graduates who
have passed course requirements for UC and/or CSU Admission.
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Table 3.1
Graduation Data
School Number of
Graduates
Number o f Graduates
Who Have Passed
Course Requirements
For UC and/or CSU
Admission
Percentage o f Graduates
Who Have Passed Course
Requirements For UC
and/or CSU Admission
DuBois Academy 635 85 13.4
Woodson High 279 94 33.7
Note: Data was compiled from School and District website, however to preserve anonymity o f
participants and participating schools the URL information will not be provided
As mentioned in Chapter Two, African American student college
aspirations begin to diminish during their high schools years. In particular, the
research suggests that the transition into ninth grade is a crucial year that
encourages or discourages academic aspirations. Thus, I chose to focus on the
ninth grade students at each school. Table 3.2 and Table 3.3 illustrate the ethnic
distribution for ninth graders at DuBois Academy and Woodson High.
Table 3.2
DuBois Academy 1 Ninth Grace Students Ethnic Distribution
Gender Asian Black Filipino Hispanic White Other Total
Females 25 141 4 217 25 23 35
Males 34 155 6 253 1 2 30 90
Total 59 296 10 470 37 53 25
Note: Data was compiled from School and District website, however to preserve anonymity of
participants and participating schools the URL information will not be provided.
Table 3.3
Woodson High Ninth Grade Students Ethnic]Distribution
Gender Asian Black Filipino Hispanic White Other Total
Females 11 71 22 134 10 9 257
Males 14 87 26 163 7 12 309
Total 25 158 48 297 17 21 566
Note: Data was compiled from School and District website, however to preserve anonymity of
participants and participating schools the URL information will not be provided
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9 7
The racial composition of the teachers at each school is also
worth noting, considering Dee’s (2004) research noting the potential influence the
race of a teacher, may have on a student’s academic success (See Chapter Two).
Table 3.4
School African-
American
Hispanic White (not
Hispanic)
Other Multiple or
No Response
Total
District
Wide
367(8.1%) 737(16.3%) 2953 (65.1%) 376 (8.3%) 100(2%) 4,533
Dubois
High
23 (13.6%) 17(10.1%) 110(65%) 13 (7.7%) 6 (3.6%) 169
Dubois
Academy
2 4 28 I i 36
Woodson
.High............
21 (17.9%) 18 (15.4%) 62 (53%) 9 (7.7%) 7(6%) 117
Note: Data was compiled from School and District website, however to preserve anonymity of
participants and participating schools the uri information will not be provided.
At both schools there is a disproportionate percentage of African American
teachers, to students. However, at DuBois Academy the disparity is significant.
There are only two African American teachers on the ninth grade campus,
although there are 296 African American students. The other schools in the district
have similar ethnic compositions; however, DuBois Academy and Woodson High
rank at the bottom in the district in all academic categories and college
matriculation. In addition, academic data for African Americans at each school site
note a decrease in SAT 9 (the state standardized tests) scores for each year in high
school. Table 3.5 and Table 3.6 provide examples of how the SAT 9 scores for
African American students at Woodson High decreased between the ninth and
eleventh grades, while Hispanic and White students for the most part improved or
remained the same.
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98
Table 3.5
Woodson High SAT 9 - Racial/Ethnic Groups - Reading
Percentage of students scoring at or above the 50th percentile
Grade Level African American Hispanic or Latino White
22 6 31
10® 12 6 46
1 1 ® 9 14 Not reported
Note: Data was compiled from School and District website, however to preserve
anonymity o f participants and participating schools the URL information will not be
provided.
Table 3.6
Woodson High SAT 9 - Racial/Ethnic Groups - Mathematics
Percentage of students scoring at or above the 50th percentile
Grade Level African American Hispanic or Latino White
30 17 42
10* 15 17 54
11® 9 14 Not reported
Note: Data was compiled from School and District website, however to preserve
anonymity o f participants and participating schools the URL information will not be
provided.
The decrease in academic performance on the SAT 9 as African Americans
move to tenth and eleventh grades, while Hispanic and White students maintain or
improve is another reason why Woodson High was attractive to examine. Students
at both schools share socioeconomic compositions; however, DuBois Academy
has only ninth grade students and Woodson High is comprised o f ninth through
twelfth graders. Along with the different grade compositions, ninth versus ninth
through twelfth, each campus had unique characteristics. Chapter Two discussed
how the surrounding community, otherwise known by Horvat (2003) as habitus, so
it is important to present a brief overview of each campus and its neighborhood.
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9 9
DuBois Academy, DuBois Academy is a freshman academy
made up o f all ninth graders. Three times a week the students spend the last two
periods o f the day attending the main high school campus located two miles away,
with the tenth through twelfth grade students. DuBois is located on a quiet street in
Southern California. On one side o f the school are residential homes; and on
another, industrial warehouses. Due to the surrounding homes and warehouses the
neighborhood is extremely quiet during the school day.
Upon driving up to the school, the campus grounds are surrounded by a
narrow steel fence. One would see students playing soccer or jogging around the
grass field during their Physical Education class. Visitors can find themselves
fifteen feet inside the campus gates, walking past several classrooms, before being
approached by an early twenties intern/security personnel in shorts and a white
polo shirt. The campus has a well-kept lawn and the buildings are gray and white.
DuBois Academy has several student groups, an SAT prep facility, and a student-
operated newsletter.
According to the district accountability report card, the student population
is a total o f925 students, of which, 272 are African American (30%), 462 are
Hispanic (50%), 74 are Asian (8%), and 117 are Other (12%). The student dropout
rate is 1.1, which is below the district rate of 2.8 students. Sixty-three percent of
the students are enrolled in courses required for admission to a college in the
University of California (UC) and/or California State University (CSU) systems.
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100
However, as noted in Table 3.1, only 13% o f the graduates actually
passed the course requirements necessary for admission into a UC and/or CSU
college. The school accountability report card on student achievement on the
California Standardized Test (CST) illustrates that only 13% were reported
proficient for their grade level in English, 4% in Math, 6% in Science, and 10% in
History.
Woodson High School. Woodson High School is a traditional ninth-
through twelfth-grade school, located on a busy street, in an older, low-income
neighborhood in Southern California. The neighborhood is primarily Hispanic and
African American. Businesses surrounding the school include, mom and pop
stores; Mexican food stores; and barber and appliance shops. The majority of the
store names are painted on the concrete above the front doors. Neighboring the
school is a public park that often has kids playing in the sandbox and teenagers
socializing near a brick wall.
Driving up to the school one would see a tall, ten-foot high wall and a
twenty-foot high fence hiding the school grounds. One campus security guard
greets visitors and late students at a narrow gate entrance into the campus. Upon
entering the gate, Woodson High School is surprisingly a charmingly, serene
campus; full o f flowers and palm trees. Three story buildings are painted with
warm colors, such as tropical yellow, orange, and green.
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101
According to the district accountability report card, the average
“ ' i ,
class size is 30 students. The school employs 86 teachers, with a total student
enrollment o f2,044, of which 572 are African American (28%), 1,073 are
Hispanic (52.5%), 171 are Filipino-American (8.4%), and 208 are Other (11.1%).
Woodson High has all major athletic teams, several student groups, and a school to
career counseling center to help students make decisions about life after high
school.
The student dropout rate at Woodson High School is 0.2, which is below
the district rate o f 2.8 students. Table 3.1 illustrated that only 34% of the graduates
actually passed the course requirements necessary for admission to a UC and/or
CSU college. Tables 3.4 and 3.5 noted the decrease in SAT 9 scores as African
American students move from ninth to higher grades. In addition, the school
accountability report card on student achievement on the California Standardized
Test (CST) for African American students illustrates that test scores also decrease
each year in high school. For example, the percentage o f African Americans
achieving at the proficient or advanced level in Science was 14% in ninth grade
and went down to 3% in tenth grade. In History, the percentage went from 10% to
5% ; English, from 15% to 12% and dropped further to 7% in eleventh grade. Math
was at 4% in ninth grade and went unreported in the tenth. An overwhelming
majority of African American students are not scoring at proficiency level in the
ninth grade, and the numbers continue to decrease with each year in high school.
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1 0 2
Participant Selection
In earlier studies, researchers explored how a strong racial identity
influences academic identity and college aspirations. Fordham and Ogbu (1986)
suggest that students who have a strong Black identity often shun academic
achievement. In contrast, Marcia (1980) argues that adolescents may not have an
awareness o f their ethnicity to the point where it would influence academic
achievement. The conflicting views present an engaging starting point for student
selection.
Although Howard (2003) examined the academic identity of low-, middle-,
and high- achieving African American high school students, his study did not
assess how racial identity influences academic identity, or the motivation to
achieve. Furthermore, Howard’s sample consisted of ninth through twelfth grades.
Thus, drawing conclusions may be difficult to reach by grade level. Consequently,
this dissertation will examine ninth grade students based on the following criteria;
1 . Must be enrolled in ninth grade at one of the aforementioned schools.
2. Must be African American.
3. Must live in the neighboring community o f one the school sites.
4. Must be willing to participate in the interviews.
The educational levels o f the parents were not established as criterion
because, this study wanted to determine whether or not there was a difference
between college aspirations of students whose parents did or did not enroll in
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103
college. Of the 100 students (fifty women and fifty men), 72 students
were from DuBois Academy and 28 students were from Woodson High School.
The decision to select both female and male students is based on my objective to
compare the racial identity from both gender perspectives, and compare its affect
on academic identity, motivation and college aspirations. The intent behind using
different school sites was to provide rich comparisons of die social and academic
adjustments of ninth grade students in two different environments.
The student selections could have focused solely on African American men
or women; examined high achieving students or students involved in athletics, or
examined students whose siblings went to college. However, in theoretical
sampling, 1 felt it was important to identify individuals who share similar
characteristics. In this case they shared race, socioeconomic class, and academic
year, but would provide comparisons among other variables (i.e. high versus low
campus involvement) that will enrich die study. If the study were longitudinal
participants would have been segregated based on academic and social
experiences, older siblings in college, and other characteristics. However, because
the population only consists o f ninth grade students, with three years of high
school remaining, it provided an opportunity to compare college aspirations in the
first year of high school between students that did and did not have siblings in
college.
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1 0 4
The purpose of the comparative analysis method is to identify
common and different themes attributed to various student perspectives among
African American ninth graders. To this end, the student selection process began
by a sampling process that involved three stages. First, the Administration office
of each school provided a list of all African American ninth grade students
(approximately 454 students). Participants were solicited by conducting general
assemblies for the African American ninth graders; one with all males, and the
other with all females. I presented a general overview o f the study, explained the
goal to learn about their experiences during ninth grade, and distributed parental
consent forms to be completed and returned.
At DuBois Academy, 217 students (103 males, 114 females),
approximately 73% of the African American ninth graders attended the
assemblies. Seventy-two students (24% o f the African American ninth graders)
returned permission slips and participated in the study. At Woodson High, 123
students of 158 students (89 males, 34 females) were asked to participate in the
study. Twenty-eight (17%) returned permission slips and participated. Table 3.7
illustrates the number o f females and males who participated at each school site.
Table 3.7
Ninth Grade Student Participants
School Male Female Total
DuBois Academy 33 39 72
Woodson High School 17 11 28
Total 50 50 100
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1 0 5
Each student was asked to participate in a 90-minute focus
group, held on their respective campus, during the school day. They took place
over die last four weeks of the school year in May and June of 2004. The primary
method utilized for data collection was six same-sex, semi-structured focus groups
and one co-ed group. The same-sex groups were audio taped and transcribed. In
addition, 20 students participated in one-on-one informal interviews before,
during, or after school, primarily for further explanation of their responses during
the focus group. The following expounds on the data collection and analysis
procedures.
Data Collection & Analysis
Data Collection.
Participants were asked to describe, in detail, their most meaningful
experiences during ninth grade. Although seeming to be general, the questions
became more specific once students began to speak. The goal is to have the
participants lead the discussion. Laverty (2003) noted that conducting data
collection with open general questions encourages the interview process to stay
close to the participants lived experiences. As I listened to the responses to open-
ended questions I followed suggestions by Kvale (1996) by listening to what was
said “between the lines” in comments, and what van Manen (1997) suggested by
being attentive to non-verbal behaviors in the interview (e.g. silence).
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106
The broad question that rooted the study was, “What is it like to
be a low-income, African American ninth grader in an urban school?” In
particular, the focus was on how social class and racial identity affect attitudes and
expectations about school and college. It was important to have an understanding
of student perceptions about how race, teachers, peers, parents, and other
undefined variables influenced their academic motivation, achievement,
aspirations, and expectations during this transitional year into high school. These
factors were examined based on Bourdieu’s cultural capital and habitus concepts.
Specifically, the goal was to identify connections that emerged from social
interactions with the aforementioned variables through observations and
interviews, which totaled approximately 65 hours. The interviews and observations
between the two sites included, student-counselor meetings, interviews, focus
groups, and observations during lunch periods.
Data collection occurred in two stages over four weeks. The first stage
occurred during weeks one and two, and consisted of observations in student-
counselor meetings, held before school and during lunchtime. The total
observation time during weeks one and two were approximately 35 hours. The
purposes of the observations were twofold: (a) to become familiar with the school
culture and student interactions, and (b) to establish a presence on campus that
could provide a level of familiarity between myself and the students. The second
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1 0 7
stage took place during weeks three and four, and involved conducting
seven focus groups (90 minutes each) and in-depth individual interviews (30
minutes).
Stage 1 - Site Observations. Campus observations were conducted to view
how the African American students interacted with faculty, administration, and
other students. In particular, lunchtime observations involved watching how
students interacted with each other (same sex, opposite sex, and between races). In
addition, student interactions with on-site security and administrators were
observed. I was also allowed to observe sessions between students and their
counselors. At the end of each class period, lunchtime, and/or student-counselor
meeting, I recorded notes regarding student behavior, comments, and body
language.
Stage 2 - Focus Groups. Seven groups were conducted - three at DuBois
Academy and four at Woodson High Before each group began, the students were
informed of the institutional review board policies. They were encouraged to speak
openly about the impressions of their first year in high school, but were told that
there will be a few questions in the survey and questionnaire to guide the
discussion Each group had between 9 and 16 students in a group. Participants
began by completing a 15-question, racial identity survey (Appendix A) and
questionnaire (Appendix B) about ninth grade experiences, to serve as a guide for '
the forthcoming discussion. The racial identity survey was based on Cross’ (1971)
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1 0 8
Black racial identity theory and Marcia’s (1980) stages of ethnic
identity development The questions were a modified version o f a survey used by
Phinney (1989). Each question was designed to stimulate students’ attitudes and
perceptions about their race and how their racial perceptions influenced their
academic motivation.
After, completing the racial identity survey and questionnaire, I facilitated
a discussion, guided by their responses, concerning their experiences during ninth
grade. The content areas for the group discussion were broad, open-ended
questions to limit student bias in the responses. However, the questions were
centered around themes such as: teacher-student relationships, school culture, race
relations, peer influences, school activities, etc., to provide some structure for the
survey (Appendix C). The following are sample questions that were asked: (1)
What is the hardest adjustment coming into ninth grade?; (2) What motivates you
in school?; (3) What causes you to lose interest in school?; and (4) How would you
define what it means to be African American?
During the discussion, I occasionally asked follow-up questions for further
clarification from the research informants. Throughout the discussion, a master list
of all responses was compiled and analyzed after the group session. After the
master list was compiled I facilitated a group discussion where the research
informants placed similar responses into categories. For example, all reasons why
coursework was not interesting were placed in a category. This process resulted in
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1 0 9
categories that will be discussed in Chapter Four. The categorizing
process continued, sections were merged, and subsections were created based on
similar concepts, until the group agreed.
Periodically, I probed students for more detail on certain comments, which
appeared to resonate with the majority of the participants. At the end of the focus
group session, I had the students sign up for interview times. Once the students
were dismissed, I recorded notes on student comments, attitudes, and behaviors.
The audio tape was transcribed and I resumed coding procedures by reviewing the
questionnaire responses. The goal was to identify new and recurring themes and
begin diagramming cause and effect relationships that would be further explored in
the interviews.
Interviews. Individual and pair interviews were conducted with 20 of the
students before school or during lunch, on the benches or general quad area on
campus. Each interview lasted between 20 and 30 minutes. The goal in each
interview was to have the students expand on their questionnaire comments. More
specifically, the students were asked about their overall perceptions o f how ninth
grade encouraged or discouraged them academically. Finally, the students gave
recommendations on how to improve the experience for future ninth graders. At
the end of each interview, I completed the interview analysis report to record
observations about the students’ physical behavior during the interview (Appendix
D).
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Data Analysis
Although phenomenology explores individual interpretations of
experiences, the final report should offer readers an overall understanding of the
experience. Others who may review the final analysis should have a clear
understanding of the experiences. Thus, researchers should organize individual
experiences in such a way that readers can identify common meaning that links
individual experiences. For example, “All ninth graders entering high school
experienced anxiety. Students chose to address their anxiety by cutting class,
participating in extracurricular activities, or experimenting with drugs.” In this
example, the common theme is anxiety. How students choose to deal with anxiety
speaks to their individual experiences.
To successfully group experiences, Moustakas (1994) suggests dividing
statements into common clusters, grouping statements based on common
experiences, and grouping statements based on common reactions to experiences.
The following 20 categorical titles emerged from the student responses:
1. College aspirations
2. Career aspirations
3. Academic identity
4. Motivation
5. Grades
6. Academic goals
7. Racial identity
8. Parents
9. Parents encouraging college
10. Encouragement and discouragement
11. Impact of ninth grade
12. Good and bad teachers
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13. Bad advising
14. Impressions of school
15. Curriculum
16. Standardized tests
17. Fitting in
18. Gangs
19. Lessons learned in ninth grade
20. Things I worry about
Organizing the responses into the 20 categories provided structure to the
analysis process. I reviewed the responses in each category, and checked for
similarities based on shared characteristics (e.g. gender, family background, school
site) to identify common experiences, causal conditions, and interactions during
ninth grade that were common and encouraged or discouraged college aspirations.
This process yielded the three overarching themes that will be discussed in
Chapter Four.
Accuracy during data collection was measured by cross checking students’
responses between focus groups at each school site. For example, I explored
student impressions of campus culture, racial tensions, perceptions of the
curriculum, and relationships with teachers for each group, as well as compared
responses with other groups at each site. In addition, I frequently revisited re-
occurring themes from earlier groups for further clarification, checked gender-
specific attitudes and impressions of ninth grade within and between each campus:
and tested whether or not student impressions were trustworthy, by triangulating
data between focus groups at each school site and between both schools. In
particular, site observations before school and during lunch were effective ways to
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112
substantiate student perspectives on racial tensions between students,
and relationships with teachers and administrators.
The aim of the study was to learn what is it like to be a low-income,
African American ninth grader in an urban high school Specifically, by examining
how 100 low-income African American ninth graders socially and academically
adjusted to high school: the intention was to explore how transitioning to ninth
grade may influence college aspirations. Yet, despite multiple methods employed
to ensure the validity in student responses, the study had its limitations.
Limitations
The following are three limitations in this study. First, interviewing
adolescents can provide several challenges. Phinney (1989) notes that changes
during adolescence involve more than peer and teacher interactions. Students
experience increased interactions outside o f school and family structures and begin
to learn about who they are socially, ethnically, etc. Consequently, student
responses throughout the study represent perspectives that are evolving daily.
Furthermore, it will be challenging to generalize the beliefs of all ninth grade low-
income, African Americans, because the study only represents a small percentage
of students in two schools. Responses will be based on experiences at their
particular school site.
A second limitation is that this study only interviewed the students. It did
not interview the parents, teachers, and counselors; all who can influence
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113
educational aspirations. The time and financial limitations in this
research did not allow me to triangulate student comments with the perspectives of
the parents, teachers, and counselors. The third limitation centers on the
researcher. Because I am African American and from a low-income family,
personal experiences may influence how interview responses are interpreted and
analyzed. Although before beginning the interviews I did a self-reflection of
personal hypothesis and potential biases, interpretation o f participant responses are
still filtered through me. My personal experiences and perspectives on reality can
influence my interpretations. This limitation is important to note. The bracketing
process provides greater structure to identify my biases.
Since the focus groups and site observations were conducted during the last
five weeks o f the school year there were certain limitations. Given that the
research question sought to examine the experiences during ninth grade, it may
have been more beneficial to track student experiences during the first days of
school and track them throughout the year. If I was able to cross reference student
impressions of high school and perceptions about college from the beginning o f
the year to the point at which they ended ninth grade, I might have had additional
data that would provide for a deeper understanding of the findings. Furthermore,
relying on student recollections o f their perceptions about ninth grade and
experiences from earlier in the school year has limitations, because some
experiences may have escaped a student’s memory during the focus group.
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Trustworthiness of Data
Given the noted limitations, the trustworthiness of the data is a concern. It
is important for the researcher to have a strong grasp of the interpretive framework
and the process when developing the study. Monitoring the trustworthiness of the
data is critical when designing the study. Checking for validity is critical during
both the data collection and data analysis processes. As previously mentioned,
before interviewing begins, potential biases of the researcher should be noted,
otherwise the data collection process could be skewed by the questions. Checking
for trustworthiness during data analysis is critical during interpretivist research,
because the framework is based on the notion that reality is relative.
To address the potential biases in the interviews and ensure the reliability
of the data, I had to be certain that the research informant’s voice was heard and
heeded. To accomplish this task, I utilized two strategies. First, I asked open-ended
questions in the focus group sessions to allow the research informants the liberty to
respond freely. I reviewed the initial questions with academic peers for comments
to ensure the questions addressed the areas of concern (e.g. racial identity,
academic achievement, academic motivation, peer influence, teacher-student
relationships, and curriculum). In addition, I fielded input from three high school
students of the same race, socioeconomic status and age, who did not attend either
of the schools. I was also conscious to construct “non-leading” questions when
developing the questionnaires and interview questions based on the concepts that
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emerged from the research informants’ core categories. For example, I
asked questions such as, “What was your most memorable experience during ninth
grade?” “What was the biggest adjustment you had to make during ninth grade?”
Another strategy I utilized to ensure validity during die interviews was to
restate the participant’s comments. I also asked follow-up questions for further
clarification and checked for group consensus when core concepts were developed.
Research informants were asked to clarify why a subcategory was placed in a
particular main category. Before each session closed, I asked the participant
whether or not she or he saw their beliefs or attitudes held by their friends,
represented in the topics we discussed. Questions were asked such as: “Do you see
your friends views represented in what we discussed? is there anything they
would add if they were here?” At the end of each session I reviewed all of the
main concepts developed and asked for additional areas concerning experiences
during ninth grade, which were not addressed.
I checked for validity in the questionnaires by leaving space at the bottom
for the research informants to add questions or comments they believed were
important, but were not included. Furthermore, each question on the questionnaire
had a comment section in the event the research informants wanted to expand on
their answer. Throughout the process, the research informants were affirmed as the
expert and I positioned myself as die learner. I asked questions in the group
discussions, interviews, and requested further clarification on their comments.
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When analyzing the trustworthiness of data in the data analysis
process Laverty (2003) and Lincoln and Guba (1985) encourage interpreting data
from a research informant’s perspective. Analysis should be “rooted in context” of
how the participant perceives reality. To accomplish this Lincoln and Guba (1985)
suggest that the researcher “confirm” assertions made by the participant by
determining whether or not they can be tracked to their source. This requires
asking the participant additional questions to understand how they view an
experience, and its impact on their perceptions of reality. For instance, the earlier
example o f the woman who had a negative attitude towards marriage could require
additional questioning. Further analysis could have determined that her perspective
on love and relationships were driven by the reality of her experiences (e.g.
abusive relationship, abandonment).
Checking the trustworthiness of the data in the analysis process was an
ongoing process in this study. I asked follow-up questions of students in the focus
groups or scheduled individual interviews at a later date, to have the participant
expand on how they developed their perspectives. Also, I asked other students
their impressions of specific incidents with teachers, students, and overall
experiences at the school to assess whether or not comments were consistent with
events that actually occurred on campus.
For example, student experiences with racial tension and student-teacher
relationships were triangulated to crosscheck patterns that emerged with other
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students. If the comments noted by the participants suggested a pattern
in their experiences, I analyzed their comments and searched for their meanings.
The meanings from common experiences were synthesized and the findings
yielded three overarching themes. Chapter Four is a synthesis of three themes
suggested among the participants regarding how the experiences during ninth
grade may influence college aspirations.
Antithetically, some experiences influencing college aspirations did not
emerge as common themes, such as not having a goal in life and just wanting to
party. While these may be of importance in the particular student’s reality and
influencing her or his college aspirations, they were not common enough among
the participant responses to justify categorizing it within one of the three themes
discussed in Chapter Four.
The findings are also analyzed through comparisons with previous research
and theoretical perspectives. Specifically, I compared the themes with previous
examinations of social class, race, and high school factors that may influence
college aspirations. Finally, although student comments suggested their parents
influenced them, it was difficult to confirm the trustworthiness o f these
experiences, because interviews with parents were not conducted. Nonetheless,
participant’s comments about their parents were extensive and included in Chapter
Four because the content suggests that parents had a significant impact on their
transition into ninth grade and future aspirations.
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Conclusion
Studying the ninth grade transition period among low-ineome African
Americans is needed to begin understanding how high school experiences
influence their college aspirations. The numerous studies that have discussed the
trends of diminishing college aspirations during high school are supported in the
academic data. A significant percentage o f low-income, African Americans have
decreasing academic scores with each year in high school. While researchers
debate the reasons for the decline, the students themselves remain an untapped
resource. The journey of African Americans throughout history has been long, but
significant progress has been made. Although slavery and Jim Crow have been
abolished, Brown vs. the Board of Education opened new doors of educational
opportunity, and low-income, African Americans remain disenfranchised.
Has the educational passion of previous generations been lost by its
offspring or has the new generation found a new passion? Is the passion present,
but the pedagogy outdated? Educators are looking for answers on how to connect
with low-income, African American adolescents, but has the bridge of
communication crumbled? This study will examine the experiences of students,
not through standardized tests, nor through administrators, but by listening to the
voices of the students themselves. This study may expose the keys that unlock the
doors to the minds of students: minds whose experiences may have shifted their
interest away from the educational system. Chapter Four outlines the major
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findings on how the experiences during ninth grade influence the
college aspirations of low-income African Americans.
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CHAPTER FOUR
FINDINGS
The purpose of this chapter is to explore the potential relationship between
the experiences during ninth grade, to the college aspirations of low-income,
African American students in two urban high schools, DuBois Academy and
Woodson High. After interviewing 100 ninth graders, the following three factors
had an impact on educational motivation and/or college aspirations among the
students: (1) Social Pressure, (2) Classroom Climate, and (3) Parental
Involvement Figure 4a highlights the sub-themes associated with each factor
found, which influenced the college aspirations of low-income, African American
ninth grade students in these two urban high schools.
Figure 4a: Factors Influencing College Aspirations
Social Classroom
Climate
Teacher-
Student
Relationship
Not Very
Involved
Very
Involved
Join a Join a
sports team
Forma
clique
Factors influencing the
College Aspirations of Low-
income African American
Ninth Graders
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121
This chapter summarizes each factor and their sub-themes by (a) noting
the experiences recollected by the students during the school year, and (b)
assessing how the experiences have effected their college aspirations.
Social Pressure and College Aspirations
Ninth graders want to find their niche on campus. The first factor, Social
Pressure, focuses on the multiple ways in which fitting in with peers and the
school environment influence ninth graders and can effect their college aspirations.
Although peer pressure is commonly associated with adolescent development,
comments from the 100 participants suggested that they were not forced by peers
to join a group, or become involved in an activity. Fitting in on campus was based
on the personal choices that students made with regard to who they would and
would not keep in their inner circle. Social pressure was the self-implicated
pressure a student placed on oneself regarding which social circle they wanted to
be associated. The data illustrates that the participants in these two urban schools
self-select their associates, based on social pressure, not peer pressure.
This section examines how students responded to the social pressure and
what effect decisions to either join a group or not, had on a student’s academic
focus their perception o f life after high school, particularly. Diamond, a student at
Woodson High explained the social pressure ninth graders have:
Every time you transition you are the low man on the totem pole. You
know what I’m saying? It’s like, eighth grade you were the top dog. Now,
now you’re a Chihuahua. You start all over in ninth grade and have to
establish yourself and make a name and stuff.... I ain’t even gonna lie. In
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the beginning o f the year I was trying to find my little set, my
little crew... Trying to find out what’s up.
The comments by Diamond reflect similar beliefs among participants
regarding the importance of fitting in. Numerous participants echoed Diamond’s
concerns that the social pressure to fit in was a primary concern for ninth graders.
Among the 100 participants interviewed, the social pressure to fit in manifested
itself in the students’ decision on whether to join (1) a gang, (2) a sports team, or
(3) a clique. Approximately 15% o f the participants chose to be a floater, a person
who intermingles with several groups. Only 5% stated they remain isolated from
the social mainstream. However, the majority - roughly 80% o f the respondents,
suggested they were in one of the three aforementioned categories. Who a student
chose to fit in with either reflected or impacted their expectations and aspirations
for the future. Figure 4b provides an overview of how the social pressures to fit in
influence college aspirations.
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Figure 4b: Social Pressure and College Aspirations
Safety Social
Status
Join a Gang
Play Sports
in College
Safety Be a Pro
Athlete
Form a clique
Safety
supercedes
Academics
High
College
Aspirations
Sports
gateway to
college
Some
College
Aspirations
Sports
supercedes
Academics
Join a Sports team
Status or sense of
belonging
Social pressure to
fit in on campus
Mixed College
Aspirations
No College Aspirations
Gang supercedes
Academic
Achievement
As illustrated in Figure 4b, students who chose to fit in by joining a gang
often shunned academic achievement and had no college aspirations. They joined
a gang either for protection or social status. Students who responded to the
pressure to fit in by pursuing athletics had several motivations, each which
effected their college aspirations. About 25% o f the athletes stated their aspirations
to play a professional sport superceded interest in college. The other 75% o f the
athletes had college aspirations, but perceived athletic success, not academic
success, as the vehicle towards enrollment. Students’ decisions to fit in by forming
clique based on common interests. College aspirations for students in social
cliques varied based on the ties that bonded the group.
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Lastly, 15% of the participants defined themselves as “floaters,”
a person who interacted with gang members, athletes, and others on campus but
desired to remain independent. Floaters typically had college aspirations, were
self-motivated, and viewed independence as the best approach for academic and
social survival. In what follows, I elaborate on how students’ decisions to fit into
one of the aforementioned areas during ninth grade, influenced college aspirations.
Gangs
Gang affiliation in low-income communities is highly publicized in print
and media outlets. At DuBois Academy and Woodson High the presence gangs
was strong and had an integral role in the fitting in process for both boys and girls.
The students who chose to be in a gang did so for protection, a desire for social
status on campus, or to identify with family members. Students frequently
mentioned that gang affiliation was important to fit in on campus and receive
protection from “Mexican gangs” who “banged,” or sought to beat up African
American students. CC, a member o f the Westcoast Crips, and male student at
Woodson High elaborated on why he joined a gang:
Why am I from Westcoast? ... I’m just happy with them niggas ....It’s like
I grew up on the West, so, it’s lik e,... it’s like Mexicans, Insane, 20s, they
bang on you.... Like when I was younger I didn’t want to do nothing. I’d
just hang. So then, once I, I got tired of getting banged on. So then, so
since I’m from the West, it’s a hood out here, it’s Westcoast.... That’s why
I bang.... Mexicans really bang on you.... S o l got put on it
Overall, CC expressed that his affiliation with the Westcoast Crips evolved
after he got tired of getting “banged on” or beat up by members o f a Mexican gang
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in his neighborhood, the Insane 20s. He explained that he did not intend
to be in a gang growing up; instead he wanted to “ just hang” and focus on
basketball. Despite his intentions to not join a gang he got “caught up” after
Mexicans continued to beat up on him. Consequently, since he lives on the West
side, he aligned himself with the Westcoast Crips to have support and protection in
the unforeseen chance that he met with additional conflict.
Although only fifteen, CC was well aware of ethnic differences and the
racial tensions in his community, due to animosity he felt from Mexican gangs,
because o f his race. Students at both school sites acknowledged a strong awareness
o f their racial identity, because racial tension between African Americans and
Spanish speaking students was high. Students not in a gang expressed concern
about “being jumped by Mexicans.” In one group 15 of 19 African American
students had an altercation with Spanish speaking students during ninth grade.
Ron, a student at DuBois Academy expressed, “If you walking by yourself, then a
group of Mexicans, they gonna come after you just because you Black.” Kels, a
male student at DuBois Academy elaborated:
Mexicans join gangs and they intentionally got to fuck Black people. You
don’t see, no Black gangs that intentionally just be like ‘fuck Mexicans.’
They may not like Mexicans, but still they don’t be like, do shit like that.
Romeo, a Woodson High student shared similar sentiments regarding racial
tensions between Mexicans and Blacks, “Some Black folks ain’t cool with you but
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mostly it be the Mexicans. Mexicans will come up, ‘where you from
ese?’ Pow and shoot you. You not even from no set and they will still try to shoot
you.”
While I conducted interviews at DuBois Academy, a 14 year-old African
American boy was confronted by four Mexican students, and stabbed in the lung
and spleen. At Woodson High, earlier in the school year, hundreds of students
were involved in a race riot on campus during fifth period. BK, a student at
Woodson High explained, “It be everyone against the Mexicans: Blacks, Samoans,
and Asians versus the Mexicans. The Mexicans just hate Blacks.” Romeo
continued, “The Longos. The Westside Longos are Mexicans and they - just
everyone in it is supposed to hate Black people.”
Students expressed that racial tension was not prevalent in eighth grade and
emerged primarily during ninth grade. A frequent comment among the participants
was that the Mexican friends they associated with in middle school were not part
of their inner circle in ninth grade. Cameron, a male student at DuBois Academy
reflects, “It’s like things changed when we came to school here. The first week of
school people just went different ways.” Apparently, the social pressure to find
protection in the pre-existing school culture, heavily fueled by the gang
community, led students to join gangs for protection.
Protection on a new campus, particularly when ones race can determine
whether or not a student is involved in an altercation, influenced decisions to join a
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gang. Invariably, the need for safety on campus and fear due to the
growing presence of gangs, made it difficult for students to focus on their
schoolwork. Slim, a student at DuBois Academy expressed his discontentment
with coming to school each day: “Why all these teachers be saying we should feel
safe and shit at school, when most of the shit we do at school is dangerous? ...
They ain’t even got no metal detectors. Niggas is carrying heat in the school;
knifes and stuff.”
For students who chose to fit in with gang members, safety was more
important than getting an education. Being involved in a gang often led to trouble
inside and outside of school. 1 asked Genicia, what benefits did she perceive she
had by joining with The Crips. She replied:
Ain’t no benefits, really - no benefits. You just got to handle your
business.... Do what your big homies tell you to do. Let people know
where you from. Fight who they want you to fight
Genicia was one of several girls in gangs who expressed their affection for the
“set,” the local gang chapter she was affiliated with, and the unity shared by
fighting for one another. Several participants discussed how die ongoing campus
tension made gang members actively recruit new students to add strength to their
membership numbers. Romeo, a student at Woodson High School explained how
gangs recruit ninth graders: “Like if we be at Sim Park, them niggas from
Westcoast be trying to put us on.”
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Despite recruitment initiatives joining a gang was a personal
choice. I asked Marcel, a slim, tall student, who joined the gang Insane, four
months prior, why he became involved. Marcel replied, “My family dog. Like a lot
of my family is it. I was gonna be from it anyway, you know.” Marcel went on to
add that he made the decision to join. His parents did not pressure him. Daniel,
another student who has family members in gangs made the decision not to join.
When asked why he chose not to join, Daniel replied:
I don’t know. It’s like, me, it’s like, like half my family is one gang and
half is the other. And if I get in one, I got to worry about one half. And then
if 1 get in the other - 1 got to worry about the other. So 1 just stay out.
CC, the member of the Westside Crips stated that he could get out but had
no desire to. 1 asked why he didn’t want to get out CC replied, “Cause I’m already
in it ” Asked whether he likes being in a gang, CC shrugged, tugged the sides of
the blue hood on his head and calmly replied, “It’s nothing for me.” When asked
whether his dad knows that he is in a gang he stated, “My dad from the same hood
lam.”
Several of the girls who are in a gang or are attracted to “thugs” noted that
their fathers are also in a gang. “My daddy is a thug and my mama is a thugette.”
Lonnea stated, yielding laughter from the group. Although joining a gang was less
prevalent among the girls the role of parents who were involved in a gang
appeared to be an underlying theme to the attraction to gang bangers.
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Johnisha mentioned with an air of pride, “My daddy a thug.
Before he died. Because that’s how he died.” When asked why she still preferred a
thug although her dad was killed, Johnisha quickly responded, “Because he was
trying to be a pimp and a thug. You know. A pimp and a thug - you can’t be doing
that. Just be a thug or something.” (The girls chuckled)
Upon entering the high school campus, the students at both sites expressed
the immense pressure to fit in. Finding a social group is critical for social
acceptance and safety. For some students, participating in sports makes the
transition into ninth grade less daunting, because it gives them a sense of
belonging, purpose on campus, and a level o f safety from gangs. However, other
students who are not involved in athletics find fitting in to be more challenging.
The students who were most successful at staying out of a gang were the
ones who participated in sports. Students at both schools suggested the most
effective way to be protected from being assaulted by a gang member or being
recruited is to participate in sports. Diamond, a student at Woodson High
explained: “It’s like, if you play a sport, niggas won’t trip on you to get down.”
Brian, another Woodson student agreed:
That’s why I want to play football next year. It’s like, what I said before
about people believing in themselves. Kids join gangs to fit in. If you don’t
play a sport and you want to fit in, you join a gang.... They [gang
members] think you like, may go pro or something so they let you pass.
The only reason folks join a gang is to fit in. They’ll bang and stuff
because they don’t see nothing else to do. Like you got a sport, you got a
dream or whatever. If you don’t play no sport you don’t think you can do
nothing, so you bang.
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Brian’s comments that gang members perceive that athletes have the potential to
live life beyond their community led me to inquire from those involved in a gang,
about their goals. Those who were involved in a gang did not express college
aspirations. It is uncertain whether or not gang members had college aspirations
before becoming involved in a gang in the ninth grade. However, the dominant
attitude among the gang members was that college is not important, and in general,
school was not interesting.
Red, a short, energetic student, said with a smirk, “Why the hell would I
want to go to college and I don’t want to go to school now?” Randy, a slender
student with comrows, who spoke with a slight stutter tried to convince his peers
who were in gangs: “Basically, college nigga, um when y a’1 1 get a job, they’ll give
you more money for going to college. They’ll be like, um, ‘ah my nigga went to
college. Let me hook his ass up with like lO O G ’s or something.” Red professed, “I
could make lO O G ’s in a month!” Randy shot back, “The, the, the legal way? The
legal way?” Red responded, “Hell nah!”
Among the girls who were in gangs or attracted to gang members, college
aspirations were divided. Some girls who enjoyed associating with gang members
expressed that they believed they could do well in life without college, because of
their “street knowledge,” and doing “street stuff.” Lonnea stated, “My whole
daddy hood. They all know me, so that’s like my family.... I could sell weed,
crack, or whatever they got.”
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Despite the different perspectives on the importance of college,
other gang members did not perceive college as possible, given their past and
present lack of success in school. Chubbs explained:
If I was one o f the smartest people in the class, I’d love to go to schooL But
since I ain’t, I’ll just stick to this street hustle and make this little cheese on
the side.... I already know how to do this.
Chubbs’ comment demonstrates the lack o f academic self-confidence among some
of the gang members, as previously described by Diamond.
In addition to joining gangs for protection, it was also used as a marker of
social status. The majority o f students at both school sites expressed how fitting in
with a gang heightened a student’s social status. For example, when 1 asked males
at Woodson which students are highly respected on campus, some o f the answers 1
received were: “Niggas with the flyest gear,” “Niggas that play ball,” “Niggas
that’s popular.” When asked to define popular Romeo simply stated, “Gang.”
Diamond agreed, “I mean, cause thug niggas could be ugly as fuck.... Cause they
in a gang and got clothes and shit [they get the girl]. Motherfucker piss me off.”
The frustration expressed by Diamond apparently is based on true concepts
o f what ninth grade females identify as attractive. When I asked a group of girls at
DuBois Academy what type of guys they were interested in they responded:
“pretty boys,” “smart guys,” “thugs.” The overwhelming response was “Thugs!”
Seventeen of eighteen girls said they liked “thugs.” I probed further and asked why
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they like “thugs” and Carla responded, “Cause thugs make money.”
Britney quickly added “I like ‘em cause they be hustling.”
When I asked the girls why weren’t they interested in smart guys, Brittney
replied, “They’re nerds.” Sjohnna added, “Their gear.” “How they talk?” said
Tysean. I asked how do smart guys talk and Brittney responded “Big words.
Complete sentences. No slang - you know. I don’t need all that.” The majority of
the girls in the group agreed with Brittney. However, Evan, a petite girl, who has a
3.2 GPA, softly says she likes a thug who is smart “Because you don’t want - you
don’t want to see no dumb boy. And then you don’t want a nerdy boy. So you
know, kind of in the middle.” Later Brittney tried to clarify her previous
statements, “They got to be smart too, cause I don’t want no boy asking me how
you spell something.” (Group Laughter)
In another session, I asked the girls at DuBois Academy to define a thug
and Johnisha, a tall girl, full o f charisma and confidence waved her hand, with a
hearty grin and smacked her lips. “I got you. Mine is like - 1 like niggas that gang
bang...” Johnisha continued to describe her thug; the way he walks and acts. In
one group, 14 out-of 15 girls said they currently are or have been involved with a
person in a gang. When I asked the girls why they were attracted to gang members
Shatira responded, “Cause that nigga hard as hell!” Other characteristics that
attracted the girls to gang members were their confidence and aggressiveness.
Lovely stated, “They not punks... they some riders...and they cute... they thugly.”
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Lonnea said “I like them when they be yelling at you and stuff. (Group
Laughter) It be funny. I be laughing at my boyfriend. He be trying to yell. I be like
(affectionate sigh)” Shatira bounced out of her seat, “Or when they be like ‘Come
here!” (Grabbed herself by the arm and pretended to tug herself down the aisle).
(Group Laughter)
Recalling Diamond’s earlier statement that fitting in is a major concern
upon entering a new school, it is important to understand the impact o f gangs on
campus. If ninth grade boys learn that you fit in on campus and gain popularity
with the girls by being affiliated with a gang, and not being smart, it may
encourage boys to be involved with gangs and shun academic success.
Although a large percentage o f the girls favored boys who were in a gang,
and/or are “thugs,” other girls did express interest in non-gang members. For
example, Brandi, a girl at Woodson High stated, “I’ll tell you who gets props. The
homeboy Clinton.” Jamesha added her endorsement “Yes. He’s the homie. I mean
he is just cool like that. He got a bomb ass personality, you know... He cool... He
just got a bomb ass personality.” Whether choosing to fit in with a gang for
protection or social status, involvement often cultivated aspirations that did not
include college.
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Sports
Previously I noted a comment from Brian who mentioned that oftentimes,
gang members do not fight athletes, because they perceive someone in sports has a
dream that can take them out of their community. Several male participants
mentioned that they joined a sports team to circumvent gangs. Although athletics
was a strategy used by some to avoid gangs, others viewed it as a way to address
social pressures to fit in from a broader perspective. Not only was joining a sports
team attractive to a student who wanted a “protection pass” from gangs, but it was
also appealing to those who had aspirations to be a professional athlete, or
believed sports would offer them entrance into college.
Among the male students who participated or were interested in sports,
college aspirations were divided Athletics either a) motivated students to pursue
playing on a college team, b) was seen as the only way to reach college, or c) made
college a second option if they did not play professionally directly out of high
school. Approximately, 60% of the males in sports had aspirations to participate in
college athletics, 15% believed athletic success, not academic success would
provide them entrance to college, and 25% aspired to enter professional sports out
of high school.
The 60% of the male athletes who desired to participate in college sports,
academics were a concern, because they wanted to remain eligible for the school
team and maintain a GPA that would be appealing to a college. Courtney, a quiet
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student on the honor roll stated his collegiate goal is to attend “Miami
in Ohio... cause I want to play football.” He maintains over a 3.5 GPA and said he
believes education is important. Jason, another student-athlete at Woodson High
agreed with Courtney. Jason has aspirations to play basketball in college, but when
asked why he wants to attend college stated:
To get a better job. So you can have a career in something. I guess if I
don’t make it in no sport then, I got to have something to do. Cause if you
don’t make it in no sport and you didn’t study in school, then what can you
do?
In contrast to Courtney and Jason, Cedric, a well-built football and basketball
player stated his college aspirations rested entirely on athletics. “I want to go to
Miami... for basketball or football.” I probed Cedric and asked whether sports
were the only reason he wants to go to college. He stated, “Yeah. Sports, is
number one. And if I don’t make that I’m gonna go to the Army... that’s the only
way I’ll make it without like having to get all that extra shit.” Cedric continued:
To get in, all I’m worried about is football and basketball. It’s like, if you
on the football team, and you good, [the school] gonna do anything to keep
you on the football team. So like, they’ll cheat for you and stuff. Give you
A’s.... Hey, I got my A in middle school. If you on the football team, they
made sure you ain’t never in trouble and shit like that. So like college is the
same way. Cause they got like this one boy I knew, he went to Kansas, and
like, he was like dumb as hell.
When I asked Cedric if his goal was to become better in football or get better
grades, Romeo, a basketball player chimed in: “Hey my goal is to get better at
everything.” Romeo went on to express his aspirations to attend Duke or a Pac 10
school. He set his sights on North Carolina, because he has a lot of family there.
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While several student athletes believed that athletics was their
only way into college, others did not desire to attend college at all. Their first goal
was to become a professional athlete directly out of high school. For example,
when the other students spoke about their college interests, Patrick, a football
player at DuBois Academy stated, “It depends. I don’t want to go to college
because I know that I’m gonna go pro.” Patrick was one of several students who
were determined to be a professional athlete. Several were not concerned about
their academics and based their entire future on being drafted as a professional
athlete, directly out of high school.
Many of the student athletes who shunned their academic work were
football players who were unaware o f the academic requirements needed to be
eligible for college athletics or believed if they just focused on sports they would
“go pro” after twelfth grade. Patrick elaborated on his future goals stating, “Like if
don’t nobody want me right out of high school, I’ll go to college.” Seemingly
impressed, Daniel asked “You gonna be a Kobe and get drafted straight out o f high
school?” Trenton interjected:
If you get drafted straight out of high school and you go pro, and you end
up injuring yourself, they gonna take you out like. And make you go back,
to, like, I’m saying if you can go to college and get your degree and then
you go pro and injure yourself and you ain’t doing that no more, you could
have something to back up on. Like you got a degree, you getting financial
aid still, and all that. That’s why I’m gonna do that two year college thing.
Get that financial aid. That’s if I don’t go pro though.
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The conversation with Patrick and Trenton were reflective of comments
among the 25% of the student athletes, who rested their future aspirations on
becoming a professional athlete right after high school. The football players were
unaware o f the current regulations prohibiting high school players from going
directly into the National Football League draft.
The common example used by football and basketball players was Kobe
Bryant entering the National Basketball Association from high school. Most were
unaware that football players do not have the same option. One student had five
credits at the end o f the school year, although the average freshman receives
between fifty and seventy credits. Nonetheless, he believed that he would be able
to play football next year and get drafted into the NFL after his high school senior
year. None of the African American girls who participated expressed that they
were involved in sports. Thus, there are no findings in regards to how the
experiences of African American girls in athletics influence their college
aspirations.
Cliques
The third area where ninth graders chose to fit in was forming cliques.
Association with a clique secured a presence on campus and provided a student
with a sense of “social validity.” Diamond explained why students join cliques:
Some of my friends, the ones who joined a little clique to get put on...
They ain’t trying out for the team, because they wouldn’t be sorry, but they
just ain’t as good as other cats on the team.
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Diamond’s comment noted that students who do not toy out for a sport,
because they are not as good as other students, turn to gangs or develop their own
group or clique. Students said developing a clique improved one’s social status
because it provides a sense of identity. At Woodson High the popular cliques were
Squad Up and The Roc. Despite establishing a clique outside of the gang and
athletic “circuit,” each clique had athletic and/or a gang affiliation. Romeo
described the cliques at Woodson:
Squad Up is like just a clique of athletes that play basketball and football.
But like, the Roc niggas take it seriously cause they like from a real gang.
Like most o f the Roc niggas are from the Westcoast [Crips],
Miche stated bluntly, “Rolling Congos, Riders, Westside. Same damn
thing.” “ The Roc,” Brazil explained, “it’s called Riding on Chongos, which means
they ride on Mexicans.” Similar to gangs, racial tension was also apparent in the
cliques on campus. Brandi, a female student at Woodson High stated, “Squad and
Roc are worst than banging, cause they be like jumping people. I’m like damn this
is worst than Bloods.”
In addition to the cliques populated by athletes and gang members, there
were several other cliques. The clique a student chose to be involved with was
often indicative of their perceptions for the future. Academic motivation and the
future aspirations of students differed depending upon the formal and informal
clique. The fonnal cliques typically had a name that was given by the members
involved. Informal cliques were a simple group o f students who chose to hang
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together. The participants who were a part of an informal clique often
noted that their peers encouraged them to do well in school. For example, Romeo
stated:
What encourages me, it’s like my homies. It’s like, this past year, like in
the first semester I got a 3 .5.1 was on the honor roll. And all my niggas
was in the crowd [at a gym assembly] like, yeah, yeah you little smart
nigga and all that. So I was like, yeah, I’m gonna take all that into
consideration and like, do better off that, and do it again... I’m like the
only person from like, my group, like getting an award. So I’m like, yeah
Diamond added:
See cause Romeo encouraged me cause like I had, I had a 3.4 but then
when the grades really came out, you know what I’m saying, that’s when I
really started to slip. Cause I always mess up when the grades really come
out. And 1 saw Romeo over there. You know what I’m saying. I’m on the
other side with people that’s not getting an award. And I see Romeo over
there and I’m like man... So you know what I’m saying. Romeo, we like
care for him. We was cheering for him, you know what I’m saying. So that
made me want to go out and like get better grades, so I started to get better
grades.
Two other cliques, Project Team and Jaguars United evolved from student
organizations sponsored by the school. The students in Jaguars United were
interested in racial tolerance and academic success. The students involved in
Project Team were focused on academic success.
Jaguars United is an organization made up o f students from all the races
represented on campus. The African American students in Jaguars United were
racially aware and accepted their racial background. Despite the racial tensions on
campus several students at Woodson High shared how being involved in Jaguars
United broadened their perspective, because they learned about other racial
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groups. The organization sponsored two weekend camp events titled
“Building Bridges,” which made an impact on several o f the students. Brandi, a
free spirited girl, with red and green dyed hair, and close to a dozen piercing on
her face explained:
And you know everybody and we all friends and we get together and watch
movies. Like, like last time we watched Boyz in the Hood. And we was
just talking about it and it was cool... It’s cool though, because we learn a
lot of good stuff. I know it’s good.
Jamesha, a slender girl with red highlights in her braids, also attended the
“Building Bridges” camp, and is part of Jaguars United added:
It’s cool, but you know when we was there [at camp] we feel sorry for like
different subcultures because you know I want to learn. So you know you
like see certain Filipinos, you be like, why they so short? I didn’t know it
hurt a lot of people.... One girl came up to me and was like, ‘why Black
girls have to be so ghetto?’ I was gonna get ghetto on her. But still, you
know we had time to talk about it.... You stand up and say what you don’t
like to be called.... I said I don’t like to be called hoodrat or whatever, you
know. And there’s stuff you can learn about different races and all.... Like
why, Chinese people eyes so little and stuff. I forgot why their eyes so little
but yeah you learn about that.
Although students had to be invited to the Building Bridges camp, which
led to their involvement in Jaguars United, it was one o f the resources at Woodson
that students believed was working towards improving the racial tensions on
campus and helping students find their niche. Another program, High Choices,
which aims to empower young women at Woodson High, also made meaningful
contributions to improving student perceptions about themselves, other racial
groups, and improving campus involvement Unfortunately, these types of
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programs were lacking at DuBois Academy where racial tensions were
high both in and out of the classroom.
Project Team is a program funded by the district that is concerned with
improving the academic success and college enrollment o f African American and
Latino students at DuBois Academy and Woodson High. Although the program
was only in its first year when the students were interviewed for the study, the
goals and achievements bred optimism, and made resources available to help
students fit in and improve college aspirations. The program consists of two
counselors - one African American and the other Latino, who monitor the
academic progress, social adjustment, and overall personal development of 50
ninth graders. The counselors met with each student individually, bi-weekly to
discuss their relationships with teachers; identify areas where they are struggling
academically, and develop future goals. Miche stated:
Cliff [the African American counselor] stays on me. He adopted me earlier
in the year and makes sure that I’m doing my work. Last quarter my grades
started to slip and he really got on my case. It’s good though. I need it.
Although only in its first year there have been levels of success,
particularly among several Latino students. For example, one Latino student
improved his grade point average from a 1.7 to a 3.8. Although there have been
other success stories, the program counselors expressed moderate academic
improvement among the African American students. They mentioned
improvement in behavior, but moderate academic progress. Cliff and Alex, the
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counselors expressed the limited support from the African American
parents. I accompanied the 50 Project Team students and another 150 African
American and Latino students on a field trip to Loyola Maiymount University,
where the students participated in workshops centered on the importance of
attending college. At the close of the conference students shared how much the
information offered cultivated a desire to attend college. Jason elaborated:
I didn’t really think I wanted to go to college, but after sitting in the Obey
Your Thirst workshop, man I learned a lot He made me want to go to
college. It’s like I got to go to college now.
Project Team plans to add 50 new ninth graders each year and continue to
monitor the academic progress of their current members throughout high school.
The hope is that the African American students will experience significant
progress comparable to their Latino counterparts and sustain their college
aspirations.
College aspirations were either nurtured or negated, depending on students’
choices to fit in with a gang, a clique, student organization, or a sports team. I
asked the students what they believed the future aspirations were for their peers.
Brian stated: “It depends on what group you’re talking about.... You got your
bangers, basketball players, football players.” “Clowners, cheaters,” added
Diamond. Romeo offered, “Dancers.” Lastly Diamond said, “Then you got the Joy
Luck Club.” Diamond continued, “Me, it’s like, I’m a floater. You know what I’m
saying? I don’t stay in no clique.”
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The students’ who self-described as a “floater*' chose not to fit
in with one group. The “floaters,” primarily strayed away from the gangs and
cliques and had clear aspirations to attend college and had a realistic understanding
of what was required to enroll. The floaters often chose to avoid joining a gang or
clique, because they perceived that socializing in those circles would lead to
trouble. While some students use athletics to elude joining a gang, others choose to
stay clear of individuals involved in gangs or simply say ‘No.’ BK expressed how
he avoided joining a gang or clique, despite choosing to associate with them:
BK: I kick it with them [gang members]. Like, they try to put me on and
I just tell them like, I don’t want to get put on.... I fought like, almost all
them niggas from West so, to let them know that 1 didn’t want to get put
on. Like, cause they respect me for that, cause I told them that I wasn’t
gonna get put o n ... And 1 tell them I’ll kick it with them, but I don’t want
to get put on cause I don’t want to get caught up in no gang. That’s gonna
fuck my life up. I tell them that if I do get put on, I’m gonna be shot or in
jail.
Interviewer: And what did they say?
BK: Like, yeah you right, you right. Don’t do no stupid shit if you got
shit ahead of you. Like, they was like, yeah I ain’t got shit ahead of me.
BK’s last statement supports the reports noted earlier, that gang members
often do not perceive they have a future beyond their immediate environment.
Although, BK periodically chose to hang out with gang members, he considered
himself a floater and fought to maintain his independence, because he had
aspirations to attend college. BK stated:
I already know (I want to go to college).... I’m on Duke University’s
website. I sent them my grades and stuff. They sent me back stuff letting
me know what I have to do to get into their college. I’m serious about
going to Duke.
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Romeo, added, “3.0 or higher. Yeah, I got a thing in my backpack.” BK continued:
They said to really go I have to be on the honor roll... all four years. I’m on
the honor roll, so I guess I got to stay on the honor roll for the next three
years.... I’m gonna take AP Bio next year, and then AP Chemistry.
Similar to BK and Romeo, other floaters expressed specific goals, which
included academic success and enrolling in college after high school. For example,
Diamond stated:
I know that I’m going to college far away. You know what I’m saying?
Like Atlanta Like Morehouse or something. You know Morehouse is a
Black college... My fifth choice is Howard. My whole family went to
college so I know that I want to go.
Not only did Diamond have college aspirations, he also knew five schools that he
considered attending and knew their locations. Later in our conversation Diamond
shared his specific academic goals for high school:
I just want to have over a 3.3 [Grade Point Average]. At the end of my
twelfth grade year, you know when they do the whole cumulative score, I
want my academic GPA to be above a 3.3 by the end of twelfth grade.
Several floaters who had college aspirations were motivated by a family
member who went to college or who did not attend college, but expressed
disappointment about that experience. BK stated:
My mom, she dropped out of college, she had to take care of my older
sister... cause my sister, her dad died or whatever.... What pushed me to go
to college, cause my mom told me that she want me to be better than her.
Other floaters who had clear college goals typically had family members who
explained to them why high school was important. Later on in this chapter, the
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study expands on the influence that parents have on the college
aspirations of ninth graders.
The data presented here illustrates how important fitting in is to a student
transitioning into ninth grade. The choices students made, with regard to who they
associate with, demonstrated that different paths lead to different destinations.
Some had goals that did not include college. Others set their sights on obtaining a
college education. Student decisions on where to fit in often paralleled their self-
identity and perceived future options. The choice that students made on which
group to fit in with reflected their perceptions of themselves, aspirations towards
life beyond high school, and effected their attitudes towards academic
achievement.
The students’ decisions on whether to affiliate with a gang, athletic team or
a clique are important factors, indicating how they interact within the school
community, and perceive college. Who students chose to fit in with reflected the
value they placed on their schoolwork. Joining a gang for protection or social
status suggests the students value safety or popularity over academic success.
Thus, college aspirations were seldom present Student athletes held various views
of college. Some shunned academics based on the belief that they would be drafted
out of high school into professional sports, or their academic talent would provide
college entrance. Others took their schoolwork seriously to remain academically
eligible for sports.
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Also, joining or forming a clique helped students fit in on
campus. Their college aspiration was largely contingent upon the peers in their
clique or group. Finally, floaters were independent and chose not to fit in by
identifying with a particular group. Floaters typically had clear college aspirations
and explored what was needed to enroll in college. However, even floaters were
vulnerable to having the fitting in process distract them for academic success.
Diamond explained how his grades dropped in the first semester o f ninth grade.
Eighth grade I had a 3.9 [Grade Point Average]. That was my grand point
average at the end o f eighth grade; eighth, sixth and seventh all added
together. You know the cumulative GPA, 3.9.1 get to this school my first
semester is a 2.4. [I was] Trying to fit in. Trying to, hying to be cool.
Diamond’s testimony of his grades dropping, because he spent the first
semester of ninth grade trying to fit in rather than concentrating on high academic
performance in the classroom, presents a good point of transition to the second
theme that emerged, classroom climate. The next section reviews how the
classroom climate effected academic motivation, performance, and college
aspirations among ninth graders.
Classroom Climate and College Aspirations
Consider three questions: How does joining a gang, because of racial
intolerance, or in pursuit of self-identity, impact a student’s academic
expectations? How would, learning that the girls on campus like thugs, and guys
who do not talk with big words, shape the academic identity o f a young boy?
Finally, how does the belief that athletics is the ticket to college, influence
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academic motivation? These questions not only shape the decisions
students make regarding where they choose to fit in on campus, but also influences
the classroom climate.
Classroom climate refers to the atmosphere and attitudes in a classroom
that effect the learning process. Classroom climate influenced how students
viewed school, and their educational expectations and aspirations. The data
suggests that the student impressions of the curriculum and teacher-student
relationships effected the classroom climate, academic motivation, and college
aspirations.
Few people would disagree that a solid curriculum and engaging pedagogy
are essential ingredients for academic success. Lacking either can have a negative
effect on classroom climate and strain the learning process. This part reviews how
the ninth grade curriculum and teacher-student relationships influenced the
classroom climate and participant college aspirations. Figure 4c presents an
overview of the two aspects that influenced the classroom climate: curriculum and
teacher-student relationships.
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Figure 4c: Classroom Climate and College Aspirations
Impressions o f the
Curriculum
No College
Aspirations
Diminishes College
Aspirations
Nurtured College
Aspirations
Fell behind
Academically
Diminished College
Aspirations
Classroom Climate and
College Aspirations
Not Challenging
(Repeat 8* grade
Coursework)
Boring
(Eurocentric or
believe coursework
is not relevant)
“Good Teachers”
1) Patient
2) Caring
3) Culturally
Sensitive
Academic Disidentification and Unprepared
for ninth grade SAT 9 exam
“ Bad Teachers”
1) Verbal Abuse
2) Not Patient
3) Doubt student’s
potential
Promoted Healthy
Classroom
Environment That
Nurtured Long
term aspirations
1) Led to
confrontations
2) Frustrated students
3) Discouraged high
academic
expectations
According to Figure 4c, the first aspect o f classroom climate - curriculum
- influenced student behavior in two ways. First, approximately 65% of the
participants suggested the curriculum was boring, because it did not reflect issues
pertaining to real life and was repetitive o f their seventh and eighth grade
coursework. Second, roughly 55% of the participants claimed to be disengaged
from the learning process, because the curriculum was not challenging and did not
adequately prepare them for the standardized tests. Consequently, their poor
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149
performance on the test led to self-doubts about whether they would be
academically prepared for college.
The other aspect of classroom climate illustrated in Figure 4c is the impact
that teacher-student relationships had on academic motivation and college
aspirations. Participants who expressed positive relationships with teachers noted
that they believed the teachers cared about their success, took time explaining
difficult class lessons, and understood the cultural behaviors of the students. In
contrast, participants who described negative relationships with teachers held
perceptions that the teachers spoke to them in condescending tones, did not believe
the students could achieve high academic standards, and were not patient In what
follows, the study expands on the effect that curriculum and teacher-student
relationships had on the classroom climate, and invariably college aspirations, by
summarizing some of the comments from the 100 participants.
Curriculum. Participants had the following three critiques o f the
curriculum: it’s boring, not challenging, and did not prepare them for the
standardized tests. The criticisms either left the participants academically
disengaged, with low academic self-efficacy, or with diminished academic
motivation.
Boring curriculum. Several students described the ninth grade curriculum
as boring, irrelevant, and uninspiring. Consequently, students were left disengaged
from the learning process. For example, Cedric, stated:
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You know like, the stuff they teach about gets boring. You
don’t want to hear the same word over and over, an hour and thirty
minutes. And then have to go home and do it all agaia It gets aggravating.
Cedric’s statement was echoed by other participants, who mentioned that sitting in
the same class for 90 minutes can be frustrating.
Others students expressed that their boredom derived from the belief that
the curriculum did not have a bearing on their life. For example, several male
students at DuBois Academy expressed their uncertainty over the value of Math.
Cal stated:
You need math but all that Calculus and Algebra, we don’t need that stuff.
A, B and all that, nah... All we need to know is how to add, subtract,
multiply and divide and you straight... We ain’t gonna use this shit in life.
Cal’s thought was supported by other students, such as Red who added:
Hey nigga I look at my family right now and they got average jobs and I
don’t never see them coming home like ‘oh, I had to do some square roots.
This job is a bitch.
Several participants did not connect the curriculum with future career
opportunities and questioned the relevance o f their coursework. For example, BK
stated:
But I don’t see why we take all these other subjects. I don’ t feel like - since
I want to work with computers, I just want to come, get classes on what I
really want to be in life. You know what I’m saying? Like if I don’t be no
actor, I’m gonna be a computer software designer, and like website design
and stuff.
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“They should let us pick the classes we want to go to.”
Courtney stated “And really focus on those classes.” BK added “High school
ain’t for ya’ll to get a job. That’s why you got to go to college,” professed Romeo.
In addition, to questioning the relevance o f the coursework, participants
often mentioned that the curriculum lacked diversity. The lack o f diversity led to
academic disengagement and reduced academic motivation among some
participants. For example, several participants at DuBois claimed the English
curriculum was Eurocentric and boring. When asked if they were interested in the
things they learned in class, Randy responded “About Malcolm X.” Cameron
stated “Why we can’t read Black Panther Party?” “I’m interested in some of it. I’ll
give you that,” conceded Red Randy stated “Everything we always do end in
something like, a White person calling a person Nigger.”
Participants also were disheartened that DuBois Academy did not offer a
History class. Patrick stated: “They didn’t even give me, um, the class I’d love to
have... I love History.” “I’d love to be in History or something like that,” said
Randy who previously e^ressed admiration for Malcolm X. DuBois Academy
chose to replace History in the curriculum with additional Math and English
classes, because the district only requires two years of History to graduate, and
there is a large number o f students with low Math and Reading scores. Some
participants also mentioned that they were not enrolled in a Science class.
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Although participants at Woodson High complained that the
curriculum was boring, some were optimistic. For example, when participants
were asked their impressions of how valuable they perceived the curriculum, BK
responded, “Some of it [is important]. Because, if it wasn’t important then they
wouldn’t be teaching it.” “Sometimes they’re teaching stuff we learned in eighth
grade,” said Jason. “I think that it’s just that much more important if they’re
teaching it again,” BK added. Cedric stated, “I see it as this. If they’re teaching it
again, that means they ain’ t got nothing else to teach us.” “Like To Kill a
Mockingbird. We read that in eighth grade,” stated Romeo. “Sure did,” added
Jason. The claim that students were relearning eighth, and even seventh grade
material, was consistent at both schools. Such statements led to the second critique
among some o f the participants that due to the repetition of subject matter, the
curriculum was not challenging.
Not challenging. Students expressed their surprise that the ninth grade
academic work was easier that expected. “If you come from eighth grade, you
think this will be harder than eighth grade. This shit is easier than eighth grade,”
stated Randy. “Yeah! Way easier than eighth grade,” acknowledged Marcel. “The
tests are easier,” proclaimed Daniel. Randy offered his analysis, “Ninth grade is
just a review of eighth grade. Ya’ll didn’t know that?” “It must be a review of
seventh grade or something,” said Claudie.
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Since numerous students expressed that the class work was
easier, I explored whether or not there was improvement in their grades from
eighth to ninth grade. Red tried to explain how he raised his grades from straight
F’s in the eighth grade to B’s and C’s in the ninth:
I don’t know what happened. It’s like the class work - 1 thought it was
going to be hard when I came in to ninth grade. It is so easy. But like you
know since it’s so easy, niggas be like, pss, I ain’t doing this.
Although Red improved his grades by repeating course content, other students had
the attitude he alluded to at the end of his statement, “Since it’s so easy, niggas be
like, ‘pss, I ain’t doing this.” Participants claimed that they did not complete their
homework assignments and became disengaged from the class lessons, because
they did not consider the content challenging. For example, Jason, a student at
DuBois was repeating Algebra but received the same grade of “C,” because he was
not completing his homework. Diamond suggested that his low grades were also
due to his lack of completing homework assignments. “In all my classes I don’t do
none of the homework, but get A’s on my tests. But when it comes to homework
packets, F.”
Although participants claimed that the curriculum was not challenging,
they had a confident attitude that they could do well. For example Toy declared,
“I’m not saying the work is hard.... but it’s easy. I can do it ” Diamond agreed by
stating, “I know that I can get straight A’s because I did it once before.” Toy
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continued, “It’s not that hard to get straight A’s, but it’s like, I just get
bored with the work and just don’t want to do it.” BK agreed that the work was not
difficult
I think I can do it If I do work to my full potential I can do it But I don’t
want to set my goals too high, and don’t, you know what I’m saying, and
fail it I just want to raise them (his grades) one letter at a time. Whatever
my lowest grade is on one of my progress report, that’s the one I work on.
Other African American male participants professed they lowered their
academic goals despite being able to do the work. Cedric acknowledged, “For me,
it’s like the reason why I don’t like, sometimes, the reason why I don’t get my
grades all the way up; cause like when you get good grades...” Diamond cut in,
“People expect more out of you.” Cedric continued:
Yeah. Yeah. And I don’t want anyone to expect it from me and I fail. It’s
not about them. It’s about when they tell you, ‘oh you failed this,’ it’s like
you get that guilt in yourself and you breakdown... On the real I’m just
trying to pass.
It is unclear whether student comments that the coursework was easier was
based on reality or perception, because they remembered being taught the material,
or whether or not it was simply an excuse to not do the work. What was clear
however, was that 60% of the students at Woodson High had multiple F’s on their
report card. Furthermore, despite repeating the same course, many students still
did not improve their grades. Some students professed that having to sit in a
classroom and be taught material in subjects that they previously passed,
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perpetuated disinterest in class and oftentimes led to frustration. Jason,
for example, expressed his disappointment in having to repeat Algebra:
But look, I don’t understand. Like, they say take classes in eighth grade, if
you pass them with a Cor better, when you come to high school you don’t
have to take them. I’m taking the same algebra I was taking last year.
Chuckling, Diamond asked, “Did you pass it?” “I passed it with aC. I don’t know
why I should have to take it again,” pleaded Jason. “It’s based on your test scores,”
noted Toy. “But if you look at my last report card from last year, I passed my
Algebra class with a C,” reiterated Jason.
Jason’s disappointment was a common feeling expressed by other
participants at DuBois and Woodson. Students were not certain why they had to
repeat a class they passed in eighth grade. Toy’s comment regarding standardized
test scores led me to probe into the participants’ perceptions of the standardized
tests.
Standardized Tests. The two dominant findings that emerged from the
discussions on the standardized tests, relating to the curriculum and college
aspirations were (1) participants did not believe the curriculum prepared them for
the standardized test, and (2) poor performance on the standardized test lowered
academic self-efficacy and decreased college aspirations. I begin with a statement
by Chubbs, a student at DuBois Academy regarding his attitude towards the
standardized test:
That SAT 9 we just took. I did ten questions and guessed on the rest....
Cause I’m not about to sit there and read a whole paragraph for five
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questions. Read a whole little book for like two questions....
We don’t need that shit anyway.
Other participants echoed Chubbs’ comments. Several participants professed that
the standardized test was not important, because it did not count towards a letter
grade in a class. However, others expressed their views on why it was important
For example, Randy clarified for his peers, “They only use SAT 9s for when, by
next year, how they know what classes you want. What you need help in.”
Although Randy and other participants knew that the standardized tests
determine a student tracking, other participants admitted they lacked focus
throughout the test. “I try my best,” said Trenton. Crip, a self-proclaimed gang
member said, “I try one question and guess on the rest.” Theo agreed, “I try one
question and guess on all the rest. Cause I see one question on the test, if one
question is gonna be like that all the rest o f them will.” Daniel conceded, “I fell
asleep like fifteen times on that joint.” “Yeah, I just guessed and went to sleep”
said Patrick. (The group laughed) “I gave half o f it, urn effort and then went to
sleep,” said Willie.
Other students realized the importance o f the SAT 9 but did not feel that
they were prepared to take the test. Lonnea, shook her head in disgust and
admitted, “I try for about two minutes.” When I asked Lonnea if she believed the
test was important she responded affirmatively:
Because like, that determines, what, what uh. You know what I’m saying.
Level you’ll be in. You’ll be in the tenth grade, but it determines if you’ll
be in RSP and all that.
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Despite having an understanding o f the significance of the test, participants
complained that the questions on the test were based on material they were not
exposed to, and thus they felt unprepared. Kid proclaimed, “They’ll like ask us ail
those questions on the SAT 9 test and we don’t even be studying none of that shit
In English we be doing study guides.”
Theo added:
The teachers do a shitty job teaching us SAT 9 stuff.... They be putting shit
on there that we don’t even know.... Like, they teach us stuff that ain’t got
nothing to do with the SAT 9. Like, they say oh yeah, we’re gonna practice
for the SAT 9, but none of the stuff we be practicing is gonna be on the
SAT 9. It’s like they be teaching us stuff for nothing.
Other participants supported Theo’s claims that the curriculum they were exposed
to did not parallel SAT 9 material. Ashley, a soft-spoken girl from DuBois stated,
“They gave us this Biology stuff, and in my Biology class we didn’t learn none of
that stuff that was on there.” Lenny, said, “They gave me a Science and I didn’t
even have a Science class.” Diamond echoed the concerns of Theo, that the
teachers did not prepare them for the SAT 9 exam:
All the stuff Ms. Manzheim taught us, I was doing work in there. Then
when Mrs. Brown came in, she started teaching Science. Then here come
the Science, in the, you know, the SAT 9, or whatever it was. I got this one
part because it was easy. It was like sixth grade stuff. But the other one,
looking at the paper, you know when they say ‘when in doubt C.’ The
whole thing said C, C, C, C, cause I didn’t know nothing. Cause she didn’t
teach us nothing. And then the funny thing about it was, the week after the
test she starting teaching stuff that was on the test I was like damn’ why
didn’t we learn this a month ago?
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It was apparent that the students were ill prepared for the
standardized tests in ninth grade. One possible connection could be that the eighth
grade standardized tests was not taken seriously and led to students being tracked
into lower, academically challenging classes. Consequently, having to review old
material at the beginning of ninth grade, may have limited the students’ exposure
to the ninth grade curriculum. This may offer some insight into the Chapter Three
data that illustrated the high percentage of students at DuBois and Woodson, who
do not perform at their grade level on standardized tests.
The lack o f preparation for the standardized test and constant repetition of
old curriculum caused several students to question whether or not they would be
prepared for tenth grade and meet the required college standards. Approximately,
25% of the students were unclear about their academic identity, and likelihood of
being prepared for college. For example, Romeo, a student with aspirations to
attend Duke explained his frustration with the curriculum and not having a
consistent teacher in class:
Like I got one class. I hate this class. Like, for the whole year, like, um, the
first semester, like everyday we had a sub. We had no teacher. And then
one, like some days we didn’t have no teacher in the classroom So like
now, they brought, like an old sub back; who used to sub in our class. But
then I’m getting a lower grade in that class. And it’s Algebra 1-2. And we
didn’t learn nothing so I’m scared next year I won’t be able to learn
nothing in Geometry, cause we didn’t learn nothing this year.
While some participants wondered whether or not they would be prepared
for tenth grade and college, others did not believe they would be academically
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ready for a four-year college after twelfth grade. Performing poorly on
standardized tests led some participants to question their academic ability. For
example, Brandi expressed how her straggles in class have tainted her college
aspirations:
I want to go to college, but if I got to go to UCLA or Southern Cal I ain’t
gonna make it. Cause then you got to go through Math, you got to go
through English. I want to go someplace where I get to do what I want to
do. Like I want to be a probation officer. I want to go to college for
probation officer. Not for no damn Math, no English.
Brandi’s comments exemplified how poor performances on standardized
tests and limited academic success in core subjects, such as Math and English,
negatively impacted college aspirations and academic motivation. Her comments
also illustrate another key point present among several participants. Participants
were not aware that numerous Math and English courses are not required in all
college majors. Their poor performance on the test led, to self-doubts about
whether or not they would be academically prepared for college.
Approximately two-thirds of the participants said they intended on going to
college. When I asked the students what they wanted to do in life, Miquishia
stated, “A doctor.” Shellareasa said, “A pharmacist.” Ki-Andra declared, “A
tycoon.” Miche, “A radio and television broadcaster.” D’artangan replied, “A
Math teacher.” Although the college aspirations were present, participants were
not informed about the courses they need to take in high school, which will
prepare them for the area they desire to focus on, in college. Romeo stated, “I
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know what I want to be, but I don’t know what it is. Like, what I have
to do, like classes to take.” In addition to the lack of understanding about how to
plan their high school courses, participants had limited understanding of the
structure of the higher education system For example, LaCreicia stated:
You know what I don’t get. What’s wrong, like this. Look, in community
college, okay you learn the same thing as you do when you know, UCLA
and everything and what not. You still like say I wanted to get my Masters,
you can still get your Masters at the community college as say you know,
you get your Masters at a four year university or something like that. So
what’s the difference?
LaCreicia’s statement seemed to be an isolated instance where a participant was
not aware; however, the others demonstrated their general lack o f understanding
about the college system. Lonnea tried to explain the difference between obtaining
a Master’s degree at a community college and a four-year university by stating:
“But you don’t learn as much as you’re supposed to.” LaCreicia responded, “But
you’re still gonna make the same amount of money.”
It was clear that although students had desires to attend college, there was a
lack of understanding o f the college system. The students were misinformed about
the length of time required to receive a certain degree. Trenton proclaimed if he
didn’t go pro, he would attend a two-year college to get the financial aid “and keep
that money coming in.” This was largely due to the students’ and family members’
unfamiliarity to higher education. Later in this chapter the impact that parents have
on college aspirations is examined, and Chapter Five highlights the lack of
understanding of how college supports Bourdieu’s cultural capital concepts.
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When the distaste for the curriculum and some of the student’s
low academic motivation was explored, the lack of academic motivation was not
universal. BK raised an issue about his African American peers:
What kills me right, is some kids I see be using big words outside of class
but in class they don’t act smart. They act all ignorant and stuff, because
they don’t want teachers to know they are smart.... They are smart, but
want to be dumb. I hear them using big words.
“They don’t want teachers to know they’re smart, because they’ll expect
more out of you,” stated Diamond.
Participants mentioned that they were inspired or turned off from learning
based on their views of the curriculum, pedagogy, and relationships with their
teachers. For example, Brian commented, ‘Teachers don’t ask your opinion on
what we read and stuff.” Diamond added, “They don’t ask you to info- nothing, or
critically think. It’s all memorizing.” Brian and Diamond’s statements regarding
the pedagogical approach leads to the second aspect of classroom climate that
influenced college aspirations, teacher-student relationships.
Teacher-student relationships
The relationship between a teacher and student effects the classroom
climate and academic motivation o f students. When asked how well they got along
with their teachers, half of the participants said “good” or “alright.” The other half
responded with comments such as: “I don’t,” “They got attitude problems,” and
“They rude.” Participants described how pedagogical approach and personalities
o f good and bad teachers effected their relationships and educational aspirations.
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Participants said the bad teachers spoke to students in a condescending
manner, did not believe in the students’ academic ability, and did not take time to
explain the subject matter. Good teachers took their time explaining class lessons,
demonstrated a genuine care for the students, and appreciated the cultural
behaviors of the students.
Bad teachers. Although participants confessed that they were not always on
their best behavior in class, they often placed the blame for poor teacher-student
relationships on “bad teachers.” Bad teachers were described in three ways. First,
participants said bad teachers spoke to them disrespectfully by “putting them on
blast” in front o f peers. Second, they claimed that bad teachers did not believe in
their academic ability. And third, bad teachers did not take the time to explain the
subject matter.
“Putting me on blast,” was a common phrase used by participants to
describe when teachers attempted to discipline a student by speaking in a
condescending manner in front o f other students. Teachers who publicly
confronted students were perceived as being disrespectful, which often led to
confrontations that negatively affected the classroom climate. Students either
chose not to do their class work, lash out verbally, or physically assault their
teacher. For example, Cedric stated:
I be getting aggravated by these teachers. Like they be talking to you foul
for no reason. Like today, my teacher came up to me cause’ I had my paper
not neat. And I already know what we was doing. And he was all like, up
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in my face. And they don’t never, like, get up on us. So I was
like, fuck it I ain’t gonna do this work.
Cedric’s decision to shut down after a teacher got in his face was a
response that several students mentioned.
Participants admitted to cursing out their teachers. In one group of girls at
DuBois Academy ten out of fourteen girls admitted to cursing at their teachers. For
example, several participants had problems with a teacher that frequently yelled at
students. Jessica explained, “He go like this - He can yell at you, but you can’t yell
back. But he got problems cause I’ll tell his little white ass.” Johnisha agreed and
added:
And he got this big old plaque in the back o f his room. It says, ‘You have
to give respect to get it ’ Something like that. 1 be like, is you reading this?
Have you read this? Cause’ you have to turn the volume down. So I can
turn it down. If you ain’t turning it down, I ain’t turning it down.
A few students shared experiences where the tension between students and
teachers went beyond verbal exchanges to physical confrontations. Patrick
described his altercation with a substitute teacher:
I hit a sub yesterday.... Man I was in this chair spinning around or
whatever. He gonna tell me ‘could you please get out o f my seat.’ I said,
‘man move.’ He put his hands on me, so I socked him... I just punched
him in the chest, like boom! ‘Get your hands off me! ’
Patrick was not remorseful about his assault on the teacher. However, when
I asked participants about the biggest thing they learned in ninth grade, a few boys
at DuBois Academy mentioned learning to control their physical aggression. For
example, Randy replied, “Shit, hold my anger with all these damn people.” “Some
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teachers man, they just want you to just pop them upside they gut....
Because they try to put you on blast in front of everybody and stuff. And send you
a referral and stuff,” Samuel stated.
Numerous participants mention that the confrontations decreased student
motivation to attend school. Cameron stated:
The only reason why I come to school is cause’ my parents make me.
Because my parents make me go to school. And like, I don’t even really
like school. I’m just trying to hurry up and get it over with.
Cal agreed, “The only reason why I go to school is ‘cause of my parents. If
my parents didn’t make me, I’d probably have a job right now or staying at home.”
“Yeah, it’s like you don’t want no teacher in your face for an hour and thirty
minutes straight, telling you to do your work all the time and you know that
you’ve got to do your work,” complained Cedric.
In addition to feeling like teachers were “putting them on blast,” some
participants had the perception that the bad teachers, counselors, and
administrators were those who did not believe they could succeed academically.
Others recognized that school officials were trying to encourage them to improve
their grades, but did not agree with the approach to motivate the students. For
example, Randy expressed his frustration with his counselor:
Alright, who got Ms. Rubio [his guidance counselor]? Look, look, hey she
don’t do shit She don’t do shit. She think I’m stupid. She think we stupid
nigga.... She tried to give me um, she tried to give me Life Science next
year. I’m like, ‘Hell nah, I don’t want no Life Science. We already had that
shit. And now she like, ‘Are you sure you can handle Chemistry?’ Man she
got some problems.
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While Randy expressed his anger towards his counselor for doubting his
academic ability, other participants recognized when school officials were trying
to encourage higher academic performance, but did not agree with the strategies
teachers and administrators used. For example, Jamesha was disappointed when
the Principal invited her to an assembly meant for students with multiple F’s.
We had got a paper to ah, go to ah, the auditorium. It say ‘congratulations
you have been rewarded to come to [a special assembly].... So we went
over there right. I’m walking over there I don’t see nothing but bad ass
kids. I saw Ra-Ra all of them and I’m like, damn. Then he [the Principal]
gone yell at us like, ‘you got more than five F’s. And I’m like, first of all 1
didn’t get no five F’s, so I was heated like, he over there, you know, he
gonna pull people out of class, you don’t even know what you’re talking
about So, um, and he was over there yelling at us and whatever. So I was, I
went to his office and was like 1 didn’t have no 5 F’s. And um, he was like
yelling at me, and ah, I don’t know. I just don’t like him. I don’ t care.
The final characteristic used to describe a bad teacher was one who did not
take time to explain the subject matter. Some participants expressed that their
academic motivation diminished, because of problems with the instruction they
received. Diamond stated:
I’m gonna put a teacher on blast. Her name is Ms. Trayerham She don’t do
nothing in her class. We’ll go home, she give us homework. She barely
explain it in class. We’ll go home and do our homework even though she’ll
barely explain it. And when we come back, if you miss one part of the
homework she won’t let you get the credit for it.
Keondra expressed discontentment with her teacher
I don’t like him. I don’t like him because he don’t teach right. He be having
us teach our own self. You know, when you have to ask a question he don’t
be letting you ask the question. He just be like, ‘Anybody got a question?
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Okay, thank you. Ah, just do your work.’ I don’t like him. He’s
not supportive, you know? He be lik e,4 You don’t be paying attention. So,
you should understand, but you don’t be paying attention.’ I do be paying
attention. I don’t understand, so you got to take some time out He don’t be
wanting to take the time out
Brian compassionately echoed Keondra’s frustration. “Everybody, everybody is
not, messing up.... People are actually trying. It’s just sometimes, like, you get to
the point where you just can’t do it.” Diamond added:
Because it’s sometimes people just... even though they try... cause like
what happened to my friend over here. He keep trying and trying. He
would study all night He did his work every night He studied and studied
every night, and he just couldn’t get it He just couldn’t understand what it
was. And 1 felt bad cause’ 1 was just sliding through the class. You know
what I’m saying? I went through, didn’t study or nothing, just sliding
through. And he was really trying and he wasn’t succeeding in what he was
doing.
“Some people just need that one-on-one help,” Brian interjected. Diamond
continued, “Yeah, and some teachers don’t give that to you. They’ll tell you to
come to tutoring, but if you have a seventh period you can’t come to tutoring.”
Participants at Woodson High described their concerns; criticizing the
teaching and availability of school resources, which limit the opportunity for
students who are struggling in a course, to get additional help. Diamond explained:
If tutoring is during seventh period and you play a sport or if you’re in a
program like University Scholars, you have certain classes.... After
seventh period they don’t tutor no more. They’ll close the doors on you.
They don’t care if you need help or nothing. Cause if you have seventh
period what can you do?
The fact that there is not an after school, tutoring program, with extra help
only available during seventh period, is problematic. As Diamond’s statement
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illustrates, if a student plays a sport that requires attendance at
conditioning during seventh period, they cannot get extra help. Furthermore,
students who are in a sport, partly to evade pressures to join a gang or obtain
protection from assault, are faced with the challenge of choosing between safety,
by staying on the team or getting the extra academic help, which is only available
during seventh period.
In short, respondents claimed that bad teachers who spoke to students in a
condescending manner, and led to confrontations, did not believe in the students.
According to the participants, bad teachers did not exude patience and negatively
effected the classroom climate. Participants suggested the bad teachers decreased
their academic motivation. Conversely, participants described good teachers
whose pedagogical approach and personality nurtured good teacher-student
relationships, and improved academic motivation and aspirations.
Good teachers. Participants described the following three characteristics of
good relationships with teachers by stating they admired teachers who (1) take
their time to explain class lessons, (2) demonstrate genuine care for the students,
and (3) appreciate the cultural behaviors and styles of the students.
First, participants noted that they had strong relationships with teachers
who patiently explained class lessons. For example, a smile illuminated on
Jasmine’s face when she discussed the strong relationship that she has with a
teacher that motivated her to do well.
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He understands us. He’ll take time to explain it You know
some teachers, like when you don’t know they’ll come down on you real
hard? Like you got to do this. You got to do this. You got to do this to get
your grade up. You need this. You need that. But he like, when I first got
here he was like, yeah I’m gonna help you out. Just come seventh period.
I’m gonna tell you what you need. You need this and you need that. Just
come and get caught up with it Some teachers they be like “well if you
ain’t gonna do this well you’re not gonna pass!” I said, I guess I ain’t
passing then. I ain’t fittin’ to do that
Teachers who were highly praised were also those who were relaxed,
supportive, and did not conduct class from an authoritative stance. For example
Tysean described having a good relationship with her teacher based on the
teacher’s teaching style: “It’s just a, it’s just a read it and do it thing. It not all that
stressful he don’t talk too much or nothing like that” Teachers with aggressive
personalities often had confrontations with the students because the students
seldom held their tongue. In contrast, participants expressed affection for teachers
who took time to explain subject matter, conducted class in a relaxed manner,
expressed a genuine care for the student, and made attempts to relate with his or
her interests.
Second, participants expressed that they had good relationships with
teachers who demonstrated a genuine care for their safety. At DuBois Academy
participants raved about the strong relationship they had with Coach G, the
Physical Education teacher who is one of the two African American teachers on
campus. There are more African American teachers at the main high school
campus for the tenth through twelfth graders. However, Coach G is one of only
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two African American teachers on the ninth grade campus. The other
African American teacher is a computer skills’ teacher. Trenton presented his view
on the qualities that enable him to have a strong relationship with a teacher
Okay, the only teachers - the only couple o f teachers up here that will
really try to help you is teachers that keep it reaL Coach G, keep it real.
Like the teachers that act normal around you. Ms. Irish (a White teacher),
she don’t care who you is. She’ll cuss at you. That’s who you know will
keep it real with you. And Coach G, he’ll tell you. Alright, if you go in
there and you like ‘Man I hate Mr. Davidson (the Dean). He a bitch.’ He’ll
be like, ‘Yeah, that’s right. He is a bitch.’ Coach G, will tell you. And then
he’ll be like, and then if you trying to fight somebody, Coach G gonna say
“Don’t fight them. You can fight me.”
The affection Trenton had for Coach G and Ms. Irish were sentiments
echoed by other students at DuBois Academy and Woodson High. For example,
Jasmine, a student at Woodson described characteristics of the teacher she had a
strong relationship with in the following manner:
In English, that’s Mr. Boyle o f course, I’m going to love that class.... He
takes time to know the students.... Like we was in there battling
(exchanging dance moves), and I tried to tell him how to do the dance. He
was like - Tike this Jasmine?’ And I was like, ‘you got it.’
Jasmine’s comments affirm earlier statements from students who preferred
teachers who were non-confrontational. In addition some participants noted that
they had strong relationships with teachers whose actions suggested they were
passionate about teaching and genuinely cared for the students. Brian discussed the
strong relationship and respect he has for his Biology teacher: ‘T il tell you who is
a good teacher, Ms. Manzheim... Cause like, she don’t have to be here. She’s got
other businesses on the side. She’s up here because she wants to.” Romeo added:
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Cause she likes the kids. So when she was teaching us, like she
don’t take no slack. But if you like give her respect, she’ll give you respect
So like, if you do some of your work and you want to turn it in late, she’ll
let you.... Like she grew up in the hood like we did. Yeah, so she know
about us and everything. So she’ll try to talk slang to us. Or she’ll try to
like, she’ll cuss, but she’ll be cool.
Romeo stated that he fostered a good relationship with Ms. Manzheim, because
she tried to relate to the students and their struggles, and because she understood
the challenges in their neighborhood, is important for two reasons. First, he
mentions that good teacher-student relationships began with mutual respect.
Second, the relationship was nurtured and sustained as the teacher demonstrated
compassion when the students had problems turning in an assignment, because she
could relate to their background. Although all teachers working in low-income
urban schools may not have been raised in a low-income community, comments
such as Romeo’s suggest that sensitivity to external issues can be important to
fostering a good teacher-student relationship.
The importance of sensitivity to social and cultural differences that can
influence teacher-student relationships and the classroom climate was expressed
by Diamond in his comments:
Say, like the new teachers. You know what I’m saying? Like when you get
mad, you’ll say ‘fuck’ or something, right? And then, you say something
like ‘fuck,’ she gonna make you put money in the jar. How you gonna put
money in ajar cuz? And it’s like me, like me, I get mad a lot in class. So I
might as well go in and put fifty cents in before class start.
Diamond’s comment was one of several examples mentioned o f how the students
may get punished when they have not mastered the transition between acceptable
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behavior on the street versus the classroom. Diamond’s experience
directly contrast Romeo’s earlier example of his “good” teacher who understood
the slang. The teachers who made some concessions for cultural and social
behaviors learned outside of the classroom often helped foster better teacher-
student relationships and classroom climate. Brian offered advice to his peers on
fostering a good relationship with their teachers:
You’ve got to get to know your teachers. Like all my teachers they know
me so we cool. In the class, I ain’t gonna lie, I-1 play around, but I’m
gonna make sure that I get my work done. Or I get my work done and then
play around. So, that’s what they be tripping off of. (He pauses) And they
always be tripping on me just because, like on my progress reports and
stuff, they be like, ‘capable of doing better....’ So they want me to do
better. So they don’t want me playing around and stuff. But 1 be like, ‘but I
do all my work.’
Participants at both schools raised claims that their teachers were racist.
However, significant examination o f student-teacher classroom interactions would
be necessary to draw substantive conclusions on charges o f racism. The
discussions with participants can only identify student perceptions on what they
believe influences good and bad teacher-student relationships. The variables
identified in this section suggest that understanding racial differences, not racial
intolerance influenced teacher-student relationships. It appeared that the student
and teacher confrontations often arose due to cultural differences with regard to
how teachers approach student discipline. The African Americans students did not
respond well when a teacher raised their voice.
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Classroom climate and college aspirations. When I asked the
students whether their classroom experiences made them like school more or less,
the majority of them said “less.” However, Cal said, “It’s kind o f made me like
school more, because it’s another year done.” None of the participants planned on
dropping out of high school, but the classroom experiences did lead to diminishing
college aspirations among some students. Perranesha, a girl at DuBois Academy
shared why she was excited to leave the ninth grade, “Cause after the tenth grade,
I’m going to the eleventh. And after that, I’m going to the twelfth. The after that,
I’m done.”
Although some students envisioned high school as their last stop in formal
schooling, others believed they would attend college, demonstrating that students
held different beliefs about the importance of academic success in the ninth grade.
Some students believed that they could improve their academic standing later in
their high school years and successfully enroll in their desired school. Cedric
declared, “It’s like - it’s like, um, I ain’ t gonna be like stupid, and get like D’s or
whatever and be mediocre. But like, you know when it come like twelfth grade,
you know, senior and all that I’m gonna be like, putting it up there.”
Cedric’s view represented that o f several students who believed that they
could turn their academic profile around in their senior year, because that is how
they progressed from eighth grade to high school. Students varied on their
understanding of the college entrance process. While some students understood
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that each year of high school was important to their overall grade point
average and eligibility for prestigious schools, others believed that the future was
something they didn’t have to prepare for in the ninth grade. The following
discussion with several male students at Woodson High elaborated on the different
views. Joker’s statement began the discussion:
You know how people be telling you what you want to do when you grow
up? You can have it right now. But you got to wait ‘til it comes. You can’t
just go rush to do it. That’s what my teachers be telling me. ‘You got to
have your mind set right now.... You got to have what you’re gonna do....
I know what I got to do. I know we got to do what we got to do. But let us,
let it come to us. Let it come to us.
“But you got to set yourself goals.” Romeo stated. “I know.” Joker responded.
Cedric added, “We know what we got to do. But it’s like, don’t worry about it
right now.”
When asked whether or not it was important to be concerned about their
future while in ninth grade participants had diverse thoughts. For example, BK
responded, “Yeah, cause everything, what you do today will effect your whole
life.” Cedric countered, “But it’s like don’t put it all on your back where you can’t
do what you’re doing right now, cause you worried about what you going to [do]
when you get older.” Courtney professed, “We only got three more years left and
you can’t get in to college without doing your work. So you got to do your
schoolwork.” “Thank you.” Romeo responded. Romeo continued:
Alright look. Say that you want tob ea ballplayer like my fellow sitting
right here (put his hand on Joker’ s shoulder). That’s like saying... so don’t
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practice at all right now. Wait until you get older or something
to start practice.
“Then your ass ain’t gonna make it,” stated BK (The group laughed). Cedric
continued to defend his stance, “But what he’s saying is like - don’t be like one of
those crazy ass overachievers tripping about their grade point average.” Romeo
turned to Joker, “What’s your grade point average?” Joker responded, “1.5,” and
the group laughed.
The students’ attitudes towards the curriculum, relationships with teachers,
and perceived role their ninth grade schoolwork will have on their future either
fueled or quenched future college aspirations. Students shared their affection for
teachers who attempted to relate to them, and expressed anger towards teachers
who had an aggressive personality and tried to “put them on blast” in front of their
peers. Negative interactions with teachers caused some students to lose a passion
for school. School was perceived as a burden rather than exciting; thus, for some,
college aspirations were not present Others, however, realized the importance of
college, but their understanding o f the college process was limited. The lack of
knowledge about the curriculum requirements to enroll in college was due in part
to limited guidance in school, but also because oftentimes many students had
parents who had little knowledge about higher education. The next section
highlights the third major finding in this study; how parental involvement
impacted the college aspirations o f ninth graders.
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Parental Involvement and College Aspirations
The third factor that influenced college aspirations among ninth graders
was parental involvement Approximately 35% of the respondents described their
parents as highly involved. Sixty-five percent stated their parents were not
involved in the academic and personal life. Participants, whose parents were
highly involved in the student academic life, often had college aspirations.
Participants, whose parents were least involved, had mixed college aspirations.
Some participants were motivated to attend college, because they did not desire to
live like their parents. Other students whose parents were less involved did not
have college aspirations, because they did not have individuals proclaiming that
education was important. Figure 4d illustrates how parental involvement
influenced college aspirations among the participants.
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Figure 4d: Parental Involvement and College Aspirations
Student had college
aspirations
Student did not have
college aspirations
Student had college
aspirations
Low Parental
Involvement
High Parental
Involvement
Parental Involvement
and College
Aspirations
Students:
Were concerned
about their grades
Realized Parent’s
cared
Valued getting a
good education.
Did not keep
Students
Academical^
Accountable
Perceived as poor
rede models
Were unaware o f
students’ daily life
Kept Students
Academically
Accountable
Encouraged
Academic
Achievement
Were transparent
about educational
past
Students:
Chose to be
academically self
motivated
Found other family
mentors
Did not want to
grow up and be poor
like their parents
Students:
Chose not to do
their schoolwork
Believed parents
could not give good
academic advice
Felt independent
As Figure 4d depicts, high vs. low parental involvement impacted the
college aspirations of ninth graders differently. Approximately 35 respondents
described their parents as highly involved and concerned about their academic
success. Roughly 35 respondents said their parents’ scarce involvement, sent them
a message that school was not important. The other 65 respondents stated that their
parents were not involved in school. Participants who mentioned their parents
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177
were not involved either did not take school seriously, or became
motivate to do well in school.
Parents who were highly involved in the academic success of participants,
typically maintained high academic standards, kept students accountable by
reviewing their homework and grades, and encouraged them to attend college.
Parents who were not involved were often not supportive of the participant’s
academic growth, were perceived as poor role models, and did not speak to their
children about college. This section examines how parental involvement
influenced academic motivation and college aspirations, by highlighting the
characteristics o f high versus low involved parents.
High Parental Involvement
Of the 35 respondents who characterized their parents as “highly involved,”
approximately 90% had strong college aspirations. Highly involved parents kept
students accountable for their schoolwork, encouraged academic achievement, and
were transparent about their personal successes and failures in life.
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Kept student accountable. Highly involved parents kept students
accountable for their academic success by checking their grades, monitoring
homework, and having consequences for poor academic performance. Student
accountability included, parents instilling responsibility through discipline, and
monitoring homework and grades. When asked why his grades improved Marcel
responded:
Cause’ of my parents, you know what I mean? If I mess up, that’s my ass
right there. It’s like, in middle school I just like, I messed around. I didn’t
really care. I was like whatever. And like most o f my grades was like, D’s
and F’s. And now, you know, I got like C’s and above. I barely graduated
from eighth grade. But I’m trying to get on it now so my parents will stay
off me.
Marcel’s recollection of how and why his grades improved were straightforward.
He was accountable to his parents. Later he expressed how he often ditched school
in eighth grade. After his parents began monitoring his actions, he began to take
school more serious and his grades improved.
Other participants discussed how their parents did not monitor their
homework daily, in an attempt to make them more responsible. Brian described
how his mother kept him accountable. “She be like, ‘if it say missing homework
on that report card I’m gonna beat your ass.” In addition, Diamond described how
his father also gave him the responsibility of keeping his grades up, but did
monitor his academic progress.
See, it’s like with me, my pops he’ll ask me about my work. And I’ll just
say that I did it. And he won’t check. But if the progress report comes and
it says that I’m missing work, then he’ll go ballistic. You know what I’m
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saying? It’s like, he expects me as a growing man, as a young
man to already be responsible enough to do my work.
Encouraged academic achievement In addition to keeping students
accountable, highly involved parents encouraged academic achievement by talking
to their children about college. Reggie stated that having his father around and
witnessing the fruits of hard labor encouraged him to do well in school:
My dad, he ain’t from the US. He from down by like Mexico - a place
called Belize. And he graduated from high school and stuff and came to the
U.S. and started working hard and stuff. And now he making money... So
that’s what makes me want to do my work.
Oftentimes, a parent or another family member promoted college by
furthering their education. Other participants identified extended family members
who encouraged their academic achievement. For example, LaCreicia explained
her source of encouragement:
My uncle, he encouraged me to do my work because - my uncle Raymond,
he was in school half his life. He was a general in the Army. He was a
doctor and a lawyer, so he did anything in his life. And now he could by
whatever he want. He don’t want for nothing. And everything like that. So
that’s why he encourage me, to ah, do my work. You know, he be like did
you do your homework? Did you do this? You know how some parents
pay kids for they grades? If you get an A, they give you some money.
That’s what he does.
Another participant, BK, who has cleaf goals to attend Duke, described
how it was encouraging having several family members that attended college. BK
discussed several individuals in his family who attended college:
My grandma, my ma, and my uncle Archie and auntie Linda - they was the
first generation in my family to go to college. Like my uncle and my auntie
who I told ya’ll got three kids, they graduated. Uh, my auntie graduated
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with her Bachelors. My uncle graduated with his Masters. My
mom, she dropped out of college, she had to take care of my older sister.
Like cause’ she was a single parent or whatever at the time. Cause’ my
sister, her dad died or whatever. So she was trying to raise her on her own.
And then, so what pushed me to go to college, cause’ my mom told me she
want me to be better than her. Like she wanted me to graduate. She don’t
want me to drop out like she did or whatever. She dropped out of college.
She graduated from high school.
BK’s statement that his mother encouraged him to attend college, by sharing her
personal struggles of why she didn’t have her college degree, is the third attribute
of highly involved parents. They encourage college aspirations, and there is a level
of transparency about personal success and failures.
Transparent about personal history. Participants who had strong college
aspirations were often motivated by the level of transparency their parent offered
regarding how their lack of education limited opportunities. For example, Brazil
stated:
I want to go to college so I can get a good job and do better than my mom
did... Like my mom she only went to school to like sixth grade or
whatever, because she grew up in Mexico. So she’s always telling me to
keep doing good in school so you can get a good job and not have to
depend on no man or nobody or whatever. Like I got five brothers and
sisters and my mom said, she has to stay with my dad to make sure that we
are alright. And she doesn’t like have a lot of schooling or whatever and
has to depend on my dad for stuff - money and stuff. So I want to do better
than my mom and get a good education and stuff, cause’ I see how, like she
wants to do other stuff, but can’t cause’ like she never finished school.
Randy, a male participant from DuBois Academy offered the reason why
his parents help shape his college aspirations:
Basically, um, it’s like, um, it’s cause’ like my dad um, when he was my
age he didn’t um, he didn’t really finish school. He didn’t go past middle
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school, because the thing is he had to um, he had to take care of
his little brothers and sisters and his parents was sick. And like so, he had
got a job and stuff, so that’s why he really didn’t go to school. And my dad
wants me, and um my brothers and myself to go to schooL, because he
wants us to be um, smarter than him. He wants us to go farther than he ever
did in life. Like, um only one of my brothers so far graduated from high
school, and there’s five of us. And I got a little brother. And my other
brother is over there doing some stupid shit. And my other brother, he
graduated, like, in, 2001,1 think. And um, he over there working in this
mortgage place and shit He making his money right now.
Other participants learned from their parents the importance of college and
accepted the advice they were given. Lonnea, a student whose aunt has custody of
her, because her parents are heavily involved in gangs was confident she would
enroll immediately after high school:
I’m going. But if you don’t go right after school you’re gonna get too
comfortable with being out of school and then you ain’t gonna do nothing
with your life... She [her cousin] trying to help me to get my pre-req skills
classes.... Yeah. My cousin told me to take, what class enrollment stuff.
She gonna make sure I’m all situated [for college].
Sheillareasa also expressed the advice she gained from her mother:
My mama, she be telling me, she be like, ‘go to school and get your
education.’ She be telling me - like all, everyday, she be telling me. I be
like okay... And then she always be talking ‘bout, ‘I don’t want you to do
what I did when I was your age.’ I was like, ‘Don’t nobody want to go out
there and be like you. ’ Cause’ when she was my age she got pregnant with
me. She don’t want me to do that. And I ain’t gonna do that cause I don’t
want to have no kids. And I want to go to college and get me a good job.
Parents who were highly involved kept students accountable for their
schoolwork, encouraged academic achievement, and were transparent about their
mistake in life. Participants who had strong college aspirations often had a parent
or guardian who expressed concern for their present and future successes.
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Low Parental Involvement
Some participants whose parents were not heavily involved had college
aspirations; others did not. The disparity in college aspirations among students
whose parents were not involved was based on individual differences. However,
there were three consistent characteristics of parents who were not involved,
including those who: (1) did not keep students accountable for their academic
success, (2) were perceived by students as poor role models, and (3) were unaware
of the student daily activities.
No academic accountability. Parents who were not involved were typically
those who did not keep the participants academically accountable. Participants
discussed how living with one parent or an extended family member left students
unaccountable. For several participants, the freedom did not encourage them to be
academically successful during ninth grade or have strong desires to attend
college. Chubbs, a participant from DuBois Academy who previously mentioned
he focused more on hustling rather than schoolwork, shared a piece of his
experience regarding academic accountability with his parents/guardians:
I live with my grandparents, my parents passed away, so all I got my
grandfather and you know, he kind of old, so you know he can only do like
so much for you. So a nigga out here trying to raise his self - you feel me?
Other participants expressed that their parents did not have the same
commitment to their academic success. Lakeisha, a student at DuBois Academy
explained her family dynamics and their lack of commitment to her in school:
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Half my family is Bloods and die other half is Crips. We be at
family stuff and it be all red on that side of the party and all blue on the
other side of the party.
Interviewer: Do they encourage you to do your schoolwork?
Lakeisha: My family? No.
Other participants expressed gratitude for their parents being involved, as well as
concern for their peers whose parents are not involved and do not keep them
accountable. Romeo offered his perspective:
Yeah, like for me, like I got my dad in my life. But, like all my other
friends some of them ain’t got their dad in their life. They only got their
moms. And their mom got to do everything. Like clean up and everything.
So then, it makes it hard for them, because like when they come home they
ain’t got nobody to help them with their homework.
“And nobody to tell them to do their homework,” Diamond stated. “They can
come home, do whatever they want.” “That’s why I be feeling bad for single
parent moms cause’ they kids be running over them,” Brian mentioned. In addition
to not having academic accountability, participants viewed parents who were not
involved, as poor role models for academic success.
Poor role models. For some participants, having parents who did not have
extensive formal education, strained their relationship and limited the value they
placed on their parent’s educational advice. Because parents were deemed to be
poor role models, participants either used it as encouragement to attend college or
as an excuse for not taking school seriously. For example, Lonnea explained how
her parents’ lack of formal education and their poor relationship fueled her passion
to do well in school:
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Both my parents, they didn’t graduate from high school. So I
feel, let me, you know, finish school and make something of myself to
make them look dumb. Because like, they be like - like my daddy, if I stay
with him, if I say, ‘I don’t want to go to school’ he be like ‘ Alright’ And
my mom, she be like, um, she will like try to put me down, like, ah, ‘Yeah
you ain’t gonna’ - cause I told her I want to be a nurse and do hair. So she
gonna say, ‘You want to do hair? Oh, that ain’t no job. That ain’t no real
job.’ I’m like, you didn’t graduate from high school so how you gonna put
me down. You know? That’s not right So that’s why, I’m gonna make
them look dumb.
Other students used their parents’ lack of educational success and their
strained relationships, to do well in school. Jasmine explained how her mother’s
lack of faith in her, fueled her college aspirations:
I want to go to college, make something o f myself to prove my mama
wrong.... She don’t think I’m gonna make it... She doesn’t think I’m
gonna make it period, cause look, it’s like a, it’s like a trait My brother
didn’t graduate. Mimi [her older sister] didn’t graduate. She don’t think
I’m gonna do it.
Lovely talked about the perceptions she has of her parents and the lack of interest
in their suggestions:
Like my people they be trying to tell me to do my work and shit They be
like ‘if you don’t do your work, da, da, da - da, da, da, gonna happen or
whatever. You ain’ t gonna get far.’ But I’m like, how the hell you gonna
tell me to do my work and look where you at? You know? It’s like don’t
tell me what to do and you can’t even... They ain’t nowhere. That’s the
point
Lonnea added:
Yeah, that’s their role model. On the County. She all on daddy, even
though he on disability. How you gonna try and tell me that? Try to push
me? I understand them trying to push me, but you know, I ain’t doing
nothing like you.
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Similar to Lovely and Lonnea, several of the students expressed their
desire to approach life differently than their parents. Cal, a male student at DuBois
Academy explained:
My parents, they tell me to do my work or whatever. But they be like, or
you can do what you want to do. But it’s gonna come back on you in the
end. But I look at it like this - how you gonna tell me to do this, when you
didn’t even do it when you was younger? ... Your parents say ‘don’t do
drugs’ and shit. And I say, ‘you didn’t do drugs?’ She said, I shouldn’t do
drugs even though she did it
Jamesha, a female student at Woodson Academy was uncertain about attending
college, based on the past failures of her parents and siblings.
I can’t say if I’m gonna go to college. I don’t know. I really want to go to
college, but you know, nobody in my family went to college. My sister
went for two months and dropped out So I can’t promise you that I’ll go to
college, but I do want to go to college. But you know if it’s up to me I just
want to party. I don’t want no kids. I ain’t trying to be on no welfare.
Jamesha’s statements were similar to other participants who were unsure whether
or not they would attend college, because they did not have tangible role models
who graduated from college. The lack of success among their parents and siblings
had a negative impact on their college aspirations. For example, roughly 30% of
the respondents, who expressed an interest in attending college, were unsure
whether or not they could succeed academically. The role of the parents
undoubtedly left the students inspired or uncertain about the future. Whether
receiving financial assistance in the form of County checks, involvement in a
gang, or transparent thoughts about their life’s journey, parents helped the students
crystallize perceptions about the present and their future.
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Cedric, a football player, previously mentioned that he only
desired to attend college if he could play football at the University of Miami, or he
would enroll in the Army. Cedric did not believe his father was a good role model,
because his father tried to push him towards college and deter him from going to
the Army or pursuing his athletic dreams:
He be like, I need to go to school so I can get like, a career. But that nigga,
he in the Army, but he want me to work. That’s gay.... He a bitch punk
motherfucker. He like it [the Army], but he don’t want me to be in it.
The level of parental involvement influenced participant college aspirations
differently. For some participants, having a parent monitor their schoolwork was a
benefit that kept them focused on their academics. In contrast, other participants
kept themselves accountable for their future. The difference in aspirations among
participants suggests the obvious; adolescent maturity and motivation is difficult to
gauge and impossible to predict. While some were motivated to pursue college by
their parents lack of a college education, others were less driven and did not
perceive ninth grade as the “starting point,” where grades mattered.
Although some students were more motivated to pursue college than others
a large portion were undereducated about the college process. The parents’ lack o f
college experience left some participants unfamiliar with the importance of a
competitive grand point average, over the four years of high school, which will
maximize college options. The reports regarding the role of parents support
Bourdieu’s cultural capital theory discussed in Chapter Two. At times, knowledge
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187
about higher education (e.g. the importance of grades, academic pre
requisites) was not transferred to participants, because some parents were unaware
of the process. Chapter Five offers further comparisons between these findings and
previous research.
Final Reflections
The goal of this study was to understand and determine how the
experiences during ninth grade influence the college aspirations o f low-income,
African Americans. The 100 students interviewed all share similar racial and
economic characteristics, yet their vision of the present and future are quite
different. For the most part, their family members did not attend college. A large
portion of the students had multiple members who did not even finish high school.
This reality, for some, was motivation to do well in school and attend college. For
others, it painted a dismal picture regarding life after high school.
“As a man thinketh in his heart, so is he” was the Proverb noted earlier.
However, evaluating and categorizing how student thoughts and experiences
influence their college aspirations is challenging. The comments by participants in
this chapter suggest that the social, academic, and family experiences during ninth
grade all influenced academic motivation and aspirations. Sometimes the
experiences enhanced college aspirations, but at other times, participants did not
possess college desires.
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From the details presented in the first factor, Social Pressure, it
is clear that the presence of gangs, appeal o f athletics, and the need for a social
identity was important to ninth graders. The social decision students made
regarding which group they would interact with often impacted the academic
motivation. Although gang affiliation for protection and social status often
diminished college aspirations, students in gangs often demonstrated college
potential through their verbal and social skills. Sports were also appealing for
students seeking to fit in ninth grade for two reasons. First, joining a sport was a
means to circumvent pressures to join a gang. And second, athletics was often
viewed as a gateway to professional sports or into college. However, athletics was
a double-edged sword of sorts. Student athletes often had perceptions that high
school athletics would lead to being drafted directly out of high school.
Consequently, college aspirations were a distant second or not even present.
The second factor, Classroom Climate, illustrated how students were bored
with the curriculum, did not take the standardized tests seriously or were not
prepared, frequently had confrontations with teachers, and expressed concerns
regarding whether or not they would be prepared to enter college. For some, the
curriculum and difficult relationships with teachers led them to dislike school and
caused them to only look forward to graduation, and not to college. Students held
different beliefs about whether or not their ninth grade academic performance truly
was important towards solidifying a place in college. While some believed it was
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important to focus on academic success in ninth grade, others perceived
that high school was similar to eighth grade, and twelfth grade would be the
determining factor for college enrollment.
The third factor, Parental Involvement, helps to connect the first two.
Parents who were highly involved kept students accountable with their
schoolwork, encouraged academic achievement, and were transparent. Some
participants responded to their parents’ transparency about past failures and were
inspired to do their schoolwork. Others saw parental failures as a rationale to
ignore their suggestions. Whether encouraged or discouraged to pursue college,
based on the level of parental involvement, the majority of participants did not
have the cultural capital, or lacked the understanding of the inner workings of
financial aid, the community college or the four-year college system
Fitting In, Classroom Climate, and the level of Parental Involvement made
the experiences during ninth grade, influence different students in different ways.
Based on how students reacted to these experiences, the college aspirations for the
participants were either nurtured or began to diminish. Participants expressed how
the experience of transitioning to a new school and the new social and academic
challenges influenced their academic motivation, aspirations, and expectations.
Because ninth grade set participants on different paths for high school and
the future, I want to end this chapter with intimate, self-reflective comments from
two students regarding their personal growth during ninth grade. Lacrecia and BK
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provided different, yet poignant perspectives on their experiences
during ninth grade. In response to a student debate over whether ninth grade was
harder or easier than expected. Lacrecia stated:
It’s emotional self-challenge. That’s what it is. Emotional self-challenge
because you can do the work. (She turned to the other girls in the group.)
You know ya’ll can. But you be like, ‘Damn, I got to go to school today. I
got to wake up, got to get dressed.’ You know, you got to be all like that.
LaCreicia’s thoughts seemed familiar to other participants, who wrestled
with the social pressure to fit in and be academically motivated, given their
environmental pressures from their peers, family, and racial identity. LaCrecia’s
comment subtly connects to the struggles ninth graders face beginning this new
stage of life, but lack the support from a sibling or parent who successfully
navigated the educational path, without having the encouraging words or tangible
models of success present
When I asked BK, a self-proclaimed class clown about how ninth grade has
impacted his college aspirations he stated:
I think I’ve matured a lot during ninth grade. Cause’ I can act like a big
kid. Like I was still wearing pull-ups in the mind. Like, I think I matured a
lot It like, showed me what I need to do. Like it really matter, like, I didn’t
really care like, what I did. I would be like, yeah I’m gonna do better next
time, but didn’t But high school showed me that what I do now can affect
the rest of my life.
The final chapter reviews Chapters One through Four and draws
conclusions on how this study’s findings relate to earlier research on social class,
race, and college aspirations. I will extend my analysis of the reports in this
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chapter by drawing connections and points of divergence from previous
research, and conclude with implications and recommendations for future research.
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CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS, AND CONCLUSIONS
This study explored how experiences during ninth grade impacted the
college aspirations of 100 African American students in two schools located in
low-income communities in Southern California. The sample was comprised of
low, middle, and high achieving students. Some participants had parents or
siblings with exposure to college. Others had family members who did not finish
high school. This chapter summarizes the first four Chapters, discusses how the
discoveries compare to previous research, offer implications for educators and
parents, and close with final comments.
Summary of the Study
This study was inspired by research findings that noted a decrease in
college aspirations among low-income, African Americans during their high
school years (Cabrera & LaNasa, 2000; Hamrick & Stage, 2004; Hurtado, et al.,
1997). Although past research suggest college aspirations are not sustained
throughout high school, there is limited qualitative research examining the high
school experiences of low-income, African Americans that encourage them or
discourage them from pursuing college. Furthermore, research explicitly
examining how experiences during ninth grade, influence college aspirations of
low-income, African Americans has seldom been explored. The perceptions that
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low-income, African Americans have regarding college, is seldom the
focus in higher education research literature.
The first research question for this study was, What is it like to be a low-
income, African American ninth grader in an urban school? Chapter Four
answered this question by highlighting the comments of the participants. In
particular, the participants discussed the social pressure to fit in, impressions of the
ninth grade curriculum, and teacher-student relationships. Questions two through
nine which also serving as the framework for the study were:
2) How do the experiences during ninth grade influence the college
aspirations of low-income African Americans?
3) Does social class influence college aspirations among low-income
African Americans?
4) What role does racial identity have on academic motivation and college
aspirations?
5) How does the transition from eighth to ninth grade influence academic
identity and college aspirations?
6) How do teacher-student relationships encourage or discourage college
aspirations?
7) What value do the participants place on college attendance?
8) How do peers influence and interaction influence academic success and
college aspirations?
9) How do parents influence academic motivation and college aspirations?
Later in this chapter, answers to each research question are outlined based
on the responses in Chapter Four. However, I begin by recalling comments that
opened the text. The flight or plight of low-income, African Americans in
education has been a topic receiving attention in academic and non-academic
arenas for decades. Chapter One began with a statement from contemporary
comedian, Chris Rock, who proclaimed that in low-income, African Americans
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194
struggle between choosing to pursue academic excellence or to fit in
with members of their community. Noted educator Carter G. Woodson (1933)
argues that living “an Americanized, Europeanized life” has been a thorn in the
progress of African Americans.
Chapter Two reviewed the literature on how social class and racial
background influence college aspirations. The three areas covered were: (1) the
impact of social class based primarily on Bourdieu’s theoretical frame, (2) how
racial identity affects academic expectations and motivation, and (3) the impact of
the high school years on college aspirations. The study began by discussing the
impact of social class on college aspirations, by using Bourdieu’s theoretical frame
as the foundation. According to Bourdieu, the power structures that organize and
govern school curriculum, pedagogy, and evaluation measures perpetuate social
class distinctions (Swartz, 1977). I reported Bourdieu’s (1977) criticisms that
school curriculum and pedagogical approaches impose upper-class ideals on
students and maintain social inequities when they are not adapted to cultural,
racial, and economic differences. Bourdieu argues that the imposition of meaning
and values manifest in the classroom and on standardized tests (1977).
The study also addressed two key concepts that Bourdieu and other
researchers have associated with educational experiences and aspirations: cultural
capital and habitus. Bourdieu’s (1977) early definition o f cultural capital, the
inherited knowledge middle and high-income students, share with their family
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regarding college, was outlined. Followed by the various descriptions
of the term cultural capital by Lamont and Lareau (1988), McDonough (1997), and
Horvat (2000). Habitus, according to Bourdieu is the community (i.e. family,
friends, and surroundings) that influence a person’s perspective on the world and
their place in society. The literature on cultural capital, habitus, and the
disadvantages that low-income students face trying to engage in the curriculum,
adjustment to pedagogy and performance on standardized tests set the stage for the
second part of Chapter Two - racial identity.
The section on racial identity discussed how race can affect educational
expectations, and college aspirations. The Cross Racial Identity Theory of
nigrescence (1971,1995), was reviewed. Then the study examined how Black
racial identity influences academic achievement among adolescents. Cross (1995)
describes the five-stage process that African Americans experience when learning
about their racial identity and their place in the world. The process goes from an
attitude o f low-salience towards being Black; to strong racial pride and a stance
opposing other racial groups; to finding ways that incorporate their racial pride and
awareness, into practical strategies for impacting their community and die world at
large. While Cross (1991) developed the racial identity stages, he also argued that
Black racial identity is not monolithic for all African Americans. Each individual
African American may have their own subjective meaning o f how race contributes
to their self-concept (Rowley, et al., 1998).
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Researchers present conflicting findings about racial identity
and academic achievement. The “acting White” paradigm coined by Fordham and
Ogbu (1986), which was expanded on by Kunjufu (1988), Ogbu (2003), Ogbu and
Simmons (1998) who suggest that African American students may suppress their
intellect based on peer influences and the notion that academic achievement is a
sign of adopting Eurocentric values. Kunjufii (1988) noted that African American
adolescents associated language, style of dress, and music interests as a sign of
whether or not someone is “Black” enough.
The study also highlights educators such as Delpit (1998) who argues that
there may be pedagogical flaws in classrooms, which impede the academic
development of African American students. For example, Delpit (1998) suggests
that research examine how teacher interactions and language socialization issues
affect racial identity and college aspirations, among low-income, African
Americans, when their dialect and community values are defined as ignorant in
classroom settings. I noted findings from Delpit (1998) and Kunjufu (1993) that
classroom experiences of low-income African Americans can have a negative
effect on racial identity, self-efficacy in formal educational settings, and
invariably, college aspirations. Furthermore, the classroom experiences often lead
to academic dis-identification and student disengagement, particularly between
eighth and twelfth grades (Osborne, 1997).
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Building upon Osborne’s (1997) findings regarding academic
dis-identification and disengagement between eighth and twelfth grades this study
examined literature on how the high schools years affect college aspirations of
students in general and African Americans in particular. This part reviewed
findings that low-income African Americans do not sustain college aspirations
during their high school years (Cabrera & LaNasa, 2000; Hamrick & Stage, 2004;
Hurtado, et al, 1997). Also noted were Adams and Singh (1998) criticism that
studies who examine how educational success is influenced by race and class
should also explore other important variables such as the high school transition
year between eighth and ninth grades. Adams and Singh’s (1998)
recommendations prompted other researchers to explore how transitioning from
middle school to high school effects students (Barber & Olsen, 2004; Newman, et
al., 2000; Roderick, 2003; Schiller, 1999).
In regards to the transition from eighth to ninth grades this study presented
findings from researchers, such as Roderick (2003) and Newman, et al, (2000)
who noted conflicting teacher-student relationships and the lack of parental
support, respectfully, as variables impacted academic success in ninth grade
among African Americans. Elies and Midgley (1991), Felner and Adan (1989) and
Roderick (2003) argue that social adjustment problems contribute to declining
student motivation and engagement in school during the transition to high school.
Roderick (2003) argued that in ninth grade, adolescents begin to look to their
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status among peers, verbal and non-verbal messages from parents, and
messages in the media to answer questions such as: Who am I? What affiliations
and activities make me feel valued and competent? Finally, this study, discussed
Falbo, Lein, and Amador’s (2001) findings of how parental support in the form of
monitoring students’ homework and peer interactions improved the probability of
academic success.
Review of Methodology
The qualitative research method used to examine how the ninth grade
experiences o f low-income, African Americans influence college aspirations were
guided by the interpretivist framework. This approach centers on the researcher’s
attempt to understanding the participants’ view of reality. The goal was to develop
a better awareness of factors, which may impact the ongoing phenomena in
education, where low-income, African Americans are not enrolling in college at
the same rate as other ethnic groups. The interpretivist framework approach can
offer a better understanding of what matters in the world, from the subjects point
of view (Bell & Brominck, 2003). In this study, the intention was to identify
factors that may influence college aspirations among low-income, African
American ninth grade students.
Theories by Bourdieu offer perspectives on how social class may impact
one’s perception of reality, values, cultural capital, and college aspirations. Cross’
racial identity theory highlights the development stage that African Americans
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may experience which may impact their attitudes and perceptions of the
world and their place in society. In the case o f this research, the stages of Cross’
racial identity theory became important when analyzing what impact school
experiences (e.g. Eurocentric curriculum, teacher-student relationships) can have
on academic motivation and long-term college aspirations.
To this end, the researcher spent five weeks conducting interviews, focus
groups, site visits, and observations of student-parent/student-counselor meetings,
with 100 African American ninth graders, at two high schools located in low-
income communities in Southern California. The two high schools, DuBois
Academy and Woodson High, were selected because their college matriculation
percentages rank last in their district, 13% and 58% respectfully. Simply put,
students at these two high schools are not academically prepared for college nor,
are they enrolling in higher education at the same rate as their peers in the district,
state, or the nation. Participants at DuBois Academy were solicited by conducting
two general assemblies for the African American ninth graders - one with all
males; the other for all females. Students were given a general overview of the
study and the goal of learning about their experiences during ninth grade. They
received, completed, returned parental consent forms.
Between DuBois Academy and Woodson High, 100 participants, (50 males
and 50 females) returned parental consent forms. The primary method utilized for
data collection was six, same-sex, semi-structured focus groups and one co-ed
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group on their respective campuses during the school day. This day
occurred over the last four weeks of the school year in May and June o f2004. The
six, same-sex groups were audio taped and transcribed. In addition, thirty students
participated in a second focus group. Approximately 35% o f the students
participated in one-on-one informal interviews before, during, or after school,
primarily for further explanation of their responses during the focus group.
The data analysis process involved identifying categories and subcategories
that emerged in the focus groups. The transcripts were read and one or two word
summations were noted to categorize student comments. The “summations” were
joined with other responses centered on similar topics and inserted into a table in
Microsoft Word, along with the page references. The twenty categorical titles that
emerged from the student responses provided structure to the 231-page transcript
The responses were reviewed and categorized into themes. The themes were
compared across gender and between school sites. This was done to identify
common experiences, causal conditions, and interactions during ninth grade that
were common and encouraged or discouraged the college aspirations in the
participants. This process yielded three overarching themes - social pressure to fit
in, classroom climate, and the role of parental involvement.
Accuracy during data collection was measured by cross checking students’
responses between focus groups at each school site. For example, the researcher
explored student impressions of campus culture, racial tensions, perceptions of the
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curriculum, and relationships with teachers for each group and
compared responses with other groups at each site. Also, recurring themes from
earlier groups were frequently revisited, for further clarification. Gender specific
attitudes and impressions of ninth grade within and between each campus were
checked for trustworthiness by triangulating data between focus groups at each
school site. In particular, site observations before school and during lunch were
effective ways to substantiate student perspectives on racial tensions between
students, and relationships with teachers and administrators. Despite multiple
methods employed to verify student responses the study has its limitations.
Limitations
Since the focus groups and site observations were conducted during the last
five weeks of the school year, there were certain limitations. Given that the
research question sought to examine the experiences during ninth grade that
influence college aspirations, it may have been beneficial to track student
experiences during the first days of school and subsequently track them throughout
the year. If the researcher was able to cross reference student impressions of high
school and perceptions about college, from the beginning of the year to the point at
which they ended ninth grade, additional data might have been available and
beneficial for a deeper understanding of the comments. Also, relying on student
recollections of their perceptions about ninth grade and experiences from earlier in
the school year has limitations, because some experiences may have escaped a
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student’s memory during the focus group. Furthermore, documenting
student perceptions should not be assumed as the reality for all students or an
accurate depiction of their school and family environment.
In retrospect, if this study were conducted again, the researcher may have
gone beyond separating the focus groups by gender, and distinguished them
further into categories (e.g. gang members, athletes, and scholars). By dividing
groups into smaller subgroups, this study could have probed deeper into the
perspectives within each group regarding topics such as: academic motivation,
parental support, classroom experiences, and college aspirations. Segments of this
study could be examined in finer detail, perhaps by using a different methodology.
For example, one-on-one, in-depth interviews with students could offer greater
accuracy regarding how parents’ actions and educational backgrounds influence
college aspirations in their child. Nonetheless, the methodology employed has
provided a meaningful start into the experiences of some low-income, African
Americans in the ninth grade. The voices shared in this text offered rich and
engaging dialogue from a group often analyzed quantitatively, and critiqued
collectively, yet seldom heard from specifically.
Findings
The goal of this study was to “bring to light” the experiences of low-
income African Americans during ninth grade that encourage or discourage
pursuing college. To accomplish this goal it is imperative that the students’
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attitudes and perceptions about life and the role of schooling be shared
through their eyes. In due course, three themes emerged through the interaction
with 100 students from two high schools heavily populated by low-income African
Americans. Each theme, social pressures to fit in, the classroom climate, and the
level of parental involvement proved to be dominant amidst the diverse views held
by the students. This study diligently examined each theme in relationship to
earlier research and theories developed by Bourdieu (1977), Fordham and Ogbu
(1986), Kunjufu (1988,1993), Cross (1991) and several others.
After coding the statements, categorizing them into themes, and examining
their relationship to prior studies, the analysis of the data is meaningful, yet
infantile, in understanding adolescent development throughout the high school
years. In general, the respondents’ comments and understanding o f their life
experiences both inside and outside o f the school suggest that they are aware o f the
challenges their race may present them in the world beyond high school, as well as
the economic hurdles they have inherited. More specifically, the three factors
discussed in Chapter Four reflect shared characteristics that are dominant among
the students at both school sites during their ninth grade year. Next, I will review
the three factors’ relationship to findings in earlier studies, and offer suggestions
for encouraging college aspirations based on comments from the respondents.
Findings from Factor One: “Social Pressure” The first factor that resonated
at both school sites was that students face social pressure to fit in during ninth
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grade. Boys and girls expressed that the presence of gangs influenced
with whom students chose to associate. For some, gang affiliation was attractive to
gain protection from other gangs. Others saw gang participation as being
beneficial to improving social status on campus and in their communities. Students
who were not interested in being a part of a gang explored athletic participation or
stayed away from gang members. The decisions students make regarding fitting in
are often influenced by student perceptions of the possibilities they have in life.
Inevitably their decisions can lead them on a path towards or away from college.
Findings from Factor Two: “Classroom Climate” The second factor,
Classroom Climate, highlighted student impressions that the curriculum was
boring and not stimulating. Further discussions revealed that it was common for
students to repeat coursework from eighth and seventh grade, in part because
students were ill prepared or did not take the standardized tests seriously. Poor
performance on the standardized tests led to tracking in courses that were a review
of previous school years. Having to review course material has placed some
students behind in their coursework, limited their exposure to new material
presented on the standardized test for their grade level, and placed them on an
academic track that will not prepare them for college.
The classroom experiences theme also elaborated on the positive and
negative teacher-student relationships that impact student motivation, academic
identity, and future aspirations in formal education. Some participants admitted
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they did not work up to their academic potential because they feared
being held to higher expectations. Student decisions to under perform support
findings by Cross (1995) and Fordham (1996) that African American youth in die
early stages of racial identity development, may deliberately underachieve and
hide abilities to be accepted by peers and avoid the “acting White” label.
Findings from Factor Three: “The Level of Parental Involvement” The
third factor, The Level of Parental Involvement, discussed how parents’
involvement in their child’s academic life or lack thereof can impact student
attitudes towards school and college. Parents can encourage or discourage college
aspirations in their child, by keeping the student accountable in their homework
and discussing with their child their successes and failures, based on the
educational choices they made in life. Although it is difficult to get parents
involved during the high school years, attempts should be made to help parents
become accountable partners in their child’s education, by checking homework,
being transparent about their personal successes and struggles in formal education,
and meeting with counselors to plan their child’s future.
The analyses of data provide strong findings, however some may be
inconclusive. The students represented the multiplicity o f identities in the African
American community. Generalizations based on the data is difficult, but the
research does provide strong assertions for variables that influence academic
motivation and interest among low-income, African Americans at these school
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sites and others with similar characteristics. Characteristics such as:
low-income background, few family members with college education, high gang
presence, large percentage of African American and Latino students, and the
majority of the teaching staff European. With few exceptions, the ninth grade
students considered fitting in and classroom experiences as key concerns.
Although I was not surprised that social pressure to fit in was a major
concern for ninth graders, there were three unexpected discoveries. First, I was
amazed to leam how strong the influence of gangs was on campus. Although I was
raised in a low-income family, gang presence in New York was relatively non
existent. However, among the 100 participants in these two Southern California
schools, there may have been 5 to 7 respondents, who stated they were not
concerned about gangs. I was surprised to leam that both boys and girls were
influenced by gangs. My assumption mentioned in Chapter Three, that low-
income, African American students have athletic aspirations, because of highly
profiled athletes in the media, was not always the case. I was not aware that
athletics was a “refuge” for students who did not want to join a gang.
Second, my assumption that the curriculum and evaluation measures have
biases that hinder the academic success o f low-income, African Americans, was
not support by student comments. I did not expect students, who were failing, to
state that the ninth grade curriculum was, “easy.” My assumption that curriculum
biases based on social class or cultural background was not echoed in the
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responses. Instead, participant criticisms of the curriculum centered on
its relevance, or the lack of available courses (e.g. History classes).
Third, my assumption that low-income, African American students would
struggle with their racial identity, when classroom writing and speech expectations
did not affirm the dialects in their community, was not supported. I was surprised
to witness the strong racial awareness among ninth graders. The participants did
not wrestle with their racial identity. Students were conscious of their racial
identity. They did not appear to wrestle with how they would behave in the
classroom versus among peers in the community. Although students did not offer a
specific description of what it means, “to be Black,” their racial identity did not
appear to, raise or lower college aspirations. Instead, college aspirations, or lack
thereof, were influenced more by, a students’ academic motivation and future
goals.
While the students shared socioeconomic conditions and school settings, I
learned that their perceptions of life and college expectations were extremely
different. They shared their dreams, fears, and frustrations about life. Although
they are connected by their racial and economic profiles, their futures seem
unattached. Despite the lives they have inherited, some have a resolute mind that
they will succeed, and college is the path they desire. Others view traditional
school as an insurmountable obstacle and believed that future opportunities will
emerge through following a different trail.
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Discussion
The experiences and perceptions of the 100 African Americans in this
study offer some insight into decades of data noting the lower percentage of low-
income, African Americans enrolling in college, in comparison to other ethnic
groups. Chapters One and Two illustrated numerous studies on how social class,
racial identity, and the high school years influence college aspirations among low-
income African Americans. The data in this study support some of the theories and
research presented earlier; however are not congruent with others.
Student decisions to join a gang due to their need for protection or peer
acceptance support Bourdieu’s (1977) definition of habitus, discussed in Chapter
Two. According to Bourdieu, habitus is the shared perceptions within an economic
class and/or cultural community about life, personal goals, and strategies to attain
one’s goals. These perceptions and dispositions are created through an individual’s
social history, are constantly re-negotiated based on personal experiences, and
guide an individual’s daily actions. In this case, personal experiences some
students had with Mexican gangs, or the need for social status in a new
environment, guided their decisions on whether to join a gang, a clique, or sports
team.
Furthermore, the choices students made regarding fitting in were
influenced by their perceptions o f the future. Habitus, according to Swartz (1997),
is the system where an individual develops subconscious perceptions and
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209
expectations about opportunities in life, based on viewing other
members in their social class and surroundings, and lead to conscious
determinations of what goals are attainable. The inclination for a majority of the
students to fit in among their peer groups and be less concerned about their
academic profile, supports the insulation hypothesis discussed earlier (Rowley, et
al., 1998). The insulation hypothesis argues that the majority of African Americans
compare themselves not with members of the broader society, but with other
African Americans. Student comments support that in the ninth grade, peer
expectations and acceptance is a driving factor that supercedes teacher aspirations
and societal measures of success.
The results from the interviews at DuBois Academy and Woodson High
suggest that racial identity does influence academic motivation; however, its
influence is multidirectional. On one hand, findings support Ogbu (2003), Ogbu
and Simmons (1998) and Kunjufu’s (1988) conclusions that academic motivation
is influenced by racial identity; specifically the phobia of being labeled as “acting
White.” The girl’s distaste for boys who are smart and speak “all proper” and “in
complete sentences” suggest that speaking Standard English and having high
academic goals are not an attractive quality for African American boys. On the
other hand, findings also support Spencer et al. (2001) and Constantine and
Blackmon’s (2002) conclusions that high racial identity was highly correlated to
high academic achievement.
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Bourdieu (1977) argues that the standardized tests, which lead
to college entrance, favor culturally privileged upper-class students, because the
questions are inherently developed from concepts familiar with, based on cultural
interactions with their parents and peers. The details presented support that low-
income students were at a disadvantage in test preparation on standardized tests;
however, student comments centered primarily on their lack of exposure to subject
matter. Students were either not aware or did not equate being unprepared to
cultural or socio-economic differences. In addition, it is uncertain whether the
behaviors students mentioned which were prominent during testing (i.e. sleeping,
guessing on answers) were due to Steele’s (1990) racial vulnerability or inferiority
anxiety concepts, or Steele and Aronson’s (1995) stereotype threat. Although
students did not express anxiety about the tests, further examination of their long
term academic ability, test-taking history, and observations during actual testing
are needed to support or refute Steele (1990) and Steele and Aronson’s (1995)
contentions.
Academic dis-identification was a major finding confirmed in this study
that coincides with Steele (1992). Students expressed that they were disconnected
from their teachers and curriculum. The academic disconnection expressed in this
study often led to a lack of interest in completing classroom and homework
assignments. These reports remain consistent with conclusions from earlier
research mentioned in Chapter Two. For example, several participants shared that
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they only attended school, because a parent made them. The academic
dis-identification present among the participants was consistent with Osborne’s
(1997) conclusions that academic dis-identification among African American
boys, between eighth and twelfth grades, are increased due to societal and peer
pressures. Further research specifically focused on whether the race o f the teacher
has an impact on academic dis-identification would be needed for specific
comparisons to Dee’s (2004) conclusions that a teacher’s ethnicity influences
academic achievement.
The role parents have in the student’s college aspiration support the notions
of cultural capital, discussed in Chapter Two. McDonough (1997) defines cultural
capital as the symbolic wealth that middle and upper-class parents transfer to their
children regarding the importance of a college education. Although the parents in
this study were low-income, the results support McDonough’s cultural capital
view on two levels. First, although the majority of these students are in families
where their parents did not attend college, some parents transferred knowledge
about the importance of a college education by expressing their struggles due in
part to not having a strong educational background Second, the parent’s life
decisions passed on symbolic wealth to children who used their parent’s
dependency on state assistance, to illustrate the importance of a college education.
Also, the parents’ lack o f exposure to social outlets contributed to the
student lacking an understanding of higher education. This supports Bourdieu
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(1977) and Horvat’s (2000) notion of social capital, the benefits of
being a member of an organization that can be used for educational advancement.
Parents did not have a strong educational background nor was there indication
from the students that their families were involved in organizations that provided
information about the benefits o f college.
Furthermore, the details on the role of parents support Cabrera and LaNasa
(2000) and Hamrick and Stage (2004) conclusions that parents' educational
background and educational expectations have a direct effect on African American
students' predisposition to college and educational attainment On one hand,
students were motivated when their parent expressed a lack o f faith in their
chances for educational success. On the other hand, students used their parents’
expectations and educational background, as motivation. For some, parents who
were transparent about their lack of education and expressed their personal hopes
that their children will do better, was often a source of inspiration for the child to
have college aspirations.
The data does not completely support or refute Bourdieu and Passeron’s
social reproduction theory. In some cases, participants’ college aspirations and
expectations were defined by the failures of the parents and siblings. In these
instances the social reproduction theory seemed to be supported. In other cases,
participants’ high college aspirations and expectations were motivated by a desire
to surpass the educational achievements of their parents. Participants were
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determined not to follow die generational patterns in their family.
Instances such as these support Lareau and Horvat’s (1999) assertion that the
social reproduction theory is somewhat simplistic and underdeveloped. Instead it
supports Lareau and Horvat’s (1999) argument that social reproduction is not a
linear, easily deterministic process, but rather negotiated by actors. Several
participants in this study established clear goals, in hopes of altering the patterns of
their parents and siblings.
The reports in this study supported Adam and Singh (1998) and Howard’s
(2003) conclusions that the academic identity o f low-income, African Americans
are influenced by their parents and the perceived long-term benefits of college.
First, parental involvement was an important variable effecting college aspirations;
however, the effect was not conclusive. Parents who were highly involved in
monitoring the participant’s homework, progress reports, and grades were often
those of the students with high college aspirations. The college aspirations of
participants, whose parents were not actively involved in their academic success,
were not consistent Some participants did not have high college aspirations,
because they were not accountable to their parents; others cultivated college
aspirations despite lack of support from their parent or guardian.
Second, the perceived long-term benefits of college effected college
aspirations. Some participants believed that college was the best alternative
towards financial security. In contrast, others did not believe attending school
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through college and beyond, for another seven or fourteen years was
the best path to choose after high school. In those instances, participants expressed
interest in playing professional sports, attending art or culinary school, and other
professions in the trades or the military.
Participant reports could not confirm the conclusions from Cabrera and
LaNasa (2000) and Hurtado et al. (1997) that the college aspirations of low-
income African Americans from eighth grade to high school significantly decrease
for two reasons. First, this research only examined experiences and college
aspirations among ninth grade students. A longitudinal study is required to
determine whether college aspirations will be sustained or developed by the end of
high school. Second, the research focused on experiences during ninth grade. In
order for meaningful comparisons to be made to Cabrera and LaNasa, and Hurtado
et al. conclusions, the participants’ college aspirations would have had to have
been explored during their eighth grade year.
However, this research did address Adams and Singh’s (1998)
recommendation that studies concerned with the academic success based on race
and class, also analyze other variables, such as the high school transition year
between eighth and ninth grades. This study purposely examined race and class
factors in the context o f the student transitioning from eighth to ninth grades. It
adds to the body of research that previously focused on the difficulties that a larger
percentage of minority students have transitioning to secondary school (Reyes,
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Gillock, & Kobus, 1994; Roderick, 2003; Roderick & Cambum, 1999;
Simmons, Black & Zhou, 1991).
The results offer some possible insight into Roderick’s (2003) findings that
the academic decline of African American males is more significant than African
American females during the high school transition. For example, if African
American males desire to solidify their presence on a high school campus or gain
the attention o f females, participant statements in this study suggest that pursuing
academic excellence is not the path to pursue. More African American females in
this study expressed their affection for males who were not “smart.” However, for
African American females, poor academic achievement was not deemed attractive
or less attractive by their male counterparts. Thus, it was more common for
African American females to remain focused on their schoolwork. Also confirmed
was Roderick’s (2003) finding that adolescents tend to struggle with the social
adjustment aspects from attending school with 17 and 18 year-old students. The
social adjustment challenges led participants to deal with social pressure to fit in
by looking towards their peers for status.
The details noting that parents can play an important role in the academic
success support conclusions from Falbo, Lein, and Amador (2001), who found that
the probability of academic success is increased when parents monitor students’
homework. Although students shared that they often lie to their parents about
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216
completing their homework, students whose parents expressed an
interest in their work often performed better in class and had some college
aspirations.
Beyond comparing Chapter Four’s themes to earlier research, it is
important to review the nine research questions listed in Chapter One. Chapter
Four gave a comprehensive overview answering question one: What is it like to be
a low-income, African American ninth grader in an urban school? The second
question was, How do the experiences during ninth grade influence the college
aspirations of low-income African Americans? The answer is complex and the
results depend upon multiple competing variables, such as selected peer group and
family support.
There was no linear answer for how students responded to their
experiences during ninth grade, and whether these experiences cause college
aspirations to diminish or be sustained. For example, although virtually every
student expressed they felt social pressure to fit in on campus, the group they
chose to fit in with had an impact on how they experienced ninth grade. Students
involved with a gang viewed college differently than students who played a sport.
Involvement in a gang provided a different ninth grade experience from students
who were in a sport, floated, or chose to be isolated However, the group with
which a student decided to align himself or herself (e.g. gang, clique) typically
reflected how they viewed future opportunities, such as college.
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Classroom climate experiences also affected college aspirations
in several ways. For some, having to repeat the seventh and eighth grade
curriculum was an experience that turned them off to formal education. Several
participants commented that the classroom experience was boring, and believed
teachers perceived them as ignorant. The students who expressed these concerns
were split approximately 50/50 on their college aspirations. Half of those who
viewed the curriculum as boring had no desire to continue in school beyond
twelfth grade. The other half believed college was important regardless of ninth
grade experiences in the classroom.
The third research question was, Does social class influence college
aspirations among low-income African Americans? Participant comments
suggested that social class influenced college aspirations, but in surprising ways.
One might expect the high financial burden of college to be a deterrent among
low-income, African American students: however, only one student mentioned
that unless he received a scholarship, the high financial cost o f college might
prevent him from attending. Otherwise, social class influenced college aspirations,
based on family history.
Several participants believed that their family’s social status was due to
their parents’ lack of education. Participants who made the connection between
educational success and social class typically noted college as a positive
alternative. In contrast, social class and family history did not cultivate college
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aspirations among other students. The lack of family members who
attended college either left students unsure of whether they could academically
succeed in college, or questioning whether or not higher education is beneficial.
For example, roughly 30% of the respondents, who expressed an interest in
attending college, were unsure whether or not they could succeed academically.
Several participants commented that the lack of educational success among other
family members lowered their self-efficacy.
One other way that social class influenced college aspirations related to the
participants’ lack of awareness of the higher education culture (i.e. academic
requirements, the difference between attending Junior College and Graduate
School). This lack of understanding decreased college aspirations among some
participants, who perceived that they would have to enroll in college for 7 or 14
years beyond high school.
The fourth research question was, What role does racial identity have on
academic motivation and college aspirations? Previous research findings note that
African American students decrease academic motivation, because they fear the
“Acting White” label associated with academic success, or are academically
motivated due to their racial pride. However, neither perspective was dominant
among the participants in this study. Respondents had a strong sense of being
African American, however racial identity did not directly influence academic
motivation or college aspirations.
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Participants commented that the curriculum seldom taught
lessons from an African American perspective, and rarely included African
American content The lack of Black culture in the curriculum made class less
inspiring, but responses did not infer that it reduced academic motivation. Students
who desired high grades still performed. Those who were not concerned with
academic success remained inattentive. Thus, racial identity did not directly
influence academic motivation and college aspirations. Academic motivation and
college aspirations were influence more by the social pressure to fit in, as well as
teacher-student relationships. Although conflicts were apparent between the
African American students and teachers of other races, it is uncertain whether
conflicts were caused by racial differences or by personality conflicts.
Racial identity did however, indirectly affect academic motivation.
Participants on both campuses mentioned that racial tension between African
American and Mexican students was a serious issue; thereby increasing racial
awareness. Oftentimes, the racial tension shifted students’ concern from academic
success to safety. To this end, racial identity did influence academic motivation.
Furthermore, as students’ concerns shifted away from academics to general safety,
college was neither a primary concern nor an important goal.
The fifth research question was, How does the transition from eighth to
ninth grade influence academic identity and college aspirations? Academic
identity and college aspirations o f the participants were different Approximately
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60% of the participants had a strong academic identity because their
viewed ninth grade as a review of seventh and eighth grades. These students
perceived school as easy. Being taught material from middle school bred a sense
of academic confidence, which either led to stronger grades or caused students to
slack off and not do their homework. Students who did not do their homework
✓
continued to receive low grades, despite having a higher academic identity.
Participants who had a high academic identity and viewed ninth grade as a new
beginning, were more dedicated to their schoolwork They believed high school
was a new start, and would lead to great opportunities in life (e.g. college or a
good paying career).
Roughly, 25% of the students were unsure of their academic identity.
Respondents who had to repeat seventh and eighth grade material believed they
were “smart” in some subjects. Other participants were uncertain as to whether or
not they were “smart,” because they performed well in class, but poor on
standardized tests. Participants that commented that since they were not taught the
material covered on the standardized test doubted if they would be prepared for
college. Comments from the final 15% o f the respondents suggested that their
academic identity did not change during die transition into the ninth grades. They
did not notice a major difference in the coursework between eighth and ninth
grade. Thus, those who had a strong or weak academic identity in the eighth grade
carried that perspective into the ninth grade.
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221
The sixth research question was, How do teacher-student
relationships encourage or discourage college aspirations? Respondents
expressed what they believed were positive and negative attributes they associated
with “good” and “bad” teachers. Participants said “good” teachers were patient,
understanding of the student’s community and cultural characteristics, and showed
students a level of respect. How participants described a teacher was parallel to
whether they had a bad or good relationship with the teacher. At times, the
strength of the teacher-students relationship affected student academic motivation
in class.
Bad teacher-student relationships discouraged some participants from
pursuing college, and did not effect the aspirations of others. Several participants
noted that confrontations with teachers led them to rebel, by not doing their
assignments. Confrontations also turned students off from school in general, and
discouraged educational aspirations beyond completing high school. However,
negative teacher-student relationships did not deter all students. Participants also
noted that they continued to pursue good grades despite bad relationships with
teachers. These students were either self-motivated or commented that their
parents had high academic expectations.
In addition, the lack o f a relationship with a teacher discouraged college
aspirations among some participants. Respondents also expressed uncertainty
about enrolling in college, because they had poor teachers or substitutes,
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222
throughout the year. Participants commented that strong teachers were
often promoted, or left their position. Oftentimes, the new teacher was less
effective in the classroom. Or, students had different substitute teachers, which
made cultivating a strong teacher-student relationship difficult The weak teacher-
student relationship discouraged college aspirations among some participants,
because they doubted whether they would be ready for college.
There were numerous testimonies of good teacher-students relationships.
However, participants did not mention that a teacher encouraged them to pursue
college. Respondents, who described a strong relationship with a teacher,
suggested that their bond centered on the teacher helping the student to deal with
everyday stresses o f life (i.e. family concerns, problems with administrators).
Thus, it cannot be determined whether or not good teacher-student relationships
encouraged college aspirations among ninth graders in this study. Further
examination is necessary to follow how teacher-student relationships are sustained
beyond ninth grade.
The seventh research question was, What value do the participants place
on college attendance? Respondents had three different perceptions o f college.
Participants either believed college was beneficial, but were uncertain as to
whether or not they could succeed in higher education; college was their greatest
opportunity for a better life; or the time commitment college demanded, would not
reap the equivalent rewards in the future.
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223
Roughly 35% of the respondents who believed college was a
good choice, but doubted they would enroll, had a negative academic perception or
a lack of college-educated role models. Those who had a negative academic
perception developed their beliefs from previous academic failures. Approximately
95% of the participants were not accepted to the first or second high school of
choice. For some, being rejected by the other high schools, and having to enroll in
one of the two least respected schools in the district, made them unsure o f whether
or not they would be accepted in college. Other respondents questioned if they
were “college material,” because they did not know many people who successfully
continued their education after high school. They lacked college-educated role
models. In both instances, pursuing college seemed chancy. Thus, these students
were seriously considering other alternatives.
Approximately 55% o f the participants had a predisposition for college.
They considered college their best alternative for a promising future, and noted
that they learned from their parents’ choices. Despite believing that college was a
wise path to take, the majority of the students did not understand the higher
education culture (e.g. academic requirements the difference between two- and
four-year institutions). Only seven students had a clear understanding of the
college enrollment process, and named several schools they would like to attend.
Three students actually researched the admission requirements, and made some
contact with their desired colleges. The few students who were most aggressive in
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224
their college aspirations mentioned a parent, sibling, or extended family
member who exposed them to college.
The 10% of the participants who did not believe college was a good
investment mentioned that they knew people in their community who made more
money than college graduates. They based their conclusions on the clothes worn
and the cars driven by teachers and administrators at their school, in comparison to
individuals in their neighborhood. Attending college was perceived as a waste of
time, because they did not see financially successful college graduates in their
immediate surroundings.
The eighth research question was, How do peer influences and interactions
influence academic success and college aspirations? Peers had the ability tobea
positive or negative influence on academic success and college aspirations. The
social pressure to fit in on campus was driven by peer acceptance. How students
responded to that pressure influenced their academic success. For example,
students who joined a gang seldom discussed academic goals, and did not express
having academic success. Joining a clique often led to different academic
outcomes, depending on the members of the group. Participants in school-
sponsored programs and sports teams expressed that their peers provided a positive
support system, which encouraged academic success and college aspirations. In
contrast, social cliques varied in the level of academic support given by peers.
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225
Both boys and girls mentioned having friends of the same
gender, who encouraged them in school. However, the academic support between
genders was not as strong. Boys mentioned that the social pressure to impress girls
on campus made academic success less o f a priority. The affection girls had for
less intelligent boys, and gang members, made academic success less appealing for
boys. In this instance, peers were a negative influence on academic success and
I
college aspirations.
The ninth research questions was, How do parents influence academic
motivation and college aspirations? Based on student responses, parents appeared
to have a significant influence on their academic motivation and college aspiration.
Approximately 35 participants stated their parents held them accountable to do
their homework, shared their personal failures in school, and expressed that getting
a good education was valuable for future success. These students were often
academically motivated and had college aspirations.
Respondents, who described their parents as not involved, had mixed
effects on academic motivation and career aspirations. Roughly 35 respondents
said their parents’ scarce involvement, sent them a message that school was not
important. The other 30 respondents stated that although their parents were not
involved in school, their poor economic and social condition motivated them to do
well in school.
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Final Analysis
The statements in Chapter Four illustrate how the attitudes of low-income,
African American ninth graders, towards school in general, and college in
particular, were influenced by relationships with peers, parents and teachers. Thus,
my final analysis is comprised of the following four statements: 1) Mentoring
African American males and females in ninth grade are critical to fostering
academic motivation and aspirations. 2) Teachers who understand the cultural and
social environment of African Americans in low-income communities may be
beneficial to nurturing and sustaining academic interest, motivation, and college
aspirations. 3) Education about the culture of higher education is essential if
college enrollment numbers of low-income, African Americans are to increase. 4)
Involving students in a process of analyzing the “generational patterns” in their
family appears to positively influence college aspirations among low-income
African Americans. In what follows, I expand on each statement and present ideas,
which may be helpful towards encouraging college aspirations among low-income
African Americans.
Mentoring African American Females and Males in Ninth Grade are
Critical. African American females in ninth grade are critical to fostering the
academic motivation and aspirations of African American males. Chapter Four
noted that the social pressure to fit in was a major concern for students in general.
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In particular, the overwhelming interest females have in “thugs,” rather
than in “smart guys” tended to negatively impact the academic motivation among
boys.
Beyond the need for protection, the social status attributed to joining a
gang or clique is driving African American boys away from academics in hopes of
appealing to girls. Peer acceptance during adolescence, especially when entering a
new school environment, is extremely important While African American girls do
their schoolwork, their fondness for “gang bangers” did not encourage young boys
to strive for academic excellence and pursue college. Consequently, the attitudes
towards school among boys can be negative if they do not have a strong mentor or
parental support system to explain the importance of a high school and college
education.
Young girls who are not mature about the implications of their actions and
attitudes on the future do not realize the long-term effects they have on African
American boys, by not promoting academic intelligence and encouraging boys to
shun academic success. As the young girls, who do focus on their academics,
mature during high school and pursue college, the boys have not progressed
academically and are not prepared and/or eligible to participate in higher
education. This is significant because the long-term academic success of African
American boys, to some extent, is predicated by the encouragement of African
American girls during adolescence.
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Although the personality traits desired by some African
American females can deter African American males from pursuing high academic
achievement, individuals should be responsible for their decisions in life. In
addition to mentoring African American females, it is equally important to mentor
African American males. The statements by African American males highlighted
in Chapter Four noted that pressure to fit in on campus often tempted African
American males to choose gangs or athletics, over academics. Mentoring African
American males could help cultivate academic interests, by exposing them to
alternative paths in life, such as attending college.
Teenage boys who cannot connect long term implications to short term
decisions may damage future opportunities in life. Becoming involved in gangs, or
placing future aspirations solely on athletics can be destructive, considering the
high probability of death or incarceration in gangs, and low probability of financial
security in sports. Educating African American males with strong mentors is an
option that can combat the negative social pressures in high school.
Teachers Should be Aware of the Social and Cultural Environment.
Although Dee (2004) found that students often perform to higher academic levels .
when their teachers were of the same race, he was concerned that his findings
would fuel debates for racial segregation in school. This analysis is also offered
with the same level of social sensitivity. Based on the comments of participants,
teachers who understand the cultural and social environment of African Americans
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2 2 9
in low-income communities may be beneficial to nurturing and
sustaining academic interest, motivation, and college aspirations.
Several participants expressed their respect and affection for teachers who
took time to work with them and who were comfortable speaking in slang terms
common in their community. Conflicts between students and teachers often arose
due to the difference in communication patterns. Teachers were not accustomed to
students’ slang that evolved in their neighborhoods. And students often responded
negatively to unfamiliar disciplinary methods used by teachers. The
communication differences, whether due to racial, socioeconomic, or cultural
differences, heightened tensions in the classroom. For example, disciplining an
African American student in front of their peers often led to confrontations if the
student perceived they were being “put on blast” by the teacher. African American
students in these two schools viewed such occurrences as a sign of disrespect and
often chose to respond with verbal or physical responses; that invariably escalated,
rather than tempered the situation. Incidents such as these, jeopardize teacher-
student relationships, negatively impact academic motivation, cause academic
disengagement, and lower morale.
Strong relationships between school officials and students require a cultural
awareness and sensitivity to the experiences and environmental norms of low-
income, African Americans. Verbal and physical confrontations are unacceptable;
however, to improve long-term success teachers can try to improve their cultural
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2 3 0
understanding of behavior patterns, common in low-income
communities. Training school officials on cultural patterns is of equal importance
as training students on social norms that are necessary in environments outside of
their present surroundings.
Education About the Culture in Higher Education is Essential. If college
enrollment numbers of low-income, African Americans are to increase, education
about the culture of higher education is essential. Although college aspirations
may be present among low-income, African Americans, the understanding of
college eligibility requirements and uncertainty are due to the lack of parental
knowledge and school resources. Beginning in middle school, students need a
clear understanding of the academic implications of standardized tests in eighth
grade, and how their grades during each year of high school impact their college
eligibility.
Schools should inform athletes about the academic requirements to enroll
as a college athlete, as well as the probabilities and regulations regarding high
school students entering professional sports. The common misconceptions ninth
graders had regarding college was that they could enter a highly competitive
college, by doing well in their twelfth grade year. This notion emerged because
students matriculated into ninth grade, despite poor grades in sixth and seventh
grade, by doing well in the last semester of eight grade, they believed they could
follow the same approach during high school.
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The other misconception that shaped college aspirations was the
intention student athletes had to participate in professional sports, directly out of
high school. These goals were shaped due to following the careers of professional
basketball players, such as Kobe Bryant In addition to basketball players,
numerous football players and students, not on sports teams, who had a desire to
play a sport, had professional aspirations despite the rules that high school football
players cannot enter the National Football League draft directly out of high school.
High school teachers, coaches, and counselors need to educate low-income
students about the academic criteria factored into college enrollment; the
difference between professional, associate, bachelor, and graduate degrees; and
age requirements to become a professional athlete.
Involve Students in a Process of Analyzing their Family Generational
Patterns. Despite the lack of family members to graduate from college,
approximately 70% of the participants expressed having college aspirations. In
particular, the lack of family members to enroll and/or graduate from school was a
motivating factor. Students who had a clear understanding that a lack of formal
education was a common theme that led to their family’s present economic
condition, used that as motivation to surpass the academic levels of their family
members. For some students, their parents’ transparency about their shortfalls in
formal education inspired a desire to pursue college. Other students developed
their college aspirations by witnessing the lack of options available to their family
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2 3 2
members due to limited formal education. The benefits of taking a
critical examination of how educational choices impacted family patterns enabled
students to connect the importance of high school and college on their future.
Although the aforementioned statements are not universally applicable to
all African American ninth graders in low-income communities, they were, for the
most part, relevant to the 100 students in this study. As Cross’ racial identity
theory outlined in Chapter Two notes, African Americans have different views on
race, life, and their roles in it based on their experiences. Thus, the experiences of
the participants in this study have yielded different perceptions on education,
college aspirations, and their expectations for the future.
Given the research and theories offered in Chapters One and Two, and all
the discoveries in Chapter Four, one question remains. So what? What does the
compiled and analyzed data mean for educators concerned with improving the
college enrollment numbers for low-income African Americans? What practical
recommendations can be offered for teachers, parents, and policymakers to foster
and sustain college aspirations among low-income African Americans? The
following outlines implications for practice, based on the reports of this research,
in the conjunction with previous studies and theory.
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Implications for Practice
The analyses outlined in the previous section indicate several practical
implications for those striving to increase college enrollment among low-income
African Americans. The following offers recommendations for grades eight
through twelve educators, post-secondary administrators, faculty, and parents.
Grades Eight through Twelve Educators
This study suggests that the academic path students embark upon entering
ninth grade are contingent upon the choices made when transitioning into their
new school. Thus, teachers and administrators in grades eight through twelve
should focus on the academic and social development of African Americans. First,
faculty and staff should make a commitment to improving their cultural
understanding of low-income, African American culture. Improving cultural
awareness may improve teacher-student relationships, and in turn improve student
interest in formal education.
Eighth grade teachers should reinforce to students the importance of
standardized tests, and its effect on high school academic tracking.
Educators should focus on teaching low-income, African American students about
the necessary criteria for college enrollment, as early as eighth grade. In particular,
educators should focus on informing students that colleges make acceptance
decisions based on academic success in the ninth through twelfth grades.
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In order to sustain interest in learning and increasing student
exposure to challenging new curriculum and teachers should help students link the
importance of their school assignments to life beyond the classroom. In this study,
participants did not identify the value of History and advanced Math coursework
to future employment opportunities. Furthermore, several students did not connect
their lack of effort on the standardized tests to repeating coursework in ninth
grade. Consequently, having to repeat coursework led to an academic disconnect.
Students had the perception that the teachers considered them ignorant, by giving
them seventh and eighth grade work.
Ninth grade teachers should provide a balance between challenging
students to learn new material, without pressuring students with high expectations
during their first year in a new school. Students in this study expressed that a fear
of failure lowered their academic motivation. If they felt that teachers consistently
raised the academic expectations, they chose to lower their academic output. High
academic expectations that are not coupled with balanced encouragement from
teachers may cause some students to disengage from the classroom learning
process, and reduce the likelihood of continuing on to college.
Consequently, ninth grade teachers should monitor their strategies for encouraging
student performance.
For some students, the social pressures of transitioning to a new school,
defining their personal identity, and pursuing academic excellence is difficult to
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2 3 5
manage without a strong support system. Educators can develop
support systems to help students who do not have strong parental support in order
to nurture the new academic responsibilities and balance the social pressures of
high school. For example, Project Team and Jaguars United were positive outlets
that helped the academic and social transition to ninth grade. While teachers focus
on understanding cultural behaviors and fostering a nurturing environment, high
school administrators have additional responsibilities.
Strategies for High School Administrators.
In addition to ensuring that teachers are aware of cultural behaviors,
improving pedagogy, and informing students about college, high school
administrators can focus on school culture and student resources to help foster and
sustain college aspirations among ninth graders. High school administrators should
ensure that the campus encourages college aspirations and has the resources (e.g.
clubs, tutoring, career center, etc.) to help students transition to ninth grade with
educational alternatives. Educational and social outlets sponsored by the school
can potentially limit the appeal of gangs and cliques on campus. Again,
organizations, such as the Jaguars United, Project Team, High Choices, and
Building Bridges are good examples of successful programs that address race
relations and monitor academic progress for the students. These programs should
continue, and where possible, be expanded. For example, Building Bridges can
sponsor a speaker series and invite former gang members and college graduates.
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Also, administrators should encourage Project Team and Jaguars
United to develop campus conferences dedicated to improving race relations and
ending gang violence.
In addition, several participants expressed a strong connection with the
African American teacher at DuBois Academy. That is a relationship that could be
nurtured to promote long-term academic success. Administrators can encourage
African American teachers to develop support organizations for African American
boys and girls. Having a mentor for African American females can help mature
their interest and shift their perspectives from affirming “thug life,” to
academically oriented boys. Also, having a similar club or mentor program
between African American teachers and African American boys can possibly help
raise their awareness of social choices, and share the realities regarding college
enrollment and athletic aspirations.
Given the fact that social pressure to fit in is a major concern for African
American ninth graders, administrators should encourage staff to develop activities
that promote self-esteem and aid the transition process. Administrators can
develop a big brother/big sister program between ninth grade students and upper
classmen to help students feel welcome on campus. For ninth graders, having an
older student as a mentor could improve the academic and social pressures of
transitioning to a new school. Also, such a program may reduce the level of racial
tension and formation of cliques on campus.
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2 3 7
Another activity school administrators can develop to address
the challenge to fit in among ninth graders, centers around athletics. In this study,
athletics was a popular strategy used by students to circumvent gangs. School
administrators can establish intramural sports programs to increase student morale
and create additional arenas for social integration into the school. Intramural sports
can potentially reduce the probability of students joining gangs or forming cliques
for social acceptance. Furthermore, if such programs have academic requirements,
they can be alternative motivational tools to challenge students to improve their
academics.
It was apparent that the participants who had college aspirations and a clear
understanding of the enrollment requirements were exposed to family members,
siblings, or friends with some college background. Administrators should foster a
campus environment committed to academic excellence and promote college as an
expectation for all students. In order for students to develop and sustain college
aspirations, exposure is critical. Classrooms, hallways, the cafeteria, library, and
the morning announcements should be immersed with information on college and
educating students about the benefits of higher education. School-wide assemblies,
college fairs, and other programs should be established and supported throughout
the school year for students in each grade during high school.
If one-on-one college counseling is difficult due to lack of resources,
administrators should try to reach out to alumni and neighboring colleges to
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238
improve college awareness. Administrators should work to establish a
relationship with neighboring colleges and college student organizations to
establish ongoing information sessions and mentoring programs, between college
students and the high school campus. School officials can work on establishing
mentors for academic credit, between college education programs and the high
schools.
Postsecondarv Administrators and Faculty
Although this study focused on the experiences of low-income, African
Americans during their ninth grade year, the discoveries suggest several
implications for postsecondary administrators and faculty members’ intent on
increasing college enrollment numbers from this population. Administrators and
faculty in higher education can help nurture the college aspirations of low-income,
African Americans, during their high school years, through their teacher education
curriculum.
The current findings that social pressure, classroom climate, and parental
involvement are factors that influence college aspirations among low-income,
African Americans in urban schools is a start, but additional research is necessary.
Higher education administrators and faculty can pursue research to examine the
applicability of these findings, in other districts, with a significant concentration of
low-income, African American students. Although the current conclusions are
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2 3 9
only based on one study with 100 students, participant reports offer
perspectives that could be probed further in teacher training programs.
It would be far reaching to declare that these findings are universal to all
African American students in low-income communities; however, the student
experiences warrant exploration in courses centered on academic motivation,
academic disengagement, learning and individual differences, cultural diversity in
learning, and urban education. The data offers meaningful avenues for dialogue in
teacher education classes. Current and future practitioners can use the details of
this study as a point of departure in class discussions to discern whether or not
these experiences are in any way similar to the student challenges and school
culture at their school site. Furthermore, the student testimonies about what
constitutes good and bad teaching offer present and future educators insight into
student perspectives on effective pedagogical practices. These pedagogical
practices can be integrated into the teacher-training curriculum on classroom
management, and connecting with students with cultural and/or economic
differences.
Parents
The level of parental involvement in the lives of participants illustrated
how a child’s family dynamic can impact college aspirations. Although the
association was inconclusive, participant comments suggest several implications
for parents to consider while attempting to cultivate their child’s college
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2 4 0
aspirations. Parents should be transparent about their educational
history, maintain high academic expectations for their children, educate
themselves about college, and monitor their children’s friends.
Parental Transparency. By in large, the strongest implication for parents is
that they should be transparent with their children about their successes and
failures in formal education. Although transparency is critical, it can lead to one of
two outcomes. While some students used their parents’ academic failures to justify
ignoring their educational advice, the majority heeded their parents’ advice when
they learned how not valuing education made their life after high school difficult.
Students who were resolute about their desire to attend college were either inspired
by their parents’ honesty over their educational shortcomings, or determined not to
follow their parents’ path. Parents should share their educational past with honesty
and humility, to improve the plausibility of the child being receptive.
Parents should have high academic expectations. Students in this study did
not express a desire for their parents to be involved in school or monitor their day-
to-day work. However, motivated students indicated that they were encouraged by
positive comments from their parents and the discipline provided in their home.
Students who were academically focused expressed that their parents expected
academic success. High expectations by parents are important, but should be
tailored to the child. Some students respond better when their parent monitors
homework, checks progress reports cards, and meets with teachers and
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2 4 1
administrators if they notice a decline in their child’s grades. Other
students responded better when their parents monitored their grades, but gave the
students a level of autonomy to improve their grades. In this case, some students
responded positively to their parents’ beginning to establish trust in them as they
get older. Parents should communicate openly about their expectations for the
child and carefully assess to what extent they can relinquish academic
responsibility to ninth graders.
Parents should learn about colleges. Whether or not a parent completed
college they should educate themselves about the college process and resources
available to their child. Becoming educated about higher education allows the
parent to speak intelligently to the child about college and why it is a viable option
after high school. In particular, low-income parents should meet with high school
and college counselors to learn about college requirements, application deadlines,
scholarships, and financial aid. Parents should investigate resources at school or in
their community that will help students engage in academic activities (i.e. SAT
workshops, college preparatory programs) and social organizations that will
educate their child about college. It could also be beneficial if parents support, and
where possible, participate in their child visiting college campuses.
Parents should monitor their child’s relationships. Throughout their
educational career, and in particular during high school, parents should monitor
their child’s relationships with friends, boyfriend/girlfriend, and teachers. Parents
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2 4 2
should encourage their children to choose friends with academic
interests and who have long-term future goals. In particular, parents should discuss
with their children the potential consequences to associating with thugs, gang
members, and drug dealers. Participants in this study held different notions of the
relationship between racial identity and academic success. Without disrespecting a
child’s desire to communicate with her/his friends, a parent should encourage
students to learn to speak and read Standard English to maximize opportunities in
life.
Finally, parents should encourage their child to have positive relationships
with teachers. Whether or not parents can relate to the academic work, they should
provide emotional and social support for the student, particularly during the
transition year in to high school. If the parents cannot help the child with their
schoolwork they should encourage the student to request extra help, participate in
class, and if possible, seek tutoring for their child if they are struggling in a
subject.
Suggestions for Future Research
Chapter Two highlighted research which found that college aspirations
diminish among low-income, African Americans, during high school (Cabrera &
LaNasa, 2000; Hurtado & Navia, 1997). While several researchers have outlined
the data, few have focused on interviewing low-income African Americans about
their experiences during high school, which may bolster or obstruct college
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2 4 3
aspirations. Hamrick and Stage (2004) called for researchers to explore
how aspirations and college predisposition among low-income, minority students
can be sustained and reinforced over time. Likewise, Flowers et al. (2003)
recommended that researchers analyze the barriers that impede academic
achievement, as well as influence African American educational aspirations. This
study responds to their requests, but additional research is needed. Perna (2000)
advised researchers to explore how racial/ethnic group differences influence
cultural capital and college enrollment.
Although the role parents have in fostering college aspirations may not be
new, this study offered current information on the experiences of a student
transitioning into high school. The significant impact gangs, student impressions
of the curriculum, and teacher relationships have on academic motivation and
college aspirations were fresh from the voices of the students. Whether there were
reoccurring themes or ideas perceived as new findings, these voices yield areas
where continued research is needed.
This study only focused on how ninth grade experiences influence college
aspirations. To further understand how and why. college aspirations diminish
among low-income, African Americans during high school, a longitudinal study is
needed. Information should be collected at the end of the tenth, eleventh, and
twelfth grade years to accurately assess the factors that lead to the diminution of
college aspirations. Future research should focus on interviewing students at these
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2 4 4
schools or where students possess similar characteristics (low-income,
African American, etc.) during each year of high school.
The significant influence gangs have on African American students during
ninth grade, place students off of a college track. Instead, students often decrease
their participation in class and become involved in non-academic activities and
racial conflicts. Future research focused on student involvement with gangs would
be beneficial for educators whose schools have a high gang population and low
college matriculation. In addition, research on Mexican gangs would provide
additional insight into the racial tensions on high school campuses. Since racial
tension diverts students’ attention in and out of class, and away from participating
in school activities, all approaches to tempering racial conflict would be beneficial.
Further exploration into how racial and cultural differences between
teachers and students influence academic motivation would also be precious
research on this topic. Interviewing non-African American teachers about their
experiences teaching African American students would conceivably offer insight
into cultural gaps that thwart academic motivation. An interesting approach could
be conducting a mixed focus group with African American students and non-
African American teachers, to exchange perspectives on cultural norms and
behaviors that help and hinder academic success in a classroom. Such a study
would be beneficial, particularly because several of the 100 participants expressed
that they could never share their issues with a teacher without fearing
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2 4 5
repercussions (i.e. lowered grade, strained teacher-student
relationships, or detention). Additional research can focus on how eighth grade
experiences with curriculum, teachers, and standardized tests prepare students for
high school. In particular, a study can investigate what information students learn
about standardized tests, and the differences between middle school and high
school during the eighth grade.
Finally, studying the relationships between academically motivated
students and their parents could offer meaningful insight for parents striving to
stimulate their child towards academic excellence. Several of the 100 participants
mentioned their parents provided academic support that motivated their college
aspirations. However, others noted that their parents’ academic failures or lack in
faith that they would graduate from high school inspired their goals to attend
college. The inconclusive findings regarding the role of parents warrant further
exploration and may offer more consistent results.
Conclusion
In 2004, America celebrated 50 years since the Brown vs. the Board of
Education decision, which stated separate but equal school facilities, is inherently
unequal. Although time has passed social class and color lines continue to polarize
American education. Bill Cosby’s statements (see Chapter One) sparked harsh
criticism for seemingly placing blame on low-income, African Americans families
and excluding the government for responsibilities to the ongoing educational
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2 4 6
plight in the African American community. However, the findings in
this study illustrate that the challenges are internal, in the African American
community, as well as external, with pedagogy in the school system. Thus,
solutions require changes in both arenas. It is the job of educators to teach all
students, not simply those who are perceived as “good” students and possess
college potential. At the same rate, it is the responsibility of the parent and the
student, as Bill Cosby states “to uphold their end of the deal.”
I close with the Proverb from King Solomon. As a man thinketh in his
heart, so is he. If Solomon’s declaration is accurate, a question blossoms - what
happens to the college aspirations of one who doesn’t know what to think or what
is in her/his heart? The answer may be in Horvat’s (2003) assessment that one’s
habitus influences educational aspirations. For students entering high school, at the
cusp of adolescent identity formation, finding out what is in one’s heart can be
largely affected by their surroundings.
As the only member of my family to graduate from college, I connected
with many of the students. Up until eleventh grade I did not know whether college
would be valuable, and certainly had no notion of how to get there. In Chapter
One, I began with two problem statements that birthed this study; one personal and
the other based on national data. I toiled over whether or not completing a doctoral
degree would pull me further away from the racial, cultural, and economic
conditions in which I was bom in Brooklyn, New York. As I close this chapter of
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2 4 7
my life, this study has in fact pulled me closer to my people. Meeting
the 100 participants in this study humbled me. I realize that I beat the odds and
have a responsibility to help others in similar situations be afforded the options
that college provides.
The educational profession is about teaching individuals how to solve
problems. Not only does Solomon’s Proverb “as a man thinketh in his heart, so is
he,” reign true for the students - it does so for educators as well. If educators think
that fostering, nurturing, and sustaining college aspirations of low-income, African
Americans are problems too great to be solved, than what messages are being sent
to our youth? It is my prayer that the discoveries presented, offer educators of all
colors - Black, Brown, White and others - with information to plan, enlighten, and
fuel a passion to encourage low-income, African Americans to educate
themselves. It is also my sincere hope that African American youth set promising
educational goals for themselves, allowing them to ultimately soar above and
beyond their greatest expectations.
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248
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Appendix A. Racial Identity Survey
2 6 3
Student Information
Age:______
Male or Female
How did you do in school this year? . A’s
.A ’s andB’s
B’s
B’s and C’s
.C’s
. C’s and D’s
. D’s and F’s
How were your grades in 8t h grade? Better Worst About the same
Please answer the following:
1. I am ashamed to be African American
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree Not sure
2. Sometimes I feel that other students do not like me because I am African
American
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree Not sure
3. Being Black is not important to who I am.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree Not sure
4. Being Black has little to do with how I feel about myself.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree Not sure
5. Sometimes I feel like other students don’t like me because I am not part of
their race.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree Not sure
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2 6 4
6. Black people should see themselves as Black first.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
7. I don’t get along well with people from other races.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
8. I am determined to learn more about Black culture.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
9. It is better for Black students to go to all Black schools.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
10. Black is beautiful.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
11. Black people have made a lot of progress in society.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
12. My future involves helping the Black community.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
13. Black people are more similar than different to other cultures.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
14.1 feel more comfortable around other Black people.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
15.1 have a lot of pride in Black people and our accomplishments.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
16. Everybody should learn about other cultures.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
17.1 try to get along with other racial groups.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
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265
18. All racial groups should try to get along.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
19.1 believe that I can be anything I want to be.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
20. The stuff I learn in school is helpful to me in my everyday life.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
21.1 enjoy my classes.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
22.1 enjoy coming to school.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
2 3 .1 believe that the administration is doing a great job.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
2 4 .1 believe that my teachers are doing a great job.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
25. Most Black students try hard enough at school.
Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
Not sure
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Appendix B. Participant Questionnaire
266
PARTICIPANT QUESTIONNAIRE
OVERALL EXPERIENCES
1) WHAT ARE SOME OF THE MAJOR THINGS 9™ GRADERS WORRY
ABOUT?
2) WHAT WERE THE BEST THINGS ABOUT 9T D H GRADE?
3) WHAT WERE THE WORST THINGS ABOUT 9™ GRADE?
ACADEMIC EXPERIENCES
4) WHAT DO YOU THINK ENCOURAGES 9™ GRADERS TO DO THEIR
SCHOOLWORK?
5) WHAT DO YOU THINK DISCOURAGES 9t h GRADERS FROM DOING
THEIR SCHOOLWORK?
CLASSROOM EXPERIENCES
THINK OF A CLASS THAT YOU REALLY UKED AND LEARNED A LOT.
6) WHAT MADE IT A GOOD CLASS?
7) HOW DID IT EFFECT YOUR WORK EFFORT?
THINK OF A CL ASS THAT YOU DIDN'T LIKE AND DIDN'T LEARN A LOT
8) WHAT MADE IT A BAD CLASS?
9) HOW DID IT EFFECT YOUR WORK EFFORT?
10) WHO OR WHAT HAS HELPED YOU THE MOST IN 9™ GRADE?
11) WHO OR WHAT HAS HELPED YOU THE LEAST IN 9™ GRADE?
12) WHAT DO MOST 9™ GRADERS COME TO SCHOOL FOR?
13) WHAT ARE THE BIGGEST CONCERNS FOR 9t h GRADERS?
14) WHAT ADVICE WOULD YOU GIVE NEXT YEARS 9t h GRADERS?
15) WHAT THINGS CAN THE SCHOOL DO TO IMPROVE THE
EXPERIENCES FOR 9th GRADERS?
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Appendix C. Focus Group Questions
267
Focus Group Questions
PART I: Review Responses to student questionnaire (Appendix B).
PART II: Additional discussion questions.
1) WHAT ARE SOME OF YOUR GOALS FOR THE NEXT SCHOOL YEAR?
2) HAS 9t h GRADE MADE YOU LIKE SCHOOL MORE, LESS OR ABOUT
THE SAME? EXPLAIN.
3) IF YOU HAD A CHOICE TO GO OR NOT GO TO SCHOOL, WHAT
WOULD YOU DO? EXPLAIN.
4) WHAT HAS BEEN THE BIGGEST ADJUSTMENT GOING FROM THE
8TH TO 9TH GRADE?
5) If you have, how well have you made the adjustment? How long did it take? If
not, why not?
6) WHAT MADE YOU ATTEND THIS HIGH SCHOOL?
7) WOULD YOU STILL COME TO THIS SCHOOL IF YOU HAD TO DO
9TH OVER AGAIN? WHY OR WHY NOT?
8) DESCRIBE SOME OF THE QUALITIES OF THE KIDS WHO ARE
LOOKED UP TO IN THIS SCHOOL?
9) DO YOU FIND THE STUDD YOU ARE DOING IN CLASS
INTERESTING?
10) DO YOU THINK IT IS IMPORTANT AND WILL BE BENEFICIAL FOR
YOUR FUTURE?
11) WOULD YOU SAY THAT YOUR FAMILY AND FRIENDS ENCOURAGE
OR DISCOURAGE YOU TO DO WELL IN SCHOOL? EXPLAIN YOUR
ANSWER?
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268
Appendix D. Interview Analysis Report
Interview Analysis Report
1. Discuss the students’ attitude, behavior, body language, and tone of voice
during the interview?
2. Did the students’ responses support or contradict the responses of his/her
peers? Explain.
3. What responses, phrases or concepts were similar to previous interviews?
4. What responses were unique from other interviews?
5. Additional comments:
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2 6 9
Appendix E. Review of Research Involving Human Subjects Approval
Notice
use
TVERSITY
O f SOUTHERN
CALIFORNIA
U n iv e r s it y o f S o u t h e r n C a l if o r n ia
U n i v e r s i t y P a r k I n s t i t u t i o n a l R e v ie w B o a r d
MPA No. M-1299
Review of Research Involving Human Subjects
A P P R O V A L NO T IC E
Date: May 5,2004
Principal Investigatorfsl: William Tierney, Ph.D. / Donahue Tuitt
office o f the provost p r o je c t Title: Exploring the Affects of 9 * * Grade on the College Aspirations of
African Americans
U niversity Park
in stitu tio n a l R eview
B oard (UPIRB)
u s e UPIRB # 04-04-149
The University Park Institutional Review Board has reviewed the information you
submitted pertaining to the above proposal at its meeting o f N/A and has:
D Approved study Educ Psych SocWk Socio Bus Annen
\ ’ Approved the Delegated Review Q''' [] D D D D
. Approved the Claim of Exemption
-I Approved continuation
Q^pproved amendment
aApproved under the expedited review by the Delegated IRB Reviewer - 45 CFR
46.110 Category # 7
(Approved without conditions on April 20,2004)
Conditions of Approval;
The Investigators must provide the following requested information prior to proceeding research (which
includes contacting, recruiting, and enrolling potential subjects) or adhere to the following conditions:
N/A
IRB APPROVAL EXPIRES: April 19. 2005 . Your protocol is approved for a 12-
month period. If this research study continues beyond 12 months, you must request re
approval of this study prior to the expiration date by submitting an Application for
Continuing Review Status Report Form. This form should also be used when your study
is completed to notify the UPIRB.
NOTE: The IRB must review all advertisements and/or recruiting materials. Serious
adverse events, amendments and/or changes in the protocol must be submitted to the
UPIRB for approval. Changes may not be implemented until you have received the
Board’s approval. Exception: changes involving subjects’ safety may be implemented
prior to notification to the UPIRB.
, r v e r ity of
S o u th e rn C alifornia
Los A nqeies,
C alifornia 90089 -1 6 9 5
Tel: 213 821 5272
Fax. 213 821 5276
e-frail:
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2 7 0
University Park IRB Approval Notice
Page 2 of 2
Principles To Be Followed By Principal Investigators:
As the Principal Investigator, you have ultimate responsibility for the conduct of the
study, the ethical performance of the project, the protection of the rights and welfare of
human subjects, and strict adherence to any stipulations imposed by the USC UPIRB.
You must abide by the following principles when conducting your research:
1. Perform the project by qualified personnel according to the approved protocol.
2. Do not implement changes in the approved protocol or consent form without prior
USC UPIRB approval (except in a life-threatening emergency, if necessary to
safeguard the well-being of human subjects.
3. If written consent is required, obtain the legally effective written informed consent
from human subjects or their legally responsible representative using only the
currently approved USC-UPIRB stamped consent form.
4. Promptly report all undesirable and unintended, although not necessarily unexpected
adverse reactions or events, that are the result of therapy or other intervention, within
five working days of occurrence. All fatal or life-threatening events or events
requiring hospitalization must be reported to the USC UPIRB in writing within 48
hours after discovery.
5. No subjects may be identified, contacted, recruited, or enrolled until the University
finalizes the contract with the sponsor.
Marlene S. Wagner, Ph.D., Chairperson
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Appendix F. Student Recruitment Letter
271
use
ROSSIER
SCHOOL OF
EDUCATION
Research Institute
Melora Sundt, Ph.D.
A s s o o a te D ean
fo r R esearch
'Jm vers.ty of
s o u th e rn C alifornia
Los A rg e le s ,
C at.fo rm a 9 0C 89-4035
Tel: 213 7 4 0 21S7
Fax. 213 7 4 0 2028
STUDENT RECRUITMENT LETTER
Dear Student,
My name is Donahue Tuitt and I am a student at the University of
Southern California. I’m trying to leant more about the experiences of African
American 9th graders and I’m looking for 60 students to stare their thoughts.
I will be conducting group and individual interviews during the school day
over the next week. If you are in 9® grade and African American I’d like to
hear from you. I’ll be asking for your thoughts on how school differs between
8th and 9U | grade, your opinions of the school, the teachers, and how students
interact on campus. There are no risks involved and your opinions will be kept
confidential.
The interviews will be in the library or a classroom for about 45 minutes
and don’t worry I’ll bring some snacks. If you are interested in letting your
voice be heard and getting out of class for a while pick up the parental consent
information in the Guidance office. You have to get your parent’s permission
to be a part of the study so pick up the information in today.
Hope to see you soon.
Don
PPHfflWE
Date of Preparation: April 29,2004
USC UPIRB#04-04-149
M A T - 5 2 0 0 4
Expiration Date: fipp j ^
2 0 0 5
U SC UNIVERSITY M R K
W8TITUT1QMM. REVIEW BQARO
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272
USC
ROSSIER
SCHOOL OF
EDUCATION
Research Institute
Melora Sundt, Ph.D.
A sso c ia te D e a n
for R esearch
J n v e rs ity of
S o u th e rn C alifo rn ia
Los A rg e le s,
C alifornia 9 0 0 8 9 -4 0 3 5
Tel- 213 74C 2 1 5 7
fax : 213 740 202 8
Appendix G. Parent Letter of Introduction
Parent Letter of Introduction
Dear Parent/Guardian:
My name is Donahue Tuitt and I am a graduate student in the Rossier
School of Education at the University of Southern California. This year, I
am working on my dissertation study that will focus on understanding the
impressions African Americans have towards school at the end of their 9th
grade year.
The school district and administration have welcomed me into the school
to leam about how students adjusted to the transition into 9th grade. I am
writing for permission to interview your child for the study. First, I will be
meeting with a group of 9* graders during school hours in the library for
approximately 90 minutes to discuss their experiences during 9th grade.
Second, I would like to have an individual interview with your child - also
in the library during the school day. This interview will last approximately
one hour.
If you would like your child to participate in this study and give her/him
permission to be excused from class please read and sign the attached
Informed Consent form.
Also, I have attached copies of the questions and the survey that will be
used in the interviews.
Finally, it would be beneficial to have your permission to review your
child’s grades to compare their school experiences and academic
performance. If you desire to speak with me I can be reached via email at:
tuittfaiusc.edu or by phone at 310-638-9228.
Thank you in advance for assisting with this study.
Sincerely,
Donahue Tuitt
EdD Candidate,
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
Date of Preparation: April 29,2004
USC UPIRB#Q4-04-149
Expiration Date: . „
A P R 1 9 2005
a
PPB0WIE
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Appendix H. Opening Script for First Meeting with Students
USC
ROSSIER
SCHOOL OF
EDUCATION
Page 1 of 3
Opening Script for 1st m eeting with Students
{I'll begin by passing out the assent forms while I
introduce m yself with the following script}
Research Institute DON: My name is Don and I'm a college student at
M e io r a sum * p h .D . the University of Southern California in Los Angeles. I
- - - r am here today because I'm looking for African American
students to be a part of a research project that I have to
do for school. The study wants to find out the
experiences and thoughts about school from African
American students in 9th grade. In particular, the focus
is on how you've adjusted to 9th grade - the schoolwork,
teachers, schedule, and friends.
Let's take a minute to read over this form as a class
and then I'll give you all a chance to ask me som e
questions.
{Then we will read over the assent form together}
DON: As you can see there are two parts to the
study. In the first part we are going to have a group
discussion. Each group will have 8-10 people and the
conversation will last about 90 minutes. The second part
will be individual interviews with me for about 45
minutes.
Now you won't get paid or receive extra points in
class for being a part of the study. But you will be
excused from class to talk with me because both the
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Page 2 of 3
group discussion and individual interview s will take place
during the school day in the library or another classroom.
I'm sure that you all have heard your parents or
teachers or som eone talk to you about school. This is a
time for your voice to be heard. But don't worry,
everything you say in the discussions will be confidential.
Your teachers and the principal may get a write up of
your thoughts but they won't know who said it. This is
just to help them know what is good and not good about
the school, the teachers, or things 9th graders go through
to improve things for you and future 9"1 graders.
So that is it. The study is voluntary. If you want to
be a part of the discussion you are welcom e. If at any
point you don't want to answer a question you don't
have to. If you want to be a part of the discussion here's
what you have to do:
{ I ’ ll begin to pass out the parental consent forms, parent
introductory letter while I explain the following four
step s.}
(1) Take this consent form and the parent
introductory letter home for your parent or guardian to
review.
(2) Have your parent or guardian sign the consent
form.
(3) Return the completed consent form to your
guidance counselor within two days,
Date of Preparation: April 29,2004
USC UPIRB#04-04-149
Expiration Date: APR 1 9 2005
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Page 3 of 3
(4) Sign up In the guidance office to attend one of the
group discussions.
Please make sure that your parents answer the
questions
on the consent form about you being audio taped and
allowing me to look at your grades. Don't worry I won't
sell your grades on the street or tell your friends your
test scores. The grades are for me to get a sen se of how
you've done in the last year or two. I want to tape the
session because it will be easier than taking notes. I
want to focus on what you have to say and make sure
that I get your com m ents right when I write my paper.
I want to make sure that you all understand so are
there any questions?
Date of Preparation: April 29, 2004
USC UPIRB#04-04-149
Expiration Date: ApR j g 2Q ()5
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2 7 6
Appendix I.
US C
ROSSIER
"CHOOL OF
OUCATION
Research Institute
Meiora Sundt, Ph.D.
Associate Dean
for Research
U niversity o f
S o u th e rn C alifo rn ia
Los A n g e r s ,
C alifornia 90C 89-4035
Ter 2 ’ 3 740 2157
fax: 213 740 2028
Parental Permission to Access Child’s School Records,
Audio-tape, and Excuse from Class
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
Exploring the affect of 9lh grade on African Americans
I give permission to Donahue Tuitt permission to access my child’s school
records which will include my child’s (grades, scores, teacher comments) for
the research study exploring to affect of 9* grade on academic aspirations. 1
have been informed that the information will be used in conjunction with his
dissertation thesis and potentially for future publications, but my child will not
be identified by his/her real name. 1 understand that the information will be
kept in a locked file cabinet under the control of Donahue and will be
destroyed after three years.
Parent/Guardian, please take a moment to circle your response to the
following regarding your child’s participation in the study:
(1)1 give permission for my child to be excused from class YES NO
(2) I agree for my child to be audio taped YES NO
(3) I give permission to release my child’s grades from 8* grade YES NO
(4) I give permission to release my child’s grades from 9® grade YES NO
Name of Child
Name of Parent or Legal Representative (if applicable)
Signature of Subject, Parent or Legal Representative Date
A
P P i O WE
Date of Preparation: April 29,2004 A
M A Y - 5 2004
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USC UPIRB#04-Q4-149
Expiration Date: APR 1 9 2QQ5 USC UNIVERSITY PARK
INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD
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Appendix J. Informed Consent for Non-Medical Research
USC
Page 1 of 4
r o s s i e r University of Southern California
s c h o o l o f Rossier School of Education
E D I CATION
INFORMED CONSENT FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH
Research Institute
Meiora Sundt, Ph.D.
A sso ciate D ean
fo r R esearch
CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
Exploring the affect of 9t h grade on the college aspirations
of African Americans
Your child has been asked to participate in a research study conducted by
Donahue Tuitt, Ed.D. Candidate and William G. Tierney, PhD, from the Rossier
School of Education at the University of Southern California. The results of this
study will contribute to the dissertation of Donahue Tuitt.
Your child was selected as a possible participant in this study because he/she is
African American, in 9th grade and attends one of two identified high schools to
be studied. A total of 60 subjects will be selected from 9th grade students in Long
Beach to participate. Your participation is voluntary.
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of the study is to leam about the experiences of African Americans
during 9th grade and the affect on college aspirations.
PROCEDURES
If you allow your child to participate in this study they will be asked to take be
involved in two interviews. First, in a group interview with 9 other students that
will last for 90 minutes. Second, a one-on-one interview for about 45 minutes.
Both interviews will take place during the school day in the library, guidance
office or a classroom. They will be excused from class to participate.
We would also like to audiotape the interviews. We would also like to review
your child's grades.
If you are interested in allowing your child to volunteer for the study you must do
the following things:
u r v e r i t y c f
Southern C.ihforn.a
L cs A rm e ie s ,
LBiit’c iT rS 9 0 C S 9 -4 0 S 5
Tel: 2 1 3 7 4 0 2 U 7
Fax: 2 1 3 7 4 0 2 C 2 8
1. Sign the parental consent form if you agree that your child can be asked to
participate and sign the Parental Consent #2.
Date of Preparation: April 29, 2004
USC UPIRB#04-04-149
Expiration Date: A P R 1 g 2005
P P iOW E
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Page 2 of 4
2. Return the completed consent form to your child's guidance counselor
within the next two days.
POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no physical risks in the study. We will talk about your child's classes,
grades, teachers, friends and overall thoughts about what they think about school.
Everything they say will be tape recorded but will not affect their grades.
POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
Although there is no direct benefit to your child for participating in this study,
this study may be beneficial to other African Americans preparing to enter 9th
grade by providng teachers and administrators with a better understanding of
how transitioning from middle school to high school affects 9th grade
academic identity and college aspirations.
PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
Neither you nor your child will be paid or receive extra points in class for their
participation.
CONFIDENTIALITY
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be
identified with your child will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with
your permission or as required by law. Your child will be able to choose a fake
name that will be used throughout the study.
The audio tapes will be used for educational purposes such as the dissertation by
Donahue Tuitt and potentially in journal publications, books, conference
presentations, etc. The interview responses will only be reviewed by the research
staff named above at the University of Southern California. You will have the
right to review your child's audio -tapes and tell the research staff if you request
that it not be used.
Your child's responses will be coded based on school site, gender, and common
themes. All audio will be kept in a locked file cabinet and erased after three years.
The only person with access to all recorded materials will be Donahue Tuitt to
prevent access by unauthorized personnel.
When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no
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USC UPIRB#04-04-149
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information will be included that would reveal your child's identity. If audio-tape
recordings of your child will be used for educational purposes, their identity will
be protected or disguised with a fake name.
PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
You can choose whether your child can be in this study or not. If you volunteer
for your child to be in this study, you may withdraw them at any time without
consequences of any kind. They may also refuse to answer any questions they
don’t want to answer and still remain in the study. The investigator may
withdraw your child from this research if circumstances arise which warrant
doing so. Subject's participation may be terminated by the investigator without
regard to the subject's consent if the subject threatens, physically or verbally
harms another subject or the investigator.
IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to
contact:
Principal Investigator:
William Tierney (213) 740-7218
701C Waite Phillips Hall
Los Angeles, CA 90089-4037
email: wgtiem@usc.edu
Co-Principal Investigator:
Donahue Tuitt (310) 638-9228
701C Waite Phillips Hall
Los Angeles, CA 90089-4037
email: tuitt@usc.edu
RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without
penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your
participation in this research study. If you have questions regarding your rights as
a research subject, contact the University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for
Research, Grace Ford Salvatori Building, Room 306, Los Angeles, CA 90089-
1695, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu.
Date of Preparation: April 29, 2004
USC UPIRB#04-04-149
Expiration Date: A P R 1 9 2005
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SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH SUBJECT, PARENT OR LEGAL
REPRESENTATIVE.
I understand the procedures described above and I understand fully the rights of a
potential subject in a research study involving people as subjects. My questions
have been answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to participate for my child to
be in this study. I have been given a copy of this form.
Name of Subject
Name of Parent or Legal Representative (if applicable)
Signature of Subject, Parent or Legal Representative Date
SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR
I have explained the research to the subject or his/her legal representative, and
answered all of his/her questions. I believe that he/she understands the
information described in this document and freely consents to participate.
Name of Investigator
Signature of Investigator Date (must be the same as
subject’s)
Date of Preparation: April 29, 2004
USC UPIRB#Q4-04-149
Expiration Date: flpR j g ^
USC UNIVERSITY PARK
INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD
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Appendix K. Assent to Participate in Research
2 8 1
USC
r o s s i e r
SCHOOL OF
*> 1 'CATION
Research Institute
Melora Su n d t Ph.D.
A ssoc a te D e a n
fo r R esearch
University of Southern California
Rossier School o f Education
ASSENT FORM FOR RESEARCH
Page 1 o f2
ASSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
Exploring the affect of 9th grade on the college aspirations
of African Americans
1. My name is Donahue Tuitt and I am a student at the University of Southern
California.
2. We are asking you to take part in a research study because we axe trying to
learn more about your experiences in school this year as a 9th grader. I’d like
to hear your thoughts on the school work and how you adjusted from 8th to 9 1 1 1
grade. I want to hear your thoughts on your school, opinions about your
teachers, classes and friends.
3. If you agree to be in this study you will first, be in a group with other 9th
graders and we’ll all talk together about your experiences this year. The group
will get together for about 90 minutes. The second part of the study will be a
one-on-one interview with me in the library, guidance office or a classroom
for about 45 minutes. Both the group and interview meetings will take place
during the school day and you will be excused from class.
4. There are no physical risks in the study. We’ll just be talking about your
classes, grades, teachers, friends and overall thoughts about what you think
about school. Everything you say will be tape recorded but will not effect your
grades. You can speak your mind and your teachers and parents won’t know it
is you. You don’t have to answer any question if you don’t want to or choose
to drop out of the study at any point. The group and individual interviews will
unw rsity o f Date of Preparation: April 29, 2004
S o u th e rn C alifo rn ia _ _ _ r
Los A n g eles, USC UPIRB #04-04-149
C a lifo rn ia 9 C G S 9 - 4 0 3 5 Expiration Date: flDD , „ , nne
Ter: 213 740 2 157 r APR 1 g 2 0 0 5
F a*: 2 1 3 7 4 0 2 C 2 S
M A Y - 5 2004
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INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD.
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be audio taped but we will use a fake name so people will not be able to know
who you really are.
5. Although you will not be paid or receive extra points in class for your
participation.
6. Please talk this over with your parents before you decide whether or not to
participate. We will also ask your parents to give their permission for you to
take part in this study. They must consent to you being let out of class, for me
to have access to your grades, and whether or not they approve of you being
audio taped. However, audio taping is not required. But even if your parents
say “yes” you can still decide not to do this.
7. If you don’t want to be in this study, you don’t have to participate. Remember,
being in this study is up to you and no one will be upset if you don’t want to
participate or even if you change your mind later and want to stop.
8. You can ask any questions that you have about the study. If you have a
question later that you didn’t think of now, you can call me at (310) 638-9228
or (347) 249-9357 or ask me next time.
9. Signing your name at the bottom means that you agree to be in this study.
You and your parents will be given a copy of this form after you have signed
it.
Name of Subject Date
Subject’s Signature
Name of Investigator Date
(must be same as Subject’s)
Investigator’s Signature
Date of Preparation: April 29, 2004
USC UPIRB #04-04-149
Expiration Date:
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Appendix. L. Approval Letter from the Site Administrator
at DuBois Academy
m
High School Freshman Academy
Unified School District
unified
school
district
M ay 5, 2004
University of Southern C alifornia
University Park - Institutional Review Board
Grace F ord Saivatori Hall, Room 226
Los Angeles, C A 90089-1695
To W hom It M ay Concern:
I am writing to inform the University of Southern California - Institutional Review Board and
Rossier School of Education that has given Donahue Tuitt
permission to recruit students to participate in his dissertation study - Exploring the affects of 9t h
grade on A frican American college aspirations.
Donahue and I have discussed protocol for recruiting students, distributing and collecting
parental consent forms, and times and locations to conduct interviews on our school grounds. We
are excited and look forward to his study.
Sincerely,
Assistant Principal
Site Adm inistrator
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Appendix M. Approval Letter from the Site Administrator
at Woodson High School
flK H SCHOOL
April 27, 2004
University of Southern California
University Park-Institutional Review Board
Grace Ford Salvator! Hall, Room 226
Los Angeles, CA 90089-1695
To Whom It May Concern:
I am writing to inform the University of Southern California - Institutional Review Board
and Rossier School of Education that IH B B iH igh School has given Donahue Tuitt
permission to recruit students to participate In his dissertation study - "Exploring the
affects o f 9th grade on African American college aspirations. “
Donahue and I have discussed the protocol for recruiting students, distributing and
collecting parental consent forms, and times and locations to conduct Interviews on
our school grounds. We are excited and look forward to his study.
Warmest regards.
Principal
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Asset Metadata

Creator Tuitt, Donahue Wayde (author)

Core Title College aspirations of ninth-grade low -income African American students in urban schools

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Black studies,education, educational psychology,Education, Secondary,OAI-PMH Harvest,sociology, ethnic and racial studies

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Tierney, William G. (committee chair), Harper, Shaun (committee member), Sundt, Melora (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-328138

Unique identifier UC11340035

Identifier 3155492.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-328138 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 3155492.pdf

Dmrecord 328138

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Tuitt, Donahue Wayde

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA