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A descriptive study of the educational system in the United Arab Emirates

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A descriptive study of the educational system in the United Arab Emirates

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A DESCRIPTIVE STUDY OF THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM IN
THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
by
Omar M. Suliman
A Dissertation Presented to tbe
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
August 2000
Copyright 2000 Omar M. Suliman
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UMI Number: 3018132
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
School of Education
Los Angeles, California 90089-0031
This dissertation, written by
te a r M. S u liaan
under the direction o f h_ _ Dissertation Committee, and
approved by all members o f the Committee, has been
presented to and accepted by the Faculty o f the School
ofEducation in partialfidfittnent o f the requirementsfor
the degree o f
D octor of E ducati on
4 / II I 00
' Dtan
Dissertation Committee
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D edication
To my parents, family, and friends with love and respect.
ii
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A c k no w ledg em ents
• First, I praise and thank Allah Almighty, who has blessed me with endless
graces. Second, I thank my mother for raising me the way she did, for her sacrifices,
caring, and prayers. I could have never done it without her. I thank my father for
giving me his name, which I always try to live up to. Furthermore, I thank my two
sisters for their love and support throughout the years.
• I would like to thank Brigadier Juma Aman Obaid who has always been a
father figure, a big brother, and a role model to me. I cannot thank him enough. All
of my family and friends back in the United Arab Emirates as well as in the United
States, I thank them for their love and support.
• Finally, I would like to thank the members of my Dissertation Committee:
Dr. Ed Williams, Dr.Vemon Broussard, and Dr. Fred Knirk. Thank you all for
being such wonderful human beings and great professors.
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T able of C o n tents
Dedication.......................................................................................................................... ii
Acknowledgements.........................................................................................................iii
List of Tables and Figures.............................................................................................. xi
Abstract...........................................................................................................................xiii
CHAPTER 1
In t r o d u c t io n ................................................................................. 1
The Importance of Education................................................................I
Educational Systems............................................................................... 4
Statement of the Problem.......................................................................5
Purpose of the Study............................................................................... 6
Research Questions................................................................................. 8
Study Model Components....................................................................8
Context.....................................................................................................8
Goals....................................................................................................... 10
Organization...........................................................................................10
Resources of the System........................................................................10
Input........................................................................................................ 11
Treatment................................................................................................11
Output..................................................................................................... 11
Differential Impact................................................................................11
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The Five Research Questions........................................................... 12
Statement of Hypothesis.......................................................................13
Research Design.....................................................................................13
Data Specification and Collection...................................................... 13
Sampling................................................................................................. 15
Analysis of D ata.....................................................................................15
Limitations of the Study.......................................................................16
Delimitations of the Study....................................................................17
Definition of Terms............................................................................... 18
CHAPTER 2
R e v ie w o f t h e L i t e r a t u r e ...................................................21
The United Arab Emirates.................................................................. 21
Background....................................................................................... 21
Social and Demographic Information............................................. 22
The Rise of Education in Arab Countries........................................ 24
Educational Systems Worldwide........................................................30
Education in the Arab World............................................................. 41
Overview.............................................................................................41
Access, Recruitment and Retention..................................................47
Structure and Internal Organization................................................48
Curricular Content............................................................................49
Curricular Problems..............................................................................49
Aspects of the Philosophy of Education in the Arab W orld............50
Evaluation..........................................................................................51
Roles and Competencies o f Teachers...............................................52
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Reforms...............................................................................................55
Modern Education in the Gulf............................................................59
Education of Migrant Workers and Their Dependents in Six
Non-Arab Countries...................................................................... 65
Overview.............................................................................................65
The Federal Republic o f Germany.................................................. 69
Background............................................................................................69
Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants.........................................70
Work Permits...........................................................................................................71
The General Work Permit.....................................................................................................71
The Special Work Permit......................................................................................................71
Residence Permits.................................................................................................. 72
Residence Permit o f Unlimited Duration......................................................................... 72
Permanent Resident’s Permit...............................................................................................73
Children o f Foreign Workers................................................................................74
Naturalization..........................................................................................................74
Educational Provisions......................................................................................... 74
Berlin M odel.............................................................................................................................75
Bavarian M odel.......................................................................................................................76
Equality o f Outcome.............................................................................................................. 80
Sweden................................................................................................80
Background............................................................................................80
Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants.........................................81
Work and Residency Permits................................................................................ 81
Naturalization......................................................................................................... 83
Educational Provisions.........................................................................................84
Equal Opportunities............................................................................................................... 84
Equality o f Outcome.............................................................................................................. 86
Switzerland........................................................................................ 86
Background............................................................................................86
Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants.........................................87
Work and Residency Permits................................................................................ 87
Naturalization......................................................................................................... 88
Educational Provisions.........................................................................................89
Integration..................................................................................................................................89
Equality o f Outcome.............................................................................................................. 9 1
France................................................................................................91
Background............................................................................................91
Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants.........................................92
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The Work Permit System........................................................................................92
Residence Permit System........................................................................................93
Educational Provisions..........................................................................................95
Special Arrangements.............................................................................................................95
Equality o f Outcome...............................................................................................................96
United Kingdom.................................................................................96
Background............................................................................................ 96
Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants......................................... 97
Work and Residence Permits................................................................................. 97
Naturalization.......................................................................................................... 98
Educational Provisions..........................................................................................99
Arrangements for the Newly Arrived..............................................................................100
Placement Into Formal Schools.........................................................................................100
Equality o f Outcome.............................................................................................................101
Japan.................................................................................................101
Background...........................................................................................101
Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants........................................102
Residency................................................................................................................102
Naturalization........................................................................................................ 103
Educational Provisions...................................................................................... 104
Equal Opportunities.............................................................................................................. 104
Ethnic Education.................................................................................................................... 105
Equality o f Outcome.............................................................................................................106
Conclusion: Six Industrialized Countries.................................... 107
Education of Migrant Workers and Their Dependants in
Three Oil-Rich Arab Countries.................................................109
Overview........................................................................................... 109
The State o f Kuwait......................................................................... I l l
Background...........................................................................................11 1
Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants........................................I ll
Visa and Residence Permits................................................................................ I l l
The Temporary Residence Perm it....................................................................................112
The Ordinary Residence Permit.........................................................................................112
Naturalization........................................................................................................ 113
Educational Provisions........................................................................................114
Public Education.................................................................................................................... 114
Private Education...................................................................................................................117
O utcom e...................................................................................................................................119
Kingdom o f Saudi Arabia................................................................121
Background...........................................................................................121
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Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants....................................... 122
Visa and Residence Permits..............................................................................122
Marriages...............................................................................................................123
Naturalization........................................................................................................ 123
Educational Provisions........................................................................................124
Public Education ........................................................................................................ 124
Private Education...................................................................................................................126
The Question o f Outcome................................................................................................... 127
The United Arab Emirates...............................................................128
Background.......................................................................................... 128
Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants....................................... 129
Visa and Residence Permits............................................................................../ 29
Naturalization........................................................................................................129
Educational Provisions........................................................................................130
Public Education.................................................................................................................... 130
Private Education...................................................................................................................131
O utcom e.................................................................................................................................. 133
Conclusion: Three Oil-Rich Arab Countries.................................134
Education in the United Arab Emirates..........................................139
Beginnings o f Formal Education................................................... 139
Early Beginnings.................................................................................139
Education After 1953 ......................................................................... 142
Causes and Modalities o f Change From Traditional to
Modem Education....................................................................144
Policy and Objectives......................................................................147
Educational Objectives...................................................................149
Curriculum and Pedagogical Structure........................................ 155
Pedagogical Structure......................................................................... 156
Curriculum............................................................................................158
Administration and Financing....................................................... 163
Overview..............................................................................................163
The Ministry........................................................................................ 163
Educational Zones...............................................................................166
Schools.................................................................................................167
Financing..............................................................................................168
Quantitative Development...............................................................171
Enrollments.......................................................................................... 171
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Teachers................................................................................................173
Evaluation.............................................................................................175
Teacher Training and Supervision..................................................... 177
Conclusion........................................................................................180
Chapter 3
M e t h o d o l o g y ...........................................................................182
Background—Qualitative Research................................................182
Qualitative Research Features....................................................... 182
Data Gathering Processes............................................................. 185
Qualitative Emphasis on Process....................................................... 185
Grounded Theory Approach...............................................................187
Participant Perspectives Approach.................................................... 188
Research Design...................................................................................189
Descriptive Approach......................................................................189
Data Specification and Collection.................................................190
Sampling........................................................................................... 191
Analysis o f D ata.............................................................................. 191
Chapter 4
S u m m a r y o f F in d i n g s ........................................................... 193
Internal Efficiency.............................................................................. 193
External Efficiency............................................................................. 198
Differential Impact.............................................................................201
Nationalization of Teaching Staff.....................................................207
Findings for Research Questions......................................................209
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Research Question 1........................................................................209
Research Question 2........................................................................210
Research Question 3........................................................................211
Research Question 4........................................................................211
Research Question 5........................................................................212
Chapter 5
C o n c l u s i o n s , F u t u r e P e r s p e c t iv e s , a n d
R e c o m m e n d a t io n s...........................................................214
Conclusions...........................................................................................214
Future Perspectives.............................................................................215
Recommendations for Future Studies............................................ 218
Discussion....................................................................................... 218
Suggestions fo r Future Research Based on the Results o f
This Study................................................................................. 223
R e f e r e n c e s.................................................................................224
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List o f T ables and F ig ur es
List of Tables
Table Page
Table 1.1 Forecasts for Some Economic Variables.....................................................9
Table 2.1 Number of Students in Governmental General Education by
Stage, Nationality and Sex: Emirate of Dubai, U.A.E.
(1992/1993 to 1996/1997).........................................................................26
Table 2.2 Number of Students in Private Education by Stage,
Nationality and Sex: Emirate of Dubai, U.A.E. (1992/1993
to 1996/1997)............................................................................................. 27
Table 2.3 Major Alien Groups in Selected Host Countries by Country
of Origin and Percent o f the Total Population as of 1991......................68
Table 4.1 Pass Rate by Grade and Sex, 1987-1992, U.A.E....................................196
Table 4.2 Class Density for Countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council,
1988-89..................................................................................................... 197
Table 4.3 Failure Rate in End of Year Examinations by Sex,
Nationality, Residence and Level in the U.A.E., 1989-1990.............. 202
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Table 4.4 Top 6 and Bottom 6 Sub-Groups Ranked by Failure Rate
(Lowest to Highest), 1993-1994, U.A.E................................................204
Table 4.5 Percentage o f Students Over the Normal Age by Nationality,
Grade and Sex, 1992-93.........................................................................205
Table 4.6 Class Density and Student-Teacher Ratio by Sex and
Residence, 1986-87, U.A.E.................................................................... 206
Table 4.7 Drop Out by Region 1992-93...................................................................207
List of Figures
Figure Page
Figure 2 .1 Organizational Chart of the Ministry of Education, U.A.E................... 164
xii
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A bstract
The research focuses on the development of modem education, both
qualitatively and quantitatively, in the United Arab Emirates (U.A.E.) from its
beginnings to the present. The dissertation discusses current major issues and
projects future prospects for development. Modem education has slowly shifted
education responsibilities from the control of community and church to the state. It
is characterized by universality and secularization, with a gradual broadening of the
curriculum. Modem schools differ from traditional religious institutions in that they
carry the inheritance o f colonialism.
When compared to the systems of developing Arab countries, the U.A.E.
educational system gives the appearance of a high-quality construct because it is so
well financed. However, some conclude that this appearance is deceptive because it
is not meeting government objectives in developing the skilled labor pool U.A.E.
needs. The research examines the system’s flaws and its abilities to meet the
nation’s goals. The study of education systems often adopts a synchronic approach
with an examination of how one or more systems function at any given time (usually
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the present). It may, however, adopt a diachronic approach by studying how one
system has evolved over time. The latter methodology was adopted for this research.
The major hypothesis was that there have been overall gains in education at
all levels in the United Arab Emirates. It is based on the official data collected from
government ministries and the personal experiences of the researcher, a former
student of the U.A.E. system. The study focused on corollaries between social,
economic and political factions and the development of education in the U.A.E.
Furthermore, it examined the issues of instruction and evaluation of procedures as
they relate to explicit objectives and major policy statements. Finally, the study
supported its hypothesis with statistical evidence from several government sources in
the United Arab Emirates and the United States.
Dissertation Committee:
Professor Edgar Williams, Chairperson
Professor Vernon Broussard
Professor Fred Knirk
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CHAPTER 1
Intr o d uctio n
The Importance of Education
“Education in any society is the process by which society ensures the
transmission of the knowledge, skills, and values necessary for survival to the next
generation, hence ensuring the continuance of its group life” (Anderson, 1981, p.
235). It is also viewed as “an instrument o f social policy, an important object of
economic investment and an element of personal advancement” (p. 236).
According to UNESCO’s International Classification of Education (1995), it
comprises “organized and sustained communication designed to bring about
learning" (p. 4). Different definitions of education emphasize one of three functions:
a conserving activity, an innovative activity or a freeing activity.
The view of education as a conserving activity aims to equip students to
function adequately in society and to be full members of that society as it is. The
innovative view is that the prime purpose of education is to train students to change
society for the better, particularly in the social field. The main American definition
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of education is that it serves to make free individuals, that is, guardians of
democracy, by providing them with economic and intellectual freedom.
According to manpower theory, education is seen as an agent of change and
economic development. One of its main objectives is to train qualified people who
can participate in their country’s economic development. Large numbers are
involved in it worldwide, particularly in developing countries where it uses up a
large portion of national expenditure. Developing countries, countries with an
undeveloped economic and industrial base, devote an ever-increasing percentage of
their resources to it. In 1965, they devoted 2.9% of their gross national product
(GNP) to education; by 1998, this percentage had gone up to 18.4% (United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 1999).
Undoubtedly there are benefits both to society and the individual. According
to Cochrane, O’Hara and Leslie (1980), literacy has been found to have a positive
effect on health and a long-term negative effect on fertility. Psacharopoulos and
Woodhall (1985) state that literacy and other measures of education are more closely
related to life expectancy than per capita income or even the number of doctors per
capita. There is also a link between parental education and a child’s health.
Education carries a high social premium and brings about economic benefits
both to the individual and society, particularly in developing countries. Returns to
education are calculated on the basis of the ratio between educational cost and
benefits, derived as a result of that education, in the form of increased earnings in
relation to other individuals who do not have the same qualifications. Studies have
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shown that returns are indeed larger in developing countries and particularly so at the
elementary level. Psacharopoulos and Woodhall (1985) found that the social raters
of return for education were 19.5% for developed countries and 25.2% for less
developed countries while those of elementary education were even higher. Sobel
(1982) found that returns to investments in human capital were well above the return
to physical capital in less developed countries.
Learning, which is equated with schooling in many people’s minds, is even
more valued in Islamic countries where learning is part of every Muslim’s duty.
Evidence from The Koran, the Hadith (Prophet Mohammed’s sayings) and the
Sunna, the Prophet’s tradition which every devout Muslim should emulate, supports
this. The first verse revealed to the prophet Mohammed is “Read (or recite) in the
name of thy Lord” (96:2). Subsequent verses stress this idea although the nature of
knowledge may have evolved: “God will raise all you who believe, as well as those
who are given knowledge, in rank” (58:12). Prophet Mohammed’s sayings, a major
source of legislation in Islam, also stress the importance of learning. Some of his
most often quoted sayings in this respect are “Seek knowledge, though be it in
China,” referring to distant lands and “Seeking knowledge is an obligation for every
male and female Moslem.” The prophet also released prisoners of war after they had
taught ten Muslims to read and write. These are many indications of the place of
learning and education in Islam, a worldly religion wherein Muslims throughout the
centuries have found inspiration for their daily acts.
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Person-power theories of education have been developed and view the
primary role of education as providing the necessary trained manpower to effect
economic development, with all the implications this view has for curriculum
development. Although some researchers have questioned the relationship between
educational expansion and economic development (Sica & Prechel, 1981) national
governments seem committed to the development of education doubtless under
demographic pressure and demands from the population.
Educational Systems
National studies of educational systems have traditionally adopted two broad
but complementary approaches, the study of “intra-educational” school variables and
the “educational-societal” aspects which examine the link between education and
society (Kazamias & Schwartz, 1977). Intra-educational variables are an aspect of
what economists of education call “internal efficiency” (i.e., how efficiently the
variables within a system, such as teachers, students, curriculum, examinations,
budget and so on, function to increase student achievement). “External efficiency,”
on the other hand, refers to the function of the educational system as it relates to
societal goals. From this standpoint, the extent to which schools provide the
necessary skills for the smooth running of the economy is the extent to which school
leaders or graduates are absorbed into the labor market, find the jobs and the
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earnings they expect, and are able to use their skills (Psacharopoulos & Woodhall,
1985). Societal goals could of course also be non-economic.
In its early days, education was indeed a search for easily assimilated ideas
already exemplified in other systems (Anderson, 1981) when borrowings constituted
a major source of educational innovations. However, one of the pioneers of
education, Isaac Kandel (1955) felt that an education was determined by factors
outside the school and that education could not be understood in isolation from the
political, social, economic and cultural contexts in which it functioned.
A system is said to exist as soon as there is state intervention— if not directly
in running it—then by it being run by professionals. True educational systems are
carefully articulated, hierarchically structured groupings of schools, primarily free,
often compulsory, administered by full-time experts, and progressively taught by
specially trained staff (Green, 1990, p. 2).
Statement of the Problem
The problem under study is the following:
■ How did modem education develop both qualitatively and quantitatively
in the United Arab Emirates (U.A.E.) from its beginnings to the present?
■ What are the major issues currently facing it?
■ What are its future prospects of development?
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As in all other Islamic countries, formal education in the Arab countries of
the Gulf was the responsibility of religious men. Although there is no clergy in
Islam, a corps of learned men with variable degrees of competence in religious
matters and other basic disciplines soon emerged and took the lead in shaping the
educational system.
Modem education in the West shifted responsibility from the community and
the church to the state. The modem education system worldwide was characterized
by universality, secularization and a gradual broadening of the curriculum. It was
qualitatively different from earlier schools sponsored by religious institutions from
the sixteenth century onward. It is the system, which was inherited by practically all
the countries of the world. In some, it developed endogenously as a response to local
conditions. In most it was an exogenous import or an inheritance from colonial
times.
Purpose of the Study
The U.A.E. system of education is recent and the country has undergone
tremendous transformation in a very short time. The U.A.E. has generally had a low
profile in research and publication due to the recency of the federation and the
diversion which excessive attention given to petroleum “giants” such as Saudi
Arabia and Iran has created. The U.A.E. educational system gives the appearance of
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a high-quality construct, at least when it is compared with those systems in other
developing countries, because it is so well financed. Some conclude that this
appearance is deceptive because it is not meeting government objectives in
developing the skilled labor pool U.A.E. needs.
Because the United Arab Emirates has been catapulted so quickly into the
industrial age, decision-makers view education as the tool to train manpower to
assume the responsibilities currently assumed by expatriates. Educational
institutions then become an important component of any development plan.
Studying the U.A.E. educational system will shed light on its weaknesses and
therefore help improve it. The purpose of descriptive and historical research in
education is “to learn from past discoveries and mistakes, predict future needs for
educational reform and predict future trends” (Borg & Gall, 1983, p. 804).
Quoted by Borg and Gall (1983), Bailyn writes of descriptive and historical
research with no specific questions and no hypothetical answers. This type of
research is useful when it provides a clear account of some institution or traces its
evolution over a given period of time. The present research, nonetheless, asks
implicitly the following question: “Are the schools serving a useful function in the
development o f the country?”
Often, the study of education systems adopts a synchronic approach and
studies how one or more systems function at a given time, usually the present. It
may, however, adopt a diachronic approach and study how one system has evolved
over time. The latter approach is adopted here.
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Research Questions
Study Model Components
A model for the study of a system of education must consider the following
interrelated components:
Context
■ The social, political and economic environments in which the system
operates and the way this environment works affect the system.
The economic environment is very important, particularly as it relates to the
non-oil sector (see Table 1.1).
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Table 1.1
Forecasts for Some Economic Variables
Economic Variables *1997 *1998 ***1999
Population (000) 2624 2776 2938
Workers (000) 1330 1378 1432
G.D.P. (Billions of Dollars) 50.8 47.9 51.1
Non Oil Sectors
(Billions of Dollars)
127.1 133.1 138.0
Gross Fixed Capital Formation
(Thousands o f Dollars)
13.7 14 14.1
Per Capital National Income
(Thousands o f Dollars)
16.7 14.7 55.0
Final Consumption Expenditure
(Billions of Dollars)
32.2 33.6 35.5
Commodity Exports
(Billions of Dollars)
41.3 37.0 40.1
Commodity Imports
(Billions of Dollars)
33.3 33.1 35.1
Current Surplus Merchandise
(Billions of Dollars)
7.1 3.1 4.2
Inflation Rate (%) 2.0 1.6 1.5
Notes. *Preliminary Data. ***Forecasts.
Source: 1999 U.A.E. Annual Reports, Ministry o f Planning, 1999.
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The Ministry of Planning expects the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) will
surge to reach Dh. 181.5 Billion in 1999, driven by gradual improvements in oil
prices during the second half of the same year. Non-oil sectors will continue to grow
and are anticipated to attain a domestic product o f Dh. 138.0 billion. Fixed capital
formation is expected to increase slightly and will be around Dh. 50.0 billion. The
government will continue to implement infrastructure projects in the areas of
electricity, water desalination, road networks, and various low-cost housing unit
construction.
Goals
■ Function of the system, what the system hopes to achieve, the different
levels o f objectives and their consistency with the policy statements.
Organization
• Structure of the system, how the system puts together its components to
achieve its goals.
Resources of the System
■ Human resources (teachers and staff available)
■ Material (financing, equipment, facilities...)
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Input
■ Students
Treatment
■ Curriculum
■ Instruction
■ Examinations
Output
• Graduates
Differential Impact
■ The differential impact of the system on sub-groups (i.e., gender,
nationality, religion, race, skin color, socio-economic status).
System evaluation education, which compared input and output only, asked
basic questions such as how the function of the system performs its overall
objectives. It also studies the processes taking place within the system’s curriculum
and instruction as well as the agents and materials of instruction. There are also
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underlying questions/definitions about the interrelationship of the different system
components.
The Five Research Questions
Five research questions on the education system in the United Arab Emirates
were derived from the areas identified above:
1. How did the social, economic and political context affect the
development of education?
2. Are the instruction and evaluation procedures consistent with the
explicit objectives and the major policy statements?
3. How has the administrative and pedagogical structure of the education
system evolved with particular reference to centralization of decision
making power?
4. How effective is the education system in terms of expenditure,
success and student retention?
5. How have the numbers and characteristics o f the student population
and teaching body changed?
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Statement of Hypothesis
The major hypothesis was that there will be overall greater gains in education
at all levels in the United Arab Emirates, based on the official data collected from
Ministries of the government, and the experience of the writer, as a former student of
the U.A.E. system.
Research Design
The study employed a descriptive historical analysis that adopted the
descriptive exploratory analysis to the problem under investigation. The descriptive
approach, in spite of its limitations, was the most practical and appropriate research
methodology employed for this research study. Furthermore, a descriptive study was
appropriate in the U.A.E. case in the absence of similar studies within this research
area. Thus, this methodology is of great value at this stage for analyzing the
educational development in the U.A.E. before and after independence.
Data Specification and Collection
The data required were collected through reviewing the literature available on
the U.A.E. in the following areas:
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1. General history of the U.A.E since the beginning of British occupation.
2. The major historical related events that have taken place in the U.A.E.
after independence.
3. Descriptive statistics on the educational conditions in the U.A.E.
4. Similar studies from other developing countries, mainly in the Middle
East and Gulf countries.
5. The sources of data collection included the following:
■ Official statistics on the related areas of concern to the study and were
obtained from libraries in the United States through books, journal
articles, letters, newspaper articles, and different publication and
historical documents. A computer search was utilized to ensure
maximum inclusion of pertinent literature.
■ Researcher’s contact with local official institutions that are involved
in education.
■ Personal experience of the researcher as he has worked for years on
the U.A.E. in the areas of educational and economic development.
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Sampling
The target sampling units o f the study included all possible educational and
historical events that have occurred on the U.A.E. The focus was on these major
events that have had a major potential influence on the development of education.
The sampling focused on the available research from both academic and private
sectors.
Analysis of Data
When the data necessary for the study were collected and major events were
identified, the analysis of data proceeded by using the causal-effect process to
identify the potential effect of those events on the development of education in the
U.A.E.
Quantitative and qualitative factors were identified for assessing their
influence on education. The researcher employed logical reasoning, strengthened by
similar interpretations of other researchers and amplified by the available studies of
comparable situations in other neighboring countries. To strengthen the reliability of
arguments and the data used in the study, the researcher diversified sources of data
collection and gathered the largest possible available documents and data available
on the subject. To strengthen the validity of results and interpretations, the
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researcher (a) relied on logical reasoning and (b) verified and utilized validity checks
of the factors affecting the development of higher education by consulting experts in
the field, that is, the dissertation committee members and others. The data analyzed
were finally displayed by their potential effect on education.
Limitations of the Study
Formal schooling is quantitatively the most important and visible aspect of
education. It is that part of education that takes place in formal institutions within a
hierarchically organized system of instruction and evaluation. Other social
institutions also perform educative functions. These may include sports clubs,
cultural centers, the media, and so on.
This research, given the difficulty of assessing the size of non-formal
schooling, whether in day or evening classes, was based on the role of the other two
types o f education.
Traditional education in Koranic schools was not considered since it is
outside the modem system and is practically insignificant both in numbers and in
importance. However, religious schools run by the Ministry of Education were
included.
On the level of data collection, the study was limited by the number of
respondents to questionnaires and interview requests. The cooperation of the
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Ministry of Education was also crucial in this matter. Many officials, when
approached for an interview, simply referred the researcher to an aide with
instructions to provide him with documents. Official statistical data availability and
reliability were also problems. Some data were gathered for some years but not for
others which made it impossible to trace the development of the issue at hand.
Sometimes data were manipulated to play down the importance of some issue as in
the case of illiteracy which is counted on the basis of the 15 to 45 age group (Arab
League Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organization, n.d.) rather than the
population aged ten and over as did UNESCO. Another case was a 1984 study on
dropping out done by the Abu Dhabi Educational Zone and later withdrawn and
decommissioned in 1992 reportedly because its findings were too negative.
However, data, where available, should be sufficiently reliable, especially where
cross-checked against other sources.
Delimitations of the Study
The field o f the study was the United Arab Emirates which was created in
December, 1971. However, as the system predates the creation of the country, the
geographical area of the study was what was then the Trucial States, the seven
emirates that now make up the United Arab Emirates.
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Since the purpose was to gather descriptive data, an exploratory approach
was inevitable as far as sources of a representative sample since mostly objective
information was used which was then cross-checked to determine its reliability.
Both public and private education were considered in most aspects of the
study. Private schools are relatively recent and operate under strict pedagogical
supervision from the Ministry, although they are allowed some freedom like
selecting their own textbooks in some subjects.
Definition of Terms
Citizens: People who hold or are eligible to hold a U.A.E. passport either by
birth or naturalization.
Dropouts: Dropouts are students who are registered at the beginning of the
academic year but do not stay in school to take the end-of-year examination either
because they moved out the country or chose to take it. Students with a long-term
absence due to illness but who are likely to return to school are not counted as
dropouts.
Education: Although education is larger than schooling and encompasses it,
the two words are often used interchangeably. Education here refers to that part of
the educative process received at formal institutions of learning (schools). The
distinction, however, was made between formal, informal and non-formal education.
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Expatriate students: Students who are or whose parents are citizens of a
country other than the U.A.E.
Graduates: Any student who spent at least three years in a middle or
secondary school.
Illiterate: As defined in this study, an illiterate is a person who is not able to
read or write at any level.
Pre-Universitv Education: In the U.A.E. education is divided into three
levels: elementary, lasting six years; middle, lasting three years, and secondary,
lasting three years. The term secondary here embraces both the middle and the
secondary levels.
Rural students: They are students who live outside these major urban centers.
School: A public institution of formal learning run or supervised by the
Ministry of Education.
The Gulf: This region groups the six countries of the Arabian Peninsula,
making up the Gulf Cooperation Council created in 1981: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait,
Bahrain, Qatar, Oman and the United Arab Emirates. It excludes Iraq which is not a
member of the Council and which has a different demographic composition, political
regime and past historical associations but which has been, prior to the invasion of
Kuwait, sometimes associated with these countries in regional projects.
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Urban students: They are, by the definition of the Ministry of Education,
students who live in one of the major urban centers: Abu Dhabi, A1 Ain, Dubai,
Shaijah, Ajman, Umm A 1 Quwain, Ras A1 Khaima and Fujeirah.
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CHAPTER 2
Review of th e L iterature
The United Arab Emirates
Background
On December 2, 1971, six of the Trucial states entered into a union called the
United Arab Emirates (U.A.E.). These states were Abu Dhabi, Dubai, Ajman,
Fujairah, Shaijah, and Um-El Quiween. In early 1972, Ras El-Khaimah joined them
into the union.
The United Arab Emirates is one of the Gulf countries that had lived under
occupation for a long time. This occupation had affected the internal situations in
the country. It is important, for this reason, to present some information about the
society and the people living in the country as an introduction to the topic under
investigation.
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Social and Demographic Information
The United Arab Emirates is one of the world’s youngest states, having
achieved independence as recently as 1971, yet it has a history that stretches to the
beginning of man’s inhabitation of the lower regions of the Arabian Gulf.
The U.A.E. is bound on the north by the Arabian (or Persian) Gulf, on the
east by Oman, on the south and west by Saudi Arabia, and on the northwest by
Qatar, with a total boundary of 1,940 kilometers. The area of these states is
approximately 90,000 square kilometers. The total forecasted population according
to the Ministry of Planning (1998) was 2,938,000. The estimated population in 1986
was 1.77 million.
The country comprises seven individual emirates each of which was formerly
in treaty relationship with the United Kingdom until 1971, but which came together
at independence to form a federation. In order, the seven emirates are Abu Dhabi to
the west of the country, which occupies around 26,000 square miles of the country’s
30,000 total, then Dubai, Shatja, Ras El-Khaimah, Fujairah, Um El-Qaiween and
Ajman. The population was 1,770,000 in the 1986 census. It occupies the
southeastern coastline of the Arabian Gulf, stretching from the Qatari peninsula to
the mouth of the Gulf near Cape Musandam. U.A.E. also has a small coastline on
the western shores of the Gulf of Oman outside of the mouth of the Gulf at the Strait
of Hormus where the Emirate of Fujairah is centered— the only one of the seven
emirates not to have a coastline on the Arabian Gulf.
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The western part of the country is characterized by low-lying arid lands, the
sea coast rising to sand dunes in the interior, with the occasional desert oasis such as
the Liwa Oasis group. Further north the land becomes less desert-like while the
country is divided into two parts by the spine of the Hajar Mountain Range which
runs from deep in neighboring Oman up past the oasis o f El-Ain towards the
Musandam Peninsula. In the mountainous areas and in the land adjacent on either
side the rainfall is slightly higher and, apart from artificial means of cultivation, it is
here that the bulk of the country’s agricultural produce is located. For the most part,
however, the country is characterized by a highly arid desert climate, while in the
southwest the dunes that occur are an extension of famous Rub El-Khali in Saudi
Arabia, one of the world’s harshest deserts.
The indigenous population of the country is of Arab stock and, according to
historians, first arrived in the U.A.E. between 1,500 and 2,500 years ago. Moslem to
a man since the arrival of Islam during the lifetime of the Prophet Mohammed, the
citizens of the U.A.E. have traditionally followed either a desert-based nomad
lifestyle focusing upon the small oases that occur between the dunes as small farmers
on the plains to the west of the Hajar mountains, or as major oasis groups such as
that at El-Ain. Fishing along the coast of the Gulf of Oman and the Arabian Gulf has
also been important source of livelihood while numerous ports have been involved in
regional trade for thousands of years.
Prior to the independence, the seven emirates that today comprise the U.A.E.
lacked all but the most important rudimentary social services. Particularly in the
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small and poorer emirates, schooling, housing, and health services were either
nonexistent or of the most primitive kind. The country’s first modem school was not
set up until 1955 in Shaijah, while only Abu Dhabi and Dubai had the beginning of
an effective health system.
Since 1971, however, the federal government and the local governments in
the emirates have invested massive sums of money in the development of social
services to ensure that the people as a whole benefit from the country’s wealth.
Today schooling is provided by the government as a free service throughout the
country in the towns, the mountains, and the desert regions. Since 1977 the country
has had its own university in El-Ain with the purpose of training young U.A.E.
citizens, both male and female, to take their future roles in the development of their
country. Around 15,000 students are now benefiting from the country’s educational
system, while several hundred students are also following courses of higher
education abroad at the government’s expense.
The Rise of Education in Arab Countries
Formal education is usually divided into three separate levels: elementary,
secondary and tertiary, each adopting a different set of skills to be mastered or
knowledge to be imparted. Elementary education concerns itself with the basic skills
of reading, writing and numeracy and other skills that would ideally constitute a
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minimum for every citizen. Secondary education, as it were, goes beyond basics and
introduces abstract academic knowledge as a preparation for the third stage of
specialized learning, university. The age of learners seems to be less of a factor in
defining the level of the school than the nature of learning activities taking place
within the school and the social function the school serves. Indeed, many developing
countries in their early stages of development had systems that catered to teenage
students in elementary schools.
The writer selected data for Tables 2.1 and 2.2 because they are about the
Emirate Dubai, where he received his education and now works for The Department
of Tourism and Commerce Marketing. It is important to set forth the economic
forecast early in this chapter.
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Table 2.1
Number of Students in Governmental General Education by Stage,
Nationality and Sex: Emirate of Dubai, U.A.E. (1992/1993 to 1996/1997)
Stage & Year
Number o f Students
Totals Non-Citizens Citizens
T. F. M. F. M. F. M.
1993 37,7?0 19,624 18.106 6,130 6,365 13,494 11,741
Kindergarten 2,654 1.396 1,258 65 74 1,331 1,184
Elementary 20,048 10,125 9,923 3,754 3,774 6.371 6,149
Preparatory 9.386 4,869 4,517 1,465 1,571 3,404 2,946
Secondary 5,642 3,234 2.408 846 946 2,388 1.462
1994 38.174 19,909 18.265
L 2IZ
6,248 13,992 12,017
Kindergarten 2.735 1.393 1,342 60 66 1,333 1,276
Elementary 19.755 10,051 9,704 3,485 3.531 6,566 6,173
Preparatory 9,686 5,042 4,644 1,478 1.645 3,564 2,999
Secondary 5,998 3,423 2,575 894 1.006 2,529 1.569
1995 1&44§ 20.102 18.346 6.226 14,207 12,120
Kindergarten 2,668 1,343 1,325 99 114 1,244 1.211
Elementary 19,326 9,922 9,404 3,285 3,354 6.637 6.050
Preparatory 10,126 5,183 4,943 1,572 1.734 3,611 3.209
Secondary 6,328 3.654 2,674 939 1,204 2.715 1,650
1226 ? ? ,W 20,201 18.444 5,989 6,311 14,212 12,133
Kindergarten 2,674 1,340 1,334 155 133 1,185 1.201
Elementary 19.033 9,783 9,250 3,193 3,271 6,590 5.979
Preparatory 10,234 5,160 5,074 1,616 1,811 3,544 3.263
Secondary 6,704 3.918 2,786 1,025 1.096 2,893 1,690
1997 38.456 20,235 18.471
1 2 1 2
6.284 14,348 12,187
Kindergarten 2,716 1,340 1,376 159 151 1,181 1.225
Elementary 18,662 9,589 9.073 3,097 3.191 6,492 5,882
Preparatory 10.148 5,144 5,004 1,561 1,730 3,583 3.274
Secondary 7.230 4,212 3,018 1,120 1,212 3,092 1,806
Source: Data from Ministry o f Education
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Table 2.2
Number of Students in Private Education by Stage, Nationality and Sex:
Emirate of Dubai, U.A.E. (1992/1993 to 1996/1997)
Stages & Years
Number o f Students
Number o f Class
Rooms
Total No.
of
Schools
Totals Non-Citizens Citizens
T. F. M. F. M. F. M. Mix F. M.
1993 60,569 27,909 31460 25,387 29.455 1522 3,005 89
Kindergarten 11.697 5,441 6,256 4,647 5.366 794 890 469 6 5
Elementary 33,494 15,572 17,922 14.188 16,218 1,384 1,704 621 331 357
Preparatory 10,203 4,664 5,539 4,444 5.249 220 290 188 206
Secondary 4.970 2,232 2,743 2,108 2,622 124 121 17 110 125
1994 73.228 33.790 39,438 30,895 35,867 2,895 3521
.102
Kindergarten 12,855 5,969 6,886 5,155 5,930 814 956 520 3 8
Elementary 40,366 18.663 21,703 17,034 19.652 1,629 2.051 912 307 345
Preparatory 13.195 6,039 7,156 5.741 6,763 298 393 182 168 177
Secondary 6,812 3,119 3,693 2.965 3.522 154 171 102 112 124
1995 77.398 55.862 4L526
32.607 31305 3,255
1 031
101
Kindergarten 12.702 5,941 6,761 5.105 5,713 836 1,048 473 41 48
Elementary 42.575 19.702 22.873 17,825 20.542 1.877 2,331 939 344 380
Preparatory 14,174 6,551 7,623 6,198 7,202 353 421 151 190 213
Secondary 7.947 3,668 4,279 3,479 4,048 189 231 90 145 151
1996 76,97? 35.888 41.090 31325 36.490 3,559 4,600 101
Kindergarten 12,320 5.861 6,459 4,932 5.414 929 1,045 511
Elementary 41.390 19,210 22,180 17.227 19,501 1.983 2,679 935 330 354
Preparatory 14,340 6,633 7,707 6.210 7,111 423 596 191 187 205
Secondary 8,928 4,184 4,744 3.960 4.464 224 280 135 145 150
1997
75.11,9 55J18
39.972 31.333 35.034 3.805 4,938 94
Kindergarten 11,503 5.502 6,001 4,560 4,906 942 1,095 473 23 25
Elementary 39,809 18,466 21,343 16,317 18.475 2,149 2,868 925 324 349
Preparatory 14,688 6,838 7,850 6,388 7.158 450 692 176 210 237
Secondary 9,110 4.332 4,778 4.068 4.495 264 283 122 163 174
Source: Data from Ministry o f Education.
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The direct link between modem education in Arab countries and modem
education worldwide, particularly in Western Europe and North America, is
particularly strong. An examination of the origins of education and the issues related
to it are useful. Studies in comparative education have isolated a number of
significant variables to study when analyzing a system. Among them are the roles of
the educational system in the country’s development, the way the system develops,
and the way it is run.
It will be useful here to consider how education developed in the West.
According to Michael Katz (cited in Green, 1990), four major factors affected
educational development in the West: industrialization, urbanization, state
intervention and changes in family structure.
Several historians of education have argued that the Industrial Revolution
provided an impetus for the development of modem education, particularly
secondary education, to replace the old apprenticeship system made obsolete.
Changes in family structures, because of the need for both parents to work outside
the home, caused serious social problems that argued social reforms to push for
education for the lower classes. Others have refuted this explanation, arguing that
literacy rates actually fell during the early phase of industrialization and that
educational development did not always correspond to industrial development in
many countries. Moreover, schools were notoriously detached from industry and in
Green’s words “wore their non-utilitarian classical ethos as a badge of status”
(Green, 1990, p. 42).
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Green (1990) reports that in many countries the creation of public education
systems “involved . . . a break with the traditional clerical domination of schooling”
(p. 29). The philosophy of education in these countries lay mostly in the ideals of
democracy that swept Europe after the French Revolution and in the empiricism
concept in which one conceives of the mind as capable of being trained to do
practically anything humanly possible. This led to the extension of provision of
education and the emergence of schools for middle class children after schools were
the exclusive appendage of the aristocracy. Parallel to this, allegiance shifted from
the tribe or religion to the nation state and led to the rise of national education
systems. Moreover, industrialization saw the emergence of modem disciplines of
mathematics, natural sciences, language, practical subjects, and vocational education.
The national education systems had a long period of gestation and had
uneven development in Europe and in America. The German states, France,
Switzerland, and Holland were the first to establish a system in the 1830’s wherein
the state took over the responsibilities of training and licensing teachers, provided
financial means and exercised financial control, set guidelines for admission, and
outlined subjects to be taught. England lagged some fifty years behind the other
European countries. Most northern American states had an established system by the
end of the Civil War. The first public high school in the United States was
established in Boston in 1821 (Armstrong & Savage, 1983, p. 7).
In the first half of the nineteenth century, enrollment in schools ranged from
2.8% to 5% of the age group, up to 18 years. In 1842, France had 1 in 493
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inhabitants in various post-elementary institutions; Prussia had 1 in 500 in 1830,
England 1 in 1000 in 1868; and the USA 1 in 135 in 1835 (Green, 1990).
Educational Systems Worldwide
The external efficiency of an educational system refers to how successful it is
in achieving the societal goals it sets out to achieve. It raises the issue of the
relationship between education and society.
The American educational tradition views education as essential to individual
fulfillment and the educated citizen as the keeper of democracy. It prepares all
young people for “the serious business of being free men and women” (Gardner,
1960, p. 84). In the 1962 hearings before the Committee on Appropriation at the
U.S. House of Representatives, Hyman Rickover reports that “the proper task of a
school system is to equip children with the requisite knowledge and skills for
successful living in a complex modem society” (p. 6). It is also to develop the
ability to think (Educational Policies Commission, 1961).
Foster (1987) writes that although the role of education in development is
well established in the economic literature, it is not clear “what it is that schooling
actually does to people that makes them more productive” (p. 98). There are
certainly “spill-over” effects of education which may contribute indirectly to
development (e.g., education and political development, schooling and population
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growth) (p. 98). There are intervening variables that explain the relationship
between educational economic development, but the direct policy implications are by
no means self-evident. Rather, “tentative research findings were used to justify
educational policies that had been decided upon for very different (often political)
reasons” (p. 99). But in any case, the educational policy has a special place in
development plans in practically all countries.
Curriculum development, and activity which derives directly from the
societal goals of education, have, in the words o f Tanner and Tanner (1980) “a long
past but a short history” (p. 4). It developed as an academic subject only in the
beginning of the twentieth century. As an activity, it is never neutral. It is socially
and politically charged and Dewey (1929) warned quite rightly that it might become
merely “a reaction to stifling socio-political forces and fashions external to the
educative process” (pp. 14-15). Gundem (1987) writes that “the content of schools
develops over time in interaction with political, economic, educational and personal
influences” (p. 46).
Not ail the subjects in the curriculum have the same importance. There is
undoubtedly a hierarchy of subjects. Practical and aesthetic subjects, as well as
general studies and subjects which are not clearly associated with an established
discipline, are accorded sharply lower recognition (Goodson, 1983, p. 36). Warwick
cited in Goodson (1983) found that former students of language and literature have 4
times as many chances as former students of music and drama and one and a half as
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many chances as former students of science and math of becoming principals or
headmasters.
Reid (cited in Goodson, 1983) found that the rate of acceptability of GCE “a”
level subjects to a sample of 84 British university departments varied according to
the subject. Pure math came at the top with .92; other science subjects were high on
the list. History had an acceptable rate of .67, English Literature .64, Economics .62,
General Studies .49, Art .37 and Housecraft .15 to cite but the most significant (p.
36). This supports, in the writer’s view, the contention that subjects not already
associated with an established discipline are less well accepted. It is the “statue"
rather than the “usefulness” of each subject which ultimately takes priority
(Goodson, 1983, p. 39), and determines whether the subject makes it into the
curriculum. The curriculum in secondary schools has been criticized for being
unrelated to basic needs and skills and for being rarely student-centered. One major
flaw o f the school curriculum is, in the words of King (1968), that “the extension of
educational opportunity to the many has been based on a pattern designed essentially
for the few” (p. 294). Thus, schools are failing to prepare pupils adequately for
society and social change; and high status knowledge remains “that which is not
immediately useful in vocation or occupation” (Goodson, 1983, p. 29). It has been
remarked that the curriculum has always been vocational, but it is the vocations that
have changed. The traditional curriculum trains students for gentlemanly
occupations that are now obsolete.
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Most countries too readily assumed that expenditure on education would
more than pay for itself in economic activity. Human Capital Theory refers to the
fact that human beings invest in themselves by means o f education, training or other
activities, which raises their future income by increasing their lifetime earnings
(Woodhall, 1987b). Adam Smith (cited in Woodhall, 1987b) referred to it in 1776
saying “a man educated at the expense of much labor and time . . . may be compared
to one of those expensive machines” (p. 178). However, research in the USA has led
to the conclusion that “just over 40% of the growth of per capita income in that
country could be inferentially attributed to education investment in people” (Foster,
1987, p. 94).
Education is criticized for being an increasingly expensive luxury.
Educational investment has not resulted in improved access or increased efficiency
or economic growth (Watson, 1985, p. 175). The high rates of return in developing
countries were all observed before the mass expansion of the educational systems
(Sobel, 1982). In addition, studies on returns to education have been criticized on
their basic assumptions by researchers who argue that education merely acts as a
“screening device” to filter the ablest candidates (Woodhall, 1987a, p. 21).
Poor countries produce more graduates than the economy can employ.
Sanyal (1987) quotes examples of under-employment of graduates in the Philippines,
Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. In free market economies the excess in the supply of
graduates would reduce salaries, thus reducing the demand for education. For
instance, Freeman, cited in Sobel (1982) remarked that, as a result of the excess
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supply of Ph.D.s in America, the salaries of new graduates fell dramatically during
the 1969-75 period. But in developing countries where the state is the main
employer, salaries are kept artificially high and the only inconvenience is a longer
waiting period before jobs are created in the public sector to accommodate the
graduates. In Egypt, where the government guarantees government jobs for
graduates, it is not uncommon of graduates to wait several years before being offered
a job, being unemployed or more often underemployed in the meantime.
Some causes of graduate unemployment and under-employment quoted in the
literature include (a) inappropriateness of the type of education received, (b) the
creation of false hopes by the educational system, (c) low quality of education, and
(d) the inability of the economy and the labor market to create enough jobs that
require the skills of the educated. These correspond respectively to low external
efficiency, the revolution of expectations, low internal efficiency, and unfavorable
socio-economic context.
The increase in the demand for education due to the high individual returns
has resulted, through the “Ratchet effect” or “diploma disease” (Foster, 1987, p. 97),
in an increase in the requirements for job access, which in turn increases the demand
for education, creating thus a vicious cycle of ever-increasing supply and demand.
In spite of this, some writers have observed a decline in the demand for education
“as frustrated parents cease to recognize schooling as a form of upward social
mobility” (Watson, 1985, p. 179) doubtless caused in part by the unemployment of
graduates. UNESCO (1977) also recognized that “very often education does not
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fulfill all the hopes that were placed in it during previous decades as a factor of
development and an instrument of social, cultural and ethical progress” (p. 196).
The effects of education are not always positive. Education may help reduce
fertility and improve health as noted earlier, but at the same time it increases
people’s expectations. The relationship between unemployment and education
“takes the form of an inverted U-shape” (Sanyal, 1987, p. 173), i.e., it is highest
among graduates of middle level education. Numerous case studies have
demonstrated this. In Egypt, for instance, unemployment is higher among high
school graduates (35%) than among illiterates (23.6%) (Osman and Sobhi, 1989).
Educational expansion has had a different impact on some groups and has even
“highlighted disparities amongst minorities, the economically weak, and the
regionally backward areas within and between countries” (Watson, 1985, p. 191).
Finally, and although causation cannot be assumed, It is demonstrable that
the process of development is linked not only with rising levels of education but with
an increase of violence and political instability (Foster, 1987, p. 99).
From what preceded, we see that the relationship between the educational
system and society is for paramount importance and that any study of an educational
system must address the central issue of the role the system plays in society and the
economy and must study the context in which the system operates.
The internal variables operating in an educational system include (a) the
system structure and administration, (b) financing, (c) the curriculum, (d) instruction,
(e) teachers, (f) students, and (g) examinations. It is the interplay of these variables
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that determines the output. A system is said to have reached maximum internal
efficiency when it is not possible to rearrange the variables without loss of quality.
On the level of administration, the first modem educational systems in
Europe and America were autonomous systems operated and financed at the local
level. The creation of national systems has meant in most cases central
administration from the capital. However, there is presently a north/south pattern in
this respect. Most systems in developing countries are centralized while most
developed countries have regional and local systems with autonomous administration
and financing. For instance, out of every five pounds spent on education in England
and Wales one is spent at the local education authority level (Ryba, 1987). The issue
of centralized administration and its effects on efficiency particularly in developing
countries is raised by many researchers.
There was mass expansion in developing countries between 1950 and 1980.
Secondary school enrollments worldwide grew from 5% in 1950 to 43% in 1985
(Rondinelli, Middleton & Verspoor, 1990, p. 5). Corresponding to quantitative
growth, there was a drop in quality which manifested itself in low efficiency and
reduced share of educational materials per student particularly in poor countries and
an increased number o f students per teacher (Rondinelli et al., 1990). The
importance of enrollments is further underscored by the fact that many researchers
say that the characteristics of the entering students are the most important single
input that determines the quality of output.
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Parallel to the extension of provision of education, World Bank lending
strategies to developing countries, a major trend setter, aimed for mass expansion in
the field of teacher training in I960’s. With the stabilization of enrollment figures,
this emphasis was changed in the late I970’s and the 1980’s to improvement of
quality. But in some countries, particularly in western Europe, there is a chronic
shortage of teachers although, as the British Junior Minister of Education, Michael
Fallon, remarked, education “is easier to enter into than any field and it’s almost
impossible to fail” (“Schools,” 1990). In England, there was a sharp reduction in
teacher supply. There were 40,000 trainees in the early 70’s and, by the late eighties,
there were only 13,000 (Ryba, 1987, p. 40). It would seem that the profession has
lost most of its prestige with mass expansion and fails to attract the brightest
elements. This could not but have a negative impact on students’ motivation. In
developing countries, the shortage of teachers was made worse by the state's inability
to train or employ teachers. King (1987) complains, “Where then are the glittering
rewards for diligence at school, . . . especially when the teachers and other
educational ‘successes’ are so meagerly recompensed?” (p. 171).
Historically, educational systems in many countries were first funded by the
communities and through voluntary contributions. The schools were financially
accountable to the local community. The financing was very modest and rarely
included more than the teachers’ salaries and the provision of basic textbooks, if at
all. With the emergence of national systems, financing became the responsibility of
the state and the sizeable portion of the national budget was allocated to education
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and, obviously, the budget depended on the wealth of the nation, but education soon
proved a strain on many budgets.
Per capita spending in 1998 was a world average of US$ 146 (or 5.6% of the
gross national product). This figure hides wide differences between developed and
less developed countries and also between regions. Developed countries spent $366
(5.1% of their GNP) on education while developing nations spent $26 (2.9% of their
GNP). African countries spent 4.8% of their GNP on education. In gross terms,
expenditure per pupil in 1997 (in U.S. dollars) varied from a low of $3 in Haiti, $5
in India, and $7 in Indonesia to a medium of $155 in the former Soviet Union, and
$212 in Italy, to a high of $397 in West Germany, $646 in the Netherlands, $797 in
Sweden (Graham, 1987, p. 410).
Government expenditure on education actually declined during the 1970’s
from 21% to 18% of the GNP (Rondinelli et al., 1990, p. 5). There is a widespread
feeling that education is failing to deliver as promised. Various studies have indeed
shown that there is little connection between expenditure per pupil and achievement.
In Malaysia, for example, schools with the highest achievement scores do not spend
more than average (Psacharopoulos & Woodhall, 1985, p. 215).
Curriculum has been defined as “the cumulative tradition of organized
knowledge, i.e., the body of subjects or subject matters set out by teachers for
students to cover” (Tanner & Tanner, 1980, p. 6). It is not subject-specific but deals
with the entire learning experience whether cognitive, affective or social.
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Curriculum development is that activity designed to translate educational objectives
into learning experiences.
Tyler (1949) asks four fundamental questions about a curriculum:
1. What educational purposes should the school seek to attain?
2. What educational experiences can be provided, that are likely to attain
these purposes?
3. How can these educational experiences be effectively organized?
4. How can we determine whether these purposes are being attained? (p. 1).
The first question is linked to the educational system’s societal goals, or external
efficiency. The second and third are linked to modes of instruction. The fourth
concerns the evaluation of the outcome, or examinations. Goodson (1983) writes
that after the establishment of the school certificate in England in 1917, the issue of
“examinable knowledge” was raised and the influence of examinations on the
curriculum was soon evident. That issue is still with us. A tendency in the 1990’s
was to de-emphasize examinations by introducing a system o f automatic promotion,
as in the English comprehensive school.
International academic standards have declined, particularly in the basic
subjects involved with literacy and numeracy (the so-called 3R’s). A frequent
criticism of some western educational systems, particularly the American system, is
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the introduction in secondary schools of “soft electives” not related to any
established discipline with well-defined “examinable body of knowledge.”
Current curriculum reform trends include treating mathematics and science as
“dynamic subjects” with changing content, strengthening the literature and culture
content in studying the national language, increasing time allocated to second
language(s) and the treating of social sciences as one or more disciplines without the
value component and softness of "social studies" (Lawson, 1974).
Curriculum development (and reform) is a political activity in every sense. It
is caught up with what it is “worthwhile, beneficial and useful” to teach, and with
how best to distribute human and material educational resources (Taylor, 1974).
Curriculum development is a continuous process. Education is “a journey rather
than a destination” (Stemig, 1964). Shears (1987) discusses a five-step mechanism
for promoting change. These steps are
1. Organizational analysis
2. Determining receptivity to change
3. Implementation strategy
4. Implementing change and overcoming resistance
5. Evaluation
A problem that countries with limited resources have to deal with is whether
to develop leadership education (university) or literacy education (fundamental
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education) (i.e., whether to concentrate on the base or the top of the educational
pyramid).
Some of the components discussed above are givens, like the characteristics
of the student population, and cannot be manipulated if extension of educational
opportunity is to be maintained as a policy. Other components, like financial
resources, are related to extra-educational concerns, like the country’s economic
situation and are decided upon by outside authorities often for non-educational
reasons. The level at which manipulation is most easily effected is technical and
concerns teacher training, curriculum development and modes of instruction and
evaluation and these were indeed central issues for practically all systems.
Education in the Arab World
Overview
The Arab League, created in 1945, groups 21 independent countries. They
extend from Morocco on the Atlantic coast of Africa to Oman just off the southern
Iranian coast, and as far north as Iraq and south as Somalia. The factors that shape
Arab nationalism are cultural and civilization unity and a feeling of group belonging
brought about by countries of coexistence and a common linguistic and cultural
heritage. The Arab League groups several specialized organizations, which bring
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together specialists in certain fields to materialize the common goals and strategies,
agreed on by the member states.
The population of the Arab world was 72.2 million in 1950,122 million in
1970 and 310 million in 1988. The percentage to world population was 2.8% in
1950 and 9% in 1970. The population in the Arab world is youthful. The 5-14 age
group, which was 54% of the total population in 1990 projected to increase (Ministry
of Education, 1997), places considerable strains on educational systems.
Arab countries share the Islamic tradition in pre-modem education. They
adopt common development strategies through inter-Arab organizations, particularly
in the field of education with pan-Arab organizations such as the Arab League
Educational Cultural and Scientific Organization (ALECSO) and regional
institutions such as the Arab Bureau of Education for the Gulf States (ABEGS).
Arab countries also share common problems. Illiteracy levels are high.
Overall statistics show that in 1960, 81.1% o f citizens in Arab countries were
illiterate. Although the percentage dropped to 73% in 1970 and 68% in 1976, it is
still “intolerably high” (UNESCO, 1982). These percentages varied slightly from
country to country. For instance, in 1976, 56.6% of Egyptians were illiterate, an
improvement over 78% in 1947 and 70.5% in 1960 (Osman & Sobhi, 1989, p. 1976).
In 1970, 90% o f Oman’s population was illiterate. Other countries have differing
rates for instance 37% in the U.A.E. in 1995 and 55.3% in Algeria in 1990 (United
Nations Economic Commission for Western Asia, 1990).
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Rawi (1979) divides the development of Arab education into four stages:
1. Education under the Ottoman rule which had no significant impact and
where Turkish was the language of instruction. This stage ended with the
end o f the Ottoman Empire and with western penetration in the region.
2. Education under western colonization/ mandate. In this stage, the goals
of education were to provide the colonial administration with personnel.
The curriculum was theoretical and academic. There were limited
expansion and no Pan-Arab policy.
3. Education under the national governments, in most cases, was an
extension of the colonial administration’s policy and goals. Under
popular pressure, there was mass expansion and also the beginning of a
nationalist Pan-Arab policy. This led to nationalization of curricula.
4. Education under the new republics, which succeeded in some cases, from
the monarchies that had been in power. In Rawi’s view, these
governments pursue genuine Pan-Arab ideals.
The educational system in most Arab countries is characterized by a low
internal efficiency owing to dropping out and repeating, and bias against segments of
the population, particularly females for whom, in most countries, enrollment rates
consistently lower than for males. There are also little democratization and
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participation in setting up major orientations of education. The issue of Arabization
also dominates policy committees. The colonial past of most Arab countries
continues to haunt educational decision makers. One of the declared purposes is
Arabization, making the content of education conform to Arab ideals and making
Arabic the language of instruction for all subjects. This is a particularly sensitive
issue in North Africa where Algeria, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia experienced a
heavy French influence in education.
The first Arab Cultural Conference in Lebanon in 1947 recommended the
inclusion in social studies of material likely to strengthen Arab nationalist feeling.
The conference of Arab Ministers of Education in Baghdad in 1964 set the goals of
education as training an Arab generation “aware, enlightened, godly, faithful to the
Arab nation.” Subsequently conferences all stress these ideas and call for their
implementation.
Researchers have questioned the ability of the Arab educational system to
function as an agent of development. Nawfal (1979) noted that agriculture in Egypt,
a major contributor to the GNP, is still traditional, and is performed by illiterates.
Education has hardly any effect; instead, it has become “a displacing force from
agriculture and rural areas” (p. 244). A similar verdict is reached for industry and
the services sector.
A World Bank study (The World Bank, 1980) warned that “[i]f educational
systems continue to grow at the present rate and under the same structural and
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managerial conditions, most low income and middle income countries will require
funds beyond their financial capabilities” (p. 10).
A paper presented to the Fourth Conference of Ministers of Education and
Economic Panning in Arab Countries (UNESCO, 1977a) noted that in its present
form, “schooling is unable to prepare people capable of walking in pace with the
rapid social changes” (p. 7). It further warned that “if development strategies remain
unchanged and educational expansion continues at its present rate, in response to
social demand and demographic growth, this imbalance will undoubtedly, worsen in
most Arab countries” (p. 10). A World Bank study (The World Bank, 1988) pointed
out that between 1971 and 1987, the number of students in Morocco had multiplied
3.5 times while wage-earning employment in the industrial sector had grown by only
5 to 6% a year.
The system has lost its appeal as a source of upward mobility in most, mainly
in the non-oil producing, Arab countries. Saadeddine Ibrahim (cited in Osman &
Soghi, 1989), found in a survey of three generations of Egyptians, father, respondent,
son that the middle generation enjoyed greater mobility, mostly upward, than did the
younger generation. He concluded, “Egypt’s stratification system reached its
maximum fluidity between the mid-1950’s and the mid-1960’s” (p. 186).
In spite of the stereotype of the rich Arab, the Gross Domestic Products
(GNP) of all Arab countries put together does not even add up to the GNP of Italy,
one of the poorest European countries. The GNP of these Arab countries added up
to 362 billion dollars in 1988 (Arab Monetary Fund, 1989) against almost 600 billion
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dollars for Italy (The World Bank, 1988). The result for education for the poorest
countries is overcrowded classrooms, up to 50-60 at times, and instruction offered in
up to 3 shifts of students and teachers to the classroom, limited equipment and audio
visual aids (Massialas & Jarrar, 1993).
Badran (1989) warns that the Arab World is vulnerable internally because of
rising expectations of segments of the population leading to greater disillusionment
and alienation. The educational system as an agent of development is thus of
questionable value.
King (1987) has defined five areas for a comparison of educational systems:
1. Access, recruitment and retention
2. Structure and internal organization
3. Curricular content
4. Evaluation
5. Roles and competencies of teachers
A description of these five areas gives a clearer picture of the educational system in
the Arab world and the issues facing it. These issues surface in more of less the
same form in each Arab country.
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Access, Recruitment and Retention
Although free universal education was granted relatively early in some Arab
countries (Egypt granted free compulsory education in 1923; Syria before
independence, in 1930; Iraq in 1940; Jordan in 1939) (Bashur, 1982), the Arab
educational systems are characterized by low enrollment ratios. In 1980, 35.6% of
the 12-17 age group were in school. In 1987, Oman, a country of 650,000
inhabitants, had only 3 government schools, (909 male students), one Islamic
institution with 50 male students, one technical school with 20 male students, one
missionary school with 50 female students (A1 Dhabhab, 1987).
Not only do systems try to give access to as many students as possible, but
they also try to retain them and stop them from dropping out, in some cases without
great success. Wastage, an indicator o f internal efficiency, is estimated by the total
number of pupil-years spent by repeaters and dropouts and which can be converted
into a percentage of the total number of pupil-years accruing to a student cohort. In a
study of wastage in Kuwait, Ghanaim (1989) studied the progression of the 1980-81
to 1985-86 cohort through elementary schools. He found a high “quantitative
internal efficiency” coefficient, .91 for males and .90 for females, to go through the
two-year program in the humanities section. Students in the science section needed
even longer (4.45 for males and 4.43 for females). In some countries, the number of
years required to go through the 6-year elementary level can be as high as 13. The
cost per pupil is thus dramatically increased. In most cases, it is argued, wastage is a
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direct consequence o f curriculum irrelevance to the students’ needs although social
factors have also been shown to be implicated, as in the case of an Abu Dhabi,
U.A.E. study (“Mashakil,” 1984) which found social factors such as the father’s
polygamy to be high on the list of factors as perceived by a sample of students,
teachers and administrators in the Abu Dhabi Educational Zone.
Structure and Internal Organization
Much of the wastage in human and material resources can be attributed to
rigid administrative procedures, outdated decision-making mechanisms, and a
relative lack of administrative ability of educational functionaries, (Massialas &
Jarrar, 1983). The administrative machinery in practically all the Arab countries is
“top-heavy with a plethora of under-secretaries and directors” (Nathir, 1989, p. 259).
In this respect, some causes of administrative inefficiency are the separation between
instructional and administrative affairs, the lack of a unit to foster organization
development, inadequacy of information systems, insufficient data, and lack of
research (Nathir, 1989). In Iraq, the principle of “centralization of planning not
centralization of implementation” is adopted and it would seem that is the case in
most other countries. Habib (1987) argues that the system of administration is
centralized in Arab countries because of the lack of qualified personnel at the local
level. There is also very little involvement of parents of other community agents in
educational matters perhaps for the same reason. However, an issue, should there be
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a desire to decentralize, is how to strike a balance in the decision-making process
between local autonomy and the setting of educational priorities at the national level.
The most common arrangement for the organization of studies is 6-3-3, 6
years for the elementary level, 3 years for the middle level, corresponding to lower
high school, and 3 for the secondary level, or upper high school, one level leading
into the next. Access from one level to the next and particularly to secondary
education is carefully regulated with bottlenecks in the final year of each level as
demonstrated by failure rate statistics.
In 1992, Arab states spent 5.3% of their GNP on education, while Europe and
Asia spent 5.6% and North America spent 6.9%. Expenditure on education is
variable but high in relation to the national budget averaging between 15 and 20%
for all but the richest and the poorest countries where it is lower, the latter because
the expenditure is genuinely low, the former because the income is unusually high.
As in other developing countries, expenditures are mostly on salaries.
Curricular Content
Curricular Problems
In 1960-61, 15.2% of secondary schools were technical, in 1966-67, only 1 1
5. Secondary education is moving back towards the cheaper traditional mode of
general theoretical education. The post-independence enthusiasm towards economic
expansion and the training of indigenous personnel to take over from colonizers has
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been dampened perhaps by the prohibitive cost of technical education. The Arab
educational system has low external efficiency. In 1976, unemployment by level in
Egypt, as mentioned earlier, was 23.6% for illiterates, 35% for secondary education
graduates, and 9.6% for university graduates (Osman & Sobhi, 1989). As a result,
education lost its appeal as a source of upward mobility.
Curricular problems in Arab schools are not new. As early as 1955, Al-
Kardani (1956) writes that the old objective of secondary education in the Arab
world is “[n]o longer adequate, to face the requirements of modem age. The right
was to face the problems of secondary education and its graduates is to reform its
objectives so as to offer students wider perspectives in life” (p. 45).
Aspects of the Philosophy of Education in the Arab World
■ Commitment of most countries to Islamic and Arab nationalist
orientations of education.
a Expansion of democratization of education and equality of opportunity in
access.
■ Centralized administration.
■ Commitment to the teaching of foreign languages.
a Periodic reexamination of the state of education in general.
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■ Removal of deadweight (wastage in elementary level, female illiteracy,
hollow teaching and rigid bureaucracy).
Objectives of education in most Arab countries are general and stress
theoretical academic subjects. The areas are Islamic studies, Arabic language,
foreign language, social studies, mathematics and science with subdivisions by grade
in which area. The curriculum is traditional and textbook-based. The teacher and
the textbook are often the only source of knowledge.
Evaluation
The insistence on measurable knowledge in assessment has had an impact on
instruction with teachers teaching for the exam. Examinations are often an end in
themselves in addition to being plagued with poor reliability. The stressing of
credentials as an opening of employment opportunities has given undue importance
to examinations and has transformed schools into certification institutions. The
“curriculum by steeplechase” (King, 1987) has a negative impact on student
retention and the average number of years students spend in a given level, hence on
educational cost and also on the objectives of education themselves. A traditional
content-filled curriculum seems to lead necessarily to a traditional system of
evaluation.
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Roles and Competencies o f Teachers
Psacharopoulos and Woodhall (1985) found that teacher motivation and
textbooks are the only school variables related to internal efficiency. The finding
underscores the importance of both pre-service and in-service teacher training and of
teacher quality.
Massialas and Jarrar (1983) argue for the need for an inter-Arab accrediting
agency to set minimum standards and evaluate teacher performance. Teacher
supervision is inadequate and evaluation is mostly based on impressions, rather than
empirical fact, with the focus on form rather than substance. During the expansion
phase, which started after WW II and with independence for some countries, the
main task of ministries of education was to provide teachers for the ever-increasing
numbers. The ensuing drop in quality owing to what some cynics have termed
“pressure cooker” teacher training programs has been felt and attention turned
towards improving the quality. Staffing ratios vary with each nation’s economic
wealth. They were 31.1 students per teacher in Syria in 1990, 17.9 in Algeria in
1991; and 10.4 in Qatar in 1991 (ALECSO, 1991).
Al-Rasheed (1986), in examining education in the Gulf, stresses the need to
improve the social and economic status of teachers to encourage brighter local
elements to join the profession. The profession has little appeal for local graduates
who can get easier jobs with better pay, and is taken only as a last resort. Indeed, the
latest statistics show that most teachers in Gulf countries are foreign, mainly from
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Egypt and Jordan. Several studies of teacher bum out in the area stress the high level
of bum out in the teaching experience. These findings, added to the diminished
prestige of the profession, may explain the drop in teacher quality and the continuing
reliance of the Gulf countries on expatriate teaching staff.
Bases for equality of opportunity can be found in Islam and in policy
statements. Prophet Mohammed’s “hadith” was quoted earlier: “Seeking knowledge
is an obligation for males and females,” stresses equality of opportunity for males
and females. Another of Prophet Mohammed’s “hadiths” (sayings) given in Bashur
(1989) stresses the equality in the treatment of all who seek knowledge regardless of
their means: “Another educator who is put in charge of three children of this nation
and does not teach them equally, the rich with the poor, the powerful with the weak,
will be among the losers on the Day of Judgement” (p. 10).
Practically all Arab constitutions grant universal, free and compulsory
education at least at the elementary level. The Fourth Regional Conference of Arab
Ministers of Education and Economic planning held in Abu Khabi (Bashur, 1989)
views equality of educational opportunity as equality in achievement not just
equality of access.
The system does not appear to be effective with rural, low-income and to a
certain extent, female students. Illiteracy rates are still systematically higher in rural
than in urban areas. In Egypt, it was 70.6% in rural areas and 39.7% in urban areas
in 1976. In the same year, Mauritania had 88% rural illiteracy and 66% urban, while
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75% of rural and 49% of urban Tunisians were illiterate (UNESCO, 1982). A
similar difference can be observed in enrollment rates.
By 1975, Qatar’s female enrollment reached 55% of the total student
population in public schools, while Bahrain, Jordan and Lebanon had almost
achieved parity of enrollment among the sexes. But Mauritania, Yemen and Oman
lagged behind other countries in this respect. Female enrollment in secondary
education was 4% in Mauritania in 1980m 13% in Oman in 1982 and 2% in Yemen
in 1980 (UNESCO, 1982).
Some countries have accomplished a great deal, considering the recent
beginning. For instance, in Saudi Arabia the First female students entered the
University of Riyadh in 1961-62. The percentage of females in secondary schools in
1973-74 was 9.6% but, in 1988-90, female students in Saudi public secondary
schools made up 55% of the students population (Arab Bureau of Education for the
Gulf States, 1989). In Egypt, education appears to be highly valued for both males
and females in the higher classes although it was more sharply differentiated by
gender in the lower levels (Ibrahim, 1989) certainly in favor of males as could well
be expected.
However, in some countries, particularly oil-rich states, most secondary
school students are female and they also enjoy higher success rates in end-of-cycle
examinations. Nonetheless, although differences in repetition and dropout by sex
generally favor girls in Arab countries and worldwide, this could well be a
consequence of higher initial pre-selectivity among girls (Loxley, 1982) unless other
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social factors enter into play such as the social status of women in Arab countries
and the fact that they are barred from certain activities, spend more time at home,
and are therefore less prone to being diverted from their studies.
A study in Saudi Arabia found no difference in achievement between groups
with high and low socio-economic status. This, however, does not take into account
an important variable, which is dropping out, for the two groups. It could well be
that the lower proportion o f one group had dropped out of school and only students
with higher motivation and achievement had remained.
Reforms
Large social organizations display adaptive behavior. They “take small
corrective actions each day but only occasionally make a major change, such as
introducing a new product or buying a selling a subsidiary” (Umpleby, 1986). One
trait of Arab education is the virtual lack, or inefficiency, of small corrective steps
necessary for the smooth running of the system. Major reforms are constantly taking
place in one or the other of the Arab countries or jointly under the auspices of the
Tunis-based Arab League Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organization
(ALECSO). As early as 1935, the then Egyptian Minister of Education Ahmen Al-
Hilali (1935) declared that Egyptian education had been going through a crisis for a
long time: “The Ministry has tried time and again to tackle this crisis by reforming
the various aspects of the educational system, its duration, its curriculum and so on.
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It is obvious that the crisis still stands.” (p. 70). “The goals of Egyptian education
are no longer valid” declares Al-Kardani (1956).
A summary of the problems facing education in the Arab world is given in
Arab Center for Educational Research in the Gulf Countries (ACERGC) (1991) as
follows:
• Theoretical character of the curricula.
■ One curriculum for all.
■ Centralization of administration.
■ Unemployment of graduates.
■ Competitiveness among students due to the excessive importance of
examinations, and the reliance on scores for university access.
■ Pressure on universities to accept large numbers of students, which
affects quality, and nature of training.
• Wastage (failure and dropping out) as an aspect of inefficiency.
In a survey of 267 educationalists in Kuwait, Hamadah (no date) found that
69.7% thought school should lead to change while 20.6% thought it should reflect it.
In addition, 58.8% thought schools in Kuwait did not change sufficiently in response
to the rapid social change while only 17.2% thought schools took the lead in change.
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Most respondents then thought that not only did schools fail to take the lead in
bringing about change, but they were also not even responding to it.
Reforms attempted in the Arab world have been criticized for being “largely
cosmetic” (Habib, 1987). They have, moreover, sometimes followed a pendulum
movement under different kinds of pressure and ideological convictions of the
decision makers. In 1949, the Egyptian Minister of Education introduced a reform
whereby access to secondary education was limited and quality stressed. In 1951, a
new minister, the well-known writer Taha Hussain, swung the doors open, and
enrollments jumped from 70,000 in 1949 to 151,000 in 1951. The year 1953 saw the
rebirth of the 1949 elitist legislation only to be abolished irrevocably in 1968
(Zaidan, 1982, p. 433).
Arab Center for Education Research in Gulf Countries (1981), after
reviewing the problems outlined above, recommended the following innovations:
■ More choice should be given to the students as to type of education and
subjects.
■ Play down the importance of final examinations so as to reduce their
negative impact on instruction.
■ Introduce the credit-hour system.
■ Replace the current elementary and middle cycles with a fundamental
education cycle of 9 years (pp. 18-25).
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A report on strategies of reform of education in the Arab world
commissioned by ALECSO (1989) outlined the major problems of education in Arab
countries as follows:
■ Lack of adequate links between educational institutions and society.
• Clear emphasis on theoretical studies to the detriment of practical work.
■ Educational planning lacking an economic and social basis.
■ Educational output, both quantitative and qualitative, not corresponding
to actual needs.
■ No links between formal schooling, informal and non-formal education.
Some problems related to the internal functioning of the system outlined by
Asharif et at. (1989) are mass expansion, shortage of teachers, lack of adequate
facilities, shortage of funds and the lack o f balance between the different branches of
education (elementary vs. middle and secondary, general vs. technical, males vs.
females with the format in each case dominating the latter).
The suggested ways of improving Arab education included
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■ Democratization of education (i.e., moving from education for a minority
to education for the majority to education for all so that education
becomes truly a right and duty).
■ Changing traditional curricula, methods, modes of instruction and the
evaluation system. Increasing the learner’s own efforts and participation
in learning.
■ Changing traditional ways of planning and administration.
■ Ensuring links between education and society to achieve development
goals (p. 172).
Modern Education in the Gulf
The Gulf countries, grouped together in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)
created in 1980, included Saudi Arabia 76% of the national population of the GCC
countries, Oman (11%), Kuwait 6%, the United Arab Emirates, 3%, Bahrain 2.5%,
and Qatar 2.5% (Pridham, 1988). These six countries share a common culture
heritage which distinguishes them from other Arab countries and a common recent
history marked by successive oil discoveries since the 1930’s which had a major
impact on economic and social life.
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Education in the Gulf seems to present commonalties among the various
countries of the region and differences from the rest of the Arab world owing partly
to education. In Egypt, for example, it is said to have started with the Napoleonic
campaign in the country in the early 19th century. The discovery o f oil in the 1930’s
gave the region a major economic boost and had a major impact on all aspects of life,
including education.
The Gulf countries share, in addition to geographical proximity, a lot of
common features o f economic and social development, identifying them as a sub
group of the Arab region. As stated above, the relatively later western penetration in
the region and the conscious isolationist policies o f the occupying power. Great
Britain, meant high illiteracy, political and social conservatism, and low female
participation in the workforce and in education.
In spite of discrepancies in statistics, illiteracy rates were, until recently,
higher than for other Arab countries. In 1950, illiteracy rates were 87.2% in Bahrain,
99.95% in Qatar and Saudi Arabia. In 1957, 66% of Kuwaitis were illiterate
(Bashur, 1983). ALECSO (1991) placed illiteracy rates in 1990 at 25% in the
U.A.E. UNESCO (1980) placed the figure at 46% for Saudi Arabia, and ALECSO
figures were 57% (UNESCO’s 64%). Bahrain 41% (45%), Qatar 41% (70%), and
Kuwait 42% (37%). UNESCO (1990) gives illiteracy rates in Oman as 63%. The
discrepancies between the two sets of figures are due to the fact that ALECSO took
the 15-45 age group o f the active population as the base for computing the
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rates, while UNESCO took the population aged ten and over, a more universally
accepted subset of the population.
The date the first schools were established was given as follows in Ahmed
(1979):
1934 for Saudi Arabia, 1937 for Kuwait, 1940 for Bahrain,
1956 for Qatar, 1968 for the U.A.E. It must be noted that
different sources give different dates for the opening of the
first schools owing doubtless to different conceptions of
what constitutes a modem school and whether to consider
short-lived schools as true beginnings, (p. 56)
Formal education started in the 1950’s and the 1960’s for most countries.
For some in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait it started even earlier. But there was
a consistently later start for females with a 10 to 15 year lag. Oil discovery provided
a major boost for education in the region and the two events usually coincided.
Educational missions were the first contact that most Gulf countries had with modem
education. There were Egyptian missions in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and
Qatar, and there were Qatari and Kuwaiti missions in the U.A.E. (A1 Ibrahim & A 1
Ahmad, 1990).
In Kuwait, Hamadah (n.d.) distinguishes three stages of the development of
education:
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1. Before 1920, traditional Islamic education.
2. 1912-1936 broadening of the curriculum to include math, penmanship,
and English. During this stage, the system was supported by donations.
3. After 1936, the system was state financing and had an independent
supervisory body. There was quantitative expansion, division into levels
and development of curricula.
Quantitative development was very slow in most Gulf countries before the 1960’s.
Ahmed Al-Umran, the Minister of Education in Bahrain in 1945, reports that when
he took office in 1945-46 secondary education was hardly worthy of mention. “It
consisted of 2 classes with 36 pupils bearing the name secondary school”
(Government of Bahrain, 1955). In 1950-51, enrollment in elementary education
was 29% of the school-age population in Bahrain, 22% in Kuwait and 3% in Saudi
Arabia o f whom 36%, 19% and 0% respectively were female (Bashur, 1983).
Secondary enrollment in the Gulf of the 12-18 age group was 28.37% in 1970 and
48.4% in 1980 (ACERGC, 1981, p. 69). UNESCO projections for secondary
enrollment in 2000 give rates varying from 60.3% in Saudi Arabia, 70% in the
U.A.E., to 90.1% in Bahrain, 91.2% in Qatar and 96.4% in Kuwait. The Gulf
educational systems are, thus, in full expansion in practically all GCC countries. The
only exception to these relatively high enrollment rates is Oman where only 49.5%
of the 12 to 17 age group are in school (UNESCO, 1980). The rates for females are
consistently lower than for males, except in the case of Qatar where 95.7% of 12 to
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17 year old girls are enrolled in schools, against only 86.9% of the corresponding
male age group. Explanations for the surprisingly higher female total enrollment in
some countries, which can also be observed in higher education, include the fact that
young males are attracted early to lucrative occupations in an economy in full
expansion. Males are also more likely to study abroad.
Different types of secondary education include general education, comprising
70% of upper high school students in 1985-86 and subdivided in the last two years
into science and humanities, vocational education (with 21% and comprising
agricultural, industrial, commercial, medical and religious education (1.4%) and
teacher education (4.5%) (ABEGS, 1989). Not all sections exist in all countries.
Kuwait, for example, has no vocational education at the secondary school level and
only Bahrain has a medical section. Teacher training at the secondary level has been
abandoned in the U.A.E., Bahrain, Kuwait and Qatar.
With the exception o f Bahrain, other Gulf States witnessed a reduction in the
size of technical education, going as low as 5% o f the enrollment in Saudi Arabia
and Oman and averaging 18% in the Gulf, excluding Bahrain where it reached 54%.
Al-Jalal (1985) sees this as inconsistent with the stated goal of education of
providing trained manpower and the current need for middle-level technicians. This
tendency is explained by the policy of most Gulf countries, in response to student
demand, to postpone technical training until the post-secondary level.
The relative size of private general education is variable. If Saudi Arabia is
excluded, private education has indeed a share of between 13% of total enrollment in
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general education (Bahrain) and 22.4% (U.A.E.) (ABEGS, 1987). For the middle
level, the share of private education varies from a negligible .4% in Oman to a high
of 21% in the U.A.E. At the secondary level, it varies from negligible (Kuwait,
Oman, Qatar) to 31% (Bahrain), the latter high percentage due to the high figure of
technical education students who are not included in the base for computing the
percentage of enrollment in private education.
A common set of educational goals was set up by the Arab Bureau of
Education for the Gulf States (ABEGS) in 1985. The sources of three educational
goals, by order of importance, is apparent from the number of goals derived from
each source as follows: Islam as a way of life (18 goals), Arab heritage, issues and
future outlook (6 goals), development requirements (6 goals), contemporary
orientations where compatible with Islamic and Arab culture (8 goals), and the needs
of the Arab individual in the Arabian Gulf ( 7 goals) (Al-Jalal, 1985 p. 59).
Curriculum reform in Gulf countries often starts with a criticism of current
curricula and practices. A curriculum reform project set up by the U.A.E. Ministry
of Education described textbooks as being stuffed with information, some of it
outdated, and criticized schools’ inability to compete with television in this respect.
It also criticized examinations as testing memory and neglecting other skills, and
schools as being isolated from society.
There have been experiments for the improvement of education in the region.
Comprehensive education was introduced in Saudi Arabia on an experimental basis
in 1975-76. In 1978-79 Kuwait introduced the credit system while Bahrain
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introduced early specialization. In teacher training, quantitative analysis shows the
decline of teacher training institutions at the pre-college level, except in Oman where
they had a relatively late start and where the system is at an initial stage of
development. One reason for this may be a desire to upgrade the quality of teachers,
and it may also be a response to students’ reluctance to enter teaching unless they get
university-level training.
Another feature of the teacher population is the high percentage of expatriate
teachers, at least in some countries. In the U.A.E. in 1997, for instance, 75.4% of the
teachers were from outside the region.
Criticism leveled at education in the Gulf include a general lowering of
standards, since education is not the key to social promotion, and an absence of long
term planning.
Education of Migrant Workers and Their Dependents
in Six Non-Arab Countries
Overview
Although the circumstances, region, migratory composition, culture and,
most important, state o f development that exist in developed countries are
significantly different from those in developing countries, the issue of the migrant
workers’ rights and the question of providing education for their dependents must be
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addressed by all host countries. This is true whether these individuals reside in the
host countries on a permanent or temporary basis. There is no doubt most of the
receiving countries with significant numbers of migrants have enacted laws which
enable them to deal with the issue of migrants in an orderly fashion. The issue of
educational provisions for migrant workers’ dependents is usually addressed on
humanitarian grounds of providing education to these linguistically and culturally
deprived children. In the United States, for example, providing education to the
migrant workers’ dependents has gone so far as to include even those children whose
residence in the U.S. is illegal. Tollett (1983) cited Justice Marshall concluding that
Children denied an education are placed at a permanent and
insurmountable competitive disadvantage, for an uneducated
child is denied even the opportunity to achieve. And when
those children are members of an identifiable group, that
group—though the state’s action—will have been converted
into a discrete underclass, (p. 9)
The phenomenon o f people movement after WW II has generally been
characterized as a movement of manpower rather than a movement of populations.
Therefore, the migrant communities of the 1960’s that were created in Europe posed
a new challenge to the host countries, as these communities were no longer
linguistically and culturally homogeneous. And the educational arrangements that
were made for Spanish or Italian children in Belgium and France were not adequate
for Turkish children in Germany, for example. European countries with significant
migrant communities were faced with two educational policy issues: “to preserve
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and develop their cultural identity and to achieve the optimum degree of integration
in the host society, the optimum degree being what they themselves desire” (Porcher,
1981, p. 43).
As a result, new approaches and arrangements were made by some host
countries in order to avoid the maladjustment of migrant children to their new place
o f residence or help them assimilate and enable them to operate within the cultural
framework of the host country. Table 2.3 demonstrates the magnitude of the
migration phenomenon in the countries under study.
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Table 2.3
Major Alien Groups in Selected Host Countries by Country of Origin and
Percent of the Total Population as of 1991
Country and
No. of Migrants
% of the
Total
Pop.
Major Alien Groups by Country
of Origin
Switzerland 14.5 Italy: 417,344
Spain: 99,666
W. Germany: 85,270
France 7.88 Portugal: 859,438
Algeria: 816,873
Italy: 452,035
Morocco: 442,472
Spain: 412,542
West Germany 7.52 Turkey: 1,546,311
4,629,799 Yugoslavia: 637,313
Italy: 624,505
Sweden 5.10 Finland: 181,481
424,000 Yugoslavia: 39,184
Denmark: 29,465
England 4.67 Commonwealth Countries
2,600,000
Japan 0.5 Korea: 663,631
Source: Council of Europe. (1991). Study o f civic rights o f nationals o f other
member states in local public life. Strasbourg: Author.
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The size of the migrant population in five o f the six countries, England,
France, Japan, Sweden and Germany, is relatively small. Only in Switzerland is
there a migrant population that represents almost 15% of the total population. The
size of families and the number of dependents contribute to the issue of migrants in
these industrialized countries. In the 1991-92 school year, for example, there were
approximately 700,000 migrant children attending German public schools.
The following section of this chapter highlights policies and educational
provisions made for migrant workers’ dependents on the basis of whether they tend
to integrate these individuals into the society of the host country or are aimed at
facilitating the return of these migrants to their home country. Like Germany, many
of the host countries declare they are not a country of immigration (Mehlander,
1990).
The Federal Republic o f Germany
Background
What is involved here are some five million migrants who were mostly recruited as
guest workers from countries such as Greece, Turkey and Yugoslavia to meet the
increasing demands of the domestic German labor market, especially right afier
WWII. For humanitarian reasons, Germany enacted reunification laws that resulted
in family migration and a subsequently significant increase in the migrant
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population. A new situation has added to the complications o f the phenomenon:
Many migrant workers are staying longer than anticipated. This is especially true of
those migrant workers whose families are already in Germany and whose dependants
are educated in the host country. In other words, many of the migrant workers have
acquired German nationality, and their children, by virtue of long residency in the
host country, have been naturalized. In response, Germany has adopted various
policies to deal with these diverse migrant groups. Such policies range from the
issue of naturalization to extending social services, mainly education, for migrant
dependents.
Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants
This section o f the study concerns the education and the legal status of
migrants and their family members during their stay in the Federal Republic of
Germany (FRG). Guest workers are officially recruited by the German authorities
for employment in the FRG. As Raoufi (1991) notes, these guest workers are the so-
called “army of reserve workers for Germany’s industry. Whenever the need arises,
depending on the whole mechanism of expansion and recession involved in the
production process, this foreign labor army can be employed or dismissed
immediately” (p. 34).
In reality, many of these guest workers remain in the FRG longer than they
initially intended. Most important, these guest workers are allowed to bring their
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families, under certain family unification laws, and some of their family members
are bom in the FRG.
Wo r k P erm its
According to the law, non-nationals residing in the Federal Republic of
Germany are required to obtain work permits that entitle them to take up jobs in the
country. Two types of work permits are available to migrant workers. These
permits are not automatically granted once applied for and carry some restrictions,
and both work permits are granted only to those migrants who are legally residing in
the Federal Republic of Germany.
The General Work Permit
This is a very provisional permit, as it is granted to foreign workers because
of “the situation and trends of the labor market.” This permit is restricted to one
employer; a specified occupation; a certain geographic domain; and a duration of
two years.
The Special Work Permit
Unlike the General Work Permit, the Special Work Permit is not granted
because of certain trends in the labor market and is not restricted to one employer or
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a specific district. This permit is granted for period of five years to only to the
following:
1. Migrant workers who have been legally employed during the previous
five years and
2. Foreign workers who have a spouse of German nationality residing
regularly in the Federal Republic of Germany (Honekoop, 1991).
R e sid e n c e P e rm its
The law requires each foreigner residing in the FRG to possess a residence
permit that may be applied for and granted before or after the applicants enter
Germany. This kind of residence permit is usually valid for only one year at the time
of issuance and renewable for two-year periods. The same residency permit covers
the immediate family (spouse and children) of the foreign worker. There are two
kinds of residence permits provided for upon eligibility for foreign workers:
Residence Permit o f Unlimited Duration
This permit may be issued to foreigners under the following circumstances:
1. The foreign worker must have completed at least five years o f continuous
and legal residence in the Federal Republic of Germany (an interruption
of few days is disregarded).
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2. The applicant must hold a Special Work Permit.
3. He must be able to express himself orally in simple German.
4. He and the members of his family who are living with him must be
decently housed.
5. The children who are living in the Federal Republic of Germany must be
enrolled in one of the classes of the compulsory education system.
Permanent Resident's Permit
This permit is considered to be the first step toward naturalization. It also
cannot be cancelled. In order to become eligible for permanent residence status, the
same conditions required for the unlimited residence permit must be met, in addition
to the following:
1. The applicant must have completed at least eight years of continuous
and legal residence in the country.
2. He must take an oral and written examination proving his command of
the German language.
3. He must have become sufficiently well adapted to the German
economic and social structure to meet the relevant criteria defined by
the federal authorities.
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C h il d r e n o f F o r e ig n Wo r k e r s
Children who are enrolled in German schools and have completed five years
of residency in the FRG are covered by a special set of rules and regulations. They
are automatically eligible for the Residence Permit of Unlimited Duration, although
conditions regarding decent housing and regular attendance in one of the compulsory
education classes must be met.
N a t u r a l iz a t io n
As a general rule, children who are bom and grow up in the Federal Republic
of Germany are granted naturalization status after six years of residence.
Ed u c a t io n a l P r o v isio n s
The Federal Republic of Germany’s constitution states that German is the
only official language, but discrimination based on language or religion is
unconstitutional (Katrim, 1991).
Research on the migrant worker’s children in Germany shows three groups of
children with different acculturation backgrounds:
I. Children who came into the host country at school age have already
acquired the cultural reflexes o f their parents;
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2. Pre-school age children are able to function within the cultural norms of
their parents and those of the host country;
3. Children who are bom in the host country, the culture of the host country,
are predominant (Steedman, 1989).
Providing educational services to those diverse groups is a profound task that
should take into consideration the status and nature of the educational needs of the
migrant workers’ children based on their time of arrival into the host country and
their school age. Two major educational policies with regard to migrant workers’
children are at work in Germany: (1) the Bavarian Model and (2) the Berlin Model.
Both of these approaches have been formulated especially for the education of
migrant workers’ children and aim at the integration of these children into the
German school system and society, although the two approaches have adopted
different frameworks to achieve their goals.
Berlin Model
The purpose of the Berlin Model is a direct and quick integration of guest
workers’ children into German society through German language classes. This
policy is based on the fact that guest workers and their families are expected to
remain in Germany for a longer time than intended. Rist (1978) quotes one
education official: “The pedagogical concept of the education for the foreign pupils
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depends upon the preceding political decision as to whether to follow the principle of
rotation or the principles of integration” (p. 3).
The Berlin approach to school is the instrument that enables migrant workers’
children to integrate into German society. Again, Rist (1978) cites the arguments of
the integration advocates:
The creation of integrated educational settings our school,
that is the teaching to foreign and German children in the
same class with German as the language of instruction, has
to be our main aim. This is so because instruction in German
hastens the integration of foreigners into German society.
School integration is a necessary precondition to enable
foreign students to receive the same education as German
students, to be sufficiently trained to pass the examinations,
and to have the possibilities for professional education. The
success of school integration will directly influence whether
and how much the younger generation succeeds in securing
the same civil rights as us Germans now have. Besides, the
integration of the foreign pupils will sooner or later
favorably decrease the present ghetto-like situations in the
foreign worker housing areas, (p. 226)
Bavarian Model
In the Bavarian Model the goals are similar although the methods are
different. This approach has two goals in the education of migrant workers’
children:
1. To enable the migrant children to integrate into the German school
system and
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2. To be able to join the school system of their home country once they
return.
The Bavarian Model, also known as the Open Model, is based on liberal
foundations and revolves around the child’s mother tongue and the promise that
those children will be placed, if wished, in the same classes as German children once
the linguistic obstacles are abolished.
This approach has brought about instruction in fifty foreign languages in
addition to German.
Rist lists the four main principles that the Bavarian Ministry for Instruction
and Culture has envisioned as a guide for implementing the “open model”:
1. Foreign children who are already living in Germany and who wish to
remain there with their families who are also intent on staying in
Germany, should be integrated into the German school system, provided
that the parents so desire it and that the children have sufficient command
of the German language.
2. The interests of those parents and children who will be in the Federal
Republic for only a short time must be considered as well. If they desire
to maintain their ties to their native country, and especially with the
native school system, their children have the right to be educated in such
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a way that they will be able to continue their education in the home
country.
3. Children who do not speak German sufficiently to function in German
classes are to be taught in their mother tongue. Until now, the importance
of instruction in the mother tongue has been underestimated. It is
unrealistic to assume that a child is not hampered in his learning when he
is only in the first stages of grasping both the structure and meaning of
the new language.
4. Children who have sufficiently mastered the German language shall be
given the option to remain in their mother-tongue classes or switch to the
German language classes, according to the wishes o f their parents. This
same option is to be given to foreign children who are presently in
German language classes.
As Rist termed it, this approach makes three alternatives available for the
migrant workers’ children:
1. Enrollment in the regular public schools that are attended by German
children, if parents wish;
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2. Enrollment in classes taught in the child’s mother tongue, with an option
to transfer to classes taught in German once he/she becomes proficient in
German, and
3. Enrollment in specially formed classes (transition classes) for those
migrant children whose mother tongue language instruction cannot be
provided for.
Instruction in the mother tongues is given by teachers contracted by the
Bavarian State from the same country of origin as the migrant children. It is
important to mention that a minimum of at least twenty-five students of the same
nationality is required in order to provide instruction in the mother tongue. In these
classes, German is taught as a foreign language. Provisions are not made if the
number of migrant workers’ children in the school is less than twelve.
It must be noted here that these two models are periodically criticized, by
educators and policy makers, for various reasons. This study does not elaborate on
the nature o f the shortcomings of models. They are cited in the study because they
are part of the educational arrangements made for the migrant workers’ children in
the host country.
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Equality o f Outcome
There are no provisions or restrictions made with regard to admission into
German higher education institutions. Admission is accessible to all whether
citizens or migrant residents, based on academic merits rather than legal status and
country o f origin.
Sweden
Background
In 1991 there were 424,000 Migrants living in Sweden. They represented
5.10% of Sweden’s population, some 42.80% having come from Finland and a
significant number from Mediterranean countries (Greece, Italy, Turkey and
Yugoslavia). The majority, however, were immigrants from Nordic countries.
According to the Swedish constitution, cultural ethnicity is protected by law
and policies are enacted to preserve, develop and maintain the ethnic features of the
various ethnic groups in Sweden as part of the total cultural structure of the Swedish
society. The major outline of Swedish policy toward immigrants, as Widgren put it
is to “promote the preservation and development of the specific cultural and
community life of each ethnic, linguistic and religious minority” (Jones, 1992).
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Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants
There are two foreign groups served by two different sets of rules: Nordic
country member nationals and non-Nordic nationals. The former group enjoys
unrestricted freedom of movement within the common Nordic labor market countries
(Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Sweden and Norway) while the other group is handled
though a set of immigration rules and regulations. All foreigners in Sweden, once
they are permanently residing in the country, enjoy almost as wide a range of
liberties and rights as do Swedish nationals.
Wo r k a n d R e sid e n c y P erm its
Work permits are granted to foreign nationals before entering Sweden
following an administrative procedure based on specific employment offers provided
by Swedish employers. Those who enter Sweden to join other family members can
obtain work permits after entry. However, Section 21 of the Aliens Act stipulates
that “a work permit shall be issued for a certain period. The permit may be valid for
work of a certain kind or kinds and may be granted on such other conditions as are
necessary” (p. 68).
Work permits given for the first time are valid for a period of one year and
for one specified occupation only.
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Work permits are not required from
1. Migrants who hold permanent residence permits,
2. Migrants who are married to Swedish citizens, and
3. Dependents of migrant workers who hold work permits.
After the first year, foreign workers may apply for work permits valid for
various kinds of employment and are provided with permanent residency permits.
The permanent residency permit entitles the foreign worker to an unrestricted right to
live and work in Sweden and even to maintain residency in Sweden if his/her
passport expires.
For the purpose of this study, the educational opportunities of the immigrant
worker’s family are of special importance. Sweden does not impose any restrictions
with regard to immigrants bringing their family members into the country if those
family members were living with them in their homeland. The family members are
granted permanent work and residency permits upon arrival in Sweden. Work
permits are not subject to withdrawal should the immigrant become unemployed;
however, residence permits are subject to withdrawal in some very exceptional cases.
Once an immigrant is permanently residing and established in Sweden,
he/she enjoys the same rights provided by law for Swedish nationals. Widgren
(1992) notes:
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A foreigner who holds a residence permit has, broadly
speaking, the same rights and obligations as a Swedish
national. This is true, for example, as regards social services
and social security, taxation, education, housing and security
employment. The main points on which the status of
foreigners differ from that of Swedish nationals are the right
to vote in parliamentary elections . . . [and the obligation of]
compulsory military service, (p. 1)
Taking into consideration these very elaborate rights and liberties given to
immigrants in Sweden, the naturalization process that would remove the final
restrictions on immigrants is not complicated. It is, therefore, not surprising that
Sweden leads Europe in the percentage of aliens granted citizenship. The
immigration policy stipulates principles of equality for immigrants, including
freedom of choice and solidarity. Consequently, ethnic minorities in Sweden enjoy
equal opportunities to retain and develop their ethnic identities and cultural values as
well as their mother tongue.
N a t u r a l iz a t io n
As mentioned earlier, Sweden has established certain rules and regulations
that foreign migrants would benefit from once the requirements are met. Although
there is a wide range of rights that aliens enjoy while in Sweden, the issue of
naturalization is not as appealing as it might at first be perceived.
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E d u c a t io n a l P r o v isio n s
Equal Opportunities
Educational provisions made for migrant children in Sweden are based on the
general Swedish policy toward immigrants and minorities as outlined in the “Act of
the Reserve.” The Act emphasizes equality, freedom of choice and co-operation.
The term “equality” stipulates that immigrant groups should have the same
rights and opportunities as those o f Swedish citizens and also have the right to
develop their own cultural heritage. Therefore, children should be provided with
educational opportunities equivalent to those provided for Swedish children; this
includes the right o f migrant children to enrich, preserve and develop their cultural
identity and mother tongue, and, as groups, the right to pursue their cultural
affiliations. Moller (1992) elaborates on the term “freedom of choice” to mean
Members of minority language groups should be able to
choose to what extent they wish to retain and develop their
original cultural and linguistic identities. They should also
have the chance to choose whether they wish to stay in
Sweden or return to their native countries. One of the
conditions necessary to achieve this objective is official
support for the minority languages and for the cultural
activities of immigrant and minority groups, (p. 74)
With regard to the issue of “co-operations,” the general outline of this policy
is to achieve a “mutual and far-reaching co-operation” among the various immigrant
groups in Sweden. Therefore, families of migrant children are given the right to
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participate in the decision-making process with regard to the education of their
children and the use of the mother tongue as the medium of instruction (Jakobsson,
1991).
Consequently, migrant children’s rights to have access to public schools and
to receive educational services equal to those available for Swedish children are
guaranteed by law. The Swedish approach to education is that education is a right to
everyone, whether a Swede or foreigner.
Furthermore, in the case of migrant children, a policy of adopting bilingual
programs has been enacted in order to meet those children’s educational needs, and
newly arrived migrant children are placed into reception classes where they receive
intensive instruction in Swedish and their mother tongue (Ekstrand, 1981).
Although Sweden is not totally a bilingual country, a second language is
considered acceptable in different ethnic groups within Swedish society. The needs
of these groups are met through enacting the necessary laws and regulations that
promote and reserve the rights of the migrants and their dependents. What is
important to the issues of this study is that Sweden has made the adjustments that
were needed in order to accommodate the new-comers regardless of their ethnic
diversities. These adjustments include equality of access and outcome in the public
school system and institutions of higher education for the migrant population in
general and their children in particular. Application o f these policies has helped
create the multilingual, multicultural country that was envisioned by Tingbjom:
“bilingual and bicultural people are a valuable and necessary resource.’’
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Treatment o f migrants in Sweden thus stems from a deep humanistic
viewpoint, for regardless of their ethnic background or whether their residence in
Sweden is permanent or temporary, they are treated equally and assured every
possible opportunity to develop.
Equality o f Outcome
There are no provisions with regard to admission into higher education
institutions. If any exist, it is only with regard to academic competence.
Switzerland
Background
The total number of migrants (909,906) residing in Switzerland in 1991
represented 14.50% of the total population. The majority of these were Italians,
(45.87%). As of 1988, 75% of the migrants residing in Switzerland were holding
residence permits. O f those aliens who held residency status, 86%, aged 10-14, held
permanent residency status (Strieker, 1991).
Four national languages are spoken in Switzerland: French, German, Italian,
and Rhaeto-Romanic. There is no one official Swiss language. Rather, the official
language is what the individual canton decides what then would be taught in the
schools, what the residents of the Canton refer to as their official language. German
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is spoken in NorthWest, Central and Eastern Switzerland, French in the West, and
Italian in the South. Rhaeto-Romanic is spoken only in certain valleys in the Canton
of Grisons. The majority of the Swish population speaks German (73.5%).
Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants
Wo r k a n d Re sid e n c y P erm its
Foreigners are admitted into Switzerland for the purpose of employment only
if they have been offered a job by a Swiss employer, who must apply for a work
permit for the prospective alien employee while he or she is still abroad. Once the
permit is authorized and issued, the alien is permitted to enter Switzerland for the
purpose o f employment by the employer who has sponsored him or her.
Residency permits are issued in two forms, one leading to the other:
1. The Temporary Residency Permit is usually given for a term of one year,
although it is renewable for as long as the alien is legally employed.
2. Permanent Residency Permits may be applied for only after a certain
number of years of residence.
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N a t u r a l iz a t io n
Switzerland has strict laws and regulations for granting Swiss citizenship to
aliens. The Swiss naturalization laws were recently revised, and new conditions
were stipulated for granting such citizenship:
1. a. A child whose parents are married to each other and whose father or
mother is a Swiss citizen and
b. The child of a (female) Swiss citizen who is not married to the father.
2. An alien woman acquires Swiss citizenship by marrying a Swiss man.
3. a. The request for authorization for naturalization can only be submitted
by an alien who has lived in Switzerland for a total of 12 years, three of
which within the last five years prior to presenting the request; and
b. The time during which the applicant lived in Switzerland between
his/her completed 10th and 20th birthday counts double; as does the time
during which he lived in Switzerland while married to a woman who is
Swiss by birth.
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E d u c a t io n a l P r o v isio n s
Integration
The majority of migrant children in Switzerland are classified as “second
generation,” whether they are
the Swiss-bom children of migrants living in Switzerland as
well as children who have come to Switzerland in order to
join part of the family already living there and who received
their entire school education or most of it in Switzerland.
(p. 21)
Education is the vehicle for integrating them into the “Swiss social order”
with the goal that migrant children will become full members of the Swiss society
(Strieker, 1991). Not only are ethnic schools not recommended but they are
considered to be a wrong educational approach in Switzerland.
In 1986, the Conference o f Cantonal Directors of Education adopted the
following measures for providing education to migrant children and to integrate them
the Swiss public schools:
■ All children should be given the opportunity to attend kindergarten for
one year or, if possible, two years.
■ Integration should be fostered by means of language courses already at
the pre-school level.
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• Direct entry into the public school, supported by supplementary lessons
and language tuition, should be given preference over preparatory classes.
■ Decisions as to whether a child is entitled to move up to the next class or
enter a selective class should take sufficient account of the fact that
he/she speaks a foreign language (non-verbal tests).
■ Out-of-school assistance should be offered to all who need it.
■ Permission should be given for at least two additional lessons per week to
be held on the language and culture of origin within the junior school. At
primary schools these would be part of the compulsory timetable, and at
lower secondary schools part of the options offered.
In sum, Swiss educational policy is focused on the objective of assimilating
migrant children into the Swiss society as Swiss, and policies and measures have
been formulated to achieve this goal. Educational opportunities are made available
to all whether indigenous or migrant and at all education levels. In this context, it is
relevant to mention that restrictions are imposed on family immigration, which result
in denying access to public schools for children whose parents are admitted to
Switzerland as workers but not as family. In extreme cases even the new-born of
immigrants are expelled after the age of six weeks. Although this rule still exists, it
is not strictly implemented. Schools are required to verify the validity of residence
permits o f migrant children registering in public schools. Individuals who enter the
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country by visiting visa schools, and those who enter the country by visiting visa
schools and remain in Switzerland illegally are subject to deportation. Thus, access
to public schools is open only to those residing in Switzerland legally and to Swiss
children.
Equality o f Outcome
As much as Switzerland guarantees equality o f access to the dependents of
foreign workers, it also makes higher education institutions accessible to all students,
whether citizens or alien residents, the only restrictions being related to academic
competence and achievement.
France
Background
Unlike other European countries, France is an immigration country. It
encourages immigration (Thomas, 1992). In 1981 there were 4,233,928 alien
residents in France, 7.88% of the population. In terms of ethnicity, the Portuguese
accounted for 20.33% o f the alien population, followed by Algerians, with 19.34%.
The National Immigration Office was established in 194S to facilitate and regulate
the migratory flow.
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Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants
Foreigners’ legal status in France is regulated through two procedures: (1)
the work permit system and (2) the residence permit system.
Th e Wo r k P e r m it S ystem
Permits to work in France are regulated according to a work card system that
specifies the geographical domain, occupation to be practiced and the duration of the
validity of the card. Three kinds of work cards are used in order to regulate the
foreign workers in the French labor market:
1. Card A. This card is temporary and provided to those who are recruited
abroad. The card specifies the type of activities that the holder can
practice, is valid for one year, and is renewable.
2. Card B. (The ordinary card). As Card A, it specifies the kind of
professional activities that a foreign worker can practice in France.
Holders of Card A can apply for this once their Card A expires and they
can prove that they were engaged in professsional activities specified to
them in Card A.
3. Card C: This is the most privileged card that a foreign worker can
obtain in France. It does not specify the kind of professional activities
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that foreign worker must practice, and it gives the holder the freedom to
work anywhere in France.
This work card system is applicable to all groups, except
1. Refugees and stateless persons,
2. Portuguese and Algerians, who are treated in accordance to the bilateral
agreements between France and each o f Portugal and Algeria,
3. Nationals of some former French African colonies, and
4. Nationals of EEC member countries.
Re s id e n c e P e r m it S ystem
Residence permits are provided in three categories, depending on the length
of stay in France and the kind of work permit that a foreigner holds. These include
1. Temporary residency status (CRT) card. This card is valid for one year
and is provided to those who are in France for a limited time.
2. Ordinary residency status (CRO) card. This card is valid for three years
and is provided to those who intend to reside regularly in France.
Applicants must specify the reason for wishing to reside in France and
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3. The privileged residency statue (CRP) card. This card is valid for ten
years. Foreigners residing in France for at least three years are eligible
to apply for the privileged residency card.
Foreigners o f the following categories can apply after one year of
residency in France:
a. Foreigners who are married to French women and have kept their
own nationality,
b. Foreigners who are the father or mother of a French child,
c. Foreigners holding an ordinary resident’s card and living in
France with their spouse and children who, as of 1 July 1979, had
entered and were residing in France in accordance with the
regulations in force, and
d. Foreigners having fought for France or rendered services to the
country are not subject to any minimum residence requirement,
nor are their spouses, forbears and descendants.
Foreign nationals, while residing in France, enjoy the same civic rights as the
French. Length o f stay does not guarantee a foreigner a different legal status. This
is even true for holders o f the privileged residence permit.
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E d u c a tio n a l P r o v is io n s
Special Arrangements
For newly arrived migrant children over the age of 14 there are no systematic
educational arrangements made that would integrate them into the formal school
system.
However, special arrangements are made to provide those children with
intensive instruction in French and general education. These courses usually last
three months. Such programs are subsidized by the French Ministry of Education
and to some extent by the parents o f the migrant children. Graduates of these
programs are placed in either technical colleges or in grammar schools based on the
results of the final exams they take at the end of the three-month period. It is
important to note that this provision exists only for boys.
Some educational provisions are made for the migrant children to teach them
in their mother tongue and to initiate cross-cultural activities, although such
arrangements are not widely available nor recommended because the majority of the
migrants in France intend to stay indefinitely (Chariot, 1981, p. 109).
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Equality o f Outcome
Admission to educational institutions is open to alien residents and to
citizens. Provisions made with regard to access to higher education institutions are
based on academic competency rather than country of origin or legal status.
United Kingdom
Background
In 1991, there were 2,600,000 aliens in Britain (4.67% of the total population
of 55,674,000). The majority of the alien population was from the Commonwealth
countries. Because most migrants come to Britain to stay, and those who are bom
there are likely to become permanent residents, Britain follows the bicultural model
in education on the premise that such a model will help the development of a
multicultural society (Lippert, 1991). Because most migrant workers in Britain are
from Commonwealth countries and British dependent territories, the status of these
migrants is regulated according to rules and regulations that are different from those
applied to other nationals.
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Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants
W o r k a n d R e s id e n c e P e r m it s
There are two categories of migrant workers as defined by the British
immigration law: (1) The Commonwealth citizens with a grandparent bom in
Britain and citizens of European community countries and (2) citizens of other
countries.
The first group is classified as the “permit-free” category, while the second
group is subject to the immigration laws and most obtain work permits in order to
take jobs in Britain.
The work permit indicates the length of time, usually one year, is renewable
annually, provided that the migrant is continuously employed, and specifies the type
of occupation that the migrant is allowed to practice. The time provision may be
removed after four years of employment in Britain. Once the time provision is
removed, migrants are assumed to be settled in Britain. Work permits are primarily
issued to
1. Those holding recognized professional qualifications,
2. Administration and executive staff;
3. Highly qualified technicials with specialized experience,
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4. Other key workers with a high or scarce qualification in an industry of
occupation requiring specific expert knowledge or skills, and
5. Highly skilled and experienced workers for senior hotel and catering
posts.
The dependents of a migrant worker who has been granted a work permit are
allowed to accompany him/her. As of 1983, children bom in Britain of foreign
parents are only granted residence permits for the same period as their parents. The
same provision applies to children under 18.
N a t u r a l iz a t io n
There are certain conditions for naturalization and the granting of British
citizenship to foreigners. These conditions vary depending on the country of origin
of the applicant, whether he/she is a
1. Commonwealth citizen,
2. Citizen of the Irish Republic, or
3. Citizen of the British Dependent Territories, British Overseas citizen,
British subject, or a British protected person.
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In addition to these categories, there are other conditions that must be met for
naturalization:
1. Five years of residency in Britain,
2. Good character,
3. Proficiency in English, Welsh or Scottish Gaelic, and
4. An intention to continue residency in the United Kingdom.
The law stipulates that a spouse of a British citizen is able to apply for
naturalization after three years of residence. The language proficiency provision
may be dropped but not the other provisions. Also, children bom in Britain of a
British father or mother are entitled to British citizenship.
E d u c a t io n a l P r o v is io n s
Educational opportunities are available and compulsory for all children aged
5 to 16, irrespective of their nationality and whether their parents are permanently or
temporarily residing in Britain, due to employment relocation for 12 months or more.
Migrant children are not barrred from the British educational institutions and have
the same educational opportunities at all levels that are available for the indigenous
children, without any sort of discrimination based on race, color, language, religion
or political beliefs.
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Educational provisions are made for immigrant children as soon as they
arrive in Britain. Special centers are set up by the Local Education Authorities (the
major authorities that are responsible for providing public education), which conduct
interviews and orientation in order to determine the past educatinal experience and
attainment o f the newly arrived migrant children. Such sessions are usually carried
out by educational welfare officials. Once the necessary information is gathered, a
decision is made as to whether the migrant child’s placement would be to regular
school, to reception centers, or to language class.
Arrangements fo r the Newly Arrived
Special centers are established for newly arrived migrant children with
language difficulties to help them in their cultural adjustment. The length of
attendance at these centers ranges from one to ten weeks. One of the functions of
these centers is to teach migrant children simple phrases needed for their daily
activities.
Placement Into Formal Schools
After the reception centers’ arrangements the migrant children move to
normal schools. Because of the migrants’ tendency to settle in concentrated fashion
in cities and towns, the placement of migrant dependents in the neighborhool schools
is so difficult that the Department of Education has adopted a dispersal policy. Such
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a policy involves providing transportation for migrant children to schools away from
their neighborhood. This policy is intended to lessen the concentration of large
number of migrant students in one school.
Equality o f Outcome
Migrant workers’ dependents in England enjoy the same rights as regular
citizens in higher educational institutions.
Japan
Background
The Korean population in Japan in 1991 represented only 0.5% (663,631) of
the population, although they represented 86% of all alien residents in Japan. The
majority of this minority group was involuntarily brought to Japan under the
National Manpower Mobilization Law o f 1939 to work for the war economy and to
fill the manpower shortage created by the expansion of Japan’s military forces. Only
25% of the Korean population is considered to be first generation, while the rest are
Japanese-born Koreans. Therefore, the majority regard themselves as permanent
residents of Japan. Most of this group has never lived in Korea (Umakoski, 1996).
Koreans in Japan have gone through a very systematic and institutionalized
integration process as a result o f the assimilation policy that was carried out in 1939
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by the Social Welfare Bureau of the Ministry of Interior. The assimilation program
was known as the “Project for the Japanization of Koreans.”
In 1998, Korean school-age children totaled about 130,000 students. These
children are educated through two kinds of school systems: (1) Japanese public and
private schools where the majority are enrolled and (2) Korean ethnic schools.
Because of the systematic indoctrination of Koreans, now known as “quasi-Japanese
Koreans,” Korean ethnic education is intended to “dejapanize” Koreans and their
children and preserve their ethnic identity. These Korean ethnic schools are
supported and operated by two politically different Korean groups, one in alliance
with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the other affiliated with the
Republic of Korea. Nevertheless, these ethnic schools serve a smaller number of
Korean children than the Japanese public and private schools.
Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants
R e s id e n c y
Koreans in Japan regard themselves as permanent residents of Japan. There
are, however, rules and regulations that legalize their residency in Japan. The most
elaborate policy that regulates the status of Koreans in Japan resulted from the
“ROK-JAPAN NORMALIZATION TREATY,” which went into effect on
December 18, 1968. The Treaty stipulates the following categories as the base for
granting permanent residence status to Koreans in Japan:
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1. Those who had been continuous residents in Japan since August 15,
1945, up to the time of their application for permanent residence;
2. Those who were bom in Japan after August 16, 1945 as lineal
descentants of persons in category 1 and who applied for permanent
residence within five years of the effective date of the agreement, and
3. Children bom after January 16, 1971 of parents who received permanent
residence status under categories 1 and 2, provided that application for
the children’s permanent residence was filed within the children’s
permanent residence and was filed within sixty days from their date of
birth (Lee, 1981).
Because the Treaty was signed by the Japanese and the South Korean
governments, it affected only those who were considered citizens of South Korea.
O f the 351,262 Koreans who applied for permanent residence, 342,366 were granted
“permanent residence aliens” status. Most of the other Koreans who did not benefit
from the treaty were those with allegiance to North Korea.
N a t u r a l iz a t io n
There is no automatic granting o f Japanese citizenship based on the marriage
o f a foreign woman to a Japanese male. Rather, a Korean woman, after she marries a
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Japanese citizen, may file a special application of intent o f naturalizatin which has to
be approved by the Ministry of Justice. However, a Japanese woman marrying a
Korean man must transfer to her husband’s registry under the Alien Registration
Law which was enacted in 1947. Although Japanese citizenship for Koreans is not
impossible to obtain, acquiring it is not easy.
E d u c a t io n a l P r o v is io n s
Equal Opportunities
Equal educational opportunities are guaranteed to all people as a right under
Chapter III, Rights and Duties of the People. Article 26 of the Japanese Constitution
states that
[a] 1 1 people shall have the right to receive an equal education
correspondent to their ability, as provided by law.
All people shall be obligated to have all boys and girls
under their protection receive ordinary education as provided
for by law. Such compulsory education shall be free.
The policy of the Ministry of Education is to provide Korean children with
the same educational opportunities that are available to Japanese children. In 1990,
77.2% of Korean children were enrolled in Japanese schools. Although the general
outlines of the public educational policy in Japan encourage cultural assimilation,
non-Japanese students in public schools are registered as foreigners, including even
those Koreans bom in Japan.
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The compulsory education law applies to all children, Japanese and Korean,
and completing junior high school is the termination of compulsory education. Entry
into the public senior high school is based upon a very strict entrance examination,
which applies to all students whether Japanese or Korean.
Ethnic Education
There are two Japanese educational arrangements for Korean children
highlighted in the following section: (1) ethnic education in public schools and (2)
Korean ethnic schools.
Ethnic education in public schools. Ethnic education is rarely provided in
either Japanese public or private schools. Recently, public elementary schools in
cities with large Korean populations such as Jukuoda, Nagoya and Osaka started to
provide supplementary ethnic education classes for Korean children. These classes
are offered in approximately 28 elementary public schools. Introductory courses in
Korean language, traditional music, history and geography are provided for
approximately 1,317 Korean children. These classes are taught in Japanese by
Korean teachers. Ethnic education classes are not provided at the secondary level,
although Korean students are allowed to form Korean cultural clubs.
Korean ethnic schools. Two kinds of Korean ethnic schools coexist in Japan
and both provide ethnic education to the Korean minority in Japan: (1) the Chosoren
schools and (2) the Mindan schools.
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The Chosoren Schools are affiliated with North Korea and reflect its political
ideology. The majority o f Korean children enrolled in ethnic education schools are
in these Chosoren-affiliated schools. School textbooks and curricula are based on
the North Korean educational policy, and the Korean language is the language of
instruction for all subjects. The Japanese language in these schools is taught as a
second language. In terms of financing, Chosoren is affiliated with North Korea.
They use Japanese as the language of instruction in all subjects. The Korean and
Japanese languages are used in teaching ethnic subject such as Korean history and
culture. The textbooks used for these subjects are provided by the Korean Ministry
of Education. Mindan schools are very few and accommodate about 1% of school-
age Korean children. The financial support that these schools receive from the South
Korean government is substantially smaller than the Chosoren schools receive from
North Korea.
Equality o f Outcome
Due to the nature of the Japanese educational system, students who
successfully enter the high school level, where the curriculum is geared toward
orientation and preparation for entrance to higher education institutions, are those
most likely to make it to the university level. Based on very competitive selection
criteria, higher education is provided equally to both Japanese and Korean students.
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Within this context, it is important to note there Korean students graduating
from the Chosoren-affiliated senior high schools are required to sit for a special
qualification examination before applying to the Japanese public and national
universities. Private universities have easier restrictions on admitting the graduates
o f these Chosoren-affiliated senior high schools.
Chosoren University was founded in 1957 as a two-year college, and in 1968
it was made a fully accredited university by the Japanese Ministry of Education.
This university accommodates mainly Korean graduates of the Chosoren-affiliated
senior high schools. Teachers at the Chosoren schools are recruited mainly from the
graduates of this university.
Conclusion: Six Industrialized Countries
This section provides details of the legal status of guest workers and the
educational arrangements made for their children in six industrialized countries:
England, France, Japan, Sweden, Switzerland and Germany. Although work and
residence permit policies facilitate the control by the host countries over the migrant
workers, these same policies contribute to the social welfare of the migrants.
Five common factors can be cited across the six countries selected:
I. The total migrant population represents at most only a significant
minority of the total population,
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2. Each of the host countries has a long history as an independent political
nation state,
3. Each of the host countries is highly industrialized and has already
established a strong social order,
4. The host countries have established strong educational systems, and
5. The receiving countries have a large established pool of indigenous
skilled and professsional workers.
Because of these factors, the character of the migrant worker and his position
within the host country are affected in two ways:
1. Mostly semi-skilled and unskilled laborers are attracted and
2. The migrant workers occupy lower rungs o f the social order in the
country of destination.
Except for Japan, these countries utilize work permits as a means of
regulating incoming migrants and their employment once they are in the country.
Additionally, residency permits may also restrict where the migrant worker may live.
All six countries have established naturalization procedures for migrants,
although naturalization is by no means easy or encouraged. In all cases there are
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established procedures and policies which, if met, result in the automatic granting of
naturalized status; in particular, marriage to a citizen— in most cases— facilitates
naturalization.
Despite restrictions on naturalization and the granting of citizenship to
migrant workers, the residency permit system seems to work satisfactorily and to
provide security to the migrants and their families, as this status is accompanied with
almost the same privileges that are available to citizens.
Education of Migrant Workers and Their Dependants in
Three Oil-Rich Arab Countries
Overview
Regardless o f the large alloation of funds for education in the three countries
(Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates which are the focus of this
section), access to public education is primarily a right only for the nationals of these
countries. For instance, the constitution of Kuwait states that education is a right for
every Kuwaiti. As declared by Article 1 of the Constitution of Kuwait, Kuwaitis are
“[t]hose who inhabited] Kuwait before 1920 and have continued to reside there until
the date of publication of this law” (Alessu, 1991, p. 10).
However, the application of this law is not as strict as might be imagined,
since non-Kuwaiti children are enrolled in the public schools side by side with the
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Kuwaitis. What is important to note here is that the non-Kuwaiti children enrolled in
the public schools age those of Arab origin or are Arabic-speaking children. As in
the other two countries, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates public schools
provide instruction in Arabic. Therefore, access to these schools is possible first to
nationals, then to Arabic-speaking, and finally to non-national children.
No educational provisions whatsoever are made for non-Arabic speaking
children, other than, for example, restrictive provisions in Saudi Arabia which
prohibit private, non-Moslem schools from enrolling children of Moslem parents or a
Moslem father. Children of such parents are to be enrolled in the International
Islamic Schools which provide teaching in English within separate sections for non-
Arab children. Privately funded education is the only available form of schooling
available for non-Arabic-speaking children. This sort of education has been initiated
mainly by the various oil companies and foreign embassies, such as the American,
British, French, etc.
Although non-National Arab children are admitted into the public schools of
the three countries in question, enrollment is not totally unrestricted. Some
restrictions exist, and student enrollment in private schools is increasing annually as
a result o f such restrictions. Non-Arabic-speaking children are left without any
governmental arrangements. The following section explores some of these
educational provisions made for migrant workers' children in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia
and the United Arab Emirates. In addition, this section highlights the legal status of
those migrant workers in their three host countries.
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The State o f Kuwait
Background
Education is a right for Kuwaitis, guaranteed by the State in accordance with
law and within the limits o f public policy and morals. Education in the preliminary
stages shall be compulsory and free in accordance with law (Blaustein, 1989).
In 1965 a law was enacted to implement this article. Based on what the
Article stated, public education provided to non-Kuwaitis is a privilege that can be
legally taken away whenever the government decides to do so. It is a courtesy that
the non-national population receives. If it is denied, non-Kuwatis are deprived of
any judicial rights of appeal or petition. Their only resort is private education, or to
consider termination of their residency and return to their home country.
Legal Status of Non-National immigrants
Visa a n d R e s id e n c e P e r m it s
Kuwait practices restrictions on foreign nationals at (1) the entry level and (2)
the residency level. Obtaining entry visas from Kuwaiti consulates abroad is
required of all foreigners entering Kuwait, although nationals of specific countries
are exempt from the entry wisa conditions due to reciprocal agreements. With
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regard to the residency laws governing foreign labor in Kuwait, there are two kinds
of residency status provided to those who are in the country because of employment:
The Temporary Residence Permit
This permit is rarely given to foreigners, but it is given to those who enter
Kuwait for a period of one month only on a tourist visa. The only authority to
provide this type of residence permit is the Minister o f Interior. Such permits are
valid for only three months. Also, this type of residency permit may be changed to
the other form of residence permit with necessary documents that must include an
employment offer from either the public or the private sector.
The Ordinary Residence Permit
Foreigners in Kuwait may apply for the ordinary residence permit, provided
they are employed by the government sector or have been contracted for
employment in the private sector. This permit is valid for five years. Foreign
workers may apply for a renewal of the ordinary residence permit. Should their
request be denied, they must then leave the country.
It is important to note that all residency laws and regulations as well as
residency permits are valid only for as long as the foreign worker holds a valid
passport; otherwise, he or she loses employment and is asked to leave the country.
Furthermore, residency permits are tied to the purposes that are provided for
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(continuous full-time employment). Therefore, residency permits may be canceled if
employment is terminated, even before the expiration date of the residency permit
itself, unless a new residence date of the residency permit itself, or unless a new
residence permit is issued due to new employment.
The residency and legal status of the dependents of a migrant worker are tied
to the migrant’s residency and legal status. If a migrant’s residence permit is
revoked and he has to leave the country, his dependents must leave, too.
Residence permits are not automatically extended to dependents who reach
the age of 18. They are granted a separate residence permit if they become legally
employed or admitted into a higher education institution in Kuwait, or must leave the
country.
N a t u r a l iz a t io n
Kuwait practices very strict laws in granting citizenship to foreigners. In
1966 the Kuwaiti Nationality Law was revised stipulating the conditions for granting
Kuwaiti citizenship to Arab nationals who have resided in Kuwait since 1945, and to
non-Arab nationals who have resided in Kuwait since 1945, to non-Arab nationals
who have resided in Kuwait since 1930. However, the new law also included
supplementary conditions:
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1. Legal residency in Kuwait for at least fifteen consecutive years, starting
from 1959, or ten consecutive years starting in 1966, for Arab nationals
who are citizens of other Arab countries,
2. Proficiency in Arabic,
3. Knowledge of skills that are needed for the country, and
4. Legal employment and no convictions for misconduct.
Nevertheless, newly naturalized Kuwaitis are not permited to run for public
office until after being Kuwait citizens for at least twenty years. Additionally,
Kuwaiti citizenship laws stipulate that Kuwaiti citizenship should not be granted to
more than fifty persons annually.
E d u c a t io n a l P r o v is io n s
P u b lic E d u ca tio n
Access to public education. From the economic boom of the 1950’s until
1966, the government of Kuwait followed an open-door policy with regard to access
to public schools. Kuwaiti and non-Kuwaiti children were indiscriminately admitted
into public schools. In 1966 the open-door policy changed and restrictive laws on
access to public schools were enacted.
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As a result of the new policy, only those whose parents are employed by the
Ministry of Education and the Ministry o f Health are admitted into public schools.
Public school enrollment of non-national children has subsequently dropped, while
the number of those enrolled in private schools has risen, since it was the only resort
for securing education for non-national children. This situation increased the sense
of social insecurity of the non-national population, as costs of sending their
dependents to private schools were unexpectedly higher (Holliday, 1977, p. 283).
In order to avoid any sort of unrest and insecurity among the non-national
population due to restrictions on access to public schools and in order to share the
burden of the educational cost of non-nationals, new regulations were enacted. As of
1975 the government began financing private education. The new progran consists
of
1. Payment of half o f the student’s tuition by the government only in Arab
private schools,
2. Provision for each student for textbooks free of charge, and
3. Contribution to the cost of transportation (10 Kuwaiti Dinar, for each
student’s annual transportation cost (Alessa, 1981).
These new policies have not affected the cost of medical care. Non-national
parents still have to secure these services at their own expense.
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Access to the elementary level. Though access to the elementary level is
regulated and is available to both national and non-national childen whose parents
are employed by either the Ministry of Education or Ministry of Health, there are
certain rules that regulate the admission of nationals and non-nationals, based on
their nationality, agency of employment and date of arrival in Kuwait. Such
regulations, for example, are applicable to those groups as follows:
1. Kuwaiti children whose admission is guaranteed upon presentation of
birth certificate and the father’s proof of Kuwaiti citizenship. These
children can not be above the compulsory age of 14.
2. Non-Kuwaiti children are treated as follows:
a. Arab Gulf nationals: Children of this group are admitted into first
grade and beyond at the public schools upon providing the necessary
documents proving citizenship of the father. Children aged 5 years
and 8 months are admitted.
b. Military personnel, teachers and North and South Yemen nationals:
Children in this category are admitted, upon submission of the
necessary documents, according to age groups set by the Ministry of
Education throughout the educational hierarchy. For example, only
those between the ages of 6 and 8 are admitted into the first grade of
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the elementary level. Military personnel and teachers are pemitted to
enroll their children who are between 8 months and 5 years of age.
c. Other Arab nationals: This includes children whose father or mother
has entered Kuwait and resided legally since before January 1, 1957.
The date of arrival is used to determine priority. Exceptions are nade
for those whose grandparents, uncles or brothers are Kuwaiti by
naturalization. As of September 15, 1986, only those children
between the ages o f 6 and 8 are admissible.
Entry to the other grade levels of elementary or higher stages is not possible
for children of the forementioned group. There are other provisions which contribute
to this equality of access crisis. As reported by Abulibdeh (1969), one provision
stipulates that “a Kuwaiti student may repeat a grade many times, but expatriates
may fail only twice in each stage” (p. 44).
Access to public kindergartens is restricted to children of Kuwaiti nationals.
Therefore, there is no need to make any sort of provisions to that group of children.
Private Education
It is important to refer here to two kinds of existing private schools which are
governed by separate rules and regulations.
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Foreign private schools. These schools were established primarily to provide
education for non-Arab, non-national children. These schools follow educational
systems that are either American, English, French, Japanese, Indian, Iranian or
Pakistani, and include the use of educational curricula brought from the country of
origin of each school. Private schools are not allowed to admit any Kuwaiti student
to the compulsory education stages, ages 6-16, without prior approval from the
Ministry of Education, and all, except embassy schools, are expected to teach the
following:
■ Arabic language
■ Islam and
■ The geography and history of Kuwait in the mother tongue.
In the academic year 1992/93, 32,141 students or 41.5% of all students, attended
private schools. O f those, 59% were of Arab origin.
This type of school includes private schools that are under the authority of the
foreign embassies and diplomatic missions, and are strictly for the dependents of
diplomats.
Arab private schools: These schools were established to accommodate Arab
non-national children for whom access to the public schools was not possible. Such
schools are under the authority of the Ministry of Education and must adhere closely
to the rules and regulations of the Ministry:
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■ They must be established only by Kuwaitis.
■ They must follow the curricula and textbooks used by the public schools
at all levels, and
• They are not allowed to teach any foreign language as a second language
at the kindergarten and elementary levels without prior approval from the
Ministry of Education.
Arab private schools are not permitted to enroll any Kuwaiti children without
approval by the Ministry of Education.
These are not all the rules and regulations which govern private education in
Kuwait. Administrative and financial regulations are all set by the Ministry of
Education, especially for the Arab private schools which are subsidized by the
Ministry.
O u tc o m e
Kuwait has only one public university, but other institutions provide higher
education. Nationals have priority in admission. Non-nationals are also regulated
through strict quotas based on nationality and grade point average on the General
High School Examination. Specifically, admission to the Kuwait University for the
academic year 1981/82 was designated by the University Council as follows:
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■ 50% of the seats to Kuwaitis
■ 20% of the seats to Arab o f Gulf States
■ 30% of the seats to other Arabs.
It is important to note that the last category includes Arabs from outside the
country, since the Kuwaiti government usually offers scholarships to some Arab
countries which nominate some of their high school graduates. Also, only 10 percent
of the Palestinian high school graduates are granted admission to the University of
Kuwait. There are inderdepartmental quotas that control entry to certain fields such
as medicine and engineering, where the percentage of non-Kuwaiti students admitted
is much lower than in other schools and the GPA required is lower for Kuwaitis than
for non-Kuwaitis.
However, these percentages are always subject to change. In 1985 these
quotas were changed. The Kuwaitis were allowed to occupy 85% of the seats, the
southern Arabian and Gulf countries were assigned 5%, and other non-national
groups 10%. For the same three groups admission is also based on their GPA on the
High School Examination. For the Kuwaiti nationals, the GPA required was 60%,
70% for the students of the Arabian South and Gulf countries, and 80% for the other
non-nationals. Again, these quotes are not absolute and change from school to
school.
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In general, dependents and wives of the faculty as well as dependents of the
diplomatic staff are all subject to the rules governing Kuwaiti students, except
regarding admission into the school of medicine.
Vocational and technical institutes are accessible only to Kuwaiti nationals, as these
institutes offer monthly allowances to their students, but not students at the
secondary educational level (Ismael, 1982).
Kingdom o f Saudi Arabia
Background
Although similar to Kuwait, Saudi Arabia claims that public education is
accessible to all children of both nationals and non-nationals. It exercises certain
provisions which restrict the entry of non-national children into its public schools.
Furthermore, the state dies not guarantee any sort of public education for those of
non-Arab origin, or non-Moslem children because Arabic is the country’s only
official language and is the language of instruction in the Saudi public schools.
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Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants
Visa a n d R e s id e n c e P e r m it s
Like the other Arab Gulf countries, Saudi Arabia governs the flow of migrant
workers through tough immigration rules and regulations. Foreigners are only
admitted into the country provided they have been granted entry visas from Saudi
Consulates abroad. At present, normal tourist visas are not granted. Therefore, entry
into the country is restricted only to those who are contracted for employment in
either the public or private sectors.
Residency permits are provided to foreign workers temporarily on the basis
of their continued employment and are ususally not granted for more than four years,
although they are renewable. Should employment of the migrant be terminated for
any reason, they must leave the country unless they secure other employment. In
relation to the legal status of the migrant workers and their residency in Saudi
Arabia, we must refer to the “unlimited residence” status. This type of residency is
provided for specified groups of migrants, mostly North Yemen nationals who have
resided in the Kingdom for many years.
Family members are included in the legal status of the family’s breadwinner.
Therefore, the dependents’ legal residency status is tied to the migrant worker’s.
With regard to dependents who reach the age of 18 and as recently as 1981, the law
stipulated that they can legally reside in Saudi Arabia only if they secure
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employment. This new provision was made by a Royal Decree issued June 17, 1981
(Chamieh, 1983).
M a r r ia g e s
Mixed marriages between Saudi nationals and non-Saudis are not permitted
without prior approval by the Ministry of Interior. Furthermore, registering marriage
contracts of mixed marriages is not allowed by the order o f the Ministry of Justice.
Chamieh (1983) has elaborated on this. The Ministry of Justice in April 1979
warned Registrars of Marriage Contract not to conclude any marriage contracts
where only one of the parties is a Saudi national without prior approval from the
Minister of Interior. The Ministry of Justice said violators will be fined and lose
their jobs.
N a t u r a l iz a t io n
Naturalization for Arabs, especially those from both Yemeni and non-Arab
Moslems, is not impossible, although it is not easy to process due to the lack of
appropriate legislative mechanisms and unclear procedures. The only clear
naturalization possibility that is easily obtainable is in the case of the Saudi male
citizen who marries a non-Saudi female who is then technically granted Saudi
citizenship unless she prefers to keep her original citizenship. Other laws grant
Saudi citizenship to those bom to a Kingdom of Saudi mother and a non-Saudi
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father. But they must apply for citizenship once they reach the legal age of 18 or
lose the right to apply for Saudi citizenship. O f course, there are certain restrictions
and conditions for granting citizenship. The process of naturalization is handled
directly by the Minister o f Interior, and is normally processed provided that the
applicant
1. permanently resides in the Kindom,
2. is of good conduct,
3. has not been jailed for a period of more than six months, and
4. is proficient in Arabic.
E d u c a t io n a l P r o v is io n s
P u b lic E d u c a tio n
The Saudi state has made certain educational provisions for the Arab
migrant’s dependents that regulate their entry into the public schools. These
provisions, although they are of a discriminatory nature, are slightly different from
those of the Kuwaiti state. They do not restrict access at the elementary school level.
However, restrictions apply to the other two levels, secondary and intermediate.
Aside from the Saudis, there are three groups for whom educational
provisions are made:
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1. As stated by a royal decree in November 1979, children from Arab Gulf
countries and North Yemen must be treated as Saudi natiionals in terms
of access to public schools and universities.
2. Among non-Saudis who are granted unlimited residency, children of this
group are admitted freely to elementary, intermediate and secondary
public schools.
3. Contracted personnel’s children are admitted to public schools according
to a quote set by the Ministry of Education: (a) 15% at the intermediate
level and (b) 10% at the secondary level. Therefore, at any given school,
the percentage of non-Saudi children should not exceed these
percentages. Children at elementary schools are admitted without
restrictions.
Hence, while these regulations provide access to the non-Saudi national
dependents, they sometimes discourage them from sending their children to public
schools if schools of the neighborhood are not accessible because of quotas or lack
of transportation to school. Consequently, migrant workers resort to private
education for their dependents.
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Private Education
The Saudi state grants permission for foreign ethnic groups to establish their
own schools so they can provide schooling for their dependents, as the government
does not provide any type of schooling to those of non-Arab and non Moslem origin.
Such schools are similar to those in Kuwait, but they are not permitted to admit any
child of a Moslem parent. Children of that category are admitted into either private
or public Islamic schools such as the International Islamic School in Riyadh, where
sections for the non-Arab children provide teaching in English (Trevor, 1981).
Private schools, therefore, are divided as follows:
1. Foreign private schools. These were established mostly by the oil
companies or foreign embassies from America, Great Britain, France and
India.
2. National private schools. These schools are owned by Saudi nationals,
though they are under the total supervision of the Ministry of Education.
Such schools were established in order to meet the increasing demands
of education for the Arab migrant worker’s dependents whose access to
the public schools was not possible because of certain state regulations
which deterred them from benefiting from the free educational services
(Kierle, 1981).
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Although these schools are private and fee paying, they are required to follow
the standards of the Saudi educational system. This includes the use of the curricula
and textbooks used in the Saudi public schools. Private schools enroll Moslem
children of Arab and non-Arab origin. Non-Arab-speaking children receive
instruction in English.
The Saudi government provides financial support to these private schools
according to certain rules and conditions such as the base budget of each private
school, number and nationality of students, and whether they are profit or non-profit
schools as in the case of the International Islamic Schools. These are of the latter
type, but they receive a larger subsidy than the others.
The Question o f Outcome
As at the other educational stages, access to higher education institutions is a
right provided to Saudi nationals and the non-Saudi nationals of the Arab Gulf
countries and North Yemen. Other than these, non-Saudi nationals are admitted
according to a quota set by the Ministry of Higher Education. Thus, the total number
of non-Saudis in Saudi universities should not exceed 10 to 15% o f the total number
of students in each university. All Saudi and non-Saudi students on government
scholarships enrolled in the Saudi universities receive monthly allowances from the
Saudi government. This does not include those non-Saudi students who reside in the
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country and were admitted on the grounds of their academic merits but without
scholarships.
As in Kuwait, non-Saudi nationals are denied access to vocational and
technical higher education institutions. Only 15% o f the university seats are
designed for non-Saudi students. This percentage includes both students from
within the Saudi educational system and those from abroad. The admission of both
groups is dependent upon their high school grade point average, which in many cases
is much higher than what is required of the Saudi nationals. This quota is not
applicable to all schools and faculties. Restrictions exist according to each school
seperately, as access to the faculties of medicine and engineering is reserved for
Saudi nationals, except those of isolated cases where exceptions, are made by very
high level officials.
The United Arab Emirates
Background
“Education shall be a primary means of social development. It shall be
compulsory in its primary stage and free at all stages within the Union” (Bassiouni
and Dyba 1987, p. 5). As in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, educational services are made
accessible to all citizens o f the state, reflecting the government’s commitment toward
education and providing every possible educational opportunity to its citizens.
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Those of non-national origin also benefit from the available educational services, but
within a framework of provisions made specifically to regulate their access to the
free education provided by the state.
Legal Status of Non-National Immigrants
Visa a n d R e s id e n c e P e r m it s
As in the other two countries under study, foreign workers in the United Arab
Emirates are subject to various rules and regulations which control their entry and
residency. First, foreign workers are only admitted into the country by entry visas
obtainable from U.A.E. consulates abroad. Visas are granted to foreign workers who
are contracted for employment. Second, residency status is tied to employment and
expires once employment is terminated.
N a t u r a l iz a t io n
The United Arab Emirates is the Gulf country most willing to naturalize
migrant workers, especially those who possess needed skills and those who have
provided the country with outstanding services. However, the naturalization process
differentiates between two groups of nationalities:
1. Arab nationals of Bahrain, Qatar and Oman, who are granted citizenship
after a residency of three years, and
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2. Arab nationals from other countries, who may apply for citizenship after
ten years of residency in the U.A.E. However, this may also be
applicable under certain circumstances to non-Arab nationals, especially
Iranians and Pakistanis.
As in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, newly naturalized persons are excluded from
certain political activities, expecially for the first seven years after obtaining
citizenship (Hill, 1991).
E d u c a t io n a l P r o v is io n s
P u b lic E d u c a tio n
Although public schools are accessible to all children, national and non
national, new regulations and restrictions about providing educational services to all
have been established in the 1980s.
Educational provisions for the academic year 1985/86 were set by the Federal
Ministry of Education as follows:
1. Entry to the Public Kindergartens. Public Kindergartens are only
accessible to the children of the nationals of the U.A.E.
2. Entry to the First Elementary Grade Access is open to children of the
following groups:
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a. The nationals’ children
b. The non-nationals’ children of the following groups:
(1) Children of female nationals who are married to non-nationals,
(2) Children of naturalized citizens,
(3) Children from the Arab Gulf States,
(4) Children of Palestinians who possess the “Palestinian Travel
Document” or whose father was bom in Palestine,
(5) Children of non-nationals employed by federal and local
government agencies, and
(6) Children of the diplomatic staff residing in the United Arab
Emirates.
These provisions are applicable only to those non-nationals who enter and
reside legally in the United Arab Emirates. These provisions exclude expatriates
who are employed by other economic sectors rather than by the government. Also,
there is no reference to those who are not of Arab origin.
Private Education
Private schools refer to both Arab and foreign private schools. These are all
under the total supervision of the Ministry o f Education. Therefore, the
establishment of such schools must follow the conditions and procedures set by the
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Ministry. Private schools may be established and owned by nationals and Arab non
nationals only, unless otherwise authorized by the Prime Minister’s Council.
Private schools must adhere to the following:
1. Arab private schools must follow the public school system and use the
surricula and textbooks that are used in the public schools, in addition to
any other curriculum that the Ministry designates.
2. Foreign private schools. These follow a specific curriculum decided
upon by the Ministry of Education. However, these private schools must
teach the following subject matters in accordance with the curriculum
used in public schools, if the percentage of Arab students exceeds 20%
of the total students enrolled:
a. Islamic religion,
b. Arabic language, and
c. Social sciences
Should the percentage of Arab students in these schools be under 20%,
Islamic religion must be taught to all Moslem students. The other two disciplines,
Arabic language and social sciences, are to be taught to all students, both Arabs and
non-Arabs, but with less time allocated for each discipline than what is required in
public schools. Arab private schools and foreign private schools that enroll Arab
students of more than 20% of the total students enrolled must also teach these
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subjects. Under all circumstances, Moslem students must not be allowed to
participate in any non-Islamic activities.
Other than these conditions, private schools must report to the Ministry of
Education within forty-five days of beginning of each academic year giving a
detailed report of the curricula and the textbooks to be used and providing copies of
textbooks. Private schools are not co-ed. Therefore, they are not allowed to
establish schools of co-ed structure. This also applies to the teaching staff, where
male schools may have only male teachers, and female schools may have only
female teachers.
O u tc o m e
The United Arab Emirates has only one higher educational institution, Al-Ain
University, founded in 1978. The general rules for admission are decided by the
University Council. These rules are subject to change yearly. However, the general
criteria for admission are nationality and the High School Examination GPA.
In 1985 the Council ruled that admission to the university must be as follows:
85% of the seats for students national of the United Arab Emirates, 8% for national
students of Arab Gulf countries, and 7% for non-national students.
Exceptions to these rules are made for the dependents and wives of the
faculty of the university, as well as to the dependents of the diplomatic staff in the
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Emirates, all of whom are treated within the rules that are applicable to the national
students.
Conclusion: Three Oil-Rich Arab Countries
This section of the review of the literature provides an overview of three oil-
rich Arab countries, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Specific
areas of comparison were chosen, such as the legal status of the migrant workers in
these countries and the educational provisiions made by these three countries to
accommodate the migrant workers’ children in their public schools. Although most
of the migrant workers legally reside in these three selected countries, this status,
however, does not provide them the same privileges available to the citizens of the
host countries. Rather, it is used to regulate their employment and impose restrictive
policies over their activities and residency while in these host countries.
Three countries reviewed in Chapter 2 have shown similar policies and
procedures with regard to governing migrant workers and their dependents while
residing in their host countries. Because of the precise focus of the study, only issues
related to the social welfare of the migrant population in the three countries (Kuwait,
Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates) were explored. These issues were
viewed from a comparative framework as to what extent they relate to migrant
workers in the Non-Arab countries introduced in Chapter 2. Two major areas were
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covered in the aformentioned pages: the legal status of the migrants in the three host
countries and the educational provisions made for the migrant children
In addition to the general similarities of the three countries under study,
(Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates), the following denominators
are clear to the reader:
1. Each of these countries depends heavily on imported labor force and
Arab migrant workers are the majority of the migrant labor force.
2. Migrant workers in these countries represent a large proportion of the
total population.
3. Each of these countries lacks indigenous trained manpower.
4. The three receiving countries are contemporary established political
entities.
5. Regardless of the abundant oil wealth these countries have, they are still
classified as “developing countries.”
6. The education sector o f the three countries is heavily dominated by a
non-national work force, and
7. Migrant dependents occupy a substantial place in the public school
systems of their host countries.
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Taking into consideration these points, the position of the migrant workers is
affected by the following:
1. They are represented in every sector of the economy of the host countr.
2. They are distributed almost evenly throughout the social structures of the
countries of their residence, and
3. They and their families are affected by political changes in the host
countries. With no exception, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia nd the United Arab
Emirates exercise strict work and residency procedures and policies over
migrant workers and their dependents while in the host countries.
With regard to the conservative structure of these countries and their desire to
have their social order unaffected by the diverse migrant groups, even those of Arab
background, these countries do not differentiate between ethnicity and citizenship.
To that effect, naturalization laws are made so difficult that only a high authority, not
a systematic procedure, can grant naturalization once the requirements are met.
As in the group of countries studied earlier, education is used as an
assimilative tool for both citizens and migrant workers’ children. However, access
to public education is not provided equally to migrant children and citizens.
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One important point to remember is that Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the United
Arab Emirates represent three forms of political structures, that are similar in their
tribal orientation, which makes them different from most other surrounding Arab
countries. Therefore, the policies and laws with regard to migrant workers in these
countries are based on the vision of keeping their societies as much ethnically
homogeneous as possible.
The legal status of migrants and their dependents is based on the general
policy of these three governments toward foreigners. Migrant workers are recruited
for the purpose of employment for definite and indefinite periods of time. They are
expected to leave when their services are no longer needed. As mentioned earlier, all
foreign workers are recruited from abroad by either government agencies or private
corporations and are granted work permits that specify employer and length of
employment contract, in the case of those contracted by government agencies,
whether or not their families are covered by the contract.
Residency of foreign workers in these countries is dependent on their valid
working permits. Residency permits are granted in Kuwait, for example, for a period
of no longer than five years. However, this permit is not automatically renewable. If
the foreign worker’s request for renewal is denied, he or she must leave the country.
This is also the case in both Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Work
permits are granted on the basis of full-time continuous employment. Residency
status is strictly dependent on the migrants’ employment status. The legal status of
dependents is tied to the migrant’s residency permit. Each one of these countries has
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specific residency rules that favor certain migrant groups, the nationals of North
Yemen in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, the nationals o f Oman in the United Arab
Emirates, and the nationals of the Gulf Arab states in all three.
With regard to naturalization, these countries’ conditions are difficult to
meet. Most important, these conditions are not systematically enforced and are
nationalistically oriented, since the naturalization rules favor some nationalities over
others, as in the case of the United Arab Emirates, where nationals from Arab Gulf
countries are favored in granting citizenship.
With regard to education, these three countries exercise certain rules and
restrictions on providing public education for migrant workers dependents, unlike the
six non-Arab countries reviewed in Chapter Two. Also, some restrictions are made
on private education, which limit enrollment of migrant children to those schools.
Regardless of the length of the work permit, migrant workers in these
countries are classified as foreigners and are deprived of the benefits of mostly all
social welfare policies afforded to nationals.
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Education in the United Arab Emirates
Beginnings o f Formal Education
Early Beginnings
The scarcity of authentic documents and the reliance on mainly oral accounts
has meant at best sketchy accounts of the beginnings of education in the United Arab
Emirates. Claims and counter-claims have been made as to what school was actually
the first modem school in the country. Writers quote each other and often do not
bother to go to primary sources. The situation is made even more complex by the
fact that some schools opened for a year or two and then closed down. Sometimes,
they opened as small-scale institutions that did not correspond exactly to the
descriptions of schools. Another factor is the confusion that arises in the minds of
people reporting on events that happened so long ago without the support of written
documents or in some cases without even knowing the exact date a particular event
took place. Dating is linked to public events such as droughts, conflicts, or the like.
Mohammed Ali Mahmoud Attamimi, in a series of articles in the Abu Dhabi
Al Ittihad newspaper (1984), claims that the first school was opened in Shaijah in
1905 by his father Shaikh Ali Mahmoud Attamimi. It was named Attaymia Al
Mahmoudia after its founder, Mahmoud and its spiritual leader the Xlllth century
Islamic scholar Ibn Taymiya whose precepts it followed.
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Various other schools followed a similar model. Assalmiya was opened in
Diera, Dubai in 1927. In 1910 “Al Ahmadia’ in Dubai had 116 students. In 1930
‘Al Islah’ (reformation) school was opened by Mohammed Ali Mahmoud Attamimi.
It charged low fees and admitted the orphans and needy free o f charge (Al-Rasheed,
Ajawi and Al-Mutawaa, 1980). In 1947-48 a branch o f ‘Attaymia’ school opened in
Hira.
The first schools in the region were concentrated in Sharjah and Dubai two
cities of merchants, and it was decades before other emirates opened schools. These
schools were financed almost entirely by merchants such Ali Bin Abdullah Al Oweir
who financed Attaymia school and Ahmed Bin Dalmuk who financed Al Ahmadia
school. Some assistance was also received from Shaikhs and financially able
students paid a nominal fee.
These schools saw the introduction of a new definition of time. There was an
established time frame in terms of school days, duration and scheduling of lessons.
Instead of prayer times marking the beginning and end of the lessons, the length of
periods was marked in minutes. The school year had a recognizable beginning and
end, and the students were admitted mainly at the beginning of the year.
The curriculum was largely inspired from traditional schools and the same
subjects were taught, albeit in a slightly more organized fashion. Curriculum was
expanded to include modem subjects such as history, geography and mathematics,
but a large part o f it was still occupied by traditional subjects. The physical setting
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also underwent a radical transformation. Classrooms were used, although some
would have no chairs or tables and younger students still sat on mats.
The administrative system was largely on a local level. The principal, who
often doubled as a teacher, was appointed by the patron to run the school and there
were no formal links with other schools. Therefore, there was no educational system
as such. The absence of detailed statistics apart from chronicles in which
approximate numbers are quoted for a given school makes it impossible to get a
comprehensive picture about the impact these schools had on the community. They
nevertheless were an important step in setting up of institutions that went beyond
memorizing the Koran.
These schools were closed in the 1940’s because of economic reversals
suffered by their patrons. This decade, indeed, saw the decline of pearling after the
introduction of cultured pearls from Japan. Moreover, trade, the main activity of
Dubai and Shaijah, was adversely affected by the World War II.
This period is a transition towards the introduction of the modem system of
education to what is now the United Arab Emirates and which had its real beginning
in 1953. In this period, old and new values came together rather than competed. The
modem did not displace the traditional but existed alongside it harmoniously. The
schools were modeled on the traditional model with a few concessions to modem
education.
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Education After 1953
1953 saw the arrival of the first Kuwaiti educational mission in Sharjah
which opened a school room made from palm branches (Al-Harbi, 1988) and
followed it with other buildings in other emirates. In the school year 1955-56, the
mission opened a new school in Khor Fakan in the emirate of Sharjah. In 1961, the
Qatari mission opened a school in Sharjah.
Delegates from the emirates of Dubai, Sharjah and Rah Al Khaima to the
First Arab conference on Education and Psychology held in Cairo in 1961 all
acknowledged the other countries like Bahrain and Saudi Arabia which also took
part in opening schools. In 1972, upon the creation of the U.A.E., the Ministry of
Education took over 47 schools that were previously run by the Kuwaiti government.
Taryam (1987) writes that the British did not look favorably on these missions, even
discouraged the development of education, opposed the recruitment of Egyptian and
Iraqi teachers, and deported some of them suspected of disseminating subversive
ideas among students. But, faced with the wave of educational missions, the British
Political Resident in Sharjah “recommended that Her Majesty’s government should
build schools at Sharjah and Dubai...(to counter)... the propaganda spread by the
Saudis regarding their intention to extend the benefits of education, agricultural
development, and see to the eastern oasis of Buraimi” (Tuson, 1990), p. 35).
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Subsequently, Queen Elizabeth donated four thousand pounds to build a new
wing at Al Qassimia School on the occasion o f the visit of Lord Mountbatten to the
area (Al-Harbi, 1988).
The first period also saw the opening of trade schools such as the ones
opened in Shaijah in 1958, Dubai in 1964, and Ras Al Khaima in 1969 (Ministry of
Information and Culture, 1985). Agricultural education started in Ras Al Khaima in
1967. Religious schools on the modem model were opened in Al Ain (Abu Dhabi
emirate) in 1967, Ajman in 1968, Dubai in 1962, and Ras Al Khaima in 1967, the
latter still run by Mohammed Ibn Saud University in Saudi Arabia.
Five different curricula were in use in the different schools throughout the
seven emirates corresponding to the sponsoring countries. Each of Kuwait, Egypt,
Qatar, Jordan and Saudi Arabia was running schools and using their teachers,
curricula and textbooks free of charge. Subjects taught in these schools were the
same, however. They included Religion, Arabic Language and Literature, Social
Studies, Mathematics, and Science. The innovation of these schools by comparison
to earlier schools was the subjects of art and physical education. In addition, middle
school students took English.
1967-68 saw a marked increase in enrollment in the emirate of Abu Dhabi at
the elementary level following the accession of the present ruler, Shaikh Zayed Bin
Sultan, to the Shaikhdom of Abu Dhabi succeeding his conservative brother Shaikh
Shakhbut. Enrollments increased steadily but were marked by the low percentage of
female students.
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This period was marked by the absence of any teacher training policy or
institution. Teachers were recruited from abroad or employed without any prior
training. The administrative system in existence at the time was the system used by
the sponsoring country. The latter also provided the administrative staff needed to
run the school, which often consisted of a principal doubling as a teacher. Later,
each emirate had its own department in charge of education. These departments or
ministries remained in existence well after the creation of the federation and
sometimes competed with the central ministry.
The emirate of Abu Dhabi was the first to finance public education from
public funds rather than private contributions. Abu Dhabi even helped pay teachers’
salaries in other emirates by the beginning o f the sixties.
Causes and Modalities o f Change From Traditional
to Modern Education
Smith and Cox (1976) write about the shift from the traditional to emergent
values with the traditional values continuing to function as stabilizers and behavioral
standards, but with increasing discomfort and dissatisfaction. In that respect, the
U.A.E. society is very much a society in transition with all the problems inherent
therein.
There is little doubt that political events of the turn of the century marked the
beginning of an era for the Arab region and for the Gulf. Western penetration in the
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region and the decadence of the Ottoman Empire meant the emergence of western
values as the dominant ones, not least of these is education. Traditional education,
which has for centuries fulfilled its role in traditional society, soon found itself
unable to cope with the demands of a new age. Although it continued to exist
alongside a modem system inspired by the west, it ceased to play the major role it
had played in the community.
Some Arab scholars from Egypt and Lebanon traveled to Western Europe,
notably France, and were enthusiastic about its institutions, which they sought to
copy. The wind of change had started blowing although it took a long time before it
reached the shores of the Arabian Gulf. The educational awakening in the U.A.E.
came as a result of migration by local workers to neighboring countries, such as
Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, where an oil industry had just started (Al-Mazrui, 1985).
This provided an opening towards countries with an established system of education
such as Bahrain and Kuwait. The influence of these countries soon became apparent
when they sent educational missions to the separate emirates to open modem
schools. In 1953, several emirates requested the assistance of the new Egyptian
republic under its pan-Arabist leader Gamal Abdel Nasser. Egypt dispatched a
number of teachers to start elementary schools.
1905 to 1953 could be described as the period of patronage. Schools were
built and funded by merchants who saw education as a service to the community.
These schools were elementary and taught religious subjects and basic skills. Their
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rise and fall corresponded to the rise and fall of the pearling industry between the
beginning o f the century and the mid-forties.
From 1953 to the rise of the federation in 1971, and even beyond that date,
was the period of educational missions from neighboring countries. Practically
every country in the area contributed to the development of education in the U.A.E.,
which tells the backward state the region was in compared with its neighbors. It was
during this period that secondary education started. When the Ministry of Education
of the new state took over in 1972-73, there was a multiplicity of systems in place
and the task of unifying the fledgling system.
Several factors contributed to the change in the region particularly in the field
of education:
The rise o f Arab nationalism with Egyptian president Nasser coming to
power. The literary and cultural revival, which had started at the turn of
the century, provided an impetus to strive towards the ideal of Arab
cultural and political unity.
Successive oil discoveries in the Gulf area, notably in Saudi Arabia and
Kuwait opened the lower Gulf region to prospecting. Job opportunities
created in the northern Gulf allowed the inhabitants of the lower Gulf to
see changes brought about by foreign penetration and which would soon
affect their own region after the oil boom.
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The setting up of the Trucial States Council and lessening internal fights
that plagued the different emirates provided the peace necessary for the
development of the region after oil was discovered.
Secondary education soon followed and was at the beginning only an
extension of elementary education. It took many years before secondary schools and
universities existed in their own right.
Policy and Objectives
Article 120 of the Provisional Constitution, still in force, reserved to the
union “exclusive legislative and executive jurisdiction” over education among other
matters to the exclusion of the separate emirates which had independent departments.
It was years after the creation of the federation that the local departments of
education were disbanded. This centralization was not resisted by the emirates since
education was viewed as a service sector. Nevertheless, as a concession to the
emirate of Dubai, the second richest and most influential in the federation, it was
agreed that the Ministry of Education offices would be split between Abu Dhabi and
Dubai.
Educational policy in the U.A.E. is based on the following four principles as
shown by Ministry documents:
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1. Education is both a right and a duty.
2. Education is provided to all without distinction of sex and region.
3. Education is a tool of social and economic development.
4. Equality of opportunity is not just equality in admission but in
achievement.
Article 17 of the Provisional Constitution of the U.A.E. states that education
shall be a fundamental factor for the progress of society. It shall be compulsory in its
elementary stage and free of charge at all stages within the union. Legislation makes
the parents liable to prosecution if their child does not attend school up to the end of
elementary school. The orientation is to extend the compulsion until the end of the
middle cycle or a further three years. The Ministry also enrolls all eligible males and
females and makes every effort to provide schools in remote places. It is not
uncommon to find schools catering to extremely small communities with classes of
less than six students. This is a clear commitment from the government to bring
education to rural areas.
Education is a means of social and economic development. Constant
reference to this is found in speeches by the head of state, Shaikh Zayed Bin, Sultan
Al Nahyan in which he refers to the “human capital” o f the country, to the ephemeral
nature o f oil wealth, and the need to have a qualified generation as the best insurance
against the drying out of oil wells. The assumption for general education is that a
literate population is more capable of efficient employment whatever that
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employment is. This aspect of the educational policy, however, stresses the function
of the educational system in the training o f qualified personnel for the economy and
has a direct bearing on the development of technical education at the secondary and
post-secondary levels.
Equality o f opportunity is guaranteed and means not only quality in access
but also in achievement. It is assumed that every effort will be made not only to
make education available to all groups but also to make sure that no group is
discriminated against during their time in schools. It is clear that policy makers have
in mind female, rural and low-income students. They obviously do not include
expatriates, for in 1985, a Ministry decree reserved access to public schools for
U.A.E. citizens and the children of expatriate government employees. This barred a
sizeable portion of expatriates from public schools and forced them to enroll in
private ones.
Educational Objectives
Despite the general policy’s presence in the Provisional Constitution and in
speeches by high-level officials, no attempt was made to outline the objectives of
education whether in general, by level, type, or subject. The systems were borrowed
in their entirety from neighboring countries. It was not until between November
1975 and July 1979 that a special Ministry of Education committee outlined the
general objectives of education in the country, as well as those specific to each
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subject and level. It defined a national curriculum (Ministry of Education, 1981)
which went into effect in 1985 for some disciplines. New textbooks were
commissioned based on those objectives and were gradually being written.
The most significant general objectives, which were first outlined in the
National Curriculum Project and have since been restated in various Ministry
documents, are
■ Strengthening the Islamic faith,
■ Establishing Arabic as the language of instruction in public schools,
■ Ensuring the comprehensive and balanced development of the individual
morally, mentally and socially,
■ Developing technical and vocational education, and
■ Guaranteeing equality of opportunity,
The sources of the objectives of education are Islam, Arab ideals, the current
state of society, and a conception of the desired society. Several objectives are stated
in terms reminiscent of religious discourse such as consolidating the faith, fostering
the sense of belonging, developing interest in the quest of knowledge, and
developing family kinship. Pan-Arab ideals, heritage, eventual Arab unity, and so
on, continue to figure high on the list of objectives in spite of the recent reversals
suffered by Arab solidarity because of the Gulf War. These two sources remain
more philosophical and distant. It is the current state o f society that dictates more
immediate objectives.
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The U.A.E. society is in transition socially, economically and politically as a
result of the oil boom. It is witnessing rapid urbanization, as noted earlier, an influx
of foreign labor, female participation in education and in the labor force in general,
an increase in the per capita income, and some form of political representation
through the National Consultative Council (Al-Rasheed, 1980).
The shift in population patterns has had a direct impact on the objectives
since the nature of the students and their environment have changed. Most students
live in cities and are as likely to be U.A.E. citizens as citizens of any other Arab
country. More than half the students in middle and secondary schools are female,
and practically no students come from what is known in the West as a deprived
neighborhood. The socio-economic status of the students is one of the highest in the
world despite a wide gap between the most and the least well off.
As described in Ministry documents, the desired society is one where Islamic
values and Arab ideals are dominant. The sense of belonging is, to three entitles,
represented by three concentric circles in succession, the U.A.E., the Gulf, and the
Arab-Islamic world. It is worth noting that allegiance to the tribe and the emirate,
while still recognized, is discouraged. While keeping its local and regional identity,
the U.A.E. society strives to be open to the outside world if at least to benefit from
scientific and technological advances.
Objectives for each o f the four levels of pre-school, elementary, middle and
secondary school, and the university system, were defined and, as can be expected,
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there is a lot of overlap. The objectives of each level are an extension and a
reformulation in more sophisticated terms o f the objectives of the preceding level.
The most important objectives for education in the U.A.E are
1. Strengthening the Islamic faith,
2. Developing the ability to think logically,
3. Reinforcing the sense of civic responsibility and belonging to the
country,
4. Imprinting respect for private and public property and for manual labor,
5. Developing awareness of the natural resources, history and heritage in
the student’s environment,
6. Developing the student’s awareness o f himself and of his learning
abilities for self-education and permanent education,
7. Helping the student acquire the skills for physical and mental well being,
8. Acquiring some artistic and technical skills commensurate with the
student’s capacities,
9. Reinforcing Islamic practices,
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10. Developing the student’s sense of belonging to his country and his Arab
and Islamic nation,
11. Developing the skill of rational thinking and respecting alternative points
of view,
12. Understanding the challenges facing the Arab and Islamic nations and
developing the student’s ability to face them,
13. Acquiring the scientific base for understanding the social, economic and
political issues facing the country,
14. Respecting manual labor,
15. Realizing the importance of permanent education,
16. Developing the ability to forecast change and plan to face it,
17. Developing the student’s philosophical, literary, artistic, scientific,
personal, social and cultural leanings, and
18. Preparing the student, according to his ability, for higher education
(Ministry of Education, 1989).
These objectives give a large place to the building of the value system. Two
types of values are developed, Islamic and Arab. The latter include the feeling of
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belonging to the country and not to any particular tribe or emirate and to an Arab
nation and an Islamic “umma,” or nation, with all the attitudes this entails.
The objectives of the new curriculum were given as follows and, by the
exhaustive treatment that they get, they imply a criticism of the previous curricula:
■ To teach students to think freely,
■ To teach students how to think not what to think,
■ To instill in them the concept of lifelong education, and
■ To train workers for industry.
In a paper presented to the Fifth Conference on development in oil-producing
countries of the Arabian Peninsula held in Abu Dhabi, Al-Jalal (1984) remarked that
often the goals of education and educational policy were stated in documentary form.
This led to a gap between stated objectives and actual practices. He also deplored
the weak link between educational policies and development plans because of
compartmentalization and the opacity of social and economic development
orientations. Although his comments were not specifically directed at any one
country, many informants in the present study felt that the Ministry documents fail to
clarify how objectives can be put into practice.
According to Reda (1975), educational objectives in many Arab countries are
stated in rhetorical terms, for instance, “training a generation which believes in its
country, its people, its faith,” without a word as to how one can be faithful to one’s
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country, people, faith, etc. Reda adds that we must remove the verbose quality of the
objectives and give the curriculum a limited, tangible and achievable content.
The curriculum remains largely theoretical and its major function is to
prepare students for administrative posts in the public sector. From the beginning,
many interviewees felt it has been divorced from the labor market. In light of this, a
more serious criticism that could be leveled at the National Curriculum and its
objectives, in view of the fact that not such as changed after its introduction, is that it
is merely an attempt at post-hoc rationalization of educational practices.
Curriculum and Pedagogical Structure
Schools in the United Arab Emirates were expansions of elementary schools
opened by foreign missions. The year 1962 is generally considered to be the
beginning of middle and secondary education in the U.A.E. when Qataar opened a
secondary school in Shaijah. In 1964, the first school in Ras Al Khaima was opened.
Students still sat the High School Certificate examination in Kuwait. It was not until
1967 that the exam was held in the United Arab Emirates for the first time. In 1966-
67 middle school diploma students sat for the examination in Shaijah or Dubai, but
the papers were graded in Kuwait. Prior to the mid-sixties, many U.A.E. students
went to school in Qatar. However, with the birth of the federation, education in
general and secondary education in particular saw its real beginning.
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Parallel to general schools, religious, agricultural and industrial schools
opened. The first industrial school, the Sharjah Vocational School, was opened in
1958. Others followed in Dubai in 1964 and Ras Al Khaima in 1969 when an
agricultural school opened. Religious schools opened in Dubai in 1962, Al Ain and
Ras Al Khaima in 1967, and Ajman in 1968. Thus, from the beginning, the
orientation was to develop general and technical education concurrently, an effort
which has not been very successful as discussed later.
Pedagogical Structure
The organization of studies follows a 6-3-3 pattern (i.e., six years for
elementary education, three for middle school and three for secondary). Industrial
and religious education are offered in addition to the main stream of general
education. Students continue to the final year of secondary school without the
possibility of switching between sections for students who choose religious
education. The second branching occurs three years later at the end of the middle
cycle. Two other options are offered: business and agricultural education. One year
later, students who opted for the general track face their final choice: science or
humanities. These two sections are usually about even in enrollments while the
other four sections fade into insignificance in comparison. This division has been in
existence since the beginning as enrollment statistics for the early years give figures
for each of the sections separately.
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Before 1988, students had to take a national examination at the end of the
middle cycle, giving them access to secondary schools. This exam, the Middle
School Certificate, was scrapped in 1988, and students entered secondary schools on
the basis of class examinations. This was seen as a reflection of increasing job
credentials required for employment since the Middle School Certificate no longer
granted access to government jobs which was the reason it was instituted in the first
place.
Starting in 1988-89, a new subject distribution was approved following the
elimination of French from the curriculum. Prior to that date, students in the
humanities section had to take five weekly periods of French in the second year of
high school and six in the third year. The reason given for this action was a lack of
student interest.
There are four types of schools. Morning schools, where students are in class
from 8:30 to 1:30 (7:30 to 12:30 for girls), are the normal track. Open in the
afternoons, adult education centers cater to adult learners and students who were
transferred there because they failed repeatedly or are the children of expatriates not
entitled to attend regular morning schools. In addition to these government schools,
there are private schools run for profit and schools run by the Ministry of Defense,
both of which started to help the Ministry o f Education provide education in remote
areas.
An obvious shortcoming of adult education centers is the formula adopted for
entrance, doubtless as a matter o f expediency, because in the same class are students
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who vastly differ in ages and capabilities. The Director o f Adult Education in the
U.A.E. Ministry of Education declared that 34% of students in adult education were
below the age o f twenty. Moreover, Ministry statistics show that 60% of citizen
middle school students and 61% of citizen secondary students at adult education
centers were aged between 15 and 24. A way out of that, the Director said, was to
allow students in morning schools to repeat the same grade more than once and
enroll them in public schools for a nominal fee. It is worth noting that prior to that,
the Ministry had imposed a 500-Dirham (S135) annual fee on every expatriate
student, but that decision was later reversed by the President.
Curriculum
At the beginning of secondary education, the curriculum was borrowed from
neighboring countries and, for many years, the textbooks used were imported. Up to
1975, the Emirate of Abu Dhabi had a separate curriculum (Jordanian) and a
different system 6-3-3 (i.e., 6 years of elementary, 3 years middle school and 3 years
secondary, instead of the 4-4-4 then prevalent elsewhere in the Trucial States).
In 1979, the Ministry of Education launched a National Curriculum project
with the aim of developing a new curriculum specific to the country. This National
Curriculum is viewed as a first step towards a unified Gulf curriculum and hence to a
unified Arab curriculum. An objective of the Ministry is to make the curriculum
adaptable and able to absorb new discoveries, generalize the use o f computers, and
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develop the teaching of English at the lower levels. The new curriculum became
operational in 1985 and new textbooks continue to be written for different subjects
gradually. It has added the history of the country, its culture, and geography.
Computer classes were introduced in selected classes in 1988. The curriculum
received favorable reviews from teachers who see it as a vast improvement over
previous curricula. It is seen as up-to-date in content with yearly revisions. Its main
shortcoming is its traditional content-oriented, rather than skill-oriented approach. A
criticism leveled by the developers of the National Curriculum at the previous
curricula was the curriculum’s inability to compete with the media, particularly
television, in terms of knowledge and the value systems each adopts (Ministry of
Education, 1981). Many interviewees did not think the present curriculum was
faring any better than its predecessors.
All schools operating in the U.A.E. must use the Ministry curriculum in
Arabic, as well as offer Islamic studies and social studies. However, private schools
are allowed to choose their own curricula in other subjects. Most private schools,
which started as institutions sponsored by embassies for the children of their citizens,
still follow the curriculum and pedagogical structure of the students’ home country.
However, some have dual tracks, one totally foreign for non-Arabic speakers and no
bilingual one for Arabic speakers.
About 36% of the time schedule at the middle level is devoted to language
skills (Arabic and English), 11% to Islamic instruction, 11% to social studies 25% to
math and science. At the secondary level Arabic and English take up almost half the
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periods in the humanities section. Social studies includes components in History,
Geography, Arab Society and Introduction to Sociology while Science includes
Physics, Chemistry, Biology and Geology with the total number of weekly periods
for these two areas, social studies and science, increasing. The total has been held
constant, however, by scrapping art. It is worth noting that there are two additional
weekly periods for girls devoted to Home Economics, which means girls have 36
weekly periods while boys have only 34, except in the final year of high school when
both groups have 36. For schools experimenting with computer literacy classes at
the rate of two weekly periods in the first grade of secondary school, Arabic is
reduced from 7 to 6 periods and Physical Education from 2 to I.
The ministerial decree outlining the new subject distribution is applicable
starting from the academic year 1992-93 and replaces other decrees. This is the
second such reshuffle in four years. The first in 1988 dropped French from the
curriculum and distributed the periods previously allocated to French to other
subjects. The second occurred when computer literacy classes were introduced on an
experimental basis in some schools and social studies were divided for the first grade
of middle school into History and Geography.
Islamic Instruction, Arabic, and English are omnipresent for all sections and
levels, and this arrangement is compatible with the stated objectives common to all
sections of instilling Islamic values, thus developing competency in the national
language and fostering openness towards the outside world.
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French was dropped from the curriculum while it was given for second- and
third-year students in the humanities section at the rate of five and six periods,
respectively. The syllabus was specially written for U.A.E. and had two sections,
one presenting the U.A.E. to a French visitor, hence allowing the student to talk and
write about his culture in the target language, and the second presenting French
through the eyes of a U.A.E. student writing back to his family and friends about his
visit to France.
The English syllabus went through three phases. At the beginning, a
Longman series was used with hardly any adaptation. In 1975, commissioned by the
Ministry, Longman developed the Crescent Series syllabus specifically for the
Emirates. In 1990, the National Curriculum went into operation.
The first observation concerning the curriculum is that it is prescribed by the
Ministry. Teachers find themselves reduced to the role of implementers. While
inspectors encourage creativity in presentation, they treat the content of textbooks as
sacrosanct and do not allow any adaptation. Teachers interviewed find that there is
pressure on them to finish the syllabus if only for examination purposes and they
may be disciplined if they do not. In the process, there is loss in depth of treatment
and missed opportunities for lateral enrichment even when students are interested in
pursuing a particular topic.
The second observation is the absence of choice for students. There is one
curriculum for all with no consideration for personal preferences. The only choice is
one type of education (general or technical or—in general education—the science or
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the humanities section); otherwise, all subjects are mandatory and no electives are
offered.
While the objectives themselves stress the importance of a society open to the
outside world, and while the world trend is to increase the time allotted to foreign
languages, the Ministry dropped French from the curriculum and offers only one
foreign language, English. It is true that student interest was low and funds spent on
teaching French had a very low return. It is also true that English is now taught from
the first grade of elementary school instead of the fifth grade. This will later reflect
favorably on the standard of English teaching in secondary schools.
Some interviewees reported that the content of the curriculum is inconsistent
with the stated objectives of nationalism, Islamism and Arabism. They felt the
curriculum merely pays lip service to these ideals and fails to promote them
adequately. For example, one subject felt that while one objective is to familiarize
the student with his environment, there are no courses, which deal with any aspect of
local customs and tradition. The orientation is purely academic. It must be said,
however, that this is touched upon in extra-curricular activities during preparations
for festivities, end-of-year exhibitions, and art shows.
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Administration and Financing
Overview
A new administrative structure was approved in 1987, an attempt to
reorganize the Ministry to maximize efficiency and to bypass the rigidity imposed by
outdated management practices. The administrative setup is three-tiered: the central
Ministry, the nine educational zones, and the schools.
The Ministry
At the level of the Ministry, as is shown in Figure 2.1, the main policy
making body is the High Committee for Educational and Instructional Affairs, which
is an inter-ministerial committee comprising in addition to the Minister of Education,
the Ministers of Planning, Finance and Industry, Labor and Social Welfare; the
Chancellor o f the U.A.E. University, the Undersecretary of the Ministry of Education
and two members proposed by the Minister of Education. This committee meets at
least once every three months, and its main task is to approve major policy decisions
affecting the general orientation of education in the country. It follows the
implementation of the educational policy and coordinates the work of the different
ministries involved in training.
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High
Committee
for Education
and
Instructional
Affairs
Public
Relations and
Information
The The
Minister
------- ►
Undersecretary
1
Regulations
and
Development
Committee
Administrative
Development
Unit
Assistant
Undersecretary
for
Planning and
Evaluation
Assistant
Undersecretary
for
Instructional
Affairs
Assistant
Undersecretary
for Educational
and Central
Activities
Assistant
Undersecretary
for
Administration
Information and
Research
General Planning
Curricula and
Textbooks
Measurement and
Evaluation
Pre-School and
Primary Schools
Middle and
Secondary Schools
Technical Education
Adult Education
Private Education
Cultural Links
P Libraries
Teacher Training
Social Work
P. E. and Scout &
Art Activities
Educational Media
Legal Affairs
Personnel
Financial AfTairs
General Services
Figure 2.1 Organizational Chart o f the Ministry o f Education, U.A.E.
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The Regulations and Development Committee is an internal body made up of
the Minister, the Undersecretary and the four Assistant Undersecretaries. It drafts
the educational policy for the approval of the High Committee; proposes the budget;
proposes internal regulations on such matters as admissions, examinations and
promotions; and determines the distribution of schools, class size, and distribution of
teachers. These two committees assist the Minister in the general running of the
Ministry of Education.
Two units are attached to the Undersecretary. They are the Administrative
Development Unit, whose main task is to maximize administrative efficiency
through organizing training sessions for administrators, and the Public Relations and
Information Office, which acts like a press office and handles all public relations
matters. In addition, the Undersecretary has four Assistant Undersecretaries.
The Assistant Undersecretary for Planning and Evaluation is in charge of four
departments: (a) Information and Research, (b) General Planning (new schools),
(c) Curricula and Textbooks, and (d) Measurement and Evaluation. Planning and
Evaluation handles all national examinations and collects data about all examinations
to use in the planning process. It also coordinates the work o f committees in charge
of curriculum development and textbook revision.
The Assistant Undersecretary for Instructional Affairs supervises (a) Pre-
School and Elementary Schools, (b) Middle and Secondary Schools, (c) Technical
Education, (d) Adult Education, and (e) Private Education. This department is in
charge of running the schools.
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The Assistant Undersecretary for Educational and Central Affairs is in charge
of the following departments: (a) Cultural Links, which coordinates international
cultural cooperation, international scholarships and the cultural attaches abroad, (b)
Libraries, (c) Pre-Service and In-Service Training, (d) Social Work, (e) Physical
Education, Scout and Art Activities, and (0 Educational Media.
The Assistant Undersecretary for Administration heads four departments: (1)
Legal Affairs, (2) Personnel, (3) Financial Affairs, and (4) General Services
(school buses, transportation, building maintenance, and purchasing).
Educational Zones
For purposes of educational administration, the country is divided into nine
regions, seven run by an “Educational Zone,” a kind of regional office of education,
and two by a representative office. The Educational Zone is in charge of the day-to-
day running of the schools whether at the level of administration, personnel
management, instruction or educational supervision. School principals, inspectors
and other administrators are responsible to the Educational Zone and cannot bypass
it and report directly to the Ministry for any matter whatsoever. It is the Educational
Zone that, among other things, grants age dispensation for students who are either
too young to enter school or too old for a particular grade, distributes textbooks to
the schools, collects statistical data on enrollments and examinations and compiles
them.
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Schools
A school typically has five administrators: a principal, a vice-principal, an
officer, and one or two secretaries). A large share of the clerical work connected
with examinations, grade reporting and computations, is performed by teachers who
also perform playground duty. The post of Officer of Student Affairs was
eliminated, and this has led to a significant deterioration in discipline.
The level of supervision by the central Ministry is quite tight with some
powers for minor decisions delegated to the Educational Zones and practically none
to schools. All major decisions, including the hiring o f teachers, are taken at the
central level and, as put forward for Arab education in general, this may be due to
the perception that the level of competence of administrators at the regional level is
not sufficiently high. Or again, it may be perceived as an aspect of the coordination
of regional services recently achieved by the federal government and any departure
from this practice would be contrary to the federal spirit. But centralized
administration is notoriously inefficient. Al-Nabeh (1982) examined the Ministry’s
educational personnel management policies and concluded rather grimly that the
Ministry o f Education in the U.A.E. is a clear testimony to the fact that this country
is still a developing nation (Al-Nabeh, 1982). For the most part, the top echelons of
the administration are occupied by nationals. Females are under-represented at all
levels, particularly at the managerial one.
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While it is possible for female teachers to teach males at the elementary level,
male teachers cannot teach female students at any level. It is also compulsory to
have segregated schools throughout the U.A.E. Some exceptions are made for
private schools catering to western students, such as the French or the Japanese
schools where the student population is so small, it would not be feasible to
segregate. Elsewhere the policy is strictly enforced.
Financing
The financing of education went through stages. At the initial stages, foreign
missions funded it completely. Teachers at that time reported that they received their
salaries from the sponsoring country. The missions also provided textbooks and
stationery and met all the expenses of the educational operation. The rulers of the
separate emirates sometimes contributed. A few years before the federation was set
up, the ruler of Abu Dhabi undertook to pay the salaries of teachers in some less
wealthy northern emirates. The different emirates also set up separate departments
of education to run the schools and fund them.
After the federation was set up, the federal government took over all the
educational institutions in the new country and assumed all expenses including 47
schools opened and run by the government o f Kuwait (The Cultural Foundation,
1980). The emirates gladly surrendered this and other service sectors to the federal
government largely funded by the emirate of Abu Dhabi. In any case, the students
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were not asked to participate; on the contrary, they received all books, stationery
and, in the early years, even a stipend as an encouragement and maybe as a
compensation for lost wages. Some interviewees reported that, until 1983, students
received uniforms and, until 1978, they had a meal. To this day, students at the
schools run by the Ministry of Defense receive a monthly stipend in addition to all
books, stationery, uniforms, and room and board, if they wish.
When private schools started opening, they charged rather high tuition fees.
This type of education is totally funded from student fees. The only contribution of
the state is textbooks for Arabic, Islamic instruction and social studies; and even
those, schools claim, they have started being charged for. They, in turn, charge
students.
The budget of the Ministry of Education shows large increases. The
government budget shows a similar pattern. Still, the annual increase in the recurrent
budget for the last twenty years has reached 198% or an incredible 3965% over 20
years, but then again it is to be expected in such a young system. The share of
salaries has increased to almost 80% of recurrent expenditures while services fell
from a high of 33% to 19.53% in 1988. The breakdown of the budget after 1988 was
not available.
Al-Mutawaa (1987) found that middle school and secondary school students
cost DH 12,536 for industrial education, DH 58,966 for agriculture students and DH
32,506 for business education students. Even religious education students cost more
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than general track students (DH 13,734), but then it’s because there are so few of
them.
A crude approximation of the per capita spending on education can be found
in the following way. The cost per student in 1990-91 was estimated by dividing the
education budget by the number of public school students of all levels for that year,
which yields DH 8499. O f course, other factors would enter in the cost, but they are
ignored in this estimate. The approximate cost per student is then multiplied by the
total number of students in all kinds of schools, including private and Ministry of
Defense schools. This adds up to around 3.51 billion Dirhams spent on education.
When this is divided by the population, it comes to DH 1753 or US$ 475 per capita.
Bearing in mind that this is an underestimate as there are other types of expenditures
on education in addition to the Ministry budget (e.g., the parents’ contribution), it
places the U.A.E. among the highest spenders in the world. The average per capita
expenditure for developed countries was $366 in 1987 (Graham, 1987).
Apologists argue that the cost is high for the following reasons: (1) the cost
of living is already high, (2) statistics include the cost of building new costly
facilities for a system in full expansion, and (3) the presence of social services and
other incentives given to students increases the cost.
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Quantitative Development
Enrollments
Access to middle school education is subject to the condition that the student
has completed elementary school. He has to complete middle school in order to
enter secondary. Access to public schools is granted to U.A.E. citizens and children
of expatriates who work in the public sector. Others go to evening schools or enroll
in private schools.
Statistics for secondary enrollments for the period before 1968-69 are
fragmented and do not exist for the country as a whole. However, it is known that
most students were from the northern emirates of Sharjah, Dubai and Ras A 1 Khaima
and that they attended schools sponsored by neighboring countries. The emirates of
Abu Dhabi, the most populous but the one with probably the lowest rate of
enrollment at the time, had 1S9 students in middle schools and 59 all male students
in secondary schools in 1968-69, a fraction of whom were from Trucial States.
Females had a relatively late start and did not constitute more than 11% of
the secondary school student body in 1970-71. Their numbers began to grow until
parity was reached and even a slight superiority for females established. They
currently make up 51.6% of middle school and 56.0% of secondary school
enrollments. Reasons for the high percentages of females were given earlier and
include the fact that males are attracted to jobs earlier or simply drop out whereas
females stay in school as a way of escaping the stifling atmosphere of the home
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should they drop out. The rate of increase is high and averaged 40% a year for all
levels for the five years before the federation and 45% a year for middle and
secondary schools for the five years after the birth o f the state. Over the last five
years the rate of increase has gone down to 10.9% a year for middle schools and
11.8% a year for secondary schools.
In the U.A.E. educational system the trend is towards stabilization of the
system after its being heavily loaded at the elementary level and thin at the top. The
expansion of education in the U.A.E. has slowed down and the annual rate of
increase of enrollment has gone down to single digits while it was around 22%
annually in the early eighties. A comparison of the annual increase in enrollments in
the other GCC countries, for the six years from 1980-81 to 1985-86, shows that
countries like Qatar and Bahrain had reached a plateau by the early eighties (.8% and
5.4%, respectively), while Oman and the U.A.E. continued to expand to make up for
the relatively late start (98.7% and 21.6%).
Given the fact that the percentage of citizens is getting higher, this means that
the rate of increase in enrollments is even higher for them than for the entire group.
The percentage of citizen students in public schools has reached around 65% for
middle school and 60% for secondary schools.
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Teachers
Because the U.A.E. has no difficulty hiring teachers and little difficulty
paying them, the number of teachers is decided upon by the Ministry officials based
on such indices as class density, number of students per teacher, and weekly teaching
load. The number of teachers is a direct function of the number of students. The
teachers are on the whole well-qualified because of the intense competition among
teachers in major teacher-exporting countries—Egypt, Jordan and Syria—to secure
well-paid jobs in Gulf countries.
Teachers are also hired based on experience. The only teachers hired straight
from training are U.A.E. citizens and these made up no more than 15.1% of all
teachers in 1990-91. The average experience for teachers at all levels is 11 years.
However, there is a wide gap between U.A.E. citizens and expatriates. The 455
national teachers in 1986-87 constituted a relatively inexperienced work force since
they averaged only 3.2 years of teaching experience, most of it by female teachers,
against 11 years’ average for expatriates. Overall, this is one of the most
experienced teaching work forces anywhere.
In addition to the teaching load, class density and teacher-student ratio are
considered later. A factor used in determining the quality of a teaching work force is
the salary level. The basic monthly salary for a teacher with a bachelor’s degree is
2500 DH with an extra 500 for a master’s degree and another 500 for a doctorate.
Housing, transportation and cost of living allowances almost double this basic salary
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and bring the total tax-free salary to between 5500 DH and 6500 (or between $ 1.500
and $1,750 monthly) for first year expatriate teachers. U.A.E. nationals get
significantly more. Their basic salary is 4200 DH which, with the various
allowances, would reach about 8,000 DH (or about US$ 26,000 annually) for a
beginning teacher. While these salaries are indeed high for expatriate teachers
compared with what they would get in some of their own countries, they hardly
constitute an enticement for U.A.E. citizens to enter teaching. National graduates
can get more lucrative employment in the private sector or less exacting jobs in one
of the ministries.
The student-teacher ratio is relatively low and has improved in recent years.
In 1990-91, it reached 10.5 students to a teacher. In 1981-82, it was 13.8.
As to the actual teaching load, 56% of teachers at all levels teach between 17
and 21 45-minute periods a week. This compares favorably with private schools
where the load can vary from 27 to 35.
The textbook is at the center of teaching with students required to understand
and memorize information. Some teachers reported efforts to escape this routine, but
the load of the curriculum soon proved so heavy, particularly in view of the
examination that they had to revert to traditional teaching. The status of the teacher
is that o f a transmitter of knowledge and is as indispensable as the textbook. Thus,
the student is reduced to the role o f a receiver of knowledge and is rarely encouraged
to take responsibility for learning. The approach to teaching is dogmatic with most
inspectors insisting on things being done the right way and a full adherence to the
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curriculum. The view of knowledge by most teachers, as reported by several
inspectors, is static.
Evaluation
Instruction and evaluation procedures interact and have a mutual effect on
each other. Examinations necessarily reflect the teaching practices and, if the
teaching is content oriented, the examinations are bound to be. The kind of
questions asked stress memory, but very few of them test higher thinking skills.
In existence prior to 1991-92, the system divided the academic year into three
trimesters with considerable weight given to end-of-trimester tests and particularly
the one at the end of the year. The new regulations that went into effect in 1991-92
have brought about the following changes: the principle of continuous assessment
was introduced and the year was divided into two semesters with exams in January
and May. It was felt that a considerable amount of time had been previously spent
preparing for examinations, giving them and correcting papers. The change was an
effort to lighten the burden on teachers and to free both teacher and student to pursue
more genuine learning. The final year of high school still culminates in a national
examination, the General Secondary Certificate, which alone determines whether the
student passes or fails.
Regulations governing examinations specify that the student passes if he gets
a pass in all subjects. Re-sits take place in September for a maximum of three
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subjects. One week’s continuous absence or 10 days o f discontinuous absence with
or without valid excuse, deprive the student from the chance of taking the end of
year examination. If a student is absent for two weeks continuously or three weeks
total, he cannot sit for the General Secondary Certificate, but he can take re-sits in
September. Principals, however, find it difficult to enforce these regulations and
often not report the student’s absence. In a survey by the Arab Bureau of Education
in the Gulf States of the evaluation techniques used by teachers, it was found that
94% of the teachers in the U.A.E. used oral evaluation, 65% used essay type
questions, 79% used objective tests, and only 47% gave practical tests.
Teacher-prepared tests practically always include an essay-type question as it
may test recall, analysis and interpretation. Arabic and Islamic Studies are more
limited in their repertoire while English, Math, Science and Social Studies teachers
use such objective testing techniques as fill-in-the-blank, multiple-choice, true-or-
false or matching techniques.
Evaluation is plagued by the poor reliability o f tests and by the tendency of
students, particularly the weaker ones, to cheat under the pressure to do well. Most
tests, as mentioned, are subjective. Even objective tests are not measured for validity
and reliability either because lack of expertise, or lack o f time, or both.
Another issue in evaluation, some subjects complained, was semi-automatic
promotion in the lower grades since no provision is made for the weak students who
are promoted. This weakness affects results in later stages.
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Teacher Training and Supervision
Almost 85% of the teachers in public secondary schools are expatriates, some
already trained and others with a university degree in one of the basic disciplines
from their own countries. Therefor, pre-service teacher training in the U.A.E.
concerns only a small proportion of the teaching body. Teachers who are U.A.E.
citizens received their training for the most part at the U.A.E. University in the
eastern city of A 1 Ain. A total of 1134 students graduated from the College of
Education up to 1991 (U.A.E. University, 1995).
Since its opening in 1977, a 4-year degree program was offered by the
College of Education in the following specializations: Islamic Education, Arabic,
English, Sociology and Philosophy, History, Geography, Mathematics, Physics,
Chemistry, Natural History, also recently Art, Home Economics, Special Education,
Physical Education, and Psychology. The 132-credit training course has four
components: general knowledge, education, field o f specialization, and a practicum.
The field of specialization components is taken at various colleges across the
university outside the College o f Education.
In addition to this four-year degree course, there is a one-year graduate
course for graduates of other colleges, to train as teachers of their subject of
specialization. Recently, a one-year course in Administration and Education
Supervision to train high school principals, vice-principals and inspectors was
developed in conjunction with the Ministry o f Education.
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There is no real coordination between the Ministry and the University as to
the numbers and quality of graduates in spite of efforts by individuals from the two
institutions. The task of the inter-ministerial High Committee for Educational and
Instructional Affairs is precisely to intervene in such matters with the goal of limiting
duplication and waste through the coordination of the work of ministerial
departments with links to education.
There are three types of in-service training: (a) orientation of new teachers,
(b) growth and staff development and (c) leadership training. New expatriate
teachers have a short pre-service training course lasting from three days to two
weeks, which is mainly a familiarization with the curriculum, the textbooks and the
administrative practices. Growth training takes the form of visits by the inspector,
the organization o f workshops, and model lessons given by subject coordinators. A
large number of teachers complained that the in-service training they receive was
inadequate, too little and is determined by their status (orientation of new teachers)
or by changes such as the introduction of the new textbooks. The inspector, who is
in charge of training, often comes to see them only when they have a problem with
the school administration. Thus, in-service training is not an ongoing process as the
Ministry claims it is or would like it to be. In some specializations, teachers
complained that they were never invited to any workshops or model lessons.
Although in-service training is built into the system, the Ministry may be reluctant to
invest time and money in the training of expatriate teachers because of the high turn
over. Inspectors also reported that they were so overworked that they simply did not
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have the time for extra work. They have to see every teacher at least twice in the
academic year in addition to their visits to new teachers and problem cases at the
request o f the principal. Workshops come at the bottom of their priorities.
Leadership training is occasional and takes place usually at the beginning of
the academic year. It includes the orientation of new subject coordinators,
inspectors, principals and vice-principals.
The inspector is the person in the field responsible for the implementation of
the curriculum, and he is often viewed as the Ministry’s agent making sure its
instructions are carried out regardless of what teachers may feel. The job of an
inspector, theoretically at least, involves a two-way communication )i.e., also taking
to the Ministry the teachers’ point of view). But many teachers complain that his
role is simply of one who imposes the administration’s viewpoint. He is also viewed
as a threat to the job security of teachers since he writes annual reports about them
which have a direct bearing on whether their contract is renewed or not.
In addition to inspectors, there are subject coordinators who are selected on
the basis of competence and experience to act as resource people for their colleagues.
The position was created in 1988 to assist inspectors, but many subject coordinators
feel they are doing the job of an inspector without the status or the compensation.
They have no say in the inspector’s assessment of a teacher and, therefore, their
teaching recommendations and advice do not carry much weight. Furthermore, since
they are selected from among the ablest teachers, there is practically no difference
between them and inspectors. They feel the job of a subject coordinator should be a
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step to that of inspector and that inspectors should be selected exclusively from
amongst their ranks. They also complain of lack of material incentives.
Many inspectors feel that teachers in the U.A.E. are among the best anywhere
since they are the cream of the Arab world. Recruiting officers often interview
thousands of candidates each year before they hire a new hundred, so quality, they
feel, is bound to be high. However, not everybody thinks so. In a review of the
status of English instruction in the U.A.E., the British Council (1986) concluded that
the English language teaching force is “neither stable nor highly competent.” The
criteria used for hiring purposes are often academic qualifications and an interview,
which may not always be successful in selecting the appropriate candidates.
There is obvious bias against women since while half the teaching body is
female, women inspectors do not account for more than one-third of the inspector
corps and this, in a country that practices sex segregation for both students and
teachers, is somewhat surprising. This is explained by some inspectors who said that
women in the U.A.E. have domestic duties that make it difficult for them to
withstand the demands o f the job such as traveling and long meetings at sometimes
unsocial hours.
Conclusion
There has been a great deal of quantitative growth since 1968 with the rates
of increase peaking in the seventies and early eighties. Comparisons with other Gulf
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countries showed that the U.A.E. secondary system has reached a plateau with
annual increases down to single digits. The most significant feature has been the
participation of females both quantitatively and qualitatively.
The system is well financed with per capita expenditure on education ranking
high. Although this is no guarantee of quality, it does certainly help when a country
can hire well-qualified and experienced teachers, develop its own curricula, and
revise them annually. There is also an effort at efficient administration through
administrative reforms and an effort to improve quality.
Bashur (1982) writes of Arab education that it goes through two stages. At
first, it is viewed as a service to the community much like health or transportation.
Later, it becomes an agent of economic development in addition to its traditional role
as an imparter of knowledge and developer of skills and values. Secondary
education in the U.A.E. did certainly start as a service to a mainly illiterate society.
That view is now changing and voices are heard which advocate a new role for
education in economic and social development.
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Chapter 3
M eth o d o lo g y
Background—Qualitative Research
Qualitative Research Features
The researcher offers as a background five features of qualitative research as
the writer defines it (Bogdan & Biklen, 1992). All qualitative studies do not exhibit
all the traits with equal potency. Some, in fact, are almost completely barren of one
or more. The question is not whether a particular piece of research is or is not
absolutely qualitative; rather it is an issue o f degree.
Qualitative research has the natural setting as the direct source of data, and
the researcher is the key instrument. Researchers enter and spend considerable time
in schools, families, neighborhoods, and other locales learning about educational
concerns. Although some people use videotape equipment and recording devices,
many go completely unarmed save for a pad and a pencil. Even when equipment is
used, however, the data are collected on the premises and supplemented by the
understanding that is gained by being on location. In addition, mechanically
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recorded materials are reviewed in their entirety by the researcher with the
researcher’s insight being the key instrument for analysis. In a major study of
medical education, for example, researchers went to a Midwestern medical school
where they followed students to classes, laboratories, hospital wards, and the places
where they gathered for social occasions as well: their cafeterias, their fraternities,
and study halls (Becker et al., 1961). For a study of educational stratification in
California (Ogbu, 1974), it took the author twenty-one months to complete the
fieldwork for visiting, observing, and interviewing teachers, students, principals,
families, and members of school boards.
Qualitative researchers go to the particular setting under study because they
are concerned with context. They feel that the action can best be understood when it
is observed in the setting in which it occurs. The setting has to be understood in the
context of the history of the institutions of which they are a part. When collecting
the data with which they are concerned, like work produced by the subjects, as in the
case of official records, researchers want to know where, how and under what
circumstances they came into being. O f what historical circumstances and
movements are they part? To divorce the act, work, or gesture from its context is,
for the qualitative researcher, to lose sight of significance. The anthropologist
Geertz (1973) says that if anthropological interpretation is constructing a reading of
what happens, then to divorce it from what happens— from what in this time or that
place specific people say, what they do, what is done to them, from the whole vast
business of the world—is to divorce it from its application and render it vacant. A
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good interpretation of anything—a poem, a person, a history, a ritual, an institution,
a society takes us to the heart o f that of which it is the interpretation.
Whether the data are collected on classroom interaction by videotape
machines (Florio, 1978; Mehan, 1979), on science education through interviewing
(Denny, 1978), or on desegregation by participant observation (Metz, 1978),
qualitative researchers assume that human behavior is significantly influenced by the
setting in which it occurs, and whenever possible, they go to that location.
This study falls in the category of qualitative research and is descriptive. The
data collected are in the form of words and charts rather than numbers. The written
results of the research contain quotations from the data to illustrate and substantiate
presentation. The data include field notes, official government documents, memos
and other official records. The writer analyzed the data with all o f their richness as
closely as possible to the form in which they were collected and transcribed.
Qualitative studies have been described by some as “anecdotal.” This is
because they often contain quotations and try to describe what a particular situation
or view of the world is like in narrative form. The written work is very important in
the qualitative approach, both recording data and disseminating the findings (Bogdan
& Biklen, 1992).
In collecting descriptive data, qualitative researchers approach the world in a
very detailed manner. Many of us are locked into our “taken for granted” worlds,
oblivious to the details of our environment, and to the assumptions under which we
operate. We fail to notice such things as gestures, jokes, who does the talking in a
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conversation, the decorations on the walls, and the special words we use and to
which those around us respond.
The qualitative research approach demands that the world be approached
with the assumption that nothing is trivial, that everything has the potential of being
a clue that might unlock a more comprehensive understanding of what is being
studied. The researcher constantly asks such questions: “Why are these economic
data arranged the way they are in this study?” “Why are some data from different
Ministries’ statistics different?” “Is there a reason for certain activities being carried
out where they are?” Nothing is taken as a given, and no statement escapes scrutiny.
Description succeeds as a method of data gathering when details face accounting.
Data Gathering Processes
Below are descriptions of some of the processes that qualitative researchers
are concerned with in gathering their data.
Qualitative Emphasis on Process
Bogdan and Biklen (1992) explain:
Qualitative researchers are concerned with process rather
than simply with outcomes or products. How do people
negotiate meaning? How do certain terms and labels come
to be applied? How do certain notions come to be of the
activity or events under study? In studies of mainstreaming
and integration in schools, for instance, the researchers
examined teachers’ attitudes toward certain kinds of children
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and then studied how these attitudes were translated into
daily interactions with them and how the daily interactions
then reified those taken-for-granted attitudes (Bruni, 1980;
Rist, 1978). In interviews with school administrators and
candidates for administrative positions, a researcher showed
how attitudes that reflected lower expectations, sexual fears,
and other stereotypical notions toward women were
integrated into the hiring process (Schmuck, 1975). (p. 31)
The qualitative emphasis on process has been particularly beneficial in
educational research in clarifying the self-fulfilling prophecy, the idea that students’
cognitive performance in school is affected by teachers’ expectations of them
(Rosenthal & Jacobson, 1968). Quantitative techniques have been able to show by
means of pre-and post-testing that changes occur. Qualitative strategies have
suggested just how the expectations are translated into daily activities, procedures,
and interactions. A particularly brilliant rendition of the self-fulfilling prophecy in a
kindergarten classroom can be found in a participant observation study of an
African-American kindergarten class in St. Louis. The children were divided into
groups based on essentially social and economic criteria within the first few days of
school. The teacher interacted more with her top group, allowed the top-group
students more privileges, and even permitted them to discipline members of the
lower group. The day-to-day process of interaction is richly portrayed (Rist, 1980).
This kind of study focuses on how definitions (teacher’s definitions o f students, and
students’ definitions of each other and themselves) are formed.
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Grounded Theory Approach
According to Bogdan and Biklen (1992),
[qualitative researchers tend to analyze their data
inductively. They do not search out data or evidence to
prove or disprove hypotheses they hold before entering the
study; rather, the abstractions are built as the particulars that
have been gathered are grouped together, (p. 31)
Theory developed this way emerges from the bottom up (rather than from the
top down), from many disparate pieces of collected evidence that are interconnected.
It is called grounded theory (Glasser & Strauss, 1967). As a qualitative researcher
planning to develop some kind of theory about what he or she has been studying, the
direction he or she travels comes after collecting the data, after having spent time
with the subjects. He or she is not putting together a puzzle whose picture is already
known. He or she is constructing a picture that takes shape as collecting and
examining the parts. This process of data analysis is like a funnel; things are open at
the beginning (or top) and more directed and specific at the bottom. The qualitative
researcher plans to use part of the study to learn what the important questions are.
He or she dees not assume that enough is know to recognize important concerns
before undertaking the research.
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Participant Perspectives Approach
Bogdan and Biklen (1992) explain further:
“Meaning” is of essential concern to the qualitative
approach. Researchers who use this approach are interested
in the ways different people concerned with what are called
participant perspectives They focus on such questions as:
What assumptions do people make about their lives? What
do they take for granted? In one educational study, for
example, the researcher focused part of his work on parent
perspectives on their children’s education. He wanted to
know what parents thought about why their children were
not doing well in school. He found that the parents also
blamed teachers who assumed that this very poverty and lack
of education meant the children would not be good students.
He also studied the teachers’ and the children’s perspectives
on the same issues in hopes of finding some intersections,
and to explore the implications for schooling. By learning
the perspectives of the participants, qualitative research
illuminates the inner dynamics of situations—dynamics that
are often invisible to the outsider, (p. 32)
Qualitative researchers are concerned with making sure they capture
perspectives accurately. Some researchers who use videotape shop the completed
tapes to the participants in order to check their own interpretations with those of the
informants (Meham, 1978). Other researchers may show drafts of articles or
interview transcripts to key informants. Still others may verbally check out
perspectives with subjects (Grant, 1988). Although there is some controversy over
such procedures, they reflect a concern with capturing the people’s own way of
interpreting significance as accurately as possible.
Qualitative researchers in education can continually be found asking
questions of the people they are learning from to discover “What they are
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experiencing, how they interpret their experiences, and how they themselves
structure the social world in which they live” (Psathas, 1973). Qualitative
researchers set up strategies and procedures to enable them to consider experiences
from the informants’ perspectives. But the process of doing qualitative research
reflects a kind of dialogue or interplay between researchers and their subjects since
researchers do not approach their subjects neutrally.
Research Design
Descriptive Approach
The study employed a descriptive, historical design that adopted the
descriptive exploratory analysis to the problem under investigation. The descriptive
approach, in spite of its limitations, was the most practical and appropriate research
methodology employed for this research study. Furthermore, a descriptive study was
appropriate in the U.A.E. case in the absence of similar studies within this research
area. Thus, this methodology was o f great value at this preliminary stage for
analyzing the educational development in the U.A.E. before and after independence.
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Data Specification and Collection
The data required were collected through reviewing the literature available on
the U.A.E. in the following areas:
■ General history of the U.A.E since the beginning of the British
occupation.
■ The major historical related events that have taken place in the U.A.E.
after independence.
■ Descriptive statistics on the educational conditions in the U.A.E.
■ Similar studies from other developing countries, mainly in the Middle
East and Gulf countries.
The sources of data collection included official statistics on the related areas
of concern to the study which was obtained from libraries in the United States in
terms o f books, journal articles, letters, newspapers and different publications and
historical documents. A computer search was utilized to ensure maximum inclusion
of pertinent literature. The researcher contacted local official institutions that were
involved in education. The researcher also used his personal experience as he has
worked for years on the U.A.E. in area of educational and economic development.
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Sampling
The target sampling units of the study included all possible educational and
historical events that have occurred on the U.A.E. The focus was on major events
that had a major potential influence on the development of education in the U.A.E.
The sampling focused on the available research from both academic and private
sources.
Analysis o f Data
When the data necessary for the study were collected and major events were
identified, the analysis o f data proceeded by using the casual-effect process to
identify the potential effect of those events on the development o f education in the
U.A.E.
Quantitative and qualitative factors were identified for assessing their
influence on education. The researcher employed logical reasoning, strengthened by
similar interpretations o f other researchers and amplified by the available studies of
comparable situations in other neighboring countries.
To strengthen the reliability of arguments and the data used in the study, the
researcher diversified his sources of data collection. He gathered the largest possible
available documents and data available on the subject.
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To strengthen the validity of results and interpretations, the researcher relied
on logical reasoning. He verified and utilized validity checks o f the factors affecting
the development of higher education by consulting experts in the field, that is, the
dissertation committee members and others. The data analyzed were finally
displayed by their potential effect on education.
Five research questions on the education system in the United Arab Emirates
were derived from the areas identified above:
1. How did the social, economic and political context affect the
development of education?
2. Are the instruction and evaluation procedures consistent with the explicit
objectives and the major policy statements?
3. How has the administrative and pedagogical structure of the education
system evolved with particular reference to centralization of decision
making power?
4. How effective is the education system in terms of expenditure, success
and student retention?
5. How have the numbers and characteristics of the student population and
teaching body changes?
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Chapter 4
Sum m ary of Fin din g s
Internal Efficiency
In this study internal efficiency took into account the different variables of
the U.A.E. system and the way they operate. Some of these were financial
(expenditure, efficient use of resources, and cost per student), others student-related
(truancy, dropping out, failure), still others teacher-related (qualifications, teaching
load, student-teacher ratio, class density).
Examples of material waste are numerous. Most are caused by inefficient
management procedures. For instance, the Al Khaleej newspaper (“Educated,” 1990)
reported that 59 language laboratories were bought and scarcely used because of the
lack of teaching materials and qualified technical staff. There were 6 technicians for
59 laboratories. Twenty million U.A.E. Dirhams (5.43 million US$) were thus
squandered complained the newspaper. The Ministry is, however, tightening the lid
on such expenses, and it is a special Ministry committee headed by the
Undersecretary that reported this waste.
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Truancy is a problem. It is the responsibility of social workers, but truancy is
often underreported. Truancy is linked to the relevance of teaching as shown by a
Ministry study in which a sample of 90 truants were asked why they did not attend
classes (Ministry of Education, 1991). Some 22.2% said it was because they did not
like particular teachers, 10% said it was because there was too much work, and 10%
felt the school did not meet their needs. Thus, 55.5% in all said they skipped classes
because of school-related factors.
Another Ministry survey found that truancy, unruly behavior and cheating on
exams constituted major problems at schools. The main reason given were the ease
with which students could get jobs (67.7%), lack of authority from the school
administration (64.5%), the parents’ wealth (64.4%) and automatic promotion in
lower grades (64.1%). In any case, truancy is a major issue particularly among
U.A.E. citizens who may not be convinced o f education’s benefits.
Failing and dropping out are also causes of concern to educational policy
makers. A 1 Mutawaa (1987) reported that out of 1,000 male and 1,000 female
students (citizens only) who enter first grade in a given year, 61 males or 6.1% and
85 females or 8.5% finish high school in the prescribed 12 years. A total o f 461
males and 436 females finish high school having failed at least once. This means
that about half the students who enter first grade will have dropped out before they
finished high school. Some reasons mentioned earlier include the ease with which
they can get jobs that do not require qualifications and the dry and boring nature of
school. Table 4.1 gives the evolution of the pass rate by grade and sex between
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1987-1992. It shows an improvement in the results of middle school students at all
three levels and for both sexes, but the results o f secondary school students actually
got worse, except for females, in the final year of secondary school. The biggest
drop was for the first year of secondary school.
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Table 4.1
Pass Rate by Grade and Sex, 1987-1992, U.A.E.
Grade Sex 1987-88 1988-89 1989-90 1990-91 1991-92
1 Prep M 76.1% 79.2% 76.6% 78.0% 77.4%
F 83.2% 88.2% 88.4% 84.9% 88.0%
2 Prep M 82.5% 83.0% 83.9% 85.4% 85.5%
F 86.1% 91.0% 91.3% 91.7% 94.4%
3 Prep M 80.0% 76.0% 87.6% 86.9% 87.0%
F 92.0% 90.0% 93.0% 92.5% 92.2%
1 Sec M 78.5% 73.2% 73.1% 68.0% 64.5%
F 89.2% 86.0% 85.2% 82.5% 75.6%
2 Arts M 91.7% 83.6% 85.8% 85.0% 83.8%
F 97.5% 94.3% 93.3% 90.5% 85.9%
2 Science M 87.0% 86.7% 84.0% 86.6% 80.0%
F 94.4% 95.0% 93.0% 92.1% 89.0%
3 Arts M 91.0% 79.3% 67.3% 68.6% 87.1%
F 94.3% 84.3% 78.0% 82.8% 93.3%
3 Science M 88.4% 87.6% 80.55% 81.4% 86.6%
F 92.0% 92.7% 90.3% 87.6% 92.5%
Source: Compiled from the Ministry o f Education, Statistical Bulletins, U.A.E.
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Some indicators of quality are teacher-student ratio. Class density has not
changed significantly for public schools between 1977-78 and 1991-92 (26.7 in
1991-92). But is has increased slightly for the final year of secondary school for
both the humanities (from 18.8 to 21.8) and science sections (from 18.9 to 22.5).
However, this compares favorably with other gulf countries and certainly other Arab
countries. For comparison purposes, Table 4.2 gives class density for 1991-92 for
GCC countries. Other Arab countries have mostly higher densities. Some of these
are 30.8 in Jordan, 32.5 in Tunisia, 39.2 in Algeria, 36.6 in Egypt and even a
dramatic 56.4 in Sudan (ALECSO, 1991).
Table 4.2
Class Density for Countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council, 1988-89
Country Middle Schools Secondary Schools
U.A.E. 28.0 24.7
Bahrain 34.1 32.1
Kuwait 32.4 33.9
Saudi Arabia 27.0 26.5
Oman 28.1 26.2
Qatar 29.1 24.6
Source: Compiled from ABEGS, 1992.
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As for the teacher-student ratio, the U.A.E. had the third lowest ratio in the
Gulf for middle and secondary schools combined (12.9) behind Qatar (10.4) and
Kuwait (11.8).
These ratios vary for other Arab countries between 17.6 in Jordan, 17.9 in
Algeria, to 18.5 in Morocco and 20.5 in Mauritania and reach highs of 25.2 in
Somalia and 31.1 in Syria. An external indicator of quality is how well graduates
perform in further studies, particularly in systems that are not specifically designed
for them. A study of U.A.E. undergraduate students in American universities
(Sulaiman, 1987) found that between 1978 and 1985 177 students (or 43% of the
total) graduated and 244 (57%) either dropped out or transferred outside the USA.
As elsewhere, females performed better than males, but marital status and place of
residence in the U.A.E. were not significant.
The data indicate that there has been improvement in internal efficiency
compared with the early years. Some teachers complained, however, that there was
pressure from the administration to give higher grades and thus reduce the failure
rate. This forced leniency may have unduly improved the statistics.
External Efficiency
As mentioned elsewhere, external efficiency refers to the role the educational
system plays in society and its usefulness, economic or otherwise. The most obvious
point is the link between the educational and the economic systems. A system is said
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to have high external efficiency when it serves the societal goals it sets out to serve.
In practice, however, many systems find themselves well short of these goals. The
situation in the USE presents some peculiarities because of the population and the
economic situations. The educational system is called upon to produce indigenous
graduates who are capable of productive employment in record time.
Although technical education started practically at the same time as general
education, it witnessed a decline in importance. Its share has been constantly
dropping in relation to general education. Enrollments have virtually stagnated for
the past ten years in spite of the slight increase in the last two years. A similar trend
has been observed in other Arab countries where technical education accounted for
17% of the enrollments in 1960 and only 9.2% in 1987 (Bashur, 1989).
Reasons for lack of interest were investigated by the Ministry of Education.
A study involving students in the first year of secondary school (i.e., the year after
they had made a choice to enter or not to enter the field of technical education) found
that of those who had chosen technical education 82.2% had positive feelings
towards it. Of those who had chosen to remain in the mainstream of general
education and who represent the vast majority, 39.2% had positive feelings towards
technical education. This shows that technical education cannot compete with
general education, but the authors note, however, that 39.2% of 4144 students in the
entire first year of secondary school represent 1627 potential students compared to
118 students who had actually entered technical school at the time of the study.
Given the right incentives, these schools could see higher enrollments. The
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incentives could be deduced from the reasons general education students gave for not
entering technical education. They included a desire to get a university education,
low returns from their training, and unavailability o f a technical school in their area.
Two factors work against technical education in the U.A.E. One is the high
cost per student. It has been mentioned that a student in a technical school costs on
average about three times as much as a student in general education. Given the
national wealth, this should not be a problem as, indeed, the policy statements from
the head of state seem to indicate when he refers to human wealth being more lasting
than oil wealth. However shortsighted economic sense dictates that expatriates will
be considerably cheaper to employ so long as citizens are able to find employment in
fields where training is less costly. The second factor is that, after costing the state
so much, many graduates do not work in their field o f specialization.
A recent shift in the post-secondary education is the opening of higher
colleges of technology, which train technical staff for the public and private sectors.
They offer university-level training that gives access to more prestigious and better
paying jobs. If one considers international standards, however, for every university
graduate, there should be one to three middle-level technicians and between ten and
twenty skilled workers. It is obvious that the U.A.E. is a long way from achieving
this balance. Even when it is compared with other GCC countries, the U.A.E.
occupies a modest position with technical students representing 1.1% of the total
enrollments at middle and secondary schools. Bahrain tops the list with 19%,
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followed by Saudi Arabia with 3.5%, Qatar with 2.3%. Only Oman has a lower
percentage with 0.9%.
There seems to be a need for adequate planning and an evaluation of the
relationship between education and development. The immediate and medium-term
manpower needs also need to be assessed and integrated into the educational policy
with the provision of more medium-level vocational training centers with more
specialties.
Back in 1973, the then Minister of Education, Abdallah Omran Taryam,
declared to a local newspaper (Cultural Foundation, 1980) that efforts were being
made to increase the number of students at the four technical schools in Abu Dhabi,
Dubai, Sharjah and Ras A 1 Khaima. He also declared that the Ministry policy “has
gone beyond graduating civil servants who pile up in ministries and are a burden on
them” (p. 4). Almost twenty years later, not much has changed.
Differential Impact
The educational system in the U.A.E. certainly affects different groups
differently. The examination results for the academic year 1989-90 were considered
for the entire government school population with sex, nationality, residence and level
as independent variables to assess whether any group was doing significantly better
than others. The results are given in Table 4.3, showing that females outperform
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males, expatriates outperform nationals, secondary students do better than middle
school students, and urban and rural students perform almost at the same level.
Table 4.3
Failure Rate in End of Year Examinations by Sex, Nationality, Residence
and Level in the U.A.E., 1989-1990
Nationality Residence Level
Group Overall Citizen Expat Urban Rural Elem Middle Sec
Sex
Male 13.12 14.38 6.70 13.24 13.48 9.87 23.93 11.76
Female 8.80 10.70 5.20 8.64 10.02 7.99 13.18 5.41
Nationality
Citizen 13.83 13.77 14.10 11.32 23.79 9.47
Expat 6.02 6.14 4.72 4.47 10.25 7.26
Residence
Urban 10.87 8.55 18.85 8.71
Rural 12.12 10.91 19.95 6.27
Level
Elem 8.96
Middle 18.96
Sec 8.64
Source: Com puted from Ministry o f Education, Annual Statistics, 1993-1994, U.A.E.
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When computed separately for each level of each variable, there are 24 cells:
by sex (2 levels), by residence (2 levels), by nationality (2 levels), and by level (3
levels). When the 24 sub-groups are ordered from the one with the lowest failure
rate to the one with the highest rate, the most successful quarter is entirely expatriate
(6 out of 6), primarily female (4 out of 6), rural (4 out of 6), and elementary (4 out of
6). Conversely, the bottom quarter is primarily made of citizens (5 out of 6), male (5
out of 6), and secondary (4 out of 6). Nationality and sex seem to matter more than
level or to some extent place of residence in determining success.
The results of the 1992 General Secondary Certificate (high school diploma)
for the science section reveal the superiority of females over males and of expatriates
over citizens. As reported in the press, 11 of the top 19 students nationwide
(students with top ten grades in the national examination) are female; none of them is
a U.A.E. citizen. In the academic year 1990-91, the failure rate in the Abu Dhabi
Educational Zone at the middle level was considerably higher for male citizens than
for female citizens (24.9% against 8.3%). Both groups fared less well than female
expatriates (5.4% only) (Abu Dhabi Educational Zone, 1992). Compare Table 4.4.
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Table 4.4
Top 6 and Bottom 6 Sub-Groups Ranked by Failure Rate (Lowest to
Highest), 1993-1994, U.A.E.
Rank Sub-Group 1993-94
Failure
Rate
1 expatriate female rural middle 3.07%
2 expatriate male rural elementary 3.74%
3 expatriate female rural elementary 4.41%
4 expatriate female urban elementary 4.45%
5 expatriate male urban secondary 6.10%
19 citizen male rural middle 16.52%
20 citizen female urban secondary 18.44%
21 expatriate male urban secondary 19.74%
22 citizen male rural secondary 20.73%
23 citizen male urban middle 23.05%
24 citizen male urban secondary 31.15%
Source: Ministry of Education, Annual Statistics, 1993-1994, U.A.E.
A student population at or near the normal age is indicative of a low repeat
rate. The percentage of students over the normal age, as can be expected, increases
with the level. However, more citizens tend to be above the normal age than
expatriates, more males than females, and more humanities than science students.
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Table 4.5 shows the percentage of students over age in 1992-93 by nationality,
grade, and sex.
Table 4.5
Percentage of Students Over the Normal Age by Nationality, Grade and
Sex, 1992-93
Grade
Citizens Expatriates
Male Female Male Female
Middle 1 10.20 9.00 8.40 7.80
2 10.10 9.50 8.10 7.70
3 9.30 11.20 7.60 9.20
Secondary 1 14.40 14.10 11.10 11.10
Humanities 2 17.90 14.30 17.90 13.60
Science 2 6.50 6.00 5.10 4.40
Humanities 3 22.60 18.10 22.10 17.20
Science 3 8.20 5.50 6.50 5.00
Source: Ministry of Planning, 1993, Annual Statistical Abstracts, Table 198, U.A.E.
Class density and teacher-student ratio are not uniformly distributed. Rural
students have a lower class density and a lower teacher-student ratio as can be
expected since schools tend to be smaller and scattered. Rural females have
particularly low class densities and student-teacher ratios. Table 4.6 gives the
student-teacher ratios and the class density for urban and rural schools by sex.
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Table 4.6
Class Density and Student-Teacher Ratio by Sex and Residence, 1986-87,
U.A.E.
Group
Urban Rural
Male Female Male Female
Student-Teacher 15.5 13.5 7.6 5.0
Class Density Middle 29.8 30.4 17.7 13.3
Class Density Secondary 28.4 28.6 9.25 6.4
There were also differences in dropout rates among the educational zones.
As Table 4.7 shows, the rate reached 43.7 for male middle school students in Abu
Dhaib and only 11.9% in A 1 Ain and 11.7% in the mainly rural western zone. Large
cities have particularly high dropout rates.
Touq (1987) reports that the handicapped make up about 12% of the U.A.E.
population, but a look at the statistics shows that they are greatly under-represented
as they accounted for .3% of the enrollments in 1988-89.
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Table 4.7
Drop Out by Region 1992-93
Level Sex I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Mid M 43.7 11.9 11.7 44.1 38.3 43.5 32.1 46.5 35.2
F 20.7 12.8 23.1 23.1 40.2 35.8 27.1 36.5 25.1
Sec M 38.0 10.1 19.5 28.5 26.2 40.5 32.0 39.3 36.6
F 16.3 16.4 16.7 19.5 23.7 28.6 n/a 29.0 17.4
Note. 1= Abu Dhabi, 2= A1 Ain, 3= Western, 4= Dubai, 5= Sharjah, 6= Ajman,
7=Um A 1 Quwain, 8= Ras A1 Khaima, 9= Eastern.
Nationalization of Teaching Staff
Nationalization is a hot issue in the U.A.E. as it is in the other Gulf countries.
It is dictated by the desire to reduce the expatriate population and let nationals take
over the task o f building the country and also by the security risk posed by the
situation which was highlighted during the Gulf War wherein some Arab countries
supported the invasion o f Kuwait. Since education is considered a high priority
sector, every effort is made to train national teachers who will take over from
expatriates, but education in the U.A.E. remains dominated by foreigners in terms of
students, personnel, curricula, and administrative practices. Successive development
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plans announced big reductions in expatriate labor, but none has been successful.
Far from improving, the situation is deteriorating in some sectors.
It is a fact that citizens take up teaching only as a last resort. The College of
Education accepts high school graduates with the lowest grades and people who will
not be accepted elsewhere. Even so, only 30 or 40% o f the graduates of the College
o f Education actually enter teaching upon graduation (Touq, 1987, p. 8). Some
disciplines, such as P.E., Art and Music, do not have any national teachers because
of the low status of these disciplines. Expatriates almost exclusively run the fields of
curriculum planning and development, evaluation, educational research, and teacher
training. The percentage of nationals is highest at the managerial level. Calls are
heard for the enhancement of the status of teachers in the community by raising the
material incentives to attract the ablest candidates. Touq (1987) writes that the
percentage of U.A.E. teachers is not expected to exceed 50% by the year 2000.
Eight years before that deadline, there was no indication that the percentage of
national teachers would even get near that mark. The U.A.E. still has a long way to
go on the path of nationalization.
It is this researcher’s opinion that nationalization must begin with the student
body. The presence of large numbers of expatriate students means the economy still
needs the skills of their parents. As long as these continue to occupy posts in other
sectors, young citizens will start by taking over those jobs before they enter harder,
less prestigious jobs such as teaching or technical work pretty much as a crowd
entering a movie theater occupy the best seats first until, gradually, the whole theater
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is full. Talk of nationalizing the teaching profession in isolation from other sectors is
at best erroneous and at worst misleading. The problem is too large to be tackled by
one sector alone.
Findings for Research Questions
Five research questions were asked for this study. They were derived from a
proposed model for the evaluation of educational systems.
Research Question 1
How did the social, economic and political context affect the development o f
education?
Changes in the context of education have certainly been great. The economic
situation was turned upside down by the discovery o f oil and the sudden wealth
generated interest in and allowed the financing of education. The political situation
also changed significantly with the creation of the federation, which undertook the
development and extension of education to large numbers, and in remote areas.
Finally, the presence of large numbers of expatriates means that U.A.E. citizens feel
they have been taken over in their own country, and a number o f them feel education
and training of citizens are the only ways out of this situation in which the country
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has found itself a majority of minorities. The situation has been very favorable to the
development of education in general and secondary education in particular.
There has been little change in the traditional aspect of the society. It is and
has been based on traditional Islamic values, which advocate sex segregation in
schools and in the work place. There is interaction between the socio-politico-
economic context and education wherein one influences the others. The context has
been extremely favorable to the development of education in spite of the disincentive
the high standard of living constitutes for students.
Research Question 2
Are the instruction and the evaluation procedures consistent with the explicit
objectives and the major policy statements?
The policy statements stress the function of education in manpower
development. The objectives stress the fact that in a world in which knowledge
changes so quickly, the emphasis should be on how to leam and not on stuffing the
students with information. Practice, however, is inconsistent with this and does not
differ at all from the traditional teaching and evaluation techniques in use since the
beginning of the secondary education system.
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Research Question 3
How has the administrative and pedagogical structure o f the secondary
education system developed with particular reference to centralization o f decision
making power?
Before the creation of the Ministry, each emirate ran its own schools in
conjunction with the sponsoring country but, since the creation o f the federation, the
level of centralization has been great. There has indeed been a conscious attempt at
centralization of decision-making power in a single body as a way of achieving
coordination and avoiding duplication of efforts. Recently, the Ministry has begun
delegating some of its administrative duties to the educational zones and the school
principals. However, it seems that important decisions concerning curriculum,
textbooks, and the hiring of teachers for instance are still taken by the Ministry and,
given the small size of the country and the rather low level of expertise outside, the
Ministry will probably continue to be in control for a long time.
Research Question 4
How efficient is the secondary education system in terms o f expenditure,
success and retention?
In spite of occasional financial blunders due to inefficient management, there
is stricter control on expenditure, particularly after the fall in oil prices and the free-
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fall in the value of the U.S. dollar which is the basis for these prices. The Ministry
still provides free books, stationery and transportation to all public school students
which other Arab countries could ill afford.
As for success and retention, it appears that the system is not very efficient as
a considerable proportion of students fail or drop out in middle or early secondary
school. These students are mostly males who are attracted to jobs or simply do not
see the need for further schooling since it is not, for them, a path to economic
improvement. The relevance of what is taught and the appropriateness of the
teaching method are also questioned in this respect. The indicators of internal
efficiency are improving unless they have been consciously manipulated, for
instance by lowering the bar, as a way of improving the image o f the system.
Research Question 5
How have the numbers and characteristics o f the student population and
teaching body changed?
The system went through mass expansion between 1973 and 1981 when
enrollments in public middle and secondary schools increased by 563% in eight
years. Over the next ten years, the increase came down to 134% and seems to have
stabilized at around 7 to 10% a year. The student body is mainly female (53% in
middle schools and 56% in secondary school) and partly foreign in public schools
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and predominately so in private schools. The average age for each grade has also
come down.
The teaching corps is mainly foreign and about evenly divided by gender.
The expatriate teachers are more experienced than citizens who have only recently
taken up teaching. Nationalization remains a key issue and will dominate
educational policy for years to come.
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Chapter 5
C o n c lu sio n s, Future Per spec tiv es, and
R eco m m endations
Conclusions
The average age of U.A.E. students at different levels is becoming younger,
which is an indication of lower repeat rate. Females are still consistently younger in
average, and students in the science section are also younger than their counterparts
in humanities.
As in many other countries, education in the U.A.E. has been and still is in
many respects reviewed as a service to the citizens, not much different from the
postal or the telephone services. Quality and relevance have not been deemed of
prime importance. The view is now changing as it is elsewhere. Non-oil countries,
particularly the most populous ones, are experiencing the problem of graduate
unemployment. Traumatized by the Gulf War, Gulf countries in general, U.A.E. in
particular, are beginning to view education, not as a service sector, but as a tool for
economic and social advancement. The Gulf War brought home to the policy
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makers the need for a competent, native workforce to one day take over from
expatriates. It is no longer enough to produce graduates who are literate and have a
general academic training that allows them to take administrative posts. The need is
for qualified manpower corresponding to economic need.
Future Perspectives
UNESCO (1982) projects that the rate of absorption of the U.A.E. secondary
education system will reach 70% of the 12-17 age group in the year 2000. The
quantitative development will continue but at a slower pace. There are three possible
scenarios for the future orientation of secondary education:
Scenario 1: Major re-orientation,
Scenario 2: Minor innovation, and
Scenario 3: The status quo.
A reform introduced in Saudi Arabia in 1975-76 was the introduction of
comprehensive schools. Kuwait introduced the credit system in 1978-79 while
Bahrain introduced early specialization and credit system with the result that a
significant portion of secondary students are in vocational training. All these
reforms give students more choice.
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A paper by the Department of Technical Education in the Ministry of
Education discussed at the meeting of the Regulations and Development Committee
headed by the Minister himself recommends limiting enrollment in general education
and instead directing students to technical schools. It also stressed the importance of
enlisting the support of employers and their participation in financing, training, and
providing people jobs. Students, it said, should also have access to post-secondary
institutions in their field of specialization to improve the image of the graduate of
technical education, and the material incentives offered students should be increased.
The study also recommended opening five comprehensive schools in the five major
U.A.E. cities.
The Ministry of Defense is currently engaged in a major overhaul of its
schools. It is no longer interested in providing general education. Instead, it is
attempting to increase quality by accepting only the top 10% of middle school
graduates into secondary schools. These then go on to the Military Academy. The
rest take middle level vocational training or simply enlist as privates in the army.
One possibility for the Ministry o f Education is to set up a fundamental education
program encompassing the current elementary and middle schools. This program
can be compulsory (until now only elementary education is) and can provide basic
education and skills in the main disciplines. After that, secondary schools can open
only to a small elite who can continue on an academic track. The majority of
students can have access to vocational training with the possibility for the best of
them to receive university-level training to secure top-level jobs.
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This scenario is in line with the proposed changes across the Arab world, but
the difficulties with it are cost and acceptability. The cost o f vocational training at
the secondary level is considerably higher than general education. The government
may not be willing to provide the required funds, and it may not be possible to
require students to contribute financially to their education. The other hurdle is the
acceptability of vocational training to parents since society at large holds academic
programs in higher esteem. A less wealthy neighboring country, Bahrain, has
adopted such a system with considerable success.
The second scenario involves minor changes and improvements without
altering the basic set up of the system in terms of orientation, curricula, and teaching
practices.
U.A.E. University started a compulsory fundamental education program for
all students covering two semesters of intense language and study skills, basic
mathematics, and computer literacy. This stresses the failure of the general
education schools to prepare the students adequately for university level study. The
efforts of the Ministry in this scenario are directed at improving the quality of its
graduates through the manipulation of administrative, instructional, and curriculum
variables.
The Assistant Undersecretary for planning said in a newspaper interview that
the orientation after the two-semester year was adopted is towards introducing the
credit system. Other changes could follow that can improve the standards and make
secondary education more attractive to students to stop them from dropping out.
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This scenario is the most feasible since there is social pressure to maintain the
academic orientation of the curriculum and there is no significant increase in cost.
An examination of the educational system since its beginning reveals
remarkable continuity in all the elements despite constant calls for change and even
minor reforms. Ministers in the third scenario are crisis managers who strive to keep
things going with minimum trouble. This is the most pessimistic scenario, as it
could not be conceived, for the system to deteriorate given ail the assets it has.
Of the three possible perspectives for future development, scenario two looks
the most probable since it is a middle-of-the-road approach and has more chances of
being applied than either of the other two. Small corrective steps can continue to be
taken unless the socio-economic political situation changes dramatically and makes
fundamental changes necessary.
Recommendations for Future Studies
Discussion
Students have been affected by socio-economic changes more than any other
segments of the population, and the educational system needs to change to better
accommodate their needs with the needs of social and economic development of the
country as a whole. Students, particularly male citizens, account for a significant
part of the wastage and inefficiency of the system. There is a need for further studies
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of the educational system in U.A.E. society to better comprehend the needs of
society are and how best to meet them.
It was found that educational practices did not always reflect the stated
educational objectives. Future studies should study this apparent contradiction and
suggest ways of harmonizing the two.
There is also a need for a clearer vision of the role the education system can
play in the economic development of the country. Manpower development,
including the training of national teachers, has to be planned carefully.
One of the conclusions reached was that in spite of better working conditions,
rural students do not do better than other students. The question asked then is “What
significant factors explain achievement in rural areas?”
High school graduates’ lack of adequate preparation and their lack of science
education must be addressed in the early stages of education through serious parent
involvement and close contact between parents and the school. Parents should show
interest in their children’s schooling in order to keep their children motivated. They
should be involved in the school’s social and sports activities, should meet with
teachers more often, and should play the role of monitor and counselor for their
children rather than as protectors against the school. Parents should also review
school curriculum and its relevance to their children’s needs and interests.
Schools should make a report of students’ performance to parents, once
before the mid-term and once before the end of the year. This would make students
aware of their progress and performance levels. Schools should report absenteeism
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on a monthly basis to parents. Parents should also be notified as soon as possible
when students miss 3 days without permission from their parents. National
counselors should meet with students’ parents whenever the school feels a child is at
high risk of dropping out. The Ministry of Education should demand accountability
from teachers and administrators. Teacher selection and the extension of contracts
should be governed by national interest and not by politics. Decisions to hire or
dismiss teachers should be based on their proficiency and effectiveness. All students
should be exposed to vocational and technical education, auto mechanics, carpentry,
business, nursing, and agriculture, even if they do not choose it as a vocation.
Government and the media should promote the value of vocational, technical, and
manual work. Education is a national interest and is everybody’s business.
Therefore, communities should become involved in education. The United Arab
Emirates has thousands of experts from many parts of the world and from all walks
of life. The government should launch a volunteer campaign. The Ministry of
Education could arrange evening classes taught by volunteers, summer camp classes,
and personal visits by volunteers to speak to students about languages, mathematics,
science, and social studies. The Ministry of Education’s cooperation with other
governmental agencies and private sectors to encourage experts to volunteer would
provide students with mathematicians, biologists, chemists, physicists, and historians
who can provide students with hands-on experience. Under such a program,
everyone—volunteers, students, and society—would benefit. The issue of open
admission must also be resolved. Open admission means admission to the university
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not to a specific field of study. Therefore, high school students who choose the
science track can only be admitted to schools of medicine, engineering, agriculture,
business, and humanities. Likewise, high school students who finish the literature
track can only be admitted to business and public administration, law, the colleges of
art, and education. The significance of a field is based on how the government and
the public classify it. This policy has caused most students with low expectations
and performance to end up in the College of Art or College of Education. Arab
nations in general, and the United Arab Emirates specifically, place their future at
risk if they continue to give students the message that to be a physician or engineer is
more prestigious and important than to be an Arabic language or religion or history
teacher. Salaries and prestige should be based, not on the field, but on the number of
years of education. Teachers will then produce good, compassionate physicians with
moral and religious obligations be capable o f writing clear and honest reports about
their patients, know their patients’ medical histories, and be capable of reaching
accurate conclusions for the sake of their patients.
Imposing fees on students might also give them a sense of participation by
placing a value on the service and creating a sense of responsibility as citizens.
Scholarships should be provided for students with high performance. Financially
disadvantaged students should be exempted from paying tuition. Even very low
tuition can allow students to gain a sense of sharing the burden of responsibility for
their education.
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Although the country faced great needs in education and shortages of
teachers and administrators as recently as 1980-1981, by 1989-90, 1,244 students
graduated from the College of Education. O f the 890 who were nationals, 604 were
female nationals. Thus, only 286 nationals graduated from the College of Education
in the 1989-90 academic year. Meanwhile, of the 2,088 who graduated with degrees
in economics and administrative science, 1,763 were nationals and 1,270 were male.
If national males continue to avoid the field of education, who will be the role
models for the country’s children? Something must be done, either through a reward
system or by promoting education as a noble service.
The University of United Arab Emirates and other higher institutions
continue to face shortages in national faculty. Therefore, the Ministry of Education
should increase the number of scholarships provided for graduate studies and
encourage women to pursue graduate studies. Salaries and benefits should be
equalized and should be based on qualifications and seniority. Cooperation should
be encouraged between institutions of higher education through the exchange of
ideas. Coordination could also be extended to the curriculum and allow students to
enroli in certain courses in other universities or colleges within the country. Students
who are enrolled in Shariah and law at the University of Arab Emirates and reside in
Ras Al-Khaimah should be allowed to enroll in comparable courses at the Islamic
Institute at Ras Al-Khaimah. Cooperation between the College of Medicine at the
University of United Arab Emirates and the College of Medicine at Dubia should
also be encouraged.
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Students enrolled in tutorial studies should be allowed to use libraries and
computers and should seek advisement from these colleges. The university should
open its door to all students. The immigration department should cooperate with
private colleges by facilitating not only non-national faculty but also non-national
students.
Suggestions for Future Research Based on the Results o f This Study
The following specific recommendations for future research are made:
■ A study should be undertaken to determine the perceptions of alumni
concerning their experiences while attending the educational system in
the United Arab Emirates.
■ Community attitudes toward volunteerism and involvement in education
should be investigated.
■ The role of national and multinational corporations in education should
be studied.
■ Woman’s opportunities for education and participation in the labor force
should be investigated.
The findings for the above research questions for this study are contained in
Chapter 4.
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Asset Metadata

Creator Suliman, Omar Moh'd (author)

Core Title A descriptive study of the educational system in the United Arab Emirates

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag education, curriculum and instruction,education, history of,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Williams, Edgar H. (committee chair), Broussard, Vernon (committee member), Knirk, Frederick (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-87197

Unique identifier UC11337959

Identifier 3018132.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-87197 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 3018132.pdf

Dmrecord 87197

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Suliman, Omar Moh'd

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

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