Binding the new together with the old: Fifteenth -century writers on the origins of the Polish state and people in the face of earlier tradition

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Content INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these w ill be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. 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B IN D IN G THE NEW TOGETHER WITH THE OLD: FIFTEENTH CENTURY WRITERS O N THE O RIG INS OF THE POLISH STATE A N D PEOPLE IN THE FACE OF EARLIER TRA DITIO N C opyright 2000 by Paul Jerom e Radzilowski Volum e O ne A D issertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA in Partial Fulfillment of the R equirem ents of the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (History) M ay, 2000 Paul Jerome Radzilowski Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 3018029 ___ ® UMI UMI Microform 3018029 Copyright 2001 by Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY PARK LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 9 0 0 0 7 This dissertation, written by ... under the direction o f E L ? Dissertation Committee, and approved byall its members* has been presented to and accepted by The Graduate School, in partial fulfillm ent of re quirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Demt t a f Graduate Studies Date ..Ja n u a ry .. J.0l> ..2.Q .U Q — DISSERTATION COM M ITTEE ..... Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. C ontents A bstract viii Preface x Abbreviations xviii C hapter One: The L egends of Origin of Poland before the Fifteenth C entury 1 I. An Introduction to the Major Polish Sources Containing the Legends of Origin u p to the Fifteenth C entury A. The "Cronice et Gesta" of Gallus Anonym ous 2 B. The Chronicle of M aster V incent 7 C. Polish Chronicles of the Late Thirteenth and Fourteenth C enturies 12 D. Silesian Sources 23 II. Sum m aries of Accounts of Polish Origins in Native Sources. A. The "Cronice et Gesta" 2 5 B. M aster Vincent's "C hronica Polonorum " 1. The First Origins of the Poles 31 2. The Legend of G raccus and W anda 34 3. The Age of the T hree Lesteks 37 4. The Legend of Pom pilius/Popiel 46 5. Piast and his Succesors 49 C. H agiographical Sources 53 D. The Chronicle of D zierzw a 1. The Biblical Genealogy of the Poles 57 2. The Legenda of Graccus and W anda 59 3. The Age of the Three Lesteks 61 4. From Pompilus to M ieszko 62 E. The G reat Poland Chronicle 1. O n the Origins of the Slavs, and the Legend of Lech < 5 3 2. The Legend of G raccus /K rak and W anda 71 3. Collective Rule, a n d the Age of the Three Lesteks 73 4. The Legend of the Pom pilii 76 5. The Legend of Piast 77 6. From Siemowit to M ieszko, w ith another D igression on the West Slavs 78 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. F. A nnals 83 G. The Silesian "Chronica Polonorum " 1. The First Origins of th e Poles 90 2. The Legend of G raccus an d W anda 92 3. The Age of the T hree Lesteks 93 4. Pom pilius to M ieszko 95 H. The Silesian "Chronica P rin d p u m Polonie" 96 1. The Origins of the Poles an d the Legend of Lech 97 2. G raccus and the Lesteks 97 3. F rom Pom pilius to M ieszko 98 I. The Lubi^z Verse 101 HI. The O rigins of the Poles according to Pom eranian, Czech, Ruthenian, a n d W est European Sources A. P om eranian Sources 102 B. W estern E uropean Sources 106 C. R uthenian Sources 110 D. Czech Sources 112 1. The Legend of Lech a n d Czech 113 2. Krok, his D aughters, a n d Prem ysl 116 C hapter Two: The Interpretations of the L egends of Origin of Poland u p to 1400 in M odem H istoriography 119 I. H istoriography an d the Possibility of H istorical Elements in the Legends of O rigin 120 II. A n Excursus on Lech and the Lechites 142 HI. Sacral Substrata an d Com parative Perspectives 148 IV. C ulture, Identity, an d C hristianity 179 C hapter Three: The L egends in M inor Sources of the Fifteenth C entury I. Annals A. The H oly-Cross Annal 1. The Legend of M ieszko in the H oly-Cross A nnal 203 2. Interpretation 204 B. The A nnals of S^dziwoj of C zechei (Fifteenth C entury V ersion) 1. R elation w ith the Earlier Version 206 2. The L egend of M ieszko According to the A nnals of S^dziwoj 207 3. Interpretation, an d on the so-called M azovian A nnal 208 iii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4. S^dziw oj of CzecheTs C om m ents on the G reat Poland Chronicle 211 C. The "A cta quedam notatu digna" an d its Legend of Mieszko 212 It. Poems and O rations A. Poem s 1. V erse on the Birth of C asim ir Jagiellon 214 2. A n d rew Galka and his Song in Praise of John Wycliffe 215 B. D iplom atic Orations 1. T he O ration of Jan O strorog before Pope Paul II: Background, C ontent, an d Reactions 219 2. O strorog's Oration: Sources an d Interpretation 227 HI. The C om m entary of Jan of D qbrow ka to the "C hronica Polonorum " of M aster V incent A. M aster Jan Dqbrow ka a n d his C om m entary 230 B. C ontent, Sources, and M ethods of D qbrow ka's C om m entary 1. D qbrow ka on the N ature of the Chronicle, along w ith his Excursus on the O rigins of the Poles 237 2. T he C om m entary to V incent's First Four C hapters 245 3. T he C om m entary to the L egend of Graccus and W anda 249 4. T he C om m entary to the L egends of the Three Lesteks 257 5. T he C om m entary to the Legend of Pom pilius/P opiel 270 6. The C om m entary to the L egend of Piast and his Successors 273 C. Sum m ation and Concluding R em arks on Jan of D qbrow ka's C om m entary, and its Significance. 282 IV. Genealogies of R ulers A. G enealogies b y Jan of D qbrow ka him self 287 B. The Royal G enealogy D erived from the C om m entary of Jan of D qbrow ka 291 C. The Significance of the Royal Genealogies an d their T reatm en t of L egendary Figures 295 C hapter Four: Jan D higosz, his Life and W orks I. Dhigosz as M an a n d W riter 297 II. Assessments of Jan D higosz and his C orpus in H istoriography 316 iv Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. C hapter Five: The Legends of Origin of Poland in the "A nnales" of Jan Dhigosz L Some Rem arks on the Dedicatory Letter 351 n . The Biblical G enealogy 357 A. C ontent 358 B. Sources 367 C. Lnterpetation 375 HI. The C horography 384 A. Lech and Czech in Pannonia and Bohemia, Lech's Journey to Poland, and a General Description of th a t Land 1. Sum m ary 387 2. Sources and Close Reading 392 B. Poland's River System and Poland's Borders 401 C. Lech and the Rivers of Poland; Dhigosz on the O rigin of V arious N am es of the Poles, and on the O rigin of the R uthenians 1. Sum m ary 406 2. Sources and Close Reading, w ith a D iscourse on the Scythian Legend of Philip Callim achus 410 D. Poland's Lakes and on the Rivers of R uthenia 419 E. The M ountains of Poland 1. Sum m ary 421 2. Sources and Close Reading 424 F. The Founding of Gniezno b y Lech, an d the O rigins of Polish Society 1. Sum m ary 430 2. Sources and Close Reading 432 G. D higosz on the Pre-Christian God of the Poles 1. Sum m ary 436 2. Sources, H istoriography and Close R eading 439 H. Dhigosz o n the General C haracter of Polish N obles and C om m oners 1. Sum m ary 444 2. Close Reading 446 I. Cities of the Polish Kingdom 448 J. The Lechite G olden Age 1. Sum m ary 454 2. Sources and Close Reading 456 K. Some N atural W onders of Poland 461 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. L. Lech's Rule over the Far W est Slavs 463 M. The D escendants of Lech, a n d the End of the Golden Age 1. Sum m ary 465 2. Close Reading 466 N. Sum m ation and Conclusion o n the C horography and Legend of Lech 468 III. An Excursus on the A uthorship of tire Legend of Lech A ppearing in the 'M em orial' of 1464 479 IV. The Legend o f K rak A. Sum m ary 486 B. Sources and Interpretation 495 V. The Legend of W anda A. Sum m ary 510 B. Sources an d Interpretation 516 VI. The Legends of the Lesteks A. Sum m ary 527 B. Sources and Interpretation 542 VII. The Legends of Popiel and Piast A. The Legend of Popiel 1. Sum m ary 553 2. Sources and Close R eading 570 B. The L egend of Piast 1. Sum m ary 581 2. Sources and Close R eading 592 C. Piast a n d Popiel: Interpretation and Recapitulation 600 VUI. The Successors of Piast up through the C onversion of Mieszko A. Sum m ary 603 B. Sources an d Interpretation 617 D C . The Legend of M ieszko C hosdsko and the Ethnogenetic Legend of the Lithuanians A. The L egend of Origin of the Lithuanians 628 B. The L egend of Mieszko C hosdsko 637 X. The Legends of O rigin of Poland a n d Jan D higosz's Historiographical Project 638 C ondusion: The Use of Ethnogenetic L egend in Fifteenth C entury Poland 645 A ppendix A: Com parison of the Biblical Genealogies of Ximefiez de Rada and Jan Dhigosz 669 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A ppendix B: Select C om parison of Phraseology and N am es betw een V arious Redactions of the "H istoria B rittonum ," 1 ,17 an d A nalogous Sections o f Jan Dhigosz's Biblical G enealogy 673 Bibliography of References C ited 675 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A bstract This paper consists of tw o parts. The first, in two chapters, introduces the reader to the sources (w ritten u p to around 1400) which first record legends about the origins of Poland u p through the conversion of the first 'historical' ruler Mieszko I to C hristianity. It sum m arizes the content of various versions of these legends, and gives a n exposition of w hat past scholarship (m ostly Polish language) has said about the origin an d im portance of these legendary m otifs. The second part, consisting of three chapters and the conclusion, and com prising the lion's share of the w ork (i.e. som e of the first volum e, an d all of the second), sum m arizes a n d analyzes fifteenth-century versions of the sam e legends, which are m ore num erous th an those of any previous century, and encom pass a w ider variety of genres. By for the most extensive of these w as w ritten b y the historian Jan Dhigosz, as p a rt of his m onum ental history of Poland. Accordingly, m uch of this second p a rt is devoted to this one author alone. This work is in fair m easure an intellectual history centered on authors a n d w orks. It considers the choice and use of literary sources in surviving accounts, and the purposes, political interests, and outlook of given authors w hich inform ed their w riting. The pap er also considers the m utual ties m ost these fifteenth century w riters had, h o w they related both to w ider intellectual trends and specific milieux (especially im portant in this regard are intellectual circles associated w ith Krakow, and w ith royal diplomatic service), an d in w hat viii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. circum stances these com m onalities seem ed to have influenced their representation of P oland's beginnings (e.g. in the legitim ation of fifteenth- century territorial concerns by projecting them back onto legendary beginnings). Lastly, the paper endeavors to show circum stantial evidence for the circulation of a n um ber of locally em bodied oral traditions about the origins of Poland in the fifteenth-century, and to p o in t o u t evidence for the vitality of a t least a few of the ancient meanings found in earlier legends in this time period. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Preface The title for this dissertation is d raw n from Jan Dhigosz, the fifteenth century chronicler w hose treatm ent of Polish origins is a t the heart of this dissertation. The w ork of the fifteenth century as whole in this arena m ay be, in fact, profitably described as one of binding new things w ith traditions and m eanings already old and well established: reinterpretation, extension, ingenious reuse, and elaboration, m ore th an o u tright creation outright. The prerogative of fram ing the im agined lines of Polish prehistory belonged to earlier ages, to the nam eless persons w ho created, transm itted, and transform ed oral traditions about it, and even m ore (in the long run) to those who recorded the traditions, and m ade literary creations of them according to their ow n requirem ents and tastes, and those of their day. Therefore these early traditions w ith w hich fifteenth century w riters w orked, their content, nature, and m eanings—historical, political, social, religious, and intellectual—are im portant to consider. The first tw o chapters shall exam ine these traditions. The third chapter will discuss the use of Polish prehistory by a variety of fifteenth-century Polish authors and w orks. These include bo th m inor historical w ritings an d others from a n um ber of assorted genres. The fo u rth chapter will provide introduction to Jan Dhigosz, the m an w ho w rote b y far the m ost prolifically on the legends of origin of Poland in the fifteenth century, as an aid to interpretation of his vast treatm ent of the topic. The fifth chapter will discuss D higosz's recasting and adaptation of the legends them selves. x Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The act of binding im plies the action of a binder, and, indeed, this w ork is focused in fair m easure on less th a t a d o zen or so m en w ho w rote in some significant fashion on these legends in the fifteenth century. In that, it is an intellectual history, dealing w ith the p urposes and m ethods of writers, and the analysis of their sources, as a m eans to u nderstanding a certain lim ited aspect of Polish learned culture in this period. This dissertation will endeavor to show that m an y m em bers of this group w ere b o u n d by close personal, political a n d /o r intellectual ties, and that this is reflected in their treatm ent of the legends of origin o f the Polish state. This is m ost notably the case in the use of legend by w riters w ho had engaged in royal diplom atic service, to justify in several instances Polish territorial and political claim s of the fifteenth century. This com m onality of interpretation can also be postulated in several other, m ore subtle, respects, som e of w hich reflect general European trends of the period. This com m onality h ad limits, how ever, and this dissertation will attem pt to show to w h a t extent the various uses of Polish ethnogenetic legends in the fifteenth century rem ain different and peculiar to them selves. W hen possible, the evidence for the circulation of the legends in w ider social circles will be considered, as w ell as their m eaning in the m ore general Polish context. On occasion it m ay prove feasible to obtain a refracted picture of this w id er context and the social w orlds th a t define it, through the rather few sources surviving m ake illum ination of this m atter extremely difficult, and it m u st alw ays be bo m in m ind th a t a full picture of such affairs w ill have to w ait xi Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. for a fuller accounting of "collective m em ory" in Poland this period, an accounting that m ust d raw on a m uch w ider array of sources. This is a work, in other w ords, concerned in some m easure w ith the "phantom s of rem em brance" (to use th e phrase coined by one prom inent scholar).1 It will spend som ew hat m ore tim e, however, seeking to u n d erstan d the lam p by which we can see into this w orld at all, that is, ou r authors and sources, and the things m ost im m ediately around them, that is, the m ilieux w hich they shed the m ost light upon, m ore than seeking to reveal the ghostly figures in the surrounding gloom. For w ithout a firm com m and of this, the necessarily m ore speculative attem pts a t explicating a culture of m em ory from the distant past will be in constant danger of coming to grief. M edieval legend in recent years has interested W estern historians and scholars m ore and m ore in its ow n term s, and the interpretation of the m eaning of such legends has grow n subtly in sophistication.2 N o longer view ed as curious fantasies of relatively little intrinsic interest unless a "historical" core could be discerned in them (as did "positivist" historians), or even necessarily as crude propaganda cultivated by various groups to merely glorify them selves or induce false consciousness in others to further their own objective interests (as som e social historians and critics som etim es did), the better recent studies allow 1 Patrick Geary Phantom s o f R em em brance: M em ory an d O blivion a t th e End o f th e Tenth C en tu ry (Princeton, 1994). On "phantoms" and forgetting, see esp. xiii-xiv, 26-29,107-113,132- 133,142-146, 175-176. 2 The views of Polish historians on these matters will be treated in the body of the work, especially in chapter 2. xii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. th at m edieval legends could have a w ide variety of uses, as a m anifestation of a larger phenom enon that Patrick Geary has called "practical m em ory."3 As another scholar, A m y Rem ensnyder, p u t it, legends as p a rt of the larger form ation of hum an o r social m em ory can serve to: build solidarity in response to an outside threat to identity, reclaim a p ast losing its m eaning due to social or institutional change and reinterpret it for the present, explain present institutions and practices, and prescribe n orm s for behavior.4 A lthough Rem ensnyder w as speaking of monastic foundation legends that typically evolved in the confines of a small, geographically com pact institution rather than b ro ad , geographically vast, and loosely defined units w e are concerned w ith in the case of legends of the origin of state an d people, h er list still applies to the latter quite well, m u ta tis m u ta n d is. I wish only to stress for the purposes of this stu d y that on occasion m edieval legends m ay have n o t m erely a social/functional aspect (coldly conceived), but also a conceptual im portance in some instances, m aking rather broad claims about how the particular institutions or social entities relate to 3 Geary defines this as "the complex process through which ordinary individuals order understand and retrieve all sorts of information that together provide the referential field within which to experience and evaluate their daily experiences and prepare for the future," including information we call legendary today (Geary, P hantom s o f R em em brance, 28). Also of interest in this context is his conclusion that, as far as the period around the year 1000 in concerned, "this process of creative memory has owed less to overarching political or ideological programs or to subconscious processes such as the transition from an oral to a literate society than to particular, and to us seemingly trivial, circumstances of the moment These losses, creations, and transformations were thus broadly political, in the sense that they resulted from decisions made in terms of contemporary needs within the contest for status, power, and privilege of the eleventh century,"(p. 178). 4 Amy Remensnyder, R em em berin g K in gs P a st M on astic F oundation L egends in M ed ieva l Southern France (Ithaca, 1995), 3-4. xiii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. general beliefs, a n d p erh ap s even to the general natu re of the cosmos an d the hereafter. O bviously this m ost pertains to religious legend, rather than to the secular legends w e are concerned w ith, an d to the m usings of highly educated m en as opposed to the tales of hum ble w riters o r o rdinary cultivators of oral tales. N evertheless ideas are not, an d w ere not, the exclusive preserve of the elite, or even of the official sacred sphere. This is, if anything, especially tru e for a culture like th at of m edieval Europe in w hich the transcendent was as frequently o r even m ore frequently seen in the concrete th an the abstract. Indeed, the Eucharist, one of the ritual acts of forem ost im portance to that culture, w as a rem em brance of a p a st deed, but at the sam e a n act of cosmic faith, and a feast (both symbolic an d real a t the same tim e) creating a link of a given, phenom enal hum an society to the divine (as well as to its ow n sacred dead).5 Some w o rd o n delineation of the topic of this p a p er m ight be helpful at this junction. I have decided to take stories ab o u t the developm ent of Poland before conversion as a unit, since firstly, the act of conversion was of very g reat im portance to m edieval w riters w riting ab o u t the p ast in general, m arking the passing of peoples in to C hnstianitas. In addition, as m edieval Polish w riters w ere them selves aw are, w ritten history of Polish lands, dynasty, people and state began for all intents an d purposes w ith conversion. K now ledge of w hat cam e before was therefore to be derived ultim ately from tradition or the w riter's ow n 5 Miri Rubin, C orpu s C h risti: th e E ucharist in L ate M ed ieva l C u ltu re. (Cambridge, 1991), has even called the eucharist the forem ost symbol of society in the late middle ages, probably suitably. xiv Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. im aginative reconstruction, or from the w riting of revered historians of the past, presum ed to have m ade use of the p u rer traditions of earlier times. This m eans these stories are w hat are today conventionally called legends: stories ab o u t past tim es and persons transm itted orally (at least in part), and often w ith a large adm ixture of the fanciful or m ythical. Given this delineation of the topic w e shall be dealing necessarily w ith legends of origin of people, dynasty, state, an d such legends, belong to a special subcategory of m edieval legend, in which there is often a large am ount of norm ative and etiological content. Indeed, even today in very different types of societies, the cachet of origins is still very m uch alive (witness the presence of the A m erican founder, George W ashington, on the m ost basic U nited States currency denom ination, or the cult of Kemal A taturk, "the founder of m o d em Turkey," in that country). This m akes such legends stories of particular social, political, and intellectual salience, and reconfirm s their im portance. As concerns the use of various form s of names, I have preferred to use English equivalents for Polish given nam es in the body of text w here such equivalents exist, w ith the exception of a few which are rather obvious to the English speaker (i.e. Jakub = Jacob, Jan = John), or w hich are associated w ith figures that have som e English scholarly literature attached to them u n d er their Polish nam es (i.e. Jan Dhigosz). H ow ever, citations of m o d em scholars in the notes use exclusively foreign language form s, since these are often necessary or helpful in looking u p and ordering references. W hen quoting or paraphrasing xv Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. prim ary source m aterial, I have endeavored to give the form s of n am e exactly as they appear in that source, if only parentheses or brackets. All inconsistencies so engendered are to be taken by the read er in the spirit of 'sic.' I have u sed the nam es Ruthenia, Ruthenian, etc. in die sense their cognates had in M edieval Latin, that is, to denote respectively all the territories and inhabitants encom passed by ancient Rus, a n d n o t in the considerably m ore n a rro w m od em sense of these term s. The num ber of persons w ho h elped m e w ith this w ork is considerable, and I wish to thank all of them, even if n o t m entioned specifically. Research for this w ork was carried o u t u n d er the auspices of an Institute for International Education Fulbright g ran t to Poland during the 1995-1996 academ ic year, and the Russian and East E uropean Studies Sum m er W orkshop at the U niversity of Illinois, U rbana-Cham paign in 1994 an d 1995. Its w riting w as accom plished w ith the help of funding from the U niversity of Southern California G raduate School and the USC D epartm ent of H istory, as well as with the help of special facilities given m e at the O rchard Lake Schools in O rchard Lake M ichigan th rough the generosity of its chancellor, M onsignor Stanley Milewski. I owe m uch to the support and advice of Prof. Paul W. Knoll of the University of Southern California throughout this project, an d to the general help of Prof. Jozef Szymanski of the U niversity of M aria Curie-Sklodowska (UMCS) in Lublin. I benefited greatly from the com m ents given at the Faculty Sem inar of the U nit of Auxiliary Sciences of H istory (Z aktad N a u k P om ocnicznych H istorii) at UMCS in xvi Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Lublin, w here an early version of p a rt of the conclusions of this dissertation w as read, as well as from their hospitality and general advice. I w ish to thank Prof. Jacek Banaszkiewicz for com m enting on a early version of the second chapter an d for conversion o n topics related to this dissertation, as w ell as Prof. Piotr Gorecki of the U niversity of California, Riverside, w hose criticisms and advice greatly im proved the organization of the final version of this paper, and h elp ed clarify several issues for me. I also w ish to thank Profs. U rszula Borkowska, Czeslaw Deptula, a n d John Fine for helpful conversations. A ny errors or peculiarities of interpretation are, of course, my ow n, an d n o t the fault of those w ho gave m e advice o n the substance of this work. A m ong the m any librarians w ho helped this project along, I w ish to thank the follow ing in particular for aid above and beyond the call of duty: M arie Bookless a t A lum ni M emorial L ibrary a t St. M ary's College at O rchard Lake, MI; Andrzej Paluchow ski, Director Em eritus of the L ibrary of the Catholic University in Lublin; A nna K ozlow ska a t the Jagiellonian U niversity Library in Krakow; and th e w hole D epartm ent of R eproductions at the UMCS Library. I w ish to thank m y brother, John, for editorial advice and A nthony A m ato for m any conversations. I also owe a special thanks also to m y parents, T haddeus and Kathleen Radzilow ski, for all their help. xvii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A bbreviations Annales FRB LB M G H A A M GHSS M M AeH-RGPI MPH, n.s. M PH, o.s. PSB PTPN-SWNSz Roczniki SRH sss St. £r. Joannis Dlugossi annales seu cronicae inciiti regni Poloniae. Fontes rerum bohem icarum . Joannis Dlugossi Senioris canonid cracoviensis liber benefidom m . M onum enta G erm aniae historica. A uctores antiquissimi. M onum enta G erm aniae historica. Scriptores. M onum enta m edii aevi historica. Res gestas Poloniae illustrantia. M onum enta Poloniae historica, n ew series. M onum enta Poloniae historica, old series. Polski slownik biograficzny. Poznanskie T ow arzystw o Przyjadol N auk. Spraw ozdanie w ydziahi nauk o sztuce. Jana Dlugosza roczniki czyli kroniki slaw nego krolestw a polskiego. Scriptores rerum hungaricarum . Slownik starozytnosd slowianskich. Studia zrodloznaw cze. xviii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. C hapter O ne: T he Legends o f O rigin o f P olan d B efore the F ifteen th C entury The legends of origin of the Polish people a n d state, as w ell as those of the Piast dynasty w hich ruled in Poland until 1370, w ere first set dow n in w riting w ithin the fram ew ork of Latin historiographical sources from the tw elfth century on. O u r picture of the developm ent of Polish secular legendary traditions of any sort is ham pered by the fact th at w hatever m edieval historical and epic oral literature m ay have existed in the vernacular was alm ost never recorded. Accordingly there are n o sources available similar to the French C hanson de Geste, or G erm an epic poetry, o r Icelandic sagas, to aid o u r researches. Furtherm ore, only a handful of su ch w orks in w ritten in Latin have com e d o w n to us, mainly by w ay of incorporation into chronicles, an d m ost of the obvious cases of these do n o t concern the legends w e are dealing w ith in this w ork.i The m ain concerns of hagiographical sources, both Latin an d Polish, tend 1 We know that historical literature in Polish existed, since historians refer to it in passing from time to time. Cf. Jacek Wiesiolowski, "Pie^ni i podanie o Ludgardzie: Z dziej6w literatury okoliczno£dowej," in Kultura gredn iow ieczn a i staropolska, Danuta Gawinowa, et al., eds. (Warsaw, 1991), 482-90; Jerzy Woronczak, "Typy przekazu teskt6w 3redniowiecznych" in P ogranicza i k o n tek sty litera tu ry p o lsk ie g o S redn iow iecza, Teresa Michalowska, ed. (Wroclaw, 1989), 113-115. On evidence (generally from plastic arts) that the plots and characters of several Western epics were known to the Polish elites see Jacek Wiesiofowski, "Romans rycerski w kulturze spoleczehstwa p6zno£redniowiecznej Polski" in L iteratu ra i kultura p d zn eg o S redn iow iecza w P olsce. (Warsaw: 1993). On surviving Latin historical literature, see Teresa Michaiowska, W ielka historia lite ra tu ry p o lsk iej: S redn iow iecze. (Warsaw, 1995), 145-54, 258-63, 545-54, which also discusses what seems to be the sole surviving Polish example (the Song on th e K illin g o f fed rzej T gczyn ski, from the fifteenth century). Cf. Juliusz Nowak- Dluzewski, O kolicznoSdow a p o ezja p o lityczn a w Polsce: S redn iow iecze. (Warsaw, 1963); Ludwika Szczerbicka-5lek, W k iqgu FGio i K alliope. S taropolska epika h isto ryczn a (Wroclaw, 1973), 5-6. 1 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. to be even further from the topic, although in a handful of cases they prove to have som e relevant inform ation. The presum ed oral substratum of m an y of these legends an d the nature of their transform ation are th u s even m ore difficult to reconstruct th an is the case w ith m any W est E uropean m edieval legends, since w e lack the alternate prism s of poetic genres or vernacular literature through w hich w e m ig h t have obtained a clearer view. W ithout m ore variety of sources, the various uses to w hich legends m ay have been p u t in the society is m uch h ard er to understand. Accordingly, we m ust pay close attention to the sources w e do possess, while a t the sam e tim e avoiding the tem ptation of p rem ature overinterpretation to fill the lacunae. Thus, this chapter to provides relatively detailed sum m aries of the sources, particularly the m ore im p o rtan t ones. Furtherm ore, it provides a sum m ary of the basic scholarship on the m ore im portant of these sources, their authorship, point of view an d m ilieu, given the unfam iliarity of m ost English- speaking scholars w ith Polish a n d other east-central European sources. I. Introduction to M ajor P o lish Sources up to the Fifteenth C entury A. The "C hronice et gesta" o f G allu s A nonym ous The first source to record a version of the origin legends of Poland was w ritten b y a foreigner, a Benedictine m onk w ho h a d strong ties to the court of Boleslaus the W ry-M outh (1102— 38), conventionally know n as G allus A nonym ous. All that is know n about him is w h a t has been ascertained from his Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. w ork. Since he gives few explicit clues to his personal history there have been w idely divergent theories a b o u t his origin an d personal history before he arrived in Poland, or even h o w long he h ad b een there w hen he w ro te his Cronice et gesta ducum sive principum polonomm.2 The m ost likely theory, based on b o th the style of the w ork and its content, is th a t he w as educated in central or so uthern France, and cam e to P oland by w ay o f H ungary, w here h e m u st have sp en t som e years, to judge fro m his know ledge of H ungarian institutions and affairs.3 W hen the author w rote Cronice et gesta h as proven easier to establish th an his origins, for it has been show n w ith a h ig h d egree of likelihood that it 2 For a summary of the older theories see the introduction to Karol Maleczydski's edition: G alli A nonym i cronice e t gesta ducum sive prin cipu m polonorum, printed as vol. 2 of the new series of M onum enta poloniae historica (Krakdw, 1952), lxxxv-lxxxviii. 3 Cf. Marian Plezia Kronika galla na tie historiografii X II w. (Krak6w, 1947), 152ff.; idem, "Artyzm kroniki Galla-Anonima" in Literatura komparatystyka folklor: ksipga poszoiecona Julianow i Krzyzanozosfdemu, (Warsaw, 1968). For a summary of Plezia's views see his introduction to the Polish translation of the work [Kronika Polskd\ (Wroclaw, 1968), vi-xii; Pierre David, Les sources de I'histoire de Pologne a Tepoque des P iasts (963-1386) (Paris, 1934), 43-49. K. Maleczyhski prefers a central French or Rhennish origin for the chronicler's education, excluding Provence. Cf. G alli A n onym i cronice e t geste, introduction, bodx-xcv. Jan Dqbrowski's Hungarian hypothesis, though it it looks weak in the light of the work of Plezia and others, still may be regarded as possible. See his Dazone dziejopisarstivo polskie do roku 1480, (Wroclaw, 1964), 29-33. Danuta Borawska has found some striking affinities in style and authorial approach between the C ronice e t gesta and a Translation o f Saint N icolaus written in Venice around the same time, leading her to postulate an Italian author for both of the works See her "Gall Anomin czy Italus Anonim?" Przeglqd h istoryczny 56 (1965): 111-19. Plezia accepts the stylistic similarities of the works (and points out even more), and they were written by authors of the same geographical origin and compositional school, and accepts it as possible they were written by the same man, but notes in such a case (given the evidence for central French origin of the style in question) he would doubtless have passed from southern France through Venice to Hungary during his wanderings, and hence would not be a nativeof Italy. See his "Nowe studia nad Gallem Anonimem" in M ente e t litte ris: o ku ltu rze i spoleczeristzoie Wiekdzo frednich, Helena Chlopocka et al., eds. (Poznari, 1984). 3 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. w as w ritten betw een 1112 and 1117.4 T here is a fair am ount of scholarly agreem ent, furtherm ore, th at the Boleslaus's chancellor, Michael, h a d som e sort of role in initiating or supporting the w ork. H e and other m em bers of the court w ere the author's inform ants for m ost o f the m aterial, since there h a d been very little cultivation of narrative w riting of an y sort in Poland u p to that tim e. If one accepts, as is com m on in the m ore recent scholarship, that the author h ad not been in Poland long before h e started w riting, then the role of these inform ants in shaping the content of his chronicle is even m ore important.5 The Cronice et gesta w as conceived of m ainly as a w ork to laud the deeds of Boleslaus, to w hose reign the last tw o of the three books is devoted. The first book, treating Polish history before Boleslaus's reign, is, in fact, a history of his dynasty from its origins rather than a history of a people o r natio. Indeed, one scholar has gone so far as to suggest th a t the presentation of Boleslaus the W ry- M outh's illustrious ancestor, Boleslaus th e Brave, is "a replica of Charlem agne of French epics," and that Boleslaus's ow n m iraculous birth (brought about by the 4 Cf. Maleczyriski, G al// A nonym / Cronice et Geste, xcv-xcix; Plezia, Kronika, xii-xiii. 5 On his informants at court and his possible ties to the Advvaniec noble clan, see Tadeusz GrudzMski "Ze studi6w nad Kronika Galla: rozbi6r krytyczny pierwszej ksi§gi." part 1, Zapisfci towarzystwa naukcrwego w Toruniu 17, no. 3 / 4 (1951): 73-74, 83-86; Plezia, Kronika, 182-95. On the length of his stay in Poland cf. ibid., xiii-xv; Maleczyhski, G alli A nonym i cronice e t geste, xcv-xcvi. Gerard Labuda summarizes the scholarship concerning the "place of composition," and hypothesizes that it was Krak6w, given that the author was associated with the monarchical court and that that town was the "main seat" of Boleslaus the Wry-Mouth. See his "Miejsce powstania kroniki Anonima Galla," in Prace z dziejdw Polskifendalnej ofiaroioane Romanozm Grodeckiemu w 70 rocznice urodzin, Krystyna Stadiowska, ed. (Warsaw, 1960). He does not explain why, given the peripetetic nature of the court, the work would have to be written in just one place at all. 4 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. intercession of the m onks of St. Gilles in Provence) "singularly resem bles the Enfances of [French] epic heroes"6 Although the work, as indicated b y its title in the oldest surviving m anuscript, is m eant to be Cronice as w ell as Geste, it w ould seem that the Chansons de geste exerted a considerable influence on the conception of the w ork, arguably dow n to the choice of rh y m ed cnrsus as its stylistic form , rare, though n o t unheard of in other historical w orks of the day.7 This raises the question of the intended audience a n d reception of the work. G iven th at L atin culture still h ad not developed v ery strong roots in Poland, it is h a rd to im agine th at the author could have expected very m any to understand its recitation in its original language, w hich judging even from the semi-metrical form alone, seem s to have been the in ten d ed use of the text. Indeed Boleslaus him self seem s to have little proficiency in Latin.8 Yet the author 6 David, Les Sources de L'H istoire deP ologne, 38. On the "propaganda" apect of the work see Ryszard Rosin, "Znaczenie tendencyjno^ci Galla dla ustalenia literackiego charakteru jego dzieia" Prace Polonistyczne 12 (1955): 149-70. Rosin, however, puts too fine a point on it Also important from the point of view of understanding the author's purposes and viewpoints are Andrzej Feliks Grabski "Polska wobec idei wypraw krzyzowych na przelomie XI i XII wieku: "Duch Krzyzowy" Anonima Galla" Z apiski historyczne 26 no. 4 (1961): 37-63; and Brygida Kiirbis, "Wi§z najstarszego dziejopisarstwa polskiego z pahstem" in Poczqtkipam tw a polskiego: ksi§ga tysiqclecia. (Poznah, 1962), 2:223ff. 7 On the style of Cronice etg esta and its links to wider European literature and historiography, see Maleczyriski, G alliA n onym i cronice e t geste, xli-lx; Plezia, Kronika, 62-122; idem, "Artyzm," 23ff., which dte the older literature. Cf. C H. Haskins, The Renaissance o f the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, Mass., 1927), 244-53. 8 Plezia, Kronika, xv; Jerzy Dowiat "Ksztaicenie umystowe syn6w ksi^zecych i moznowladczych w Polsce i niekt6rych krajach s^siednich w X-XII w.," in Polska w fw iecie: szkice z dziejdio k idtu ry polskiej, J. Dowiat et al., ed., (Warsaw, 1972), 85-90. Dowiat takes a somewhat more sanguine view of Boleslaus having at least rudimentary education in Latin, showing that a palace school existed, and that even some Polish magnates were familiar with Latin letters. 5 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. writes in the preface of his third book, apparently defending himself against certain enem ies of his project am ong the Polish clergy, of the great value o f reciting heroic deeds of princes "in schools and castles" to excite knights to valor.9 H e needles his detractors: 'T o r if you judge the kings and dukes of Poland to be u n w o rth y of records an d annals, you w ith o u t doubt consign the Kingdom of P oland [to the level of] any uncultured barbarian people."1 0 The author seem s to im ply that his critics are skeptical of the very idea of com m itting secular history to writing, b u t it is possible that this is a "red herring" to avoid addressing m ore specific objections to his points of view or his personal characteristics.1 1 All in all, it seem s likely th at the w ork he w as producing w as ill suited, either in term s of content, or of form to the environm ent for which it w as written. The popularity of his w ork w as not helped in later centuries by his negative p ortrayal of St. Stanislaw, w hich after his canonization in 1257, if n o t earlier, w ould have been unacceptable to m ost of the w ork's potential public. 9 "Et sicut vite sanctorum vel passiones ad religionem mentes fidelium instruunt in ecclesiis predicate, ita militie vel victorie regum atque ducum ad virtutuem militum animos accendunt in scolis vel in capitollis recitate." C ronice e tg e sta , 122. 10 "Quodsi reges Polonos vel duces fastis indignos annalibus iudicatis, regnum Polonie procul dubio quibuslibet incultis barbarorum nationibus addicatis." C ron ice etg e sta , 121. 11 On this cf. Maleczyriski, G alli A nonym i cronice e t geste, xcv-xdv; Plezia, Kronika, xxvii-xxxii, xxxix-xlvii. The oldest surviving Polish annal (the “O ld A nnal" [Rocznik dazunyj) was compiled, probably in Krak6w, about the same time that the Cronice etg esta was written (most likely in the 1120s), although all circumstantial evidence indicates that Polish annal keeping stretched back far into the previous century. See Zofia Koztowska-Budkowa's introduction to the O ld A nnal in N ajdazaniejsze roczniki krakdwskie i kalendarz. ed. idem, M PH, n.s., 5 viii-xv. 6 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A ccordingly, the w o rk survives in only three copies, all late Medieval. N evertheless, for all that, the w ork's im pact on later w riters of Polish history rem ained considerable. 1 2 B. T he C hronicle o f M aster V incent A h u n d red years after Gallus A nonym ous another version of the the legends of origin of Poland w ere set d o w n in w riting. Unlike the first chronicle w ritten in Poland, its author is a figure w hose career is directly traceable, know n as "M aster Vincent" in contem porary docum ents, and in later tradition know n also by the nicknam e "Kadlubek," or "son of Kadlubek."i3 M aster Vincent (b. 1145 / 60-d. 1223) w as b o m of a noble family, a n d educated in the W est, probably, as his title suggests, taking a m aster's degree a t a university, m ost 12 One of the manuscripts, the Heilsberg Codex, removes the offending passage about St. Stanisiaw and replaces it with a passage from one the Vitae a t the saint Wiesiotowski, Kolekcje, 22-23, 30-33,148-49. On the textual history of the work as a whole see ibid., 17-34; Maleczyhski, G alli A nonym i cronice e t gesta, i-xxxix. 13 On his name and family background see Roman Grodecki, "Mistrz Wincenty, biskup krak6wski," Rocznik krak&oski 19 (1923): 31-35; Brygida Kurbis, Introduction to die Polish translation of Vincent's Chronica Polom rum [ . Kronika polska] (Warsaw, 1974), 11-13; M. Plezia, Introduction to the Chronica Polonorum, published as volume nine of the new series of M onum enta poloniae historica (Krakdw, 1994), vi-vii. 7 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. likely Paris.1 4 Vincent returned to Poland by 1189, an d after a period in w hich his activities are h ard to trace, he becam e (with som e help of Innocent HI) the first Polish bishop to be freely elected b y the chapter, and w as installed in the see of K rakow late in 1208!5 There is surprisingly little docum entation of his activities as bishop, b u t it is clear that he fell in the cam p of the Polish clergy th at w anted to p u t the "Gregorian" reform s into practice in Poland, where u p to a b o u t 1200, it h ad been im posed sporadically a t best.1 6 A long w ith the reform -m inded bishops of the Polish church, he attended the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215, and he seem s to have m ade som e effort to strengthen the holdings of houses of regular clergy in his diocese.1 7 H e m ay have also tried to develop m ining on episcopal estates by settling G erm an m iners. In 1218 he resigned his bishopric, 14 He may also have redeved the m agisterium at Bologna. Cf. Grodecki, "Mistrz Wincenty," 39-41 which summarizes the earlier work of Stanisiaw Ketrzyhski for Bologna. Oswald Balzer was, however, able to show that at least a great many of Vincent's affinities are with north French learning (including, he argued, the pattern of his interest in Roman law). See his Pisma posm iertelrte. Studium o Kadtubku., voIs.1-2 (Lw6w, 1934). Recent scholarship has remained somewhat noncommital, looking favorably on the possiblility he studied at both universities, as did his successor to the Krak6w see. Cf. Kiirbis, "Introduction," 17-18; D^browski, 72; Plezia, Introduction, VII. It has also been suggested that he may have been a m agisterm . the sense of "teacher" at the Krakdw cathedral school. Cf. Grodecki, "Mistrz Wincenty," 41-42; Kiirbis, "Introduction," 17). Only Jan Sulowski ("Elementy filozofii XU wieku w Kronice Mistrza Wincentego," S t. Zr„ 20 (1976): 20-21) has gone so far as to question on this ground that he was university educated. Cf. disscussion of his paper in the same issue by Brygida Kiirbis, 129. 15 On this event and its context see Jozef Szymahski "Biskupstwa polskie w wiekach Srednich: funkqa i organizaqe," in Kosciot w Polsce, Jerzy Ktoczowski ed. (Krak6w, 1966), l:189ff.; Grodecki, "Mistrz Wincenty," 46-49. 16 On his activities as bishop see Grodecki, "Mistrz Wincenty," 49-55; Kiirbis, Introduction, 27-37. 17 Grodecki, "Mistrz Wincenty," 53-54. 8 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and took u p residence a t the C istercian house a t J^drzejow (w hether h e took vow s o r n o t is unclear), and died there five years later. He w as beatified in 1764, although a cult of his sanctity seem s to be docum ented only as far back as the sixteenth century, is A lthough his legacy as an ecclesiastical adm inistrator seem s unusually scant, V incent's legacy as a m an of letters is quite otherwise, even though it rests alm ost entirely on a single, rath er unusual, historical work, his Chronica Polonorum . The first three books of the w ork's full four are conceived of as a dialogue betw een John, A rchbishop of Gniezno (d. ca. 1170), and M atthew (d.1166), bishop of K rakow a t a feast. 19 M atthew narrates various episodes from Polish history in chronological o rd er (although, as in the case of the Cronice et gesta, no dates are ever cited), an d John com m ents up o n them , d raw in g on classical and contem porary literature, law, the Bible, fables, an d the like. O n reaching the tim e of their deaths, they excuse them selves from the feast to "sleep in the L o r d ." 2 o A servant (vemaculus, i.e. Vincent himself), w ho w as recording the conversation of the elderly churchm en then takes over the task in the fourth 18 On his beatification and cult, see Kiirbis, Introduction, 37; J. Szymariski "Wincenty," in Hagiografia Polska, (Poznah, 1972), 2:528-529, 536-539. 19 On Vincent's use of dialogue see M. Plezia, "Dialog w Kronice Kadlubka," Pam igtnik literacki 51, no. 4 (1960): 275-286. Almost all the paralells in European literature of the day that Plezia finds are hagiographical in nature. 20 Master Vincent, Chronica Polonorum, m.31, IV.l, p.128-30. 9 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. b o o k in m arkedly more direct style, covering events u p to 1202, breaking off in m id-sentence. M ost recent scholarship takes the position th at the w ork w as w ritten u p to this point, a n d set aside, soon after th a t year, o r a t any rate before he took up his episcopal duties. The view prevalent in older literature saw him as w riting the fo u rth book only in his m onastic retirem ent, a n d d ying before he could finish it.2 1 A s for the circumstance of its com position, it seem s that Casim ir the Just (1177-94), a prince whose cause V incent enthusiastically supported, h a d a considerable role in initiating the w ork, at least if w e take the dedicatory introduction a t face value, w here Casim ir ap p ears as "the m ost courageous of princes."2 2 The section of the fourth book dev o ted to Casimir in fact approaches a gesta of a hero of the sort the au th o r of the first Polish chronicle w rote, b u t in fact Vincentis conception of his w o rk w as m uch b roader than that of the "anonym ous Frenchm an." H is is n o t prim arily a history of a dynasty, b u t a history of a people. This probably is a response to the conditions of his day, w h en Poland w as divided into a num ber of petty, regional principalities, so th at a unifying principle could n o t be so easily found in the person of a ruler.2 3 A lthough Vincent could have w ritten a w ork centered on the Piast dynasty, that 21 Cf. Kiirbis, Introduction, 24-25, 34; Grodecki, "Mistrz Wincenty," 28; P. David, 57-58. 22 On Vincent's relationship to Casimir, see Kiirbis, Introduction, 20-23. 23 Cf. Dgbrowski, 80; B. Kiirbis, "Historia wpisana w Tera£niejszo£<f: O "Kronice polskiej" Mistrza Wincentego zwanego Kadhibkiem" in Studia nad szmadomoscia historyczna Polakdw, Jerzy Topolski, ed. (Poznaii, 1994), 39. 10 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. w as n o t w h at he did. Rather, reflecting his ow n view s an d those of the reform - m inded clergy (who tended increasingly to identify the natio w ith the Polish church), he m ade dem onstrating greatness of the Poles his prim ary task. To show the value of patriotic dedication, Vincent often d rap ed Polish political realities in term s borrow ed from R om an law: cixntes serve the good of the rei publice or the patrie2 4 Besides reflecting the historical views and traditions of the Polish clergy, especially the K rakow clergy, since he w as tied to southern Poland alm ost his entire life,2 5 Vincent drew o n the Cronice et gesta, epitom izers of Classical history (Justinus an d Floras).2 6 His rich know ledge of Belle Lettres, law, and political philosophy, it has been argued, reflect the interest typical of learned m en in 24 Cf., for example, Master Vincent, Chronica, I, 5, 4, p. 10 and 1,1, p.6; Kiirbis, Introduction, 41-45, 48. On his use of Roman law see O. Balzer, Studyum , l:434ff.; Adam Vetulani, "Prawo kanoniczne i rzymskie w Kronice mistrza Wincentego," S t. Z r. 20 (1976): 35-45; Janusz Sondel, Z e Studiozv nadprawem rzym skim w Polsce piastozvskiej (Krakdw, 1978), 42-57. 25 On the clerical tradition, especially as it pertains to the legends of Polish pre-history see Balzer, Studyum , l:283ff.; Kiirbis, "Introduction," 54-58. 26 On his use of classical historians cf. Marian Plezia, "Kronika Kadtubka a renesans XII w.," Z nakW , no. 7-8 Quly-August,1962): 985-986, 991; Ignacy Lewandowski, Recepcja rzymsfdch kompendiozo historycznydi to daumej Polsce (do potency X V m zo .) ( Poznari, 1976), 57-68. On the possibility he patterned some aspects of his account of the origins of Poland (in particular) on Geoffrey of Monmouth see Jacob Hammer "Remarks on the Sources and Textual History of Geoffrey of Monmouth's H istoria Regum Britanniae, with an excursus on the Chronica Polonorum of Wincenty Kadtubek (Magister Vincentius)," B ulletin o f the Polish In stitu te o f A rts and Sciences in Am erica 11 (January 1944): 538ff.; Kiirbis, Introduction, 58-59. The pre-eminent scholar of the medieval Polish legends, Jacek Banaszkiewicz, sees common Indo-European behind the similarities. 11 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. no rth ern France in the second half of the tw elfth century, strengthening the case th at he studied there.2 7 There are no surviving copies of the Chronica from the thirteenth century, and only tw o from the fourteenth, b u t there is m uch indirect evidence of its circulation, particularly in the latter century. The w o rk blossom ed in popularity in the fifteenth century, in large m easure due to interest in it a t the K rakow academ y, about w hich m uch m ore w ill be said below in the p a rt of this dissertation (C hapter 3, Section 3) devoted to Jan of D ^brow ka's com m entary to V incent's Chronicle. C. P o lish C hronicles of the Late T hirteenth and Fourteenth C enturies O ur picture of Polish narrative histories of the two centuries o r so after M aster Vincent set dow n his pen is still unclear on som e major points despite generations of scholarship trying to elucidate the topic, m ainly because the interrelationships of the sources are exceptionally complicated and h a rd to distangle. The tw o m ain entities (tw o, a t least, in the form we have them today) 27 For a list of literary affinities and sources used by Vincent (by no means exhaustive) see the "Index Auctorum" of Plezia's edition of the Chronica, 202-12. This richness has lead Beryl Smalley to call it "the most ornate and fanidful specimen of pulpit history" on account of the diversity and density of exempla drawn from various literary and other sources. See B. Smalley, H istorians in the M iddle A ges (London, 1974,172. Cf. also H. Zeissberg, D ie polnische Geschichtsschreibung des M ittelalters (Leipzig, 1873), 59ff. 12 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. are the Chronicle ofDzierzwa an d the Great Poland Chronicle.28 W hich is the older of the tw o, the layers in the text of each, and w ho th eir m ain authors w ere (or even if there w as m ore than one in either case), are difficult questions. E ven the century of com position of the Great Poland Chronicle rem ains som ew hat controversial. The Chronicle ofDzierzzva has been subject to som e strange theories in the course of the developm ent of m o d em source criticism . It is agreed that the Chronicle in the form w e h ave it is tripartite, consisting of an introduction w ith a Biblical genealogy of the Poles an d Slavs, a sum m ary of the Chronica Polonorum of M aster Vincent, and a continuation in annal form ru n n in g up to 1288.2 9 O ne of the w o rk 's first m odem editors, A ugust Bielowski, though, tried to m ake the first p a rt (which he claim ed ran up past the year 1000) the earliest Polish chronicle. H e supposed this putative w ork to be w ritten b y an E nglishm an or G erm an in the eleventh century, citing parallels of th e author's Biblical genealogy of the Poles w ith those fo u n d in the ninth century Historia Brittonum, a strange com pilation in its ow n rig h t w hich is, am ong other things, one of the earlier sources for the A rthurian legend. The rum p of the abbreviation of V incent he 28 Here I use English forms of the working titles most often accepted in the recent scholarship, since the original titles are either problematic (in the case of the first) or lost to us entirely (in the case of the second). On the title of the former see Jacek Banaszkiewicz, Kronika Dzierzzuy, XIV- zviecztiej kompedium h isto riio jczystej (Wroclaw, 1979), 5-9. On the latter see B. Kiirbis, Studia nad Kronikt} Wielkopolskq (Poznaii, 1952), 8-9, 21ff. 29 cf. P. David, 72; J. D^browski, Dazone dziejopisarstzoo, 120-21; J. Banaszkiewicz, Kronika Dzierzzay. 13 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. published along w ith that latter w ork, w hile the continuation he printed as the "Franciscan Annal."30 A lthough Bielowski's theories have long been discredited, studies on the Chronicle have advanced relatively little until recently, in p a rt because it the w ork did not seem very original, since so m uch of it w as given over to sum m ary. The tim e the w ork w as set in its final form has been agreed on as being m ost probably in the early fourteenth century (the decade after 1307 or so being m ost favored), and its m ilieu is clearly that of the K rakow Franciscans.3 1 The specific authorship of the w ork is, how ever, a riddle. In two of the surviving m anuscripts, in the first sentence of the w ork the author identifies him self w ith the form ula: "ego qui Dzirszva sum cognominatus," while three fifteenth-century fragm ents (com prising only the initial genealogy) m ention a Chronius or Thronius. In two, the author is given as incognominatus, and in another one, the opening of the chronicle appears in rew orked form so that the phrase in w hich the au th o r identifies him self is altogether om itted (although the scribe attributes it to M aster Vincent him self a t the e n d )3 2 To complicate m atter further, 30 August Bielowski, Introduction to M ierzzvy Kronika. in Monumenta poloniae historica, o.s., (Lw6w, 1872), 2:145-160. The text of what he took to be his original "Chronicle ofM ierzw a," appears on pages 163-190, while the next part of the work is published on pages 283-438. The final, annalistic part is published in volume three of the same series (Lw6w, 1878) on pages 46-52. For the resemblences to the H istoric Brittonum see Bielowski's commentary to M ierzzvy Kronika, 163n3. Cf. also Banaszkiewicz on the subject {Kronika Dzierzzuy, 45-51). 31 Cf. David, 74-76; D^browski, Dazone dziejopisarstzoo, 120-21, Banaszkiewicz, Kronika D zierzzuy, 6 - 7 ,118ff. 32 On the authorship formulas in the manusdpts see ibid., 5-7. Cf. A. Bielowski, ed., Kronika M ierzzoy, 163, n. to ch. 1, line 5. Bielowski's description of the manuscripts in general are on pages 160-62 of the introduction to his edition. 14 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Bielowski, following the usage of an early seventeenth-century author, am ended "Dzdrswa" to "MLrsua," an d so in the scholarly literature this w ork has often appeared as the Chronicle ofMierzwa {Kronika Mierzioy). O ther scholars, w anting to avoid the confusion, have m erely called it the "Franciscan Chronicle," or the "A bbreviated Vincent."3 3 Because the nam e "Dzierzwa" (i.e."Dzirswa" rendered into m odem Polish) is the m ost likely of the candidates, and that accepted by Jacek Banaszkiewicz, w ho h as done the m ost definitive recent study of the chronicle, it will be the one u sed in the rest of this work. La fact, given the complex, m ulti-part n atu re of the chronicle in its received form , that it had only one author is less than self-evident. But here, too, accepting for the m om ent Banaszkiewicz's view s (viz. th at m ost of the text was p u t together by one person at one time), w e can say a few things about the author's outlook and intellectual interests. 3 4 W hoever the au th o r was, he was n o t nearly as learned as M aster Vincent. The sources he used w ere few, and m ost his original additions to earlier history cam e in the form of Biblical parallels, attem pts at dating, or are sim ply the side 33 Ibid.,, 146-47. For the alternate appelations: "Kronikafranciszkanska, " see D^browski, Dawne dziejopisarstzoo, 120; "La vincentienne breve," see David, L esSources, 72. Because the name Dzierzwa (i.e."Dzirswa" rendered into modem Polish) is the most likely of the candidates, and is accepted by Jacek Banaszkiewicz who has done the most definitive recent study of the chronicle, it is used here. 34 An argument for the consistency of outlook and purpose, and hence unity of time of compilation and authorship is one of the keystones of Banaszkiewicz's monograph. See Kronika Dzierzzuy, 28-31, lOlff. 15 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. effect of his simplification a n d clarification of Vincent's frequent abstruseness.3 5 H is feelings of local patriotism tow ard K rakow and interest in the affairs of the Franciscans are beyond question 3 6 W hether or not he him self w as a professed m inorite is hard to say, b u t his attem p t at a simple, accessible history with relatively few intellectual pretensions and filled with Biblical exam ples fits well the general pattern of Franciscan historiography.37 Banaszkiewicz also detects in the author strong anti-im perial view s, a tendency to view fragm entation of the Regnum Poloniae in purely negative term s, and to de-em phasize prim ogeniture as a principle (perhaps since W ladyslaw Tokietek, the prince reunifying Polish lands in the early thirteenth century came from a cadet branch of the Piast family) 3 8 The early reception of the w ork is unclear, since o u r copies are all fifteenth century. (Three full copies still extant.) Nevertheless, there is a fair am ount of indirect evidence that the w o rk w as w ell know n and w idely used, at least until Jan of D qbrow ka's com m entary to the Chronica Polonorum of V incent m ade this earlier w ork directly accessible to those of only m odest education, obviating the need for D zierzwa's epitom e and sim plification of it.3 9 * * * 35 Banaszkiewicz, Kronika D zierzzuy, 52, 69-70, 76-77,117ff. 36 ibid., 118-24. 37 Cf. Bernard Guen£e, H istoire e t culture historique dans L‘ Occident m edieval (Paris, 1980), 57-58. 38 Banaszkiewicz, Kronika D zierzzuy, 121-23. 39 On the reception of the work by posterity, see ibid., 127ff. 16 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The Great Poland Chronicle is m ore original than the Chronicle of Dzierzwa and has attracted considerably m ore scholarly attention. For all that, the m ysteries surrounding it are greater. There are two m ain schools of interpretation, one seeing the w ork as m ainly a product of the late thirteenth century w ith some later interpolations, and another w hich w o u ld advance the date of com position far into the fourteenth century, w ith som e older m aterial w orked in.4 ° A full review of the scholarly debate is beyond the scope of this w ork, so w e only on m ore recent view s w ill be exam ined.4 1 The problem centers aro u n d first, the degree of stylistic, program m atic, and intellectual unity in the Chronicle as w e now have it, and, second, the authenticity of certain excerpts of w hat could only be a late thirteenth century version of the Chronicle published by an eighteenth-century Czech scholar, Felix Dobner, allegedly on the basis of a now lost m anuscript. A th ird issue is the nature and origin of certain textual affinities betw een this Chronicle, the Chronicle ofDzierzzva, and som e other, annalistic sources, both extant an d hypothetical. 40 On support for a thirteenth-century origin, see Brygida Kiirbis, Studia, 49-50, 56-58,60ff.; idem, Dziejopisarstzoo, 91ff.; idem, forward to Chronica Poloniae M aioris, published as volume 8 of the new series of M PH( Warsaw, 1970), v-viii, xii-xvi, xxii-xxiv; Kazimierz Jasiiiski, "W kwestii autorstwa kroniki wielkopolskiej," S t. Z r. 1 (1957): 219-31. For proponents of fourteenth- century origin see, Jan D^browski, Dazone dziejopisarstzoo, 133-39; Henryk Lowmiahski, "Kiedy powstata Kronika wielkopolska," Przeglqd historyczny 51, no. 2 (1960): 398-410; Banaszkiewicz, Kronika D zierzzuy, 78-117), Marek Derwich, "Janko z Czamkowa a Kronika wielkopolska," Acta u n iversitatis zaratislaviensis — h istoric 50 (1985): 127-62. 41 For an account of the older literature, see Kiirbis, Studia, 5-20. 17 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. O n the issue of stylistic and intellectual unity, it is d e a r that a good deal of the Great Poland Chronicle is a compilation. For exam ple, in different sections of the w ork, at least tw o different persons identify them selves as authors: in tw o cases, it is one Godislaus Basco cnstos Poznaniensis (sections 118 and 145), b ut earlier there is a version o f Boguchwal, Bishop of P oznan (section 89), given in the first person. Both are kn o w n figures. The first is attested as Custodian of Poznan from 1256 to 1269 (but a new custodian appears only in 1285), his earlier and later fate rem aining un k n o w n despite several attem p ts to identify him w ith other know n clergym en of the sam e nam e. The second w as bishop of Poznan (from 1242 to his death in 1253).42 The latest date recorded in the chronicle is 1273, b u t there is plenty of evidence of fourteenth-century provenance of at least some of the m aterial in the chronicle. These include sections 154 and 158, the first of w hich refers to a transfer of a house of Poor Clares to K rakow w hich took place only around 1318. The second seems to speak of Bishop Jan to d z ia as though he were already dead, w hich w ould place it after 1345.4 3 The oldest scholarship tended to credit Bishop Boguchwal as the m ain author of the w ork, and regarded Baszko (i.e. Basco) as a continuator. C ontem porary scholarship supporting the thirteenth century provenance of the m ajority of the w ork now , how ever, sees the m ain au th o r as Baszko or some third person compiling earlier 42 On both these figures see Kiirbis, Dziejopisarstzoo, 162-68. For more on Baszko see Jasihski, "W kwestii/' 219-30. ^ Cf. D^browski, Dazone Dziejopisarstzoo, 133-34. 18 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. m aterials by these tw o men.** Proponents of a predom inantly fourteenth century origin have frequently advanced Janko of C zam kow , a w ell k n o w n m em orialist and lover of history of the second half of the fourteenth cen tu ry as the author / com piler, on the grounds th at his biography fits well w ith the know ledge and interests found in the Chronicle.*5 In any case the general purpose of the author is clear enough from the introduction: to w rite the rulers of W ielkopolska into history, especially the ephem eral K ing Przem ysl II (1273-95) and his f o r b e a r s .4 6 B ut w hether this w as an expression of the current political and intellectual m ilieu b y a contem porary, or a sort of fourteenth-century exercise in regional m em ory an d pride m any decades after the principality's im m ersion in the reborn and united Polish kingdom , is h a rd to tell. A nother problem is that of the postulated "Slavic Interpolation" of the introduction of the w ork in the form w e n o w have it. Brygida Kiirbis in h e r excellent study on the Great Poland Chronicle (and som e later w orks) arg u ed that a large part of the introduction in its received form , dealing with the origins of the Poles and Slavs as peoples and their relationship to others is stylistically distinct from the rest of the introduction (which, she w ould add, show s exem plary rhetorical structure w ithout it), an d w ith an intense interest in 44 a . Kurbis, Studia, 8-11, 82ff.; Jasrtski, "W kwestu," 225ff. 45 See Derwich, "Janko z Czarkowa," 137ff. 46 Chronica Poloniae M aioris, prologue, 5. 19 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. "schoolish" etym ologies, indicative of an author w ith a m arkedly different intellectual profile.47 Kiirbis' argum ent on the Slavic Interpolation w as advanced in conjunction w ith her acceptance of the so-called Hodiejovsky M anuscript. Felix D obner, in arguing for the lateness of the Polish legend of Czech a n d Lech relative to the C zech one, cited in one of his w orks tw o fragm ents (i.e. the w hole introduction and vision of Boguchw al) of w h at seem s to have been a n earlier version of the Great Poland Chronicle. This version lacked precisely the section Kiirbis m arks out as the interpolation. Just as im portant, among a variety o f particular textual variants, it m entions Przem ysl II as a king "today reigning" (hodie reganante), w hich would date its w riting vary narrow ly betw een the coronation of that prince as king o n June 29,1295 to his assassination February 6,1296. D obner also described this version as lacking m uch m aterial of the stan d ard version (the continuation of Baszko to the chronicle of Boguchwal is m issing, as he p u t it), and ending w ith the version of Boguchwal.4 8 Proponents of the Chronicle as a m id to late fourteenth-century w ork have treated the H odiejovsky m anuscript w ith skepticism, n o tin g that its readings seem corrupt a t several points, an d thus a very poor a n d late copy, if n o t a dow nright fabrication by D obner to prove his point, in th e vein of m an y other 47 Kiirbis, Studia, 115ff. Cf. also her D ziejopisarstwo, 9 2 -9 7 ,189ff. ^ Kiirbis, Studia, 56-58, 63ff.; Kiirbis, Introduction to Chronica Poloniae M aioris, xii-xiii. The Hodiejovski and standard texts cire printed in parallel on pages 5-8, 94— 95 of her edition. 20 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. frauds k now n to have been perpetuated by eighteenth-century scholars. The fact the m anuscript h as never been found by anyone after D obner has added to their suspicions.4 9 The last key issue in the debate on dating the Great Poland Chronicle has been its textual relationship to the Chronicle of Dzierzwa an d annalistic sources. It has long been noticed that the tw o chronicles have m any textual affinities and som etim es seem to sum m arize the Chronica Polonorum of M aster Vincent in the same w ay. A ccording to one theory, the m ore expansive a u th o r of the Great Poland Chronicle h ad the text of the Chronicle of Dzierzwa in front of him. According to another theory both utilized a now lost earlier sum m ary of Vincent7s w ork, possibly already augm ented by som e annalistic continuation.^0 Recent scholarship has been able to show convincingly th a t although the Great Poland Chronicle on occasion uses the Chronica Polonorum directly throughout its length, it is based on a text that is at least close to that of the Chronicle of Dzierzwa, u p through and including the latter7s annalistic third part. This last part is significantly closer to the Chronicle of Dzierzwa than to any other know n annalistic source for these years.si This in itself, of course, does n o t preclude the common source theory, w hich w ould then have to postulate that D zierzw a, w hoever he 49 See in particular, towmiariski, "Kiedy powstala," 399-407. 50 Cf. Kurbis, Dziejopisarstzoo, 103ff.; Banaszkiewicz, Kronika D zierzzoy, 78,87ff. Both also disscuss older variants of these views. 51 Ibid., 98ff. Cf. Kurbis, Dziejopisarstzoo, 112. 21 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. was, did relatively little to it, perhaps adding the Biblical genealogy and revising som e other sections slightly. Banaszkiewicz, how ever, has advanced a strong case against such a view, as a corollary to his argum ent (m entioned above) for the consistency of interests, program , use of sources, a n d techniques of com pilation shown throughout the Chronicle of Dzierzwa, despite its m ulti-part structure.5 2 If Banaszkiewicz's argum ents are accepted, this w ould of course indicate that the Great Poland Chronicle is, in its m ain fram e, a younger entity than the Chronicle of Dzierzwa, and therefore a w ork of the fourteenth century. Since the publication of Banaszkiewicz's m onograph in 1978, m ost scholarly opinion has tended to support him, although the question is n o t regarded as clearly resolved by all.5 5 The Great Poland Chronicle survives to the present in nine copies, all dating to the fifteenth century, and divided into tw o families correlating roughly to a line of transmission in G reat Poland (4 MSS), and in Little Poland (5 MSS). All have been transm itted through a larger com pilation of historical texts under the 52 Ibid., 31,101,116-17. 53 Cf. the review of Banaszkiewicz's Kronika D zierzzoy by A. Gieysztor in S t. Z r ., 26 (1981): 222; Derwich, "Janko z Czamkowa," 127-37; Gerard Labuda, Zaginiona kronika zpierw szejpolozoy XLUw. w Rocznikach Jam Dtugosza, 31-32; Edward Skibiriski, "Kryteria analizy tekstu," in Tradyqe i perspektyzoy nauk pomocnicznych h istorii w Pobce, Mieczystaw Rokosz, ed. (Krak6w, 1995), 176. 22 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. nam e Chronica Magna or Chronica Longa, w hich is believed to have h a d its origin in Gniezno after 1395.5 4 D . S ilesian Sources The historical culture of Silesia w as already in the thirteenth century m arked by a certain distinctness from the Polish m ainstream , a m ainstream defined by the regions of W ielkopolska, and, above all, M alopolska. This insularity becam e m ore m arked over the course of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, as Silesian principalities w ere n o t reincorporated into the reunified Polish K ingdom , b u t fell into the orbit of the K ingdom of B o h e m i a . s s Yet in som e respects, Silesian historiography rem ained in the sphere of Polish historiography, especially in its treatm ent of the earlier history of Poland. For this reason, and since the Silesian Chronicle tradition w as incorporated later by Jan Dhigosz into his ow n w orks, it m ay be treated here together w ith the Polish sources. The first Silesian chronicle, entitled in one m anuscript Chronica Polonorum, is in fact, a sum m ary and continuation of the M aster Vincent's w ork of the sam e 54 On the manuscripts see Kurbis, Studia, 22-49,53-59; idem, Introduction Chronicle, viii-xi. On the Chronica M agna in general see Wiesiolowski, Kolekcje, 38ff. 55 On Silesian historical culture, see Wadaw Korta, Sredniowieczna Annalistyka Slqska (Wroclaw, 1966), 340-69. Silesian annals, like those of Great Poland, almost unanimously avoid the pre conversion history of Poland. 23 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. nam e, similar in nature to the Chronicle of Dzierzwa.56 It seem s to have to have been w ritten at the end of the thirteenth century by a Silesian clergym an (quite possibly a Cistercian m onk), an d continued by another, perhaps, a t the beginning of the fourteenth century. The ethnicity of the au th o r is h a rd to determ ine, b u t the scholarship has traditionally looked favorably o n the idea he w as a Silesian G erm an. W hoever he was, his chronicle survives to the present in three m anuscripts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, all apparently of Silesian origin.57 The second Silesian chronicle, the Chronica Principum Polonie (Kronika Ksiqzat Polskich) seem s to h av e been com posed betw een 1382 a n d 1385, probably by a canon of the collegiate church in Brzeg (Brieg) in U pper Silesia. Again, the ethnicity of the author is uncertain. From the au th o r's forw ard, w e learn that he w rote the w ork at the behest of W adaw , Bishop of W roclaw (Breslau), Ludwik, Prince of Brzeg, and R upert, Prince of Legnica (Liegnitz).5 ^ H is m ain sources include the Silesian Chronica Polonorum and the Cronice et gesta of Gallus 56 To avoid confusion with Vincent's Chronica I shall refer to it as the Silesian Chronica Polonorum. 57 On this work see, Ludwik CSvinkliriski, ed., Kronika polska, MPH, o.s., 3:578-604; D^browski, D awne dziejopisarstwo, 122-23; David, Les sources, 85-86. All refer to the other older literature and theories. Ryszard Walczak discusses traces of a fourth manuscript from fragments of tire work found in a Pomeranian source of the fourteenth century, the Protocollum of the Augustinus of Stargard. See his "Protocollum" augustianina-erem ety zwanego Angelusem ze Stargardu (Poznah, 1991), 230ff. 58 Roman Heck (following older German scholarship) ascribes authorship of this work to Peter of Byczyna, a canon of Brzeg, whom he surmises was a Pole. See his "'Chronicaprincipum poloniaef a 'Chronica Polonorum, "'185,193. Cf. N owy K orbut, 1:242-43. 24 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A nonym ous, the first tim e this w o rk been directly utilized by the author of another chronicle since M aster Vincent. The w ork survives to the present in a relatively large num ber of copies: nine full, plus several fragm ents, m ost seem ingly of Silesian origin, b u t one also in a m anuscript w ith an origin in "Poland proper," that is the C odex of S^dziwoj of Czechel.5 9 II. Sum m aries o f A ccounts o f P o lish O rigins in N ative Sources A. T he "Cronice et G esta" In his preface, the a u th o r of the Cronica et gesta discusses the location Poland in Europe (which he calls the northern p art of Slavdom [Sclavonie]) while also praising the fertility and w ealth of the Polish lan d an d the hardiness and independence of its people. The author then notes th a t he will describe the deeds of Boleslaus and his forbears, "so th at we ascend from the root into the branches of the tree."6 0 H e, in fact, begins the body of his w o rk w ith the story of the duke Popiel "called C hosdsko [Chosisko]," which the ancestor of Boleslaus's dynasty w as to replace. H e lived in the city of Gniezno, and h a d tw o sons for w hom he prepared a great feast on the occasion of their first hair-cutting according to the pagan custom (more gentilitatis) to w hich m any friends an d dignitaries were 59 On the older literature, see D^browski, Dazone dziejopisarstzoo, 165-68; David, Les sources, 86-87; Zygmunt W fdewski's introduction to Kronika xiqzqt polskich, MPH, o.s., 3:423-28. As is the case with the Silesian Chronica Polonorum, D^browski asserts the Polish ethnicity of the author, and in this case Roman Heck supports him. 50 "ut per radicem ad ramum arboris ascendam xis." Cronice e t gesta, 9. 25 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. invited.6 1 As it happened, by h id d en plan of G od (occulto Dei consilio), tw o guests arrived during the festivities, b u t they were d riv en aw ay from the gate of the city "cum ininrio." Indignant a t their treatm ent by the tow nspeople, they headed for the suburbs, w here they cam e to the h u t o f a ploughm an of the duke, w ho also w as holding a feast for his sons. This m an w as friendly, even if poor, an d invited them into his hum ble house. They gladly assented, telling him 'h e glad indeed that w e came, for o u r com ing m ay b rin g you plenty of goods, an d h onor and glory from your offspring."6 2 The author then broke his story by introducing a new chapter heading: "Of Piast [Pazt], son of Choscisko [Chosischo]," w hich he notes w as the hospitable 61 The author correctly derives this place name from the Polish word for "nest" Cronice e t gesta, 9. Cf. R. Grodecki, trans., Kronika polska, 12n2. 62 "bene, inquiunt, nos advenisse gaudeatis et in nostro adventu bonorum copiam et de sobole honorem et gloriam habeatis." Cronice etgesta, 10. 26 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. p easan t's n am e.6 3 H e and his wife Rzepka (Repka) happily w aited on the guests, a n d recogn isin g their w isdom , they "w ere [disposed] to do a n y m ysterious thing they m ig h t advise, if there should be one" (secretiim, si quid erat, cum eorum consilio perficere disponebant.) A fter conversing for awhile, the guests ask if they have any refreshm ent. P iast h as the ale h e has brew ed and the p ig he has fattened for his son's first h a ir cutting, w hich he w as holding then, a t the sam e tim e as his lord's sons' since he w as too p o o r to hold it at any o th er tim e.6 4 The authorial voice then in tru d es directly into the story: "I shall n o w tell you a 63 Confusingly, this is given as a second name for Popiel! Most scholars accept that the appellation originally belonged to Piast's fattier alone in the original version, and a bungling scribe later added it (perhaps under the influence of the later Great Poland Chronicle) to Popiel as well, although early enough in the manusdpt tradition that in all surviving manuscripts it is applied to both. Cf. Grodecki, Kronikapolska, lln l; Jacek Hertel, Imienictwo d yn astii piastozoskiej we w czesniejszym sredniowieczu (Warsaw, 1980), 17, 34-35; Andrzej Barikowski, "Imiona przodk6w Boleslawa Chrobrego (Rozwazania etymologiczne)," Onomastica 34 (1989): 112-16; Gerard Labuda "O najstarszych imionach dynastii piastowskiej." in B iedni i bogaci: Studia z dziejdw spoteczenstzoa i kidtu ry ofiarowane Bronislazvozoi Geremkowi w szescdziesiqta rocznicp urodzin (Warsaw, 1992), 264; Jacek Banaszkiewicz Podanie o Piascie i Popielu (Warsaw, 1986), 116ff. These works also discuss the etymology of the term, the last linking it to "royal long hair" and seeing cultic significance in it As concerns other names: the name Popiel itself appears in two different forms in this account (Popel and Pumpil), a duality leading to a variety of different views in the literature. Cf. Kazimierz £>laski, W qtki historyczne wpodaniach opoczqtkmo Polskz, 75; Bahkowski, 106,109-12; Labuda, 262-64. The first form is a dearly attested old West Slavic name, but Bahkowski, at least; regards the second as the original. The name Piast has typically been interpreted from the time of Alexander Bruckner as a nickname meaning "hub [of a wheel]," whereas the interpretations of "Rzepka" have been more varied. On Piast; see Hertel, 30-32; Balikowski 116-20. On Rzepka, see Hertel, 32-33; Bankowski, 120-22; Banaszkiewicz, 73ff.). Bartkowski sees both as refering to made and female genitalia repectively, which Labuda accepts (p.265). Piast's son's name, like that of Popiel, is given in two forms (Semouith, i.e. Siemowit, and Samouithay (cf. Grodecki, Kronika polska, 14nl), the former of which is accepted as the original form. Of the names of Piast three legedary descendents, only Siemomysl is attested as an early Slavic name, although Lestek appears as a name in the Piast dynasty just around the time Cronice etgesta was written. See Hertel, 38-47; Bahkowski 123-28. Cf. Banaszkiewicz's rather different method p.l07ff. 64 Note inconsistency of number with above, where the sons are plural. Could the author be influenced here by some other version of the tale in which more than one son appeared? 27 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. w ondrous thing, for w ho can fathom the great d eed s of G od, or w ho can dare to theorize (disputare de) ab o u t G od's beneficence, w ho in tem poral affairs often raises u p the hu m ility of the poor, and does n o t hesitate to rew ard hospitality even am ong the pagans?"6 5 The guests com m and h im to p o u r the ale, which he does, b u t rather than decrease, it increases to such a n extent th at it filled all the containers they could borrow , w hile those at the du k e's feast find theirs empty. The pig w as slaughtered, an d its m eat m iraculously filled ten tubs "called in Slavic Cebri." Piast an d R zepka feel this a great p o rten t for their boy, and ask their guests hum bly w hether they m ay invite the duke. The guests consent, and the duke and his retinue accept, as the author explains: "for the principality of Poland w as not yet so large, n o r was the duke of [only one] city yet so puffed u p w ith pride and arrogance, n o r did he so m agnificently parade around w ith such a m ultitude of retainers [as now ]" that he w ould despise his peasant's invitation.6 6 A fter the feast has begun, the guests them selves c u t the boy's hair, and give him the nam e Siemowit "as a presage of his future."6 7 The next chapter, according its title devoted to Siemowit, tells u s that he grew up, and that "the K ing of Kings and Lord of Lords by [universal?] assent established him as duke, and Popiel and his offspring were to m out from the 65 Cronice e t gesta, 10. 66 "Nondum enim ducatus Polonie erat tantus, neque princeps urbis tan to fastu superbie tumescebat, nec tot cuneis clientele stipatus, ita magnifice procedebat." ibid., 11. 67 "eique Semouith vocabulum ex presagio futurorum indiderunt," ibid. His name is also given as "Samouithay," i.e., "Samowitaj." 28 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. kingdom root and branch."6 * A lm ost half the chapter consists, how ever of an aside: Some old men also relate that this Popiel, cast out from the kingdom, suffered from such a persecution of mice, that his followers, in its face, transported him to an island, where for a long time he was defended in a wooden tower from these horrible animals swimming across [after him], until all abandoned him due to the fetid stench of the multitude of slain mice, and he died a most foul death, gnawed away by these monsters. But let us leave off memorializing the deeds of people of whom memory has been lost in the forgetfulness of antiquity, and who were polluted by the error of idolatry. Passing over them quickly, let us him to reciting those deeds worthy of memory.6 9 The balance of the chapter is devoted to the deeds of Siemowit an d his descendants: Siemowit, in fact, having obtain rulership [principium], spent his youth [not] on pleasures or foolish things, but on the usefulness of labor and chivalry [militarie], and he acquired the glory of honor and the fame of uprightness. And he expanded the borders of his principality further than any before him. After his death, his son Lestek took his place, and with knightly deeds equaled the boldness and uprightness of his father. After the death of Lestek, Siemomysl, his son, also succeeded him, and he tripled the memory of his forbears both by birth and merit.7° 68 "rex regum et dux ducum eum Polonie ducem concorditer ordivanit et de regno Pumpil cum sobole radicatus exstirpavit," ibid., 12. 69 ibid. 70 Ibid., 12-13. The "not" in the passage above is in none of the three surviving manuscripts, but modem editors (and a sixteenth-century corrector of one of the manuscript) add it. Cf. ibid., p,12n. 29 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The last chapter of the first book of the w ork (1,4) treating the legends o f origin as w e have defined them concerns the early life of Mieszko I (963-92), th e first Polish ruler attested from sources contem porary to him. A ccording to the author, he was the son of Siemomysl, b u t b o m blind. W hen he reached the age of seven, according to custom , his father held a feast for his "counts a n d other princes," b u t despite the occasion, inw ardly he sighed for the blindness of the boy, rem em bering his sorrow an d sh am e.7 1 O thers rejoiced, clapping their hands according to custom , m errim ent w hich reached a fevered pitch w hen w ord cam e the boy h ad suddenly gained the ability to see. A t first his father w ould n o t believe it, b u t his m other left the feast and brought the boy, w ho n o w obviously could see, w ith the "disgrace of his blindness turned into inconceivable rejoicing."7 2 Then the duke asked the older and w iser of the guests w h eth er the portentous recovery from blindness of the boy d id not have som e m eaning. They answ ered th at Poland u p to then h a d been as though blind, b u t w as to be illum inated and elevated above its neighbors by Mieszko. The author th en adds: And so it was, but [the portent] could interpreted differently. In fact, Poland up to that time had been blind, not knowing the worship of the true God, nor the principles of faith, but through the enlightenment of Mieszko, it too was enlightened, for since he accepted the faith, the Polish people [Polonica gens] was saved from the death of unbelief. For Almighty God first restored to Mieszko proper order of bodily sight, and afterward gave him spiritual, so that he made his way from recognition 71 "comitum aliorumque suorum prindpum," ibid., 13. 72 "cedtatis ignominiam in gaudium inextricabiie commutavit," ibid., 14. 30 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of the visible to [recognition] of the invisible, that by seeing things, he would look up to the omnipotence of the c r e a t o r .7 3 The next chapter (I, 5) is devoted to the "historical" career of M ieszko, concentrating on his conversion an d contraction of m arriage to the Czech princess D^browka, and h e r refusal to sleep w ith him until he w as duely instructed and baptized, and his seven previous wives dism issed. B. M aster V incent's "C hronica Polonorum " The first book of V incent's chronicle consists of a n um ber of episodes u n k n o w n to the anonym ous au th o r of the Cronice et gesta (or, a t least, unrecorded by him). A t the h eart of this "new " m aterial is a group of stories know n to some scholars as the "Little Poland" legendary cycle, since it seems to attach to Krakow, and is som etim es opposed to the cycle of legends associated w ith G reat Poland, and its capital Gniezno, found in the Chronice et gesta. 7 4 2. The First Origins of the Poles Vincent begins his account of the origins of Poland (book I, chapter 1) w ith his ow n paean to the greatness of the Polish past, noting th at Poland w as n o t ruled by aboriginal plebs (plebei aborigines) no r usurpers, b u t b y hereditary princes (principes succedanei). H e then introduces his characters, and has their 73 ibid., 14. 74 E.g. 5laski, Wqtki historyczne, 6-7. 31 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. dialogue begin with A rchbishop John asking Bishop M atthew "w hen w e are to think th at our constitution h ad its infancy?"75 M atthew (I, 2) adm its in this regard he him self m ight as w ell be an infant, for all h e know s of it from his ow n experience, b u t he heard his elders (maiores) speak the truth of it, an d so has som ething to say. A n old m an told him that once "a limitless num ber of hands" [i.e. force?] flourished here, although the kingdom w as scarcely the size of a single farm (iugerum).7 6 Its inhabitants began to conquer, n o t out of a desire for dom ination, b u t rather because the grow th o f their virtues "could n o t be contained w ithin borders."7 7 They conquered all the peoples by the sea, and the "D anish islands," capturing their king, C anute.78 The defeated w ere given a choice of paying constant tribute, or going aro u n d dressed as w om en, b u t since they could n o t agree am ong them selves w hich w as preferable, b o th term s w ere im posed on them. John then speaks u p to tell us they (rightfully) resented the insult m ore than the tribute, so th at C anute's grandson tried to to take revenge, b u t the D anes fought so poorly w ith the Poles and Bastamae that they w ere 75 "sub quonam conceptam estimabimus nostrarum constitutionum inf anti am?" Chronica Polonorum, 6. 76 "infinitissime numerositatis manum quondam hie uiguisse," ibid., 7. 77 "nullis usquam terminis limitarent," ibid. 78 "Danomarchias insulas," ibid. Henryk towmiahski has pointed out that Danemarcia is a term for Denmark used by the English and Danes themselves, not found in other medieval Polish sources, which use only the more standard Latin Dania. This suggests to Lowmiaiiski that Vincent had some kind of "north-western" ties, perhaps by way of contact with Pomerania informants, who had direct contact with Danes. See Lowmiahski "W^tki literackie i tradyqa historyczna w Kronice Kadlubka (I ksigga)" S t. Z r. 20 (1976): 25. 32 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. forced to sleep with their h ead s w here th eir feet should be, an d to serve their w ives just as their wives h ad once served them . M atthew (1,3) then tells u s another tale: the Gauls in their thousands w ere defeated there in the tim e they h ad conquered alm ost the entire w orld, an d w ere forced to conclude a treaty to split any lan d they conquered. The G auls obtained Greece, b u t to those w ho bested them , th e lands that stretched from P arthia to Bulgaria to Carthinia.7 9 The G auls eventually settled dow n and chose a m an, Graccus, as their prince. Soon, how ever, they grew soft due to the w antonness of w om en (mulierum . . . lascivia). M ost their leaders were poisoned, an d the rest subdued, so that the sloth of a few led to the subjugation of a people unconquered by weapons, so John (I, 4) affirm s the truthfulness o f these events, citing Pom peius Justinus's account of the w anderings of the G auls (in the fourth century b.c.) They h ad conquered Pannonia, and w arred w ith their neighbors, therefore it is probable, indeed m ost certain, th at the tw o great peoples fought, since the lion and tiger can scarcely abide each other for long. 79 Vincent obtained his basic information about the Gaulish migrations from Justinus. See Kurbis, ed. M istrza Wincentego krondca polska, 78«21). 80 'Trimores" in most manuscripts, but in the oldest extant "princeps." which in singular form seems to imply that Graccus himself was killed by poison. Since Graccus then is treated as still alive in the rest of the rest of the story, die editors of the chronicle have perferred the plural reading. See, for example, Plezia's reading. Chronica Polonorutti, 8. Banaszkiewicz suggests, however, that there may have two dioscurically paired "Gracci" in the original tale, one a failure, one a success. See his Polskie dzieje bajeczne M istrza Wincentego Kadlubka (Wroclaw, 1998), 255-56, 261-62). 33 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2. The Legend of Graccus and Wanda M atthew (I,5) th en tells the story o f Graccus. R eturning from Carthinia after the failure of the G aulish state, Graccus gained the attention of all w ith his oratorical skill, arguing th a t "a crippled anim al an d a headless m an are ridiculous. Just as a body w ithout a soul, a lamp w ithout a light, the w orld w ithout the sun is a kingdom w ithout a king."8 1 If he should be elected to the position, he w ould n o t claim the title king, b u t "friend of the kingdom " (regni socium). All acclaim h im king, and he took the opportunity to establish the law . Thus w as liberty yoked to servitude, and fairness pursued injustice. Justice w as defined as that w hich brought the greatest advantage to the least pow erful. B ut severe justice w as n o t im posed right aw ay, w hich allow ed it to be perverted by force, so things w ere called just w hich served the m ost pow erful. Since the kingdom w as flourishing u n d e r his rule, G raccus w ould have surely established a dynasty, "had not the second of his sons been disgraced by the crim e of fratricide." M atthew explains: "There was, in the crevasses of a certain rock a m onster of very great cruelty, w h ich som e call an h o lo p h a g e /"8 2 A certain num ber of livestock h ad to be given it every w eek "as though sacrifices" (quasi quasdam victimas), or it w ould d ev o u r as m any hum ans as it w as 8“ ! "ridiculum esse pecus mutilum, hominem acephalum. Idem esse corpus exanime, sine luce lampadem, mundum sine sole, quod sine rege imperium." Chronica Polonorum, 9. 82 "Erat enim in cuiusdam speculi anfractibus monstrum atrocitatis inmanissime, quod quidam olophagum did putant," ibid., 10. "Holophage" seem to be a Greek Neologism of Vincent's from olo- (whole) -fagos (eater). See Balzer, Siudyum , 2:199. 34 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. shorted. Graccus, in o rd er to save the country (patria) sum m oned his two sons, and appealing to their valor, asked them to kill the m onster, since "defended and preserved, the safety of the citizens surpasses eternal trium phs."® They eagerly agree to such as glorious task, but after attem pting open assault m any tim es and failing, they decide they m ust resort to a trick. They fill anim al skins w ith burning sulfur, w hich the m onster eats and prom ptly suffocates from the fum es com ing from its belly. The younger son (Graccus iunior), taking the opportunity to rid himself of a rival, imm ediately falls on his brother and kills him. H e cries crocodile tears, and claim s that it was the m onster w ho killed him. His father receives him joyfully, and the younger son succeeds into the kingdom. But soon (paulo post) his crime com es to light, and he is condem ned to eternal exile. Archbishop John (I, 6) then launches into a lam ent on the decline of noble things into base, noting especially the ruin caused by the desire for rule (ambitio) and citing Dam ocles' sw ord as an example by w hich h o w m uch pleasure there is in ruling. He then asks if after such a rem arkable father and his "immortal achievem ents" (immortalia . . . beneficia) could no trace rem ain? M atthew responds (1,7) that a fam ous city w as soon founded on the holophage's rock, nam ed Graccovia, to his eternal m em ory. H is exequies w ere n o t finished until the city was completed. Some, though, called it Craccovia (i.e. K rakow ) from the croaking of the crows, w hich gathered around the m onster's 83 "at vero defensa uel conseruata duium salus etemales transcendit triumphos," Chronica Polonorum, 10. 35 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. carcass. Anyway, the senate, nobles (proceres), w ere overcom e w ith such love for their deceased ruler th at they elected G raccus's only daughter, W anda, to the throne. She surpassed all b o th in beauty of figure and in every w ay the charm of the Graces, such that one w ould think n atu re was prodigal w ith her. The w isest w ere am azed a t her plans, w hile the fiercest of enem ies w ere m ollified b y the m ere sight of her. Thus, a certain G erm an tyrant (Lemannorum tyranmis), w hen he intended to loot this people and seize the throne, as though vacant, w as overcom e by som e u n d erh eard -o f ability (inaudita quadam virtiite) of hers, rather th an by arm s.84 For w h en his arm y saw her in the opposing ranks, they w ere all struck, as though by a su n beam . As though following som e sort of divine com m and (iussu numinis), the hostility left their souls, and they turned aw ay from battle, declaring th a t they w ere desisting from sacrilege, not battle, for they w ere n o t afraid of a hum an, b u t revered superhum an m ajesty in the hum an. Their king, stricken b y love or indignation, or both, said: "L et W anda rule the sea, let W anda rule the earth, let W anda rule the sky, let W anda give sacrifice for her ow n. I will, for you, m y nobles, sacrifice solemnly to the underw orld, so that you and you successors w ill forever g row old under the rule of w om en."8 5 H e then fell on his sw ord and died. M atthew then tell us that it is said that the nam e 84 The use of the noun Lem anus instead of Germanus could be interpreted as further evidence for French influence on Master Vincent See Kiirbis, ed. M istrza W incentego kronika, 81n40. 85 "Vanda mari, Vanda terre, aeri Vanda imperet, diis inmortalibus Vanda pro suis uictimet! Et ego pro uobis omnibus, proceres, sollempnem inferis hostiam deuoueo, ut tam uestra quam uestrarum successionum perpetuitas sub femineo consenescat imperio," Chronica Polonom m , 12-13. 36 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of the river W andalus [i.e. Vistula] comes from her, since in w as the center of her kingdom , and thus all w ho w ere u n d er her rule (imperiis) w ere know n as the Vandals. Since she p rize d virginity above marriage, she d ied w ith o u t offspring, and for a long time after there w as w eak rule (imperium) w ith o u t a king. John (I, 8) then com plem ents this tale with the tale Sem iram is, queen of the Assyrians, dressing as her son and conquering lands, an d notes th at h e is not so m uch am azed b y m ale industry in a wom an, as p roven faithfulness in m en. H e proceeds to discuss the conflict of "good custom s" forbidding a w om an to com m and princes [principes], an d the dedication to the fam ily principle, that the achievem ents of the d e ad m ay n o t be allow ed to perish. H e decides th at the latter suitably prevailed, and cites the case of the sons of A naxylaus, ruler of Sicily, who upon his death entrusted his young sons to his faithful slave. All his subjects preferred to obey the slave than to abandon his sons.86 H e finishes his reflections decrying harshly the lack of such faithfulness in persons of the present day. 3. The Age of the Three Lesteks M atthew (I, 9) takes u p the them e, rem arking th at som e persons of low b irth also achieved rule of this state (Huius quoque rei publice administratio), and despite their origin w ere envied neither by people n o r nobles (procures), b u t in 86 The classical exempla in this speech of John come from Justinus and Macrobius respectively. See Kiirbis, ed., M istrza W incentego kronika, 82rcn46,48. 37 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. fact their deeds are boasted of to this day. W hen Alexander the G reat tried to exact tribute from them , they asked his envoys: "A re you only envoys, o r are you also collectors?"^7 W hen the envoys replied th at they were both, the Poles agree that they m u st respect the envoys and give them m agnificent gifts, then render unto C aesar w h at is Caesar's, in order n o t to be found guilty of lese- majeste. Therefore they broke the leaders of the em bassy on the w heel, rem oved their skins and stuffed them w ith gold a nd disgusting seaweed, and sent them back to A lexander w ith an insulting letter from the "em press of P oland" (imperiatrix Polonia) taking him to task for his greed, and asserting the virtue of the Poles: "K now th a t Poles are judged by their courage of spirit and hardness of body, n ot by w ealth. They th u s do n o t have the m eans to satisfy the savage voracity of such a great k in g if n o t to say, such a great beast. Do n o t doubt, how ever, that they have a treasury of brave youths, due to w hich they can n o t only satiate, b u t d estroy y our greed, along w ith y o u ." 8 8 A lexander vow s revenge, b u t the forces he sends are destroyed. Therefore, he gathers u p innum erable arm ies, and sends them against Poland. Alexander him self subdues the Pannonians and enters Poland through the M oravian gate, conquering Silesia an d Krakow, leveling the walls of th at city, 87 "Leganti tantum estis, an alias regii census questores?" Chronica Polonorum, 14. 88 "Polonos autem animi uirtute, corporis duritia non opibus censeri, non esse igitur ipsis, unde tanti regis, ne tante dicatur belua, rabidissima expleri possit ingluuies; habundare tamen eos strennue iuuentutis thesauris non dubites, quibus tua non sopiri quidem set tecum prorsus extingui possit auiditas," ibid., 15. 38 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and sow ing its fields w ith salt. W hen he continued his campaign, how ever, he w ho w as unconquered by w eapons fell victim to the trick of an o rdinary little m an (simplids astu homunrioli). A goldsm ith arranged that helm s an d bucklers be m ade of w ood and bark, and coated in litharge (to imitate silver), a n d bile colored dye (to imitate gold). They w ere then set u p on a high sum m it opposite the sim, in o rd er that they m ight shine m ore brightly. The A rgyraspids, A lexander's elite, see them , a n d think it an enem y army, so they willy nilly head off in pursuit, b u t as the author of the trick has h ad the dum m y arm s bu rn ed already, they have trouble finding their enemies, and suppose they have fled. H aving dispersed them selves in pursuit, they fall victim, however, to am bushes of strong m en, which have been lying in w ait from them at the goldsm ith's orders. These p u t on the equipm ent of their slain enemies, and go off to surprise others. Em boldened by their success, the Lechites (Lechite) then search o u t the m ain cam p of the Alexandrines (Alexandrite), im itating the victory sign of A rgyraspids, and are accepted as c o m r a d e s .8 9 W hen they fall upon their unp repared an d unsuspecting enemies, A lexander imagines that a m utiny has broken o u t in his ow n ranks, an d goes out to su p p o rt w hat he think is his elite guard, and thus he unw ittingly destroys his ow n arm y. Finally realizing the trick, 89 A name Vincent uses for the early Poles. Kiirbis draws attentions to the fact that Vincent is vague, probably deliberately, to mask his own confusion with ancient sources, as to what the name of the forebearers of the Poles were, often using pronouns where a proper name would have been expected. See her, "Ksztaltowanie si§ poj?<f geograficznych o Stowiahszczyznie w polskich kronikach przeddfugoszowych," Slavia antiqua 4 (1953): 269ff. I have matched the chronicler's ambiguities step by step in my paraphrase. 39 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A lexander barely escapes in disgrace w ith a handful of troops (cum perpaucis Alexander euasit inglorius). N o m ore w as heard about tribute after this. John (1,10) com es to M atthew 's support, noting th a t although the affair is amazing, it is true {Rem miram set fidei plenaml). He then cites a collection of letters of Alexander. In one of them A lexander w rote to Aristotle about his trium ph over the Lechites, and h o w he w as able to seize their city C araucas, situated close to the northern border of Pannonia, populous rather than rich, and well defended by fortification rath er than position. Aristotle w rites back that in fact th at "the light of your su n h as been greatly dim m ed, and the crow n of your em pire [imperii] seem s to h av e been shaken," by the m istreatm ent of his envoys and victory of the "Lechite A rgyraspids." John then com pares the deed of the Lechites to that of the Corinthians, w ho crucified the envoys of Alexander, and afterw ard sent him an insulting letter.9 * ) H e praises also the cleverness of the trickster, w ho overcam e A lexander w ith a trick he him self h a d used against Darius. M atthew (1,11) then finishes w ith the story of the goldsm ith, telling u s that he was m ade prince of the land {princeps patrie) he h ad saved. Such was his virtue, that he w as soon distinguished w ith royal dignity, a n d he w as called "Lestek" or "clever," since he defeated the enem y m ore b y trickery than by the strength of his forces. This p rom pts John (1,12) to reflect on virtue am ong those of low estate, 90 Here Vincent seems to transpose an event from Alexander's siege of Tyre in Valerius Maximus' account to Corinth and Corinthians. See Kurbis, ed. M istrza W incentego kronika, 85n62. 40 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. a n d how no one, including himself, thinks to w o n d er at it. A lthough hum ility is the nurse of all the virtues, virtue am ong the low ly is "like the sun a t the antipodes." Yet it m ay still illum inate those n o t blinded b y envy. A s an illustration he cites the exam ple of Sostenes, w ho after defeating the Gauls, obtained the throne o f M acedon ahead of m any w ell-bom persons on account of his deeds, even th o u g h of low estate. In o rd er n o t to aw aken envy, how ever, he d id n o t take the title o f king, b u t of leader {dux). M atthew (1,13) th en tells the story of an o th er prince w ho w as nam ed Lestek, but for a different reason. W hen there w as great disorder in Poland over succession to the position of tyrant, the com petitors decided in the end to subm it the affair to the ju d g m e n t of ordinary people (prwatorum) of unquestioned character, and b o u n d by oath to be im partial. These could n o t decide on the best candidate, so after tak in g the com petitors to task for ruining the kingdom like a h e rd of wild horses m ig h t a destroy a vineyard, they resolved th a t there should b e an actual running of piebald horses, a race, to determ ine w ho should be king. This decision w as greeted w ith enthusiasm , b u t the execution of the plan postponed till the next day. In the m eantim e, how ever, one contender "trusting o n the pow er of the a rt of Vulcan," set the w hole field w ith iron spikes, leaving a sm all path for him self to take. 9i Two youths of very low estate, how ever, challenged each other to a foot race, pledging a certain am ount on the outcome, a n d agree that w hoever w as defeated w ould n o t dare to call the other anything "artis ope fretus Vulcanie," Chronica Polonorum, 19. 41 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. b u t king. They decide it is, therefore, suitable that their affair should be settled on the sam e field as the contest for the kingdom . As soon as they begin to run, of course, their feet are injured by the h id d en spikes. They then guess the trick, and having noticed the path, they sow it too w ith the same spikes, b u t tell no-one (omni prorsus dissimulata notitia). M atthew rem inds us that it is often that opportunity gives rise to a desire nev er before dream ed about, a n d so it is that both youths conceive the desire for rule, and each begins to privately m ake his ow n plans. W hen the day of the race arrives, the senate, nobles (proceres), and a crow d of youths (iuuenum arridet uemantia) all assemble. All w ait in heavy anticipation. The perpetrator of the trick trusts in his path, w hile one of the youths has protected his horse's hooves w ith iron coverings. T he other stands ready som e distance aw ay from the others, and turned aw ay from them (aversus), for which he is m ocked by the crow d. W hen the signal is given, m ost the horses are lam ed on the spikes, b u t the youth w ho covered his horse's hooves m akes it to the post, follow ed b y his com patriot in d istan t second, w ho took a long, circuitous route. The first is "to his great m isfortune" (infaustissimo) proclaim ed king, for w hen everyone notices the iron coverings, they think he w as the originator of the trick. "A nd since a trick never helps anyone," (quia dolus nulli patrocinatur) he is tortured an d tom to pieces. The second, w ho w as m ocked, was then proclaim ed king by the senate. 42 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. John (I,14) then takes over speaking, and notes th at a hidden trick is useful, b u t discovered it brings disgrace. H e lam ents the fate of the king "w hose eyes never knew sleep d u rin g his reign (in principatu)," an d states that he p refers to go from being laughed a t to being taken seriously, th an the other w ay around. It was n o t w ith o u t laughter that D arius w o n his kingdom by the neighing of a horse. A lso the cleverness of Statones w as successful, although laughed at by m any.9 2 So it is that prudence prefers to clothe itself in simplicity, a n d show ing off (ostentatio) is the enem y of virtue. M atthew (1,15) th en continues his story w here h e left off, and tells u s of the n ew king's desire to cultivate courage, an d th at he frequently killed his enem ies in duels, taking possession of their lands. W hen he lacked external enem ies he called his o w n m en together to practice fighting w ith him or each other for a prize. H e p referred to be prodigal an d lack th an to have an abundance through m iserliness (ex tenacitate) H e w as also m arked by sobriety (sobrietas), the sister of probity (honestas), never eating or drinking to excess. H e cared m ore for the soul th an the body, and hence his u nusual humility. W hen he h a d to appear in royal regalia, not forgetting his origins, he w ould first sit on h is throne in shabby clothes, w ith the regalia on a footstool. Thereafter he w ould 92 When the slaves of Tyre revolted and killed their masters, Stratones was spared by his slave. The slaves congregated in a field before dawn, so that he among them who first saw the sun would be king. At the advice of Stratones, and to the amusement of his compatriots, his slave looked west instead of east, like the rest and saw the sun reflected on the towers of the city before all others (this whole story is drawn from Justinus—see Kurbis, ed., M istrza W incentego Kronika 88n77). Thus, John comments, Stratones and his descendents were made king, as it was realized that freemen exceed their slaves in reason (ingenium ). 43 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. d o n the regalia, sit o n the footstool, a n d set th e rags m ost respectfully (reverendissime) o n the throne. John (1,16) then rem arks favorably o n this behavior, since he w as show ing thereby th at hum ility m akes a king deserving m ore than purple m akes him striking. Indeed, if he does not have hum ility, he is n o t a m an, so m uch the less is h e a prince. The G reeks therefore p u t a n em peror (imperator) in a tom b before he could take the throne. At the elevation feast a b oy w ould stand an d tell him "sire, tii moras," to rem ind him of his m ortality, an d keep him from p rid e .93 M atthew (1,17) th en tells us of Lestek It's son, w ho although he did n o t enlarge the kingdom as m u ch as his father, nonetheless a d d ed to his father's virtuous deeds (patemis multa adiecit uirtutibus). H e defeated Julius Caesar in three battles, destroyed the Crassus in the lan d of the Parthians, and p oured gold into his m outh, saying "you desired gold, d rin k gold!" H e also com m anded the G etans and Parthians.94 Julius at last concluded an alliance w ith him, established close ties with him , an d gave him his sister Julia in m arriage, w ith Bavaria as a dow ry. She received the "province of Sorbia" (Surbiensis . . . provincia) as a w ed d in g gift. She founded cities, one nam ed Julius after h e r brother (today called Lubusz), and one Julia after herself (today called Lublin). Those envious of him in 93 Sic, in French! 94 The Getans (Getae) are associated later in Vincent's chronicle with the Old Prussians. Cf. B. Kurbis, "Introduction," 49. There are three defeats of Julius Caesar described in Justinus and attributed to the Parthians themselves, which no doubt Vincent took as a model. See Kurbis, M istrza Wincentego kronika, 89nn90-91. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the Senate, how ever, accused him of acting like an enem y of the republic, rather than a citizen in reducing the territory of the empire, and teaching those w ho o u g h t to serve to com m and. Julius therefore attem pted to take back w h at he had given his sister by force. Julia w as therefore repudiated and departed, b u t left a son nam ed Pom pilius. Lestek's m istress then became queen, an d out of envy changed the nam es of the tow ns her predecessor had founded. O u t of this, and other less lawful liaisons, he begat tw enty sons, for w hich he created as m any principalities (principatus), giving som e duchies, others counties, others m arches, y et others kingdom s.95 Pom pilius by right of prim ogeniture acceded to the kingship of all of them , n o t only of the Slavic kingdom (Slavie . . . monarchia), b u t the provinces. The brothers com peted in show ing love and obedience for their elder, avoided all envious voices, an d accepted his son as his successor. John (1,18) then takes the opportunity to praise concord and love am ong brothers, and lam ents its rareness. H e then cites Erotimus, king of the A rabs as an exam ple of this virtue. H e had, incredible to say (dictii pene incredibile), 95 Possible models for the sons of Lestek include the thirty sons of Orodes, King of the Parthians who really defeated Crass us and poured gold in his mouth according to Justinus. All thirty, like the twenty illegitimate sons of Lestek, were killed by one man. Other possible models suggested in the literature include the thirty sons of a Polabian Slavic prince poisoned by the design of the margrave Geron, a tale which appears in the Saxon chronicle of Widukind, but which Vincent might have known through contact with Pomeranian historical tradition, or the twenty sons of King Ebraucus found in Geoffrey of Monmouth's H istoria regum Britanniae, just to name a few. All the above (i.e. large numbers of sons and / or their death by poison) could also reflect, however, "wandering motifs" applied independently to different figures. The Arab king with seventy sons in mentioned also in Justinus, but Vincent or some other unknown source seems to have supplied his name. Cf. Kurbis, M istrza Wincentego kronika, 90nn95, 98; Hammer "Remarks," 544; towmiariski, "W^tki literackie," 27. 45 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. seventy sons. T hanks to their courage he w as able to overcom e even the m ost difficult enemies. H e lam ents that the Pom pilids w ere n o t to grow old in such successes. 4. The Legend of Pompilius / Popiel After this bit of foreshadow ing, M atthew (1,19) takes u p his narration again, although he adm its h e is asham ed of the story he is going to tell. The younger Pompilius repaid friendship w ith trickery and obedience w ith tyranny at the behest of a certain poisoner. This m ost shameless of w om en often w hispered to him "flow ery w ords" about putative designs of his uncles on his throne, which are quoted b y M atthew ("w ords of this sort") at great length, and sure enough, full of rhetorical figures.9 6 Appealing am ong o th er things to his youthful vanity, and dw elling on how his uncles patronize him , and h o w m uch so m any little principalities are a threat to his rule, she w ins him over. She orders him to feign illness and sum m on his friends as though to console him, o r to give advice. With great m ystery (secretius), he reveals to them the cause an d day of his death, as though by divine revelation, and tells them th at the succession to the kingdom is in their ow n hands, and their well-wishing a n d the consolation of their presence at his obsequies is enough for him. A t this, there is trem endous lam entation am ong the assem bled, som e of it sincere and som e of it false. But the feigned lam entation of the evil queen is so great and convincing, th at all are 96 "huiuscemodi sepius subplantabat uerborum flosculos," Chronica Polonorum, 24. 46 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. driven to genuine sorrow , along w ith, "as it is said" (Jama sit), bronze figures an d statues. After the exequies, "superstitions which are still practiced today by pagans" (gentilitas), there w as an exquisite feast at w hich w ine flowed freely. The king pretends to com fort the queen, telling her that so long as his relatives live, she will be convinced th at he is w ith h er yet. He also asks the "the leaders am ong the fathers" (patrum precipuos) not to forget him, and flatters them that they are the rest of his health, an d half his soul. They, m oved b y his speech, sw ear they w ould rather b e b u rie d alive than forget the good things h e has done for them . H e then invites them to all to give him a valedictory kiss, and drink w ith h im a d rau g h t of a "divine nectar" (ex hoc diuino nectare). The queen has already prepared a cup for the king, which, w hen liquid is p o u red into it only a q uarter of the way up, causes it to foam up all the w ay to the top.97 The poison is served, and the king p reten d s to drink, m erely blow ing dow n th e foam. His victim s think he has d ru n k , a n d imbibe the poison. The king th en pretends to be suddenly drow sy from the conversation, and bids them leave. The poisoned m en collapse, b u t all th in k they are drunk. By m orning all have died a painful death. The king refuses them burial, pretending they h ave been struck d o w n by divine judgm ent since they planned to bury their friend, relative, and king alive, 97 The motif of a king feigning sickness and summoning subjects to him in order to impose his will on them occurs also in the H istoria of Geoffrey of Monmouth (viz. King Elidurus and his nobles). See Hammer, 545-46. 47 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. as show n b y the suddenness of their death, the tears of statutes, and m any other argum ents. W hile the glory of Poland h a d tu rn ed to dust, Pom pilius and his queen fall into debauchery an d sloth. H e w as first to flee in battle, b u t a braggart after dan g er receded. He, as an enem y of the virtues, did all th at w as disgraceful, and p referred the com pany of w om en to m en. For all th is he m et an unheard of death. O n the rotting bodies of the u n b u ried corpses of his victims, mice b red in "u n u su al num bers" (insolite quantitatis), an d chased him across ponds, sw am ps, rivers, and even b u rn in g pyres, until he w ith his w ife and tw o sons w ere eaten u p w ith very painful bites (morsibus amarissimi) in a very high tower. John (1,20) then cites som e parallels for this e v en t—the Abderites leaving their kingdom on account of toads an d mice, and th e Philistines due to a plague of ulcers on their buttocks returned the A rk of the C ovenant to the Israelis w ith gold m odels of buttocks and mice (cum . . . muribus). The singularity of the deed required such a singular punishm ent, he adds, and lam ents that such results frequently come from too close a consort w ith w om en. H e then tells the story of Sardanapal, die Syrian king, at w hose effem inacy the prefect Arbactus grew so disgusted w ith, that h e led a revolt against him. Sadanapal w as defeated and b u rn t him self and his wealth, "in this only im itating a m an." Abactus took over rule (imperium), and w as m ore w orthy of praise than blam e, since he d id n o t desire princely p ow er for himself, b u t rath er sym pathized w ith the ruin of his hom eland (patrie). A t this point the first book ends. 48 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 5. Piast and his Successors The second book treats the w hole length of tim e covered by the Cronice et gesta, from the accession of the Piast dynasty (still, of course, ruling in Vincent7s day) to Boleslaus the W ry-M outh. It begins with M atthew (II, 1) m aking an apology for their digressions a n d lengthy examples from foreign history {ex aliorum historiiis). Like rejoices in like, he explains, and identity is the m other of association {societatis). All alike allow the reader to exercise him self (sese lector exerceat). They are like fruit by the p ath th at alm ost fall into one's m outh, an d w hich sw eeten a task w ith som ething pleasant. John (H, 2) thanks M atthew heartily for the defense of his comments, an d notes th at he w ould n o t regret w hat m ig h t be useful to future generations. But the envious m ight drive him to a certain silence, he adm its, since they m ight say th at it is no t easy for one to catch a liar in m atters about w hich no-one know s anything, and the falsehood of one w ho m akes m any presum ptions about the unknow n is hard to guard against. He en d s his discourse by wishing falsehood be far from him, for falsehood m akes the truthful m an a liar {Verus homofalsus fieri per falsa meretur). M atthew (II, 3) then tells u s that w ith the line of Pom pilius exterm inated, a n ew line of princes, w hose greatness w as all the higher that it grew, "as w e know " from very hum ble origins. Siem ow it, the son of a po o r farm er on account of his ow n energy an d virtues, n o t those of his family, w as m ade 49 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. magister militium, and later king, as w as foretold from his youth. H e th en tells the story of Piast, son of C hosistko and Rzepica, his wife, follow ing the account in the Cronice et gesta fairly closely, b u t w ith the following few changes. Firstly, the virtues and rew ards of P iast and his wife are explicitly praised at length, instead of im plicitly or quickly in passing. For all the greater interpretation w oven around the tale, several details are left out, such as the hair-cutting of Pom pilius (i.e. Popiel's) sons, and specific description of the food (only vague "dishes" are m entioned). The conversation of the guests and Piast is less m ysterious. (Piast apologizes for the poorness of the food, and the guests assure him th a t it is the feeling it is served w ith th a t they valu e—there is no foreshadow ing o n the p a rt of the latter.) The fu rth er career of Siem ow it who "lifted the im m ortal glory of the Poles alm ost to the signs of the Zodiac" is described in considerably m ore detail.9 8 He restores lands lost by the sloth of Pompilius, a n d adds never-before conquered lands, establishing for them decani, quinquagenarii, centurions, collegiates, tribunes, chiliarchs, generals (magistros militum), prefects of cities, prim ipilares, governors (presides), and all other offices. This inspires John (II, 4) to dissertate on the im portance of n o t slighting sm all things in hum an affairs, as noble high-m indedness does n o t alw ays live behind walls, b u t also in the huts of the poor. He d tes the "know n" exam ples of David, Saul, Jeroboam, a n d servant of Solomon, then describes a t length the 98 "cineres glorie . . . inmortales Polonie titulos zodiacteis pene signis inseruit," Chronica Polonorum, 32. 50 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ancient legend of G ordius, and his rise to kingship." M atthew (II, 5) th en interrupts and asks h im w hether this is the G ordius of the fam ous G ordian knot. John answ ers th at it is, an d goes on to cite several o th er exam ples from ancient history of persons of m o d est birth attaining high positions. Therefore, h e argues passionately and w ith g reat rhetorical flourish, those of high birth should n o t be proud, if they are d w arv es b o m of giants. M atthew (II, 6) agrees, b u t expresses concerns about one aspect of the story of Piast an d Siem ow it, that is "if the offerings o f the first hair cut w ere superstitious, as one w ould think from the fact it is a pagan rite itself, w h y d id it seem to be consecrated w ith such a g reat m iracle?"1 0 0 M any wise m en, m oreover, m ock su ch cerem onies. John (II, 7) answ ers his concern to the effect th a t truly w ise m en w ill seek to investigate w h a t they do n o t know , rather than m ock it. He goes o n th a t this hair-cutting is n o t the sam e w hich the church im itates after the N azoreans, about w hich few are ig n o ra n t.1 0 1 Rather o u r rite of hair-cutting is not superstitious nor ridiculous, b u t rath er it w as established as cerem ony of adoption that established legal relation, just like baptism or confirm ation. John th en d tes a t length and discusses several passages on adoption from Justitian's Digest and Institutiones. 99 The account of Gordius given here seems to be based on that of Justinus. See Kurbis, M istrza Wincentego kronika, 99nl8. 100 "Nam ut ex ipso gentilitatis ritu presumitur, si superstitiosa sunt tonsure libamina, cur superiore miraculo uidentur consecrata?" Chronica Polonorum, 34-35. 101 He means the monastic tonsure. 51 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. H e then concludes that this rite of hair-cutting is like other useful institutions like selling, renting, the obligation of slaves (manctpiorum obligatio), an d good faith contracts w hich pagans (gentilitas) established, b u t w hich need n o t be condem ned. M atthew (II, 8) then m entions in passing (following the Cronice et gesta) the son an d grandson of Siemowit, Lestek IV, and Siemom ysl respectively, noting th at in nobility of m ind, strength of body, a n d success, they far surpassed m ost kings. The m ain topic of his speech turn o u t to be "the fam ous Mieszko the Blind." The fact of M ieszko's regaining of sight on his seventh birthday "by divine ordinance" is given, b u t leaving out all the circum stances described in the Cronice et gesta. M atthew takes his blindness to reason (ratione cecutire) to be em blem atized by the fact he k e p t seven m istresses (scortis). The conversion of M ieszko (characterized as "the first king of the Poles") is described w ith equal conciseness. John (II, 9) then m unificently praises M ieszko for his conversion, and goes to interpret the seven years of M ieszko's blindness as "the total tim e of our error" (nostri erroris uniuersitatem). A dissertation on the num ber seven as sym bolizing totality follows, based on Biblical exam ples. Only at the end of these years did the light of sevenfold grace shine upon us. The seven mistresses of M ieszko sym bolize the seven d ead ly sins. He also includes an interesting etym ology of the nam e M ieszko, deriving it (id est, turbatio), obviously, from the Polish w ord for confusion (zmieszanie), since his p aren ts were confused by his 52 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. condition, and offers a esoteric interpretation as w ell (mistice), th at Mieszko broke the false peace to introduce (the confusion of?) spiritual warfare. A fter this the interlocutors turn to P oland after Christianization, and so ends Vincent's account of the legends of origin. C. H agiographical Sources. H agiographical sources contain relatively few references to the origins of the Poles or their pre-conversion history. In the thirteenth century sequence, Ihesu Ckriste, rex superne form ing p a rt of the office in honor of St. Stanislaus attributed to Vincent of Kielcza (K rakow canon and prim ary hagiographer of th at saint, ca.l200-after 1269), w e find the follow ing explanation of the derivation of the toponym Polonia (i.e. "Poland"). After describing the m iracles of St. Stanislaus, the poem runs: U t res gesta protestatur, verax nom en eliquatur a polo Polonie Poli dLvis fit Polonus presul pius et patronus, Ym m o, pater patrie. A s the accomplishm ent bears w itness / A true name is clarified / from the [heavenly] pole, Poland / The Pole is m ade a citizen of the pole / a kindly protector and p atro n / a father of the fatherland, indeed. 1 Q 2 102 Cantica m ediiaeoipolono-latm a, vol.l Seqtientiae, ed. H. Kowalewicz (Warsaw, 1964), 17. On Vincent of Kielcza and this sequence, see Teresa Michatowska, Wi elka historia, 167-229. 53 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. This derivation of toponym Polonia (Poland) from Polus (m eaning both "pole" in the geological sense, and "pole star" o r "heavens"), appearing as a clever play o n w ords in this sequence, later m akes its w ay into the historiographical literature. A t any rate, it fits well w ith the tradition, com ing from the au th o r of the Cronice et gesta, th at stress the "northem ess" of Poland (Polonia septemtrionalis pars est Sclauonie as the anonym ous Frenchm an p u t it).1 0 5 T hat such an elevated derivation of the nam e of the Poles should ap p ear in one V incent of Kielcza's w orks d evoted to Saint Stanislaus is not surprising given the close link this saint has w ith Polish statehood in his conception. The dism em berm ent of the saint's b o d y by Boleslaus the Bold is seen as a foreshadow ing and cause of the fragm entation of the Polish state after 1138, although Vincent also believes th at by the saint's merits, the Polish state w ill one d ay be reunified and restored.1 0 4 A nother motif of a hagiographical w ork that makes its w ay in to historiography is found in the so-called Hungarian-Polish Chronicle, actually a Polish version of an earlier life of St. Stephan of Hungary, probably p u t together in Little Poland in the m id to late thirteenth century.1 0 5 This begins w ith the legend of Attila, whose nam e is given here u n d e r the form Aqnila. Follow ing H ungarian tradition, he appears as king and leader of the H ungarians rather 103 Cronice e t gesta, 6-7. Cf. Kurbis, ed., Kronika zoielkopolska (Warsaw, 1965), 43/-z2. 104 On this see, for example, Czeslaw Deptufa, "Biskup i Wtadca" W igzW , no. 9 (Sept. 1968): 54-55. 105 See Dqbrowski, Dawne D ziejopisartstw o, 101-102, who lists the earlier literature. 54 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. than of the H uns.1 0 6 A fter w reaking various havoc in w estern Europe as the scourge of God (plaga Dei), h e is turned aw ay from Rome by an angel, w ho gives him a m essage from the L ord in a dream : he is to go to Slavonia to avenge King Casim ir, G od's elect, w ho h as served him w ith his whole h eart in "Slavonia and C roatia" (in Sclavoniae et Chrwatiae), b u t w ho has been betrayed and killed by his subjects, w ith the intent th at "there will nev er be a king over us, b u t w e ourselves will rule."1 0 ? A quila is prom ised that a descendant of his (generationem tnam autem post te, St. Stephan, of course) shall go to Rome in hu m ility and receive a perm anent crow n (coronam perpetuam). Aquilia does as he is told, and defeats the princes of C roatia and Slavonia. H e and his m en m arry Slavic an d C roatian wom en, and find their new hom e in C entral Europe, w hich A quilia / A ttila recognizes as their prom ised land. The basis of "King Casim irus" is doubtless Casimir the R estorer of Poland (1034r-58), who w as tem porarily driven o u t of his realm by revolt, p ag an reaction, and a collapse in central authority 106 See Ryszard Grzesik, "Attyla, W6dz Hundw w wfgierskich i polskich irddtach narracyjnych epoki Sredniowiecznej" PTPN -SW N Sz no. 107 (1989-1990), 20-21; Gyorgy Gyorffy, "Erfundene Stammesgninder," in Falschurtgen im M ittdalter, MGH, Schriften. vol. 33, part 1, (Hannover, 1988), 448-450. Cf. A notiym us gesta Hungarorum, Orszdgos Sz£ch£nyi Konyvtar K£ziratt£ra Cod. Lat Medii Aevi 403, 2r, 3v (fasc. Budapest, 1975), where the legendary tradition sees its modest beginnings. 107 "Numquam rex erit super nos, sed nos ipsi regnabimus/'Aro/zibr zoegiersko-polska, MPH, o.s., 1:497. 55 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (?1037-39).io8 H is legendary double here h as evidently been transposed back into the m ore distant past. Also w orthy o f note is the fourteenth century Cracovian version of a thirteenth-century antipho n in honor of St. W ojciech (Adalbert), Benedic regem cunctorum. Instead of the phrase in the antiphon calling on the "converted Polish people" (conversa gens polonorum) to bless the K ing of All, the K rakow version calls on the "converted V andal people" (conversa gens vandalorum) to bless Him. 109 According to Jan Malicki, the V andals in this context are the Little Poles as opposed to the "p u re" Poles of W ielkopolska. Malicki m aintains this presum ably because the tie of the Vandals to the Cracovian W anda, and the Vistula / W andalus, (w hich does not flow th ro u g h W ielkopolska) in the Vincentian historiographical tradition, no It is m ore likely, how ever, th at the "Vandals" referred to here are to be taken as a synonym for all Poles (as this, anyway, is the sense in w hich Master Vincent uses the term), w hich found its w ay into the K rakow version only because M alopolska generally, and K rakow specifically w as the center in which w orks of historical interest w ere m ost w idely cultivated and read (as attested by both the geographical origins of authors and 108 Also known as Casimir the Monk, following an apocryphal tradition that he took vows during his exile. On this legend see Kiirbis, D ziejopisarstwo wielkopolskie XIII i X IV w. (Warsaw, 1959), 201-203nn. 109 Printed in Henryk Kowalewicz, Zasob, zasifg terytorialn y i chronologia polsko-lacidskiej liry k i sredniozmecznej (Poznah, 1967), 82. 110 Malicki, M ity narodowe Lechiada (Wroclaw, 1982), 43; cf. Kowalewicz, 84«5. 56 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. m anuscript traditions), so th at the clerics there w ere m o st prone to fom ent and understand such allusions. D . The "C hronicle o f D zierzw a" 1. The Biblical Genealogy of the Poles D zierzw a's account of Polish origins begins w ith the foundation of the w orld ( [Ortam sive originem polonicae gentis ab initio mundi), w hich the author says he has found "in writings."*1 1 The first thing know n ab o u t the Poles is that they are of the line of Japhet, w hom N oah, his father, blessed a t the prom pting of the Spirit of God.1 1 * O ne of Japhet's sons w as Iavan, w hom the Poles call Ivan. From him cam e (in sequence of generations) Philira, Alan, Anchises, Aeneas, Ascanius, N um a Pam philius, Reasilva, A lanus (w ho was the first to enter Europe), and 111 "in scripturis" in three manuscripts. The "Heilsberg" codex, however, has "ex m u ltis h istoricis scriptu ris com peri." Cf. The Chronicle o f D zierzwa, MPH o.s. 2:163. August Bieiowski already in the nineteenth century noticed that Dzierzwa's geneaology from Noah to Vandalus seems to be heavily indebted to the early British compilation known as the H istoria Brittonum , and its so-called Nennius continuation. Banaszkiewicz aptly points out that this work contains several different and mutually contradictory biblical geneaologies of peoples (especially the Britains), and that Dzierzwa's version seems to conflate two of them into one. Banaszkiewicz argues that Dzierzwa probably had some text similar to the H istoria Britonnum at hand which he then applied to the Polish case, possibly also using the "Frankish Table of Nations" to assist him as well. Banaszkiewicz terms this hypothetical source collection the "British fragment," although it is dear that Dfugosz had access to at least a fragment of a text that was spedfically one of the later redactions of the H istoria B rittonum itself, making it quite likely that this was the text used by the other Cracovian historian a century earlier, given the general rareness of such texts in this part of Europe, about which see chapter 5, section 2B, below. Cf. Banaszkiewicz, Kronika D zierzw y, 46-50; Bieiowski, ed., M PH, o.s., 2:163?il. 112 "Sdendum est autem ante omnia," is the reading of the Heilsberg variant of the introduction. The other three manuscripts have the somewhat less emphatic "Sdendum ergo est." 57 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. N egno, who h ad four sons. F ro m W andalus, the firstborn of these, the Vandals (Wandalitae) "w ho are n o w called th e Poles" (qui Polorri nunc dicuntur) have sprung. He nam ed the river W andalus, now called Wysla (i.e. Vistula) in the vernacular, after himself, along w ith the m ountain w hich this sam e river Wanda (sic) flows. V andalus probably lived around the time of Saint Joseph, son of Jacob the patriarch, since both are of the thirteenth generation (sic) of descent from Noah.us W andalus h ad m any sons, w ho m ultiplied th rough regions an d kingdom s ( per regiones et regna) and took possession of quarter of E urope, nam ely: all of Russia to the east (totam Russiam ad orientem), Poland, the greatest in lands and m other of all (Poloniam maximam terrarum et matrem), Pom erania, Seleuda, Kaszubia, Sorbia (now called Saxony), Bohemia, M oravia, Styria, C arthinia and Slavonia (now called Dalm atia), C roatia, Pannonia (now called H ungary), Bulgaria, and m any others th ey su b d u ed in their fecundity. These peoples grew into m any strong kingdom s, a n d d ro v e out other peoples (extraneas tandem nationes exterm inates) w hile seizing their lands, as the R om an chronicles report. C hapter three begins w ith the author telling us h e w ill say no m ore about the other regions an d peoples descended from W andalus, son of N egno, b u t tu rn his pen exclusively to w ard the kingdom of Poland. A brief description of 1 Note the curious discrepancies in the first chapter of the Chronicle o f D zierzw a both in the name of the river named after Wandalus, which appears in two forms, and the fact he claims thirteen generations, when he lists only twelve to be counted. On the question of the river see Banaszkiewicz, Kronika D zierzwa, 42. 58 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. P oland an d its eastern location follows, along w ith praise for its fertility (in form of personification) and a lam ent for its form er glory, all a paraphrase of a passage in the Life of St. Stanislaus of Vincent of Kielcza.u* The author then adds from his o w n store that he has discovered from annals that Poles u p to the tim e of king A suerus, husband of H ester, did n o t see fit to have a king. H e has n o t been able to find out anything of their w ars and deeds, since antiquity is the n urse of forgetfulness and m other of ingratitude (quia antiquitas temporis negligencie nutrix, mater ingratitudinis). So he will w rite about w hat he can, the origins o f the Polish kingdom . 2. The Legend ofGraccus and Wanda From chapter four on, the text turns into a m ere sum m ary of M aster V incent's chronicle, w ith a few changes. The abbreviation of the story of Graccus a d d s a h andful of significant new elements. The account begins by a further digression on Assuerus, noting th at he reigned at this tim e over lands from India to Ethiopia—127 provinces in all. Unlike Vincent, the sum m arizer has Graccus as elected "captain" (capitaneus) of the Poles (here the people in question is explicitly nam ed, unlike the Krakow bishop's vagueness), even before they defeat the Gauls. A fter returning from Carthinia, Graccus calls together all the "noble lineages" (cognationes nobilium) in order to convince them to elect him king. His 114 C t.C hronicle o f Dzierzwa, 165 (also n. 3 to that page): "Est namque Polonia . . . quorum suorum annalium"; Vincent of Kielcza, Vita maior Sancti Stanislai MHP, o.s., 4:364, "Est autem regio .... quoque suorum annalium." 59 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. account on G raccus's law giving is shorn of its details and reflections, as is usually the case throughout his sum m ary. (The reflections falling in V incent's text to A rchbishop John are om itted or greatly reduced throughout the sum m ary, but, exceptionally, m ost of his thoughts o n the crime of Graccus's son are retained.) W hen Graccus calls his sons to discuss the m onster, the sum m arizer stresses the secrecy of the audience {clam) and th at there was discussion of the succession d uring it. The sons im m ediately resort to the trick in this version, for which, very characteristically, the sum m arizer finds a Biblical parallel, likening it to D aniel's killing of the Babylonian dragon (draconem Babyloniomm). H is account of the legend of W anda is rem arkable m ainly for a largely original excursus on the significance of her name: W anda took h er nam e from W andalus, the progenitor of the Vandals, that is, the Poles. Or, it is possible to derive h er nam e from the river W isla (Vistula), w hich was a t the center of her kingdom , and w as the nam e of the people under h er rule from her. The sum m arizer calls W anda by a title n o t explicitly u sed by Vincent {regina polonoram), and m anages here also to incorporate p a rt of the discourse of Archbishop John on female rule, h eaded by an original editorial com m ent that none o u g h t to w onder that the Poles w ere ruled b y a wom an. In sum m arizing the lam ent on the inconstancy of m o d em Poles as opposed to those of old, he adds (echoing St. Paul I Corinthians 10,11) that the end of ages has com e on these fickle m odem s {modemos Polonos in quos fines seculoram devenerunt). 60 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3. The Age of the Three Lesteks H is account of the cam paign of Alexander against the Poles, the trick of the goldsm ith, and his election as king Lestek sticks very close to the text of Vincent, the interpolations m ainly sm oothing o u t and clarifying Vincent's often a b ru p t transitions. He even m anages to quote the apocryphal letters of A lexander an d Aristotle. The sum m arizer does add one n ew elem ent to the reign of Lestek, or, m ore precisely, to its end, asserting that L estek reigned m any years, and died w ithout leaving any offspring so that for a long tim e thereafter, the em pire of the Poles (Polonorum irrtperium) persisted w ithout a king. The legend of the horse race receives m ore substantial rew orking. Up to the day of the race, the account is little changed from Vincent's, except that the abbreviator interpolates the logical detail that all sought o u t fast horses after the announcem ent of the race. On th e d ay of the race, how ever, things w ork out differently. It is the doli magister w h o covers his horse's hooves w ith iron coverings (despite the feet he h as a hidden path). It is he w ho reaches the post first, and w ins the race, and w ho is then tom ap art w hen it is realized (this time accurately) th at he is the m alefactor. O ne of the youths w as too badly injured to run, w hile the rem aining one ru n s diagonally across the field, and w ins by default, this tim e on foot (which harm onizes better w ith his poverty anyway). A fter the y o u th becomes king, h is reign is treated in the sam e w ay as in the original text of Vincent. 61 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In the abbreviator's account of his son, Lestek H i's reign, the text of V incent is sum m arized w ith very little change. Julius C aesar is given the additional title primum monarchamA1 5 More significantly, there is another attem pt a t dating by the mileposts of universal history, since the sum m arizer tells us that "aro u n d the time of this Lestek, C hrist is believed to have been b o m of a virgin," an d 'lie reigned u p until the tim e of Nero, w ho m urdered the apostles Peter and Paul, etc."1 1 6 4. From Pompilius to Mieszko The account of the legend of Pom pilius / Popiel is even closer to its model, although the queen's evil persuasions to her husband are shortened som ewhat, w hile keeping their basic ten o r the sam e. The abbreviator does m anage to include m o st of John's reference to Erotim us, king of the A rabs (1,18 in Vincent7 s Chronica), b u t the m ost of his reflections are, as usual, cut, as are the first two chapters of book two. The legend of Piast in the abbreviator's version includes a few m inor changes and interpolations. Chosdsko, Piast7s father, is no w an active participant in the story, greeting the visiting guests w ith him , shunting Piast7s w ife off to the side of the story. A s for the guests them selves, the abbreviator 115 As is Crassus, for that matter ("dux romanorum"). 116 "Huius quoque Lestkonis tempore Christus de virgine creditur esse natus. Regnavit etiam usque ad Neronis tempora, qui Petrum et Paulum apostolos interemit, et cetera," Chronicle o f D zierzioa, 180. 62 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. reports th at some believe them to be angels, others John and Paul.11 7 Likewise, he notes that the m ultiplication of the drink proceeded like that of the oil of the W idow of Saraphta, and ad d s th at it never decreased, no m atter h o w m uch w as drunk, thus magnifying the m iracle. Perhaps uncom fortable w ith the idea that the food for the boy's first hair cutting w as an offering (pro delibandis according to Vincent), implicitly therefore pagan and superstitious, our abbreviator, m ore theologically scrupulous than the K rakow bishop, deletes the offending phrase. H e m anages to include the passing com m entary of Archbishop John on Biblical parallels to the legend of Piast an d Siemowit, b u t leaves out the m ore extensive classical parallels that Vincent includes in his speech (II, 4r-5), m erely noting cursorily that the Rom ans also h ad such kings.1 1 8 O n the line from Siem ow it to M ieszko, The abbreviator can scarcely be m ore concise than Vincent himself, and concerns the legend of M ieszko itself, he om its to give an account of it, telling the reader to look in annalibus polonorum to find o u t about how he regained his sight, his mistresses, and conversion. E. T he "G reat Poland C hronicle" 1. On the Origins of the Slavs, and the Legend of Lech A t the beginning of the introduction to the Great Poland Chronicle (in both the received version and the controverted "H odiejovsky version"), there is 117 "quos quidam angelos fuisse, quidam Johannem et Paulum credunt," ibid., 185. 118 "Romani denique tales reges habuerunt," ibid., 187. 63 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. m ention of "the historians of the Lechites, w ho n o w call them selves Poles from the N o rth Pole." This form ulation follows, of course, the sequence Ihesu Christe, Rex Superne. The H odiejovsky version of the introduction contains no m ore reference to the origin of the Poles o r their nam e than this. In the m ore expansive version of the introduction in the surviving m anuscripts, w e have the lengthy discourse on the origins of the Slavs a nd the Poles am ong them that Brygida Kiirbis has called the "Slavic Interpolation."1 1 9 This section begins w ith the author declaring an intention to explain w hy the Poles are called Lechites. It is w ritten in the oldest books, he continues, th at Pannonia is the "m other and origin" of the Slavic nations. For "pan," understood according to the Greek an d Slavic m eans "he possessing all," for in Slavic a m agnate is a "pan" (despite the fact th at du e to the diversity of Slavic languages, the term "gospodzin" is also u sed ).1 2 0 The "Xandz" (i.e., K siqdz—"Prince") is greater than a m ere "pan," denoting an "over-king" (superior rex). All rulers have the title "pan," b u t leaders of arm ies are called w oyeuody (i.e. M odem Polish zvojezvoda, literally "w ar 119 Proponents of the fourteenth-century origin of the main frame of the chronicle, and the falseness of the Hodiejovsky version, have have had relatively little interest in the stylistic properties of this section, since all on both sides are agreed that this section, at least, is clearly a product of the fourteenth century. But Derwich has pointed out that the author (in his view the crown chancellor and memorialist Janko of Czamk6w) could well have been in the process of expanding and reworking his chronicle with new material, but perhaps never managed to do a final draft of the new version of the introduction, so it remains for us in a rough and unhomogenized form, yet for all that the product of a single author. Cf. Derwich, 'Janko z Czamkowa," 137; B. Kiirbis, Dziejopisarstzoo, 190ff. 120 This refers to the Greek word "pan" (i.e. "all, whole," n. singular, nom. and acc), knowledge of which he probably obtained from the Etymologiae of Isidore of Seville. See Kiirbis, Studia, 128. 64 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. leader"). These Pannonians, w ho take their nam e from Pan, are said to be descended from Janus, a descendant (nepos) of Jafet. Their first prince (Quorum primus princeps) is said to have been the m ig h ty N em rod, w ho first started to subjugate men, his brothers, an d com pel th eir obedience. From the P annonians cam e three brothers, sons of Pan, their ruler. T heir oldest w as nam ed Lech, th e second Rus, the th ird Czech. These, through their descendants, settled three kingdom s: those of the Lechites, the Ruses, and the Czechs (also called Bohemians), all of w hich th ey still possess and shall possess, as long as God wills it. A s both chronicles a n d the evidence of borders show, the Lechites always h ad seniority (maioritas) am o n g them , along w ith right of rule an d superior authority (dominium ac tocius superioritatis imperii.) There are m any different Slavic languages (S u n t autem Slauorum multimoda genera lingzaarum), m utually com prehensible, although w ith variations in som e phrases. Since they took th eir language from th eir com m on father, Slavus, they have retained this nam e in the form "Slaus," as show n by the nam es Thom islaus, Stanislaus, Janislaus, Venceslaus, etc. It is also said th at N em rod in descended from this Slavus, since "N em rod" in Slavic m eans "no peace" (i.e. nie mir), or "n o t m easuring out peace."1 2 1 It w as he w ho introduced slavery to m ankind, a n d w hile others still h a d unencum bered freedom , h e first recklessly tried to subject ■ * 2 1 Presumably he read either in Gottfried of Viterbo or directly in Josephus that Nemrod lived "without peace" (sine pace) and a Slavic etymology of the name on the basis of the phrase occurred to him, and B. Kiirbis has persuasively demostrated (Studia, 130). 65 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. his brothers to his dictates. H is arrogance subjected no t only his brothers of the Slavic people (gentis Slawonice), b u t the w hole w orld to the law of slavery. Besides the original four kingdom s (Pannonian, Lechite, Ruthenian, Czech), m any others eventually grew u p , so it is w orthw hile to explain their nam es too. The kingdom of the Bulgars is derived from th e river Bulga1 2 2 The kingdom of R ada1 2 3 is derived from the term "racz," m eaning the tracks of a large num ber of horses gathered together into an arm y, hence the Slavs [also] call a large num ber of riders "racz." The kingdom of D alm atia received its nam e from the fact a queen of Pannonia gave the territory by th e sea to her son, and crow ned him king,hence "dala m ac" as though "[his] m other gave it."1 2 * This queen is believed to have been called Saba of the South, w ho visited Solomon to h ear his wisdom . For there is a river in Pannonia, the Saba, w hich they say (perhibitur) took its nam e from her. The Rani, or Rana, take their nam e from their w ar cry "ran, ran!," w hich m eans "w ound, w ound!"1 2 5 The Sorbs are also derive their nam e from a phrase: "sorban," which is interpreted in two ways. O ne says the Gauls nam ed the place "Servia," after their servitude, w hen N em rod had enslaved them and fordbly settled them there. But this explanation 122 That is, the Volga— see B. Kiirbis, ed. Chronica PoloniaeM aioris, 8nl9. 122 That is, Serbia. Ibid., 8n20. 124 Again, the author of the passage is using Polish as a basis for etymologizing. 125 The author has the Slavic inhabitants of the isle of Riigen in mind here. See Kiirbis, Chronica, 5n23. 66 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. does n o t accord well w ith reason, since n o t only this sm all fragm ent of the Slavs (sic—ilia modicissima particula stirpi Slavonice), b u t the w hole people w as so subject. Closer to the tru th are those w ho say they got their nam e from som eone nam ed Sarba, ju st as the Judeans from Juda, the Lechites from Lech, etc. There is a certain Slavic people called Kaszubs (Casshubi), w ho are nam ed for the length and breath of their garm ents, w hich are so large th at they m ust fold them . "Huba" in Slavic is a fold o r w rinkle, hence Casshubii (cf. Polish kasac, tuck up), th at is "fold up folds." The m ajority of them live o n the N o rthern Sea.1 2 6 There are also other Slavs, called D rew nane, whom the G erm ans call Halczste.1 2 7 Their three m ain tow ns (castra) w ere Bukowiec, now called Liibeck, H am , also called Ham burg, and Bremen, w hich w as their capital (caput et sedes eorum). The ducal fortress (castrum ducale) there is called Slesuik (Sliaswik), while the d ty (civitas), Ciesnina. They are led by counts, which, it is said, w ere appointed by Em peror Henry, w ho conquered this p art of the Slavic lands. The people got its nam e from the thickness o f forests an d w oods in this country, since D rew nane 126 "mare Sepetentrionale," i.e. the Baltic Sea. 127 From "Holstein," which is not quite the same as the territory of the Drewnianie. Perhaps the similarity of the German "Holzsassen," (forest dweller) to the meaning of the Slavic Drewnianie. (cf. modem Polish "D rzewo" i.e. "tree, wood") confused the author, about which see Kiirbis, Chronica, 6n27. On the other place names in this passage, see ibid., 6nn28-31. 67 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. take their nam e from the Slavic w ord for w ood. T hey are also called T raw nanie from a certain river T raw na.1 2 8 From this point on, the text launches into a d igression w ithin a digression, about the relationship betw een the Slavs and G erm ans. It is w orth know ing, w e are told, that both are said to have com e from tw o b ro th ers, Janus and Kus, descendants of Jafet, according to the first book of Isid o r of Seville's Etymologie and the "Cronica Romana" of M artin of T r o p p a u .129 T hese authors describe G erm any by m eans of rivers such as the Danube, V istula (or W andalus), O d er (or G uttalus), Elbe (or Lab). The Rhine and D anube are the greatest rivers of the G erm an people (Gentis Teutonice), b u t the W andalus, O der, and Elbe are those of the kingdom s of Poland a n d Bohemia. They settled a n d took possession of these last three rivers, and also the lands betw een them , u p to the N orthern Sea, although the Saxons, h av in g left their harsh lands a n d farm s, settled on the vast territory (amplum solum) of the Slavs, and established perm anent settlem ents for them selves. All these Slavic nations (Shzvorum nacionibus), w ith the exception of Pannonia, b u t including C arthinia (whose inhabitants are called Carthinians from 128 This is a bit garbled, as there seem to be no recorded city in the area with the name "Ciesnina." As the word mean "strait" in Slavic, the author could have confused the name of the bay with that of the dty. Also the Henry linked with the early history of the territory was not an emperor, but Duke Henry the Lion of Saxony. See Kurbis, ed. Chronica, 6n32. 129 This "Janus" may, in fact, be a corruption of Jawan. There is no such passage in either, although the following description of rivers of Germany is vaguely reminiscent of that of Martin's Chronicon pontificum e t im peratorum. See ibid., 7nn34-35. 68 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. “coritha," w hich m eans canal) w ere alw ays subject to the rule of the Lechites, an d p aid tribute u p to the tim es of King Casim ir the Monk. Before he, a professed m onk a t Cluny, w as allow ed to leave by papal dispensation, m any peoples left the obedience of the Lechites, and refused to pay the custom ary tribute .130 There is y et an o th er explanation of the nam e of die G erm ans. They are are called this from "german" (i.e. "sibling") since they linked to one another by the affinity of brotherhood. Since germo (M odem Polish jarzmo) is an instrum ent by w hich tw o oxen are held together in front of a plow or cart, so G erm an and Slavs, having neighboring kingdom s, frequently associate w ith each other, such th a t there are no nations in the w orld th at have such friendly relations as the Slavs and G erm ans. So likewise, by m eans of the Latins, the nam e "D ucz" (i.e. Deutsch), from w hom the Teutons descend, and Slaws, from w hom the Slavs descend. They are called brothers to one another. We are treated to yet one m ore digression regarding the H ungarians, w ho are also Slavs. 131 They take there nam e from a certain river W tra (i.e. W kra, in Pom erania) w hich flow s from a large lake around the city of Przem ysfaw. Since the Goths, w ho left the islands know n as Stansze (i.e. Skanza) and 130 the disscussion of the Hungarian polish chronicle above; and Chronica, 6n40. This incident has become an explanation for the lost of the suppossedly vast Slavic empire of the early Poles, having been conflated, it seems, with the temporary conquests of Boleslaus the Brave. The notion that the Hungarians are Slavs is found from time to time in medieval historiography. Cf. Am o Borst, D er Turmbau von Babel: Geschichte der M einungen uber U rsprung u n d Vielfalt der Sprachen u n d Volker, vol. 2, part 2 (Stuttgart, 1959), 699-700, 763; Andrzej F. Grabski, Polska w opiniach obcych X -X M w. (Warsaw, 1964), 144,169-70. 69 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. G othlarich w ith the intent of depopulating other nations (naciones), harrassed them greatly w here they lived, they gathered u p their w ives and children with the in ten t of returning to Pannonia, from which they originally h a d come. Not w anting to cause loss to their ow n Slavic people, they took a circuitous and dangerous route, and by the will of G od punished the sin of the G erm ans, B urgundians, and Lom bards, "not w ithout great destruction of tow ns and trem endous shedding of hum an blood." Their king Tyla, called A ttila in writings, established perm anent residence in P a n n o n i a . i 32 Since m any Slavic peoples flow ed into them , they w ere no longer called W trane, b u t Vandals. P art of the W trane m ixed w ith the H unnish people (gentis Hunnorum), who, as M artin describes in his Chronica Romanomm, left in mass the m ountains of Sicily and took up lordship in Pannonia (et earn sub dominio obtinentes) . 133 This part, b o th from the H uns an d the W trane, are called "H ungarians" (Hungarii). Then the author turns his attention back to the Poles. W hen Lech w ith his offspring w andered over v ast forests w here the K ingdom of Poland n o w exists, h e cam e a t last to a very pleasant place were there w ere fertile fields, an abundance of fish and wild game, and set up his tent. H e w anted there to build 132 cf. the so called Hungarian-Polish Chronicle. 133 i.e. Martin of Troppau's Chronicon Pontificum et Imperatorum. Again the author is imprecise in citing his sources, for as Kurbis points out, Martin never says this, although he does identify Attila as the leader of both the Vandals and the Huns, and the former did attack Italy from the South. (See her commentary to the Chronica, 7n47). Kurbis maintains that the particulars about the Slavic peoples being drawn into the Huns was taken by tire interpolator from Pomeranian sources, probably the Tractatusoi. Angelus of Stargard. 70 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. his first house for his ow n a n d their preservation, and so he said "Let's build a n e st" H ence up to the p resen t this place is called Gniezno, th at is "nesting" (nidificatio o r gniazdo in M o d em Polish). 2. The Legend of Graccus / Krak and Wanda A t this point the received text reads "Since I have digressed som ewhat from the topic about w hich I intended to w rite, now let u s retu rn to our task." The end of the general introduction then follows, succeeded b y num bered chapters, w hich m ake u p the m ain text. The first treats Craccus (i.e. Graccus, w hich also appears in this section u n d er the apparently even m ore vernacular sounding "Crac"), "the first king of Lechites." 134 To start out, the author tells us, w e should see where the L echite kings came from. In the tim e of King Assuerus, w hen the Gauls invaded an d occupied various kingdom s, the Lechites (who up to this tim e h ad no king or prince, b u t elected twelve of the m ost prosperous and w isest to resolve disputes a n d govern (rem publicam gubemabant), b u t w ithout any m andatory tribute, as befits brothers descended from one father) elected unanim ously a vigorous m an (virum strenuissimum) householding near the Vistula to be their captain (capitaneum) or leader (called zvoyezuoda in Polish). In w as the will of God w hich allow ed him to be so distinguished from among his brothers. This Craccus, called C orvus (crow) in Latin, w as m ade king by the 134 "De Cracco, primo rege Lechitarum," Kurbis, Chronica, 8. 71 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Lechites after he w on the victory . 135 H e build a castle (castnim) Cracovia (Krakow) after his o w n nam e, although it previously h ad been called Wqwel, (i.e. W aw el) from the goiter (tum or.. .in gutture) th at people tarrying in the m ountains develop from drinking the w ater. The hill on w hich the K rakow castle now stands is also thus called Wqwel.1 3 * N o t far aw ay from there, on the other bank of the Vistula, there is a sm all hill w here there exists the church of St. M ichael on Skalka, also called by the dim inutive "W 3.welrri.ca. " 137 A t the foot of this hill a great an d pow erful city (civitas) w as built, which A lexander the Great is said to have razed to the ground. H e w as said to have h ad tw o sons and a daughter, one of w hom , C rac the younger, secretly and by a trick killed the elder brother in order to succeed his father; b u t h e too died w ithout issue. This left only th e daughter, W anda (Wqda), whose nam e in Latin m eans "hamus" (i.e. fishing ro d —w§dka in M o d em Polish). She w as so beautiful th at all w ho saw her w ere d raw n to h e r in love b y h er aspect (as a fish to a fishing rod?), hence the nam e. She very wisely sp u m ed m arriage, an d very successfully ruled the kingdom of Poland by to p o p u lar consent (iuxta vota populi). A certain Germ an king (rex Almanorum) h e ard of her corporal beauty. Since he could incline her to 135 Perhaps a nod to the second etymology of "Krak6w" found in the Chronicle of Master Vincent 136 The main acropolis of Krak6w, on which the monarchical palace and cathedral are located. On the origin of the name and the earlier literature see Andrzej Bahkowski, "O staropolskiej nazwie 'Wqwal' i mitycznej nazwie 'Wawel'" S laviaocciden talism (1986): 15-20. 137 literally "deR upella,"i.e. rock, which has the same meaning as the Polish "Skalka," the name of the hill on which the church of St Michael stands still today. 72 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. m arriage neither by treasures (denariis) or pleas, he hoped an d desired th at she w ould give in to his w ishes by treats and insults inflicted b y his boundless arm ies (nimiis exercitibus), and so he m arched on the lands of the Lechites. W anda w as n o t all intim idated and w e n t against him w ith her ow n forces. W hen the king saw she had come w ith h e r ow n fierce hosts, he w as beside him self w ith either love or indignation (W anda's effect on his m en is not m entioned). H e then utters his strange speech, w hich o u r author m erely copies from Vincent I, 7 w ith m inor changes, and the story en d s in m uch the sam e way, b u t w ith tw o new elem ents. Firstly the Germans sw ear h e r hom age once their ruler com m its suicide, an d secondly, W anda actually does offer herself in sacrifice to the gods for her successes, by jum ping into the Vistula. The river thus received the nam e "W andalus" from her, an d so the Poles and other Slavic peoples u n d er their authority (eorundem dicioni adherentes) w ere called not Lechites, b u t Vandals. 3. Collective Rule, and the Age of the Three Lesteks A fter her death for m any years the Lechites did w ithout a king, but elected a wojewoda and tw elve governors (guberantores), u p until the time of King Alexander. A shortened version of the legend of Lestek I follows: at th a t time a certain very resolute m an (vim m fortissimum), by art an d industry, rath e r than by pow er, drove him aw ay from the lands of the Lechites in disgrace. Therefore the Lechites gave him the nam e Lestek, as though "tricky" (dolosus), and m ade him king. He died w ithout issue. 73 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The legend of Lestek II also appears in abbreviated form , albeit slightly less telescoped than th a t of his nam esake and predecessor. A fter the d eath of the previous king, disorders broke o u t am ong the inhabitants o f the Lechite kingdom (regnicolas Lechitanim), so that nobles (proceres) and com m unity (communitas) gathered in one place to elect a ruler {de eleccione principis tractaturi). A t the instigation of certain am bitious m en, it was decided o n a horse race to determ ine w ho should be king. The rest of the legend runs very m uch along the p attern of the account in the Chronicle of Dzierzwa, including the sam e changes to the course of V incent's story, excepting only that the interval betw een the announcem ent of the race and its run n in g is indeterm inate, a n d th at the the trickster after he w ins the race a n d is recognized by the covered hooves of his horse, is him self given the nam e "Lestek," before being to m apart, n o t by the instigation of the universitas this tim e, b u t those w hose horses w ere injured by the spikes. The poor y o u th w ho reaches the pillar on foot is n am ed after him, w hich explains w hy the youth is given this royal name, never clearly stated in the earlier versions. In his account of the virtues of Lestek d u rin g his reign, the author omits the m ilitary aspect so prom inent in Vincent's account, and thus the 74 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. m oral virtues (hum ility, prudence, sobriety) ascribed to him are thereby em phasized.138 The reign of Lestek IE "his only son," w ith its Julius Caesar episode, again follows the basic p attern of Vincent7s account w ith certain characteristic changes. Caesar endeavors to subject the kingdom s of the Slavs to Rome, an d as p a rt of this larger cam paign invades "Lechite borders" (fines Lechitanim). The Lechites three times resist C aesar m anfully (pro viribus), and inflict great slaughter on his arm y, but w hether o r n o t they actually three tim es defeat him is n o t m ade clear. The son of Lestek an d Julia is nam ed Pom pilius by C aesar himself, before he returns to Rome. The cities founded b y Julia are those today called L ubusz and W olin (not Lubusz an d Lublin as p er Vincent). W hen C aesar returns to Rom e as conqueror of the Slavs (de Slauis victor), he does so in the com pany of Lechites. It is only after the latter re tu rn hom e th at the "R om ans" (Romani, only—the Senate is n o t m entioned) repudiate the treaty. In accordance w ith the Chronicle o f Dzierzwa, he dates the b irth of C hrist to Lestek's reign, a n d his death to the period of Nero. M ost interestingly, how ever, the a u th o r adds a digression listing the names of the tw enty illegitim ate sons of Lestek m , an d specifying som ew hat the geographical placem ent of their lands: they w ere Boleslaus, Kazim irus, 138 Cf. his characterization of the virtues of Przemysl I, Duke of Great Poland (1239-57), c.118, p.108. Curiously, the chronicler says that Lestek II "feliciter in Domino obdormimt" (even though pagan!), whereas other pre-christian rulers (such as Wanda or Lestek III) only do such unelevated things like "pay the debt human nature" (humane nature debitum persolvit) when they die. Indeed, in one manuscript (that of S§dziw6j of Czechet) “in domino" is crossed ou t See Kurbis, ed., Chronica, lOnn. t, 63. 75 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. W ladislaus, W rodslaus, Odo, Bamim, Przibislaus, Premislius Jaxa, Semianus, Zem om islius, Bogdalus, Spiczigneus, Spiczimirus, Sbigneus, Sobeslaus, Vyssimirus, Czessimirus, and W yslaus. 139 Some of these, we are told, founded cities after themselves. Their father gave them each a single principality on the N orthern Sea up to Westfalia, Saxony, Bavaria, and Thuringia. 4. The Legend of the Pompilii As in previous chronicles, Pom pilius I is a fairly perfunctory figure, b u t o ur author ad d s one detail: he dies in the city of Kruszwica, to w hich his half- brothers rushed to visit him during his last illness, b u t finding him dead, they p ay hom age to his son. The legend of Pom pilius II is handled in a w ay sim ilar to the authors' rew orking of other traditions, th at is concisely, b u t w ith some new elem ents added. In this version the general condem nation of the king's character opens the tale, rather than following his poisoning of his uncles. All the speeches are excised from his account, along w ith m ost the detail present in V incent and even the Chronicle of Dzierzwa. Yet there are tw o new elem ents in the story. Firstly, an explanation is offered for Pom pilius's nicknam e (spelled m ost often Chosziszco in m anuscripts of this chronicle). It comes, w e are told, from the fact he h ad (only) a b it of long hair on his head, since the w ord is dim inutive m eaning "little broom " (scapula paroa). Secondly, his account of the death of Pom pilius is This comes out only to nineteen names, however. One manuscript lists Sobeslaus twice and omits Jaxa. See ibid., 11. 76 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. som ew hat different than th a t of previous chronicles: the m ice "attacked the said Pom pilius, such that neither fire, n o r sw ord, n o r clubs could d eter them from pursuing him and biting him . Finally, he fled to a certain very high tow er located in the castle of Kruszwica, and there eaten b y m ice w ith his wife and tw o sons, he finished his last day ." 140 5. The Legend of Piast The account of the legend of Piast found here begins w ith a royal election after the death of Pom pilius by the nobles of the kingdom (proceres regni), who had gathered in Kruszwica "w hich w as considered the m ost im portant and m ost beautiful am ong the cities of the Lechites" (que protunc inter urhes Lechitanim maior et formosior habebatur). They intend to elect one of the sons of the poisoned princes, b u t cannot come to agreem ent on which, so they resolve to elect som eone freebom and of the Lechite people, b u t of low estate (aiiquem infime et modice cognacionis eligere ingenuum tamen ex Lechitanim propagine). The author then m entions in passing th a t tw o guests "w ho are believed to be angels, or according to others, the m artyrs John and Paul" visited the hospitable Piast (Pasth) in the time of King Pom pilius after the doorm en of the latter had driven them away. Piast, it m ight be noted, although still a farm er (pauper agricola), now 140 "mures... prefatum Pompilium invase runt, ita quod nec igne nec ferro seu fustibus poterant prohiberi, quin ipsum insequentes momordebant. Qui tandem ad quendam altissimam turrem in castro Cruszvytiensi sitam fugiens cum uxore et duobus filiis per mures comestus diem dausit extremum." Kurbis, Chronica, 12. 77 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. lives in the d ty (i.e., Kruszwica). After Pom pilius's death, these guests retu rn to Piast and Rzepka (Rzepicza) a t this juncture of the election proceedings a nd cause Piast to be elected king b y a miracle. For w h en the assem bly h a d ru n o u t of beer, they cause a bit of honey he had ferm ented for his family to increase into so m uch of the drink called medo in Polish (miod in M odem Polish—m ead) th a t there w as enough that all could drink as m uch as they w anted. W hen they saw the m iracle, all elected him king unanim ously, by the grace of divine providence (dixnna disponente dementia). H e was called Piast because of he w as short of stature, although strong of body and com ely . 141 6. From Siemowit to Mieszko, with another Digression on the West Slavs The reign of Siem ow it (Semouitus), Piast7s son, is characterized in a w ay that diverges more substantially than u su al from Vincent's account. H e inherits kingship after his father, rather than gaining it himself. In this account of his youth, there is no m ention of his first h air cutting, but instead w e are told th at he w as Piast and Rzepicza's only son, that h e w as fourteen year of age w hen he took up the kingship, and th at he w as called Siemowit by his father an d others, because the nam e m eans "already speaking," for before the d e ath of his father 141 Perhaps the author had on his mind piastka, 'little fist" in modem Polish. See ibid., 9n76. 78 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. h e h ad already reached his fourteenth y e a r .142 There is n o m ention of him establishing a plethora of officials w ith classical sounding titles, as in Vincent7 s account. A lthough h e regained everything Pom pilius h ad lost and bested all his enem ies, he n ever d id m anage to obtain the obedience of the sons and grandsons of the m u rd ere d princes, regardless of force, threat, and gifts. They rejected obedience to b o th him and his father, Piast, firstly because of the m onstrousness of the crim e visited on their fathers an d grandfathers, and secondly, because Piast, w ho was of low birth, w as m ade king in preference to them . These principalities resisted his successors u p to the tim e of the Boleslaus the Brave. A t this point, w e have another long geographical digression in the received text of the Chronicle, specifying an d describing the lands held by the poisoned princes.143 Boleslaus held Low er Pom erania; Kazim irus, Kaszubia; W ladislaus, the p a rt o f H ungary betw een the rivers Czissa (Tisza), Danube, and M orava; Jaxa, Sorbia; W rocislaus, Rania; Przibislaus and O do, Drewina; Przem islaus, Szgorzelica (Gorlitz), now called B randenburg; and the others o ther territories w hich included Slavonia, Carthinia, an d the area betw een the rivers 142 No doubt the author interprets the name as the phrase se mount, or, roughly translated, "one speaks" or perhaps sam mount "to speak himself." Cf. Plezia, Anonim a tzzo. Galla Kronika polska, 14nl. 142 Kiirbis, Chronica, 14-15. Kiirbis sees in this the hand of the postulated interpolator who embellished the introduction. See her Studia, 151ff. All the places fit in the geographical framework spelled out for the principalities in the chapter of the chronicle on Lestek HI. I have found Kazimierz Abdarowicz's translation of the Chronicle into Polish (Kronika Wielkopolska [Warsaw, 1965]) very helpful in paraphrasing this section. 79 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Elbe, Oder, Piana, D olza, W tra (Wkra), Reknicza, W am a H anw la, Sprowa, Hyla, Suda, Mecza, Traw na, an d others. W yslaus founded a castle (castrum) M edziboze (Mi^dzyboze), now called M eydburg (M agdeburg), w hile Sobeslaus had a castle Daley that Germ ans call Dalenberg. Czesszim irus possessed p art of D rew ina (Drzewina) now called Olsacia (Holstein) around Sleszw yk (Schleswig), and W yssim irus founded a castle on the shores of the N o rth ern Sea, where there is now a city (tivitas), W issim iria, nam ed after him. The m ore im p o rtan t cities (castra prindpaliora) of these princes lay tow ard the W est and the N o rth ern Sea. Bremen is so called from "burden" (brzemie in M odem Polish), from the b u rd en of enemies, probably (u t puta) W estphalians and Frisians as well as other peoples who invaded o r resisted the Slavs. Lima, n o w called L unborg (Luneburg), grew u p on a b ro ad rock am ong fields, so th at the Slavs nam ed it fro m the splendor of the m oon shining a t night, as the city shined above the plain like the moon. There w as in the vicinity a large city (tivitas magna) called Barduik. For Slavs have a custom of calling of cities (civitates) "vici," as in proper Slavic it m eans a city in which there is a m arketplace (forum exercitur). For none say 'l e t u s go to the d ty " (transeamus ad civitatem) b u t rath er "let7s go to the zrik" (vadamus de Wyk). So B arduik received its nam e from a com pound of the river th at flows through it an d "vicus."m There is also Sleszwyk (Schleiswig) w hich is nam ed from "sledz," "herring" in Slavic, and the d ty of Buccovecz (Bukowiec) w here now a finished m onastery (monasterium . . . 144 It seems two different places have been conflated here. See Kiirbis, Chronica, 15n«90-91. 80 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. constructum) of the O rd er of Preachers can be seen in Liibeck. The Slavs living there indeed call the city n o t Liibeck, b u t Buccovecz.i45 T here is the castle of Rathibor (R adborz) an d th at of Sw erin (Szweryn) w hich a certain em peror having conquered a certain Slavic king (rege Slavorum) M ykkel, granted it to a noblem an of D alew o, a.k.a. de D alem berg. The sam e em peror m ade h im special count of Swerin, since he needed protection from the sons of Mykkel. This sam e M ykkel built a castle in a sw am p aro u n d the village of Lubow o, close to W yssimiria (Wyszomierz).i46 This castle the Slavs once called Lubow from the nam e of the village, w hile the G erm ans called it M ikelborg (M ecklenburg) from M ikel himself. Thus u p to the present the prince of this place is called M ykelborg, although in Latin it is called M agnuspolen from the w ideness of its fields, as though a com posite of Latin and Slavic, since in Slavic "pole" m eans field. There is also Gylow (How) derived from the thickness of the soil (it in M odem Polish m eans loam). Rostoky (Rostock) is from the flowing a p art of w aters (dissolucione aquarum; roztok in M iddle Polish is m eltage or flowing apart). There is also the castle of Verla from "credulity" (wierzyc in M odem Polish is "to believe"). There is also Swanowo (Zw anow o) as th o u g h from the personal nam e "Sw an." Likewise O strow from "island" (Pol.ostrdzv, "holm"). There are also Thessin (Cieszyn), M arlow, Bolel (Bolek), Trzebessew o (Trzebudce), Vologosth 145 This bit of information seem to indicate a first-hand knowledge of Lubeck on the part of whoever wrote this section. See Kiirbis, Studia, 152. 146 Presumably Prince Niklota, leader of the West Slavic Obodrites (d.1160). See Kurbis, Chronica, 15n96. 81 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (Wologoszcz), Kaszom (Kaszow), W elunecz (Wielnniec) w hich is also called Julin (Le. W olin—cf. the legend of Lestek HI), and Cam en (Kamien). A ll these castles (castra) are possessed b y the du k es of Saxony, the m argraves of B randenburg, an d the dukes of Szczecin, som e w ith new names, others according to the previous appelations (iuxta priorem inposicionem). The next chapter goes quickly through the line o f succession from Siem ow it to M ieszko, as does the analogous part of the chronicle of Vincent, but again there are som e n ew elem ents to the story. W e learn that Siem ow it begat Lestek IV w hen he w as young, as did Lestek Ziem om ysl (Zemomisl), w hose nam e m eans "thinking about the land" (m odem Polish ziemia, 'la n d , earth," and my si" thought"). Lestek a n d Z iem om ysl reigned together in u n d istu rb ed peace, surpassing all their forebearers in virtue, while the subject peoples (omnes naciones dicione sue subdite) rejoiced at the tranquility. The legend of M ieszko's early life runs along sim ilar lines to th at of Vincent, w ith three differences. Firstly, the figurative interpretations of his blindness are om itted. Secondly, the w orry of the Poles (Poloni) in general about the future of the kingdom since the only heir to the throne w as blind is stressed, rath er than the u p set of the royal fam ily, on the grounds that the people rem em bered the troubles th a t broke o u t after the d eath of C hosdsko (Choszisco), an d feared a repeat. T hird a n d last, is the attem pt to date the m ain m ilestones in M ieszko's life, in accordance w ith attem pts in the thirteenth- and fourteenth- century annalistic tradition of Little Poland. 82 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. F. Arm ais Polish annals up to the late thirteenth century are significant to the developm ent of the legendary traditions only as negative evidence. The earliest events they recorded pertaining to Polish history p ro p er are the m arriage and conversion of Mieszko, although a few include sum m aries of universal history d raw n from various com pendia by way of treating periods earlier than the m id ten th c e n t u r y . 147 This m ay b e indicative of the prevailing attitudes of the Polish clergy of this period tow ard pre-Christian historical traditions, b u t at any rate it is clear that earlier annalists lacked either know ledge of or interest in such things.!48 A certain lineage of later annals does contain some of these legendary m otifs, b u t largely derivative from the Chronica Polonorum. For all this derivativeness, however, th ey are still im portant indicators as far as the diffusion 147 Most notably the Annul o f the Krakdco Chapter (MPH, n.s., 5:23) which includes a summary of the six ages of the world compiled from Isidore of Seville, and other compendious works, and the Cracovie brevior cronica (Short annul) (MPH, o.s. 2:792) in which the treatment of universal history is more perfuctory. Both date from the thirteenth century in their present form, but they are believed to copy heavily (directly or indirectly) from older Krak6w annals. The exact interrelationships of Krak6w annals (and Krak6w was by far the most active center of interest in and production of annals) are, however, unclear. For a summary of the older literature see P. David, Les Sources, 2ff.; D^browski, Dawne D ziejopisarstwo, 44ff. On the more recent literature see Wojdech Drechliarz, "Osi^gni§da i perspektywy badah nad iredniowieczn^ annalistyk^ ziemi krakowskiej," in Tradycje iperspecktyzvy naukpomocnicznych h istorii w Polsce, Mieczysfaw Rokosz, ed. (Krakdw, 1995), 179-94. 1 ^ According to Bernard Guen£e (H istoire e t culture, 204), annalistic writing, whether simple or more elaborate, is characterized by the recording of events in proportion to the author's knowledge of them. The late medieval Mazovian annul, at least, (based mainly on the Great Poland Chronicle) is more self-consdous of its omissions: O bm tssis prioribus paganis Polonie prin cipibu s, incipiendo a prim o polonorum chirstiano prin cipe M yeszkone, and gives an account of this prince's career only from his baptism (MPH, o.s., 3:203). On the strong possibility that none other than S§dziw6j z Czechef, final compiler of the A nnal o f Sgdziwoj, is the author of this annal too, see Wiesiolowski, Kolekcje, 132-34. 83 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of legendary m otifs am ong persons in various intellectual millieux. There are only four annals that include any inform ation o n pre-Christian Poland, all of which seem to descend from the historiographical tradition of the M inorites of Little Poland, b u t w hose relationships to each other are unclear and som ew hat controversial.149 These are the Traski Annal, the fo u r versions of the Little Poland (Malopolski) Annal, the Krakow (Krakozvski) Annal an d the Annal ofSgdziwoj. All seem to date in their basic form from the thirteenth to the fourteenth centuries.150 The Traski Annal and Krakow Annal b o th rath er conventionally start w ith the m arriage an d baptism of Mieszko (the first dating the event to 965, the other 966), b u t less conventionally these annals m ention M ieszko's seven years of blindness. O f the two, the Traski Annal has the slightly m ore developed account, m entioning details of the establishm ent of the C hurch in Poland, and indicates that its sources for the blindness of M ieszko are unnam ed "chronicles" (lit in cronicis premissis). The m ost interesting aspect of the concise Krakow Annal, is its singular statem ent (in conjunction w ith his m arriage to D ^brow ka) that M ieszko w as blind for seven years, and then the Poles w ere b aptized (et tunc Poloni 149 See W. Drechliarz, "Osi^gnigda," 185-88. Krzystof Ozog argues that the section treating the period from 899 to conversion was added in the late 1280s to the Franciscan archetype of these annals. See his "Studium o Roczniku traski," Studia historyczne 23 (1980) no. 4: 526-33, esp. 528. 150 The Traski and Krak6io annals are printed together in MPH, o.s., 2:828ff. The four versions of the L ittle Poland A nn al are printed together, ibid., 818ff., and MPH, o.s., 3:140ff. The A nnal o f S§dziwojis printed in MPH, o.s., 2:872ff. 84 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. baptizantur), strongly im plying th at his recovery from blindness w as associated w ith his baptism, contradicting the chronicle tradition. The four versions of the Little Poland Annal are som ew hat m ore expansive. Notably broader in scope than either Traski or Krakow annals, all the versions of this w ork nevertheless lack the introduction based on universal history found in some older annals of Little Poland, and begin, curiously, w ith an account of the death of the last Carolingian em peror, A m olph, eaten by lice (Amulphum pedicidi devoraverunt), placed u n d e r the year 899 or 901. N estled am ong entries on W estern history of the first h a lf of tenth century d raw n from the Chronicon Pontificum et Imperatorum of M artin of Troppau, one finds inform ation u n d er the year 913 that Sem om islaus (i.e. Siemomysl) succeeded Lestek the fourth as king of P oland (in regno Polonie). This entry also contains the passage from the Cronica polonorum of Vincent th a t characterizes Siem om ysl and describes the birth of M ieszko (the first half of II, 8 ) and p a rt of the passage expounding on the m eaning of his nam e (a section of H, 9). Three of the versions give the year 931 as that of the b irth of M ieszko, and m ention in conjunction w ith this date his m arriage to the Czech princess D^browka (quoting further from Vincent7s chapter II, 8 w ith slight changes) and his seven m istresses, w hom he dism issed to m arry her. N ext, variously u n d e r the year 940, 942, or 944, there is placed the section at the v ery end of Vincent n , 8 describing D qbrow ka's unw illingness to m arry M ieszko unless he converted, and the beginning of II, 9, expounding in detail on the m eaning of M ieszko's blindness. Finally, variously 85 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. u n d e r the years 964, 965, or 966 (depending on the version) there is the baptism of M ieszko and (in all except one of the versions) his m arriage to D ^browka. The only original elements in an y of these versions ap art from the attem pts a t dating are the addition of "great industry" (magne industrie) to M ieszko's list of virtues, an d the fact that D^browka is described as "blessed" (honestam dominant beatam Dambrovcam) and the sister of St. W enceslaus (putatur juisse soror sancti Wenceslai) in one of them .isi As is the case w ith the dates, the last m entioned item is also found in the Great Poland Chronicle. A lthough this datation of the early life of M ieszko is vague and som ew hat disordered, it is taken u p by the Great Poland Chronicle, w hich gives 913 as the d ate of Siemomysl's accession to the throne. The year 931 is given there as the d ate of M ieszko's birth, likewise following the annalistic tradition reflected in the Little Poland Annal. Curiously, a n d n o t very sensibly, b u t follow ing the internal logic of the entry for that y ear in the Annal, 931 is also given as the year of M ieszko's m arriage to D ^brow ka . 152 O f additional interest is the inform ation recorded in at least tw o versions of the Little Poland Annal regarding of the ordination of M aster Vincent Kadlubek as bishop of Krakow in 1208. These versions state that V incent w rote a chronicle 151 The version of L ittle Poland A n n al that stands out most from the others is the Szamotufski (Heilsberg) Codex version, which does not have the 931 and 940s entries, collapsing most the material in them into a single one under the year 913, and in its account of 965 adds the extra material implying the sanctity of D^browka. 152 Cronica Poloniae M aioris, 16. 86 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of the Poles beginning from the tim e of "Graccus the G reat" (Magni Gracci) w ho lived about 500 years before C hrist and about sixty before A lexander the G reat. 1 5 3 O ne last passage is w o rth y of mention, found in sim ilar w ording in all versions of the Little Poland Annal. This is another legendary incident apparently d raw n from M artin of T roppau, concerning the death E m peror H enry HI, recorded u n d er the year 1057. W e learn that H enry w as seated at a feast, and w as attacked suddenly by m ice, w ho harm ed n o one b u t him . H is m en took him o u t to the shore of the sea, b u t this did him no good, since the mice followed his ship unto the water. R eturned to land, he w as devoured by verm in or mice (a vermibus seu muribus). The sam e, w e are told, happened to Pom pilius, king of the Poles (Similiter accidit Pompilio regi polonorum).i54 The Annal ofSgdzizvoj, in its only extant m anuscript, includes both a basic text a nd an interpolation in the hand of S^dziwoj of Czechet, a figure of the m id fifteenth century and a som etim e associate of Jan Dhigosz. But a late fourteenth- century origin for the basic form of the w ork cannot be ruled o u t (and, in any case, m uch of the raw m aterial for it is considerably older). This basic redaction m entions the blindness of M ieszko in its account of the year 965 (from which it 153 M PH, o.s., 3:162-164. The copyist of the third version records this information elsewhere in the codex, using the more vernacular "Cracus" for "Gracus" (see editor's note 3, p. 163). 154 ibid., 146-47. As Jacek Banaszkiewicz points out, the ultimate source for this legend is William of Malemsbury See his Podanie o Piascie i Popidu. Studium porownawcze nad wczesnosredniowiecznym i tradycjam i dynastycznym i. [Warsaw, 1986], 170. 87 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. starts), an d states th at h e recovered his sight b y "divine m iracle," but w ith no other circum stances m entioned, not his age. It also includes the legendary sisterhood of D ^brow ka to St. W enceslaus fo u n d the one version of the Little Poland Annals and the Great Poland Chronicle, an d on top o f it adds another fictive fam ily tie, as she is also said here to be the d aughter of W ratislaus, Duke of Bohem ia.155 A lthough n o t technically speaking one of the legends of origin of Poland, another legendary tradition linked w ith certain late m edieval annals deserves attention because of its obvious ties to the legend of Popiel / Pompilius. The Holy Cross Annal from the tu rn of the fourteenth an d fifteenth century is the first to include it (in Polish Rocznik swigtokrzyski, also know n in recent scholarship as the Rocznik Mansjonarski o r the Rocznik mansjonarzy krakozoskich since it seem to have originated am ong the clergy of the W awel hill). In this earliest extant version, it reads as follows. In the year of our Lord 1238 Duke Mieszko of Kujawy, called Choszyczko, plundered certain widows and orphans, slaughtered their cattle, and held a great feast for his leaders and knights [ ducibus et militibus]. At length, as God willed it [Deo volonte], on account of his very great sins, countless mice came upon him as he sat eating at the table, and started to devour him. He went up upon a ship [unam navim 155 The most readily available edition of the A nnal ofS edziiooj is in MPH , o.s., 2:871, but this edition fails to differentiate the later additions from the basic text Wojdech Drelicharz has, however, printed a better version of the entry we're concerned with here with discussion in his "Zr6dia i autor Rocznika S^dziwqja," N aszaprzesztosc80 (1993): 142ff. C f. his "Wst§p do studium £r6dloznawczego 'Rocznika Sedziwoja'," S tu dia historyczne 35, no. 3 (1992): 291-306. 88 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ascendens] and steered it unto a great river, were he was devoured by those mice. 156 Two later annals also m ention this legend. The first (the Annales Mansionarum Cracoviensium) recopies the account unchanged, only replacing "orphans" w ith "virgins," w hereas the second (the Annales Cuiaviensis) notes laconically th at in 1238 M ieszko, called C hosdsko (Choszczysko), w as eaten by mice, b u t a d d s a localization: "in Kruszwice" (in Cruschzoycza), w hich, as w e recall, is the sam e localization of the legend of Pom pilius found in the Great Poland Chronicle-157 Putting aside for the tim e being Jan D tugosz's version of the legend of "M ieszko Choscisko," it should be no ted that the origin of the story m ay be considerably earlier th a n o u r rather late sources for it. G erard L abuda has advanced a theory that the Holy Cross Annal is based on a n archetype dating from the 1380s, w hich in turn (in this instance) m ay have d raw n on a y e t older source.^s 156 "Anno domini 1238 dux Myeszko dictus Choszyczko Cuyavie, dum quasdam viduas cum orphanis expoliasset, et plures ipsorum vaccas mactasset, et ex eisdem magnum convivium ducibus et militibus preparasset, tandem deo volente propter enormia peccata ipsius, dum in prandio circa mensam sedebat, mures infinite venerunt, ipsumque devorare ceperunt; ipse vero unam navim ascendens, ad fluvium magnum perrexit, ibique ab eisdem muribus devoratus est." MPH, o.s., 3:71.or MPH, n.s., 12: 35 157 A nnales mansionorum cracoviensium, MPH, o.s., 5:891; A nnales cuiavienses, MPH, o.s., 5:887. 158 See G. Labuda, Zaginiona kronika w Rocznikach Jana D tugosza (Poznab, 1983), 121. Anna Rutkowska-Plachihska, "Zapis o Mieszku Cho^dszce w Roczniku zwanym £wigtokrzyskim nowym" in K u ltura dredn iow ieczn a i staropolska, (Warsaw, 1991), 412-415, expands on this theory, suggesting that having this prince die this way is a kind of polemical tradition of Little Poland, which in opposition to the bid of Conrad of Mazovia (the historical Mieszko's father) to gain predominance in Poland, painted his family in black colors by attributing to one of its members this legendary fate, referring, as it does, to the death of Popiel / Pompilius (the Polish archetype of the evil ruler). 89 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The legend of Pompilius / Popiel finds one m ore reflection in historiography. The Great Poland Chronicle in its 29th chapter comprises a Polish version of the w ell know n Germanic legend of W altherius and H elgund, quite possibly d raw n from a preexisting source. This story begins by telling u s th at the d ty of Wislica, once in pagan times, h a d as its lord a comely Wislaus, "w ho w as descended from the line of King Popiel (in tempore paganismifnerat Wyslaus decorus, qui et ipse de stirpe regis Popeli duxerat originem). W hich of the tw o Popiel / Pom pilii refered to, however, is no t s p e c i f i e d . *59 G. The S ilesia n "Chronica Polonorum " 1. The First Origins of the Poles The Silesian Chronica Polonorum begins w ith an interesting introduction in w hich the author states his intention to compile a m odest work "only for eluddatdng the genealogy of the princes of the Poles," and thus avoid the problem of histories of individual peoples which glorify that people's success, 159 Chronica Polonie M aioris, 41. On this epic episode in the Great Poland Chronicle see. Gerard Labuda, Zrodla sa g i i legendy do najdawniejszych dziejdw Pols/d (Warsaw, 1960), 245-98; Kiirbis, D ziejopisarstwo, 153-60; Pierre David, Le Roman de Gautier de Tyniec (Paris, 1932). In this Polish version, the couple flees from the King of France (rex Francorum), rather than from Attila, and return to Poland. Thereafter the tale is interwoven with a "unfaithful wife" motif, as Helgund has an extramarital affair with the said Wislaus. The cited literature also contains discussion of the possibility that this story existed independently, in some form, as an epic. 90 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. cover up its failures, and m align other peoples. 1 6 ° Poles, he ad d s b y w ay of parenthetic observation w ere called "Lechi" since they used deceptions and cleverness (decepcionibus et calliditate), m ore than m en in war. H e then begins his sum m ary of Vincent's w ork, retaining a bit of the dialogue of V incent's book I, chapters 1— 2, (while om itting the nam es and positions of the characters), w hich he explains on the grounds th at his source (cronographus) learned of P oland's beginnings by m eans of dialogue, as in pagan times, the Poles w ere ignorant of letters and could n o t record the past. In general, how ever, there is even less trace of dialogue, an d the text given to Archbishop John is com pletely om itted even m ore often, than in the sum m ary p a rt of the Chronicle ofDzierzzoa. The Silesian abbreviator also tends to rew ork an d paraphrase his source a b it m ore freely than his K rakow counterpart. Like Vincent, b u t unlike the so-called Dzierzwa, this au th o r starts his account of Polish origins w ith the Danish episode, b u t om itting John's comm ents on the Dacians. H e also notes th a t the Danes are also know n as G alatians and Longobards (Hii sunt Galathe et eciam Longobardi). H is account of the Gauls is quite close to Vincent (he only a d d s the geographical gloss that they are 160 "sue gentis aliquando prospera facta omni verborum lumine declaraverunt, infortunata vero sue exsecranda vel suppresserunt silendo sive quorundam verborum velleribus obtexerunt, et que ad alterius gentis decommendadonem esse poterant, non tamquam veritatis zelo sed velud odii gladio persequi studuerunt, sue vel surorum invidie servientes, propter quod de cronids Lechitarum sive Polonorum, ad solam prindpum ipsorum genealogiam pandendam—Lechi autem fuerunt Poloni eo, quod magis decepdonibus et calliditate in bellis utebantur, quam viribus—ad notidam sim pliaum quedam.. . fide digna excerpere studui." Kronika polska, MPH, o.s., 3:605. 91 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. G erm ans and their h o m elan d w as the w hole W est—id est, Germani... patria, id est totus occidens), as is his account of the election of Graccus, b u t om itting n o t only the details of his law giving (as did Dzierzwa), b u t also the address by w hich he w on election as king in V incent's version. 2. The Legend ofGraccus and Wanda This account of the legend of Graccus is little changed (but for Graccus being explicitly m ade "iam senex," already old, perhaps to explain the fact he does n o t fight the m onster him self). The presentation of W anda m otif is interesting, how ever, in th at it om its to m ention h er beauty, or the whole episode w ith the G erm an king, b u t m erely notes that about th is W anda, m any fabulous things are said (de hoc Wanda multa fabulosa dicuntnr). F urtherm ore, added to the legend after the derivation of th e river W andalus (here glossed w ith its Polish n a m e —qui m ine Wizla vocatur), and the ethnic nam e Vandals, from W anda, is the following: "som e of [the Vandals], having b ro k en aw ay, w ere called H uns, w hose king w as Attila th e first, King of Vandals, into w hich m any peoples w ere m ixed, diverse in custom s an d language." 161 It is also noted th at "soon after h er the V andal em pire declined , " 162 161 "... quo disdsso pars eius Huni dicti sunt, quorum rex fuit primus Atyla, rex Wandalorum quibus multe inmixte fuerunt gentes, tam ritu quam lingua [diverse]." Kronika polska, MPH, o.s., 3:609. 162 "post earn daudicavit Wandalicum imperium," ibid., 609. 92 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3. The Age o f the Three Lesteks The legend of A lexander follows V incent m ore closely, w ith only a few changes. The insulting letter sent by the Lechites to Alexander is recopied w ithout the greeting from Imperatrix Polonia." (Perhaps this w as because it w as taken by the a u th o r to refer to W anda, and hence to be a "fable"?). After Alexander receives the letter and resolves to p u n ish the Poles, the forces he sends first are led by "a certain king" (regem quendam contra ipsos cum exercitu dirigit) about w hich w e have n o t previous h eard (although Vincent m entions that the Poles c ap tu red "som e kings," apparently in his service, before A lexander himself cam e to Poland). The trick of the "d um m y arm y" is stylistically rew orked in o rd e r to m ake the passage clearer and m ore concise, b u t rem ains faithful to V incent's account in term s of plot. Interestingly, though, the m an w ho thinks u p an d carries o u t the trick is not called a goldsm ith (aurifex). In two m anuscripts he is called a "painter" (pictor), w hile in a third (considered by the editor of the edition of the w o rk in Monumenta Poloniae historica to be the one that best preserved the original in this case) he is given the personal nam e Prem isil (Przemysl), although, as in Vincent, he is given the Lestek (Listik) after being 93 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. m ade prince (princeps).^ The letters betw een Alexander and A ristotle m ake their w ay into this account in toto, w ith the m ysterious d ty nam e 'C arantas' now explidtly linked to K rakow (Carantas .. .id est Cracozriam). The legend of the horse race undergoes several m inor changes. It is no longer m en of free b irth w ho arbitrate the dispute, b u t instead the affair is referred to "tw o very sim ple persons from am ong the com m on people" (duobus sintplicioribus de vulgo). The race is delayed a day specifically so th at contestants m ay seek o u t piebald horses, and the title th at is the prize of the com petition is the title of prince (princeps), rath er than king .164 There are also a few shifts in em phasis of subtler nature: for example, the deed of the youths, w hen they discover the spikes in the field, and spread the spikes into the p ath left by the trickster is described m ore clearly than is the case the the original (semitam, quam callide deprehenderunt, cdias sublatis oxigonis conspergunt). 163 Cf. Roman Heck, " ’Chronica Principum polonorum ' a 'Chronica Polonorum"" Slqski kwartalnik h istoryczny Sobotka 31, no. 2 (1976): 193-96; (Iwiklihski, ed. introduction to the Kronika polska, MPH, o.s., 3:579-82. "Przemyst" had a sense of "clever, resourceful" in Middle Polish, and this may have been why the author (or the tradition on which he relied?) may have associated this name with this figure. If he himself thought this up, it would indicate that he knew Polish (or, at any rate, some Slavic dialect). It should also be noted that a certain "Premysl" is a hero of Czech legendary prehistory, and given the strength of cultural ties between Silesia and Bohemia, a Czech prompt for this new detail cannot be ruled out. 164 This accords with Vincent's usage as far the previous Lestek goes, but as the title of "prince" (ksiqzg) was the same as that used by the Silesian Piasts, this title may well have seemed more congenial to a writer in a Silesian milieu. The Pompilii remain kings, it is true, but there Vincent7 s plot rather forced them to be, unless it would be subject to significant reworking, for the Pompilii were to be ru lers of holders of principalities, dukes, and counts (i.e. the twenty illegitimate sons of Lestek HI). 94 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The legend of Lestek HI an d Julius is again som ew hat abbreviated, b u t w ith the basic plot rem aining intact, and no significant new elem ents added, except th at the d ty of 'L ublin' founded by Julia has here becom e the Silesian d ty of Lubin . 165 4. Pompilius to Mieszko The legend of Pom pilius II and the mice is radically shortened (all the speeches, for example, are excised), com pared to the expansive treatm ent in Vincent. For all that, the basic plot once again rem ains unchanged. There are several interesting features, though, surrounding this account of his death. That Pom pilius suffered so un u su al a death by divine retribution (ultio divina) is m ade explidt. A fter his death the princedom is said to lie vacant for a long time {et vacavit principatus multo tempore). M ost interesting, how ever, is the placem ent of Pom pilius' demise on "K ruszw ica Island," corresponding to the Great Poland Chronicle's localization (which, however, does n o t explidtly m ention an island), even though the Silesian au th o r gives no other indication he m ight have know n this w ork in any p art of his chronicle.166 The tow er is left o u t of this account, and 165 One manuscript contains Vincent's original "Lublin" according of C^wikliriski (introduction to the Kronika polska, MPH, o.s., 3:614n20) but according to Heck {"'Chronica Principum ,” 195), two read "Lublin" and one "Lubin" 166 On this see £winkliriski, introduction to Kronika polska, 603. 95 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. "a lake" rather than "rivers and b u rn in g pyres" are the last m entioned barrier across which the m ice chase their victim s. 167 The legend of Piast is even m ore radically abbreviated than that of Pom pilius. "Cossicho," Piast ("Peazt"), and Rzepka ("R epiza") are m entioned, and that it is said th at "on account of the kindness of hospitality" (propter hospitatlitatis pietatem) their son Siem ow it ("Semovit") w as b o m to them. N o particulars of any kind are m entioned. Siemowit's career is treated w ith alm ost the exact same w ords as are fo u n d in Vincent's chronicle (except that he becom es prince rather than king), as are those of the rulers b etw een him and Mies2ko. The abbreviator m entions the b lindness and seven m istresses of Mieszko in passing, but shorn of all interpretation present in his m odel. H. The S ilesian "Chronica P rincipum Polonie" The author of the Chronica Principum Polonie bases his account of the legends of origin of Poland closely on th at of the Silesian Chronica Polonorum, often distilling and abbreviating the episodes even m ore th at his source, although a few interesting changes do appear. 1® 7 Cf. Vincent's Chronica Polonorum: "eum trans stagna, trans plaudes, trans flumina, trans igneos etiam rogos tamdiu sunt insectati, donee cum uxore ac duobus filiis turn eminentissime inclusos morsibus amarissimis absumsere," (p.28), and the Silesian Chronica Polonorum. "eum trans ignem, trans stagna, trans paludes, trans lacus insectati sunt, donee cum uxore ac duobus filiis in Cruswidensi insula, cum amarissimis morsibus corroserunt" (p.615). 96 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1. The Origins of the Poles and the Legend of Lech One of the m ore interesting is passage on th e brothers Lech a n d Czech, interposed betw een the account of the wars w ith th e Danes, and th at of the Gauls: In Bohemian chronicles, moreover, I recall reading that after the division of tongues that took place after the flood, as we read in Genesis, all peoples were scattered through various regions. The two brothers Slavi from among them, with the passage of time, sought here to take possession of [some] property as a home. One was called Czech, the other Lech. The one called Czech, coming through Bohemia chose a holding there, whereas Lech is said to have established his seat [in the place] now called Poland. From Czech come the Bohemians, from Lech the Poles, from which they were once called "Lechite" or "Lechi." These are said to have multiplied on this land, as it is reported in Polish chronicles. 168 2 . Graccus and the Lesteks In the legend of Graccus, a characteristic feature of this author's treatm ent becom es apparent: although Poland is referred to as a "kingdom " (regnum) often enough, all pre-C hristian rulers w ith the exception of the Pompilii (but including even the law-giver Graccus) are called "prince" (princeps), rather than "king" 168 "in cronids insuper Bohemorum recolo me legisse, quod post divisionem linguarum factam post diluvium, ut in genesi legitur, disperse sunt omnes gentes per varia loca, de quibus duo fratres Slavi successu temporum pro possessionibus capiendis hinc inde habitacula quesierunt, quorum unus Czech, alter Lech appeilati. Horum tandem unus, qui Czech dicitur, Bohemiam perveniens ibi mansionem elegit, Lech vero, ubi nunc est Polonia, constituisse dicitur sedem suam. De Czech itaque Bohemi, de Lech autem processerunt Poloni, propter quod et Lechite seu Lechi sunt tunc temporis nominati. Quibus multiplicatis super terram fama fuit, ut in Polonorum cronids reperitur," Kronika xiqzqt polskich, 430. Cf. the analoguous so called Chronicle ofPulkava discussed below. 97 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (rex), thus taking to a logical conclusion the process started by his Silesian predecessor. There is only one significant change in this account of the legends of Graccus and his offspring, and that is that G raccus w hen faced by the problem of the "olofagus" does n o t just call his sons, b u t everyone (omnibus convocatis), and him self proposes to them the trick of the inflam m able hides (nevertheless the younger son still finds an opportunity to kill his b rother and blam e it o n the m onster, as in the source). The legends of W anda an d the three Lesteks are recopied from the Silesian Chronica Polonorum alm ost verbatim , w ith only a m ild tendency to abbreviation in evidence (e.g. this au th o r does not indicate a t all w ho m ade the decision to determ ine the m onarch b y horse r a c e ) .i 6 9 3. From Pompilius to Mieszko The legend of the Pompilii are m ore interesting for our purposes. H ere w e have the first traces of the author's know ledge of the Cronice et gesta, as he gives the nam e of the leader as "Popil vel Pompilius," reflecting the original form found in the latter work. We also find here a n attem p t to date of the accession of the younger Pom pilius to the throne: aro u n d the year of O ur Lord, 800. M ost curious, perhaps, is the following passage, ap p en d ed after the account of the death of Pom pilius / Popiel: "and as a certain chronicle narrates, this Pom pilius had the habit of saying 'if I do n o t do this or that, m ay mice devour m e,' w hich, 169 in this chronicle, the man who thinks up the trick is given the name PrzemySl ( . P rem isil), rather than a profession, and contains the reading "Lubin" rather than "Lublin." 98 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. as stated, happened to him an d his children ." 170 Taken a t face value, this indicates th at the author had at his disposal som e chronicle treating Polish prehistory that is lost to us. A t one other po in t the au th o r cites a chronicle for inform ation, n o t found elsewhere, and in a third, an otherw ise u n know n lengthy legendary episode from the life of Casim ir the Restorer, is believed b y the editor to also be d raw n from a lost source . 171 The possibility of an appeal to fictitious authority to ad d w eight to the a u th o r's ow n invention (or to som ething gleaned from an oral tradition) cannot be ruled out, how ever, especially given the very general nature of the reference. A lthough the account of Pom pilius rem ains based on the Silesian Chronica Polonorum, the Piast episode is an abbreviation of the account in the Cronice et gesta. The basis of the later career of Siemowit and his descendants u p to Mieszko returns to the form er chronicle, sim plifying only the account of Siemowit7s adm inistrative reform s, om itting m ost the classical sounding officials th at the previous Silesian chronicler copied from Vincent. H e also ad d s a reflection on the career of Siemowit: "W ho do y o u think those tw o travelers w ere, o th er than angels of God, w ho ejected by citizens, w ent do w n to a p o o r peasant, as to Lot in Sodom , and having been received b y him joyfully, d eprived an u n w o rth y duke 170 "et quemadmodum quedam cronica narrat, hie Pompilius habuit consuetudinem sic dicendi: 'si hoc vel illud non fecero, mures me devorent/ quod in eo et suis liberis, ut premittur, est im pl& tum ” Kronika xupqt polskich, 435. 171 Z. W§clewski, introduction, ibid., 427. 99 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of his rule, an d substituted the son o f th at poor m an (from w hose seed sprung C atholic princes), o n account of unbegrudging hospitality."1 7 * The account of the blindness of M ieszko and his m iraculous recovery of sight, is also based closely on the detailed account of the Cronice et gesta. It includes, though, the explanation of M ieszko's nam e from turbatio obtained from the Silesian Chronica Polonorum, b u t this version adds: "or, closer to the truth, after he w as converted to the faith, h e caused the devil confusion."1 7 3 Likewise after the passage in which, following the Cronice et gesta, Siem om ysl asks his elders w h at the child's recovery m eans a n d they give their answ er, the theological interpretation that follows is amplified in this version by an additional b it of com m entary speaking of the ev en t's w ider significance: "for M ieszko was the first w ho, having left the darkness of idolatry, saw the light b y virtue of the faith th at illum inates every m an com ing into this w orld, and w as b o m again w ith his hom eland (patria) and all the people subject to him by the font of holy baptism ." 174 173 "Quid putas illos duos peregrinos fuisse, quam angelos dei, qui per cives eiecti ad rusticum pauperum decl in antes velut ad Loth in Sodomis et ab eo gratanter suscepti ducem indignum prindpali privaverunt dominio, pauperis vero filium, de cuius seinine procreandi fuerant prindpes catholid, propter gratum hospitalitatis offidum subrogarunt," ibid., 436. 173 "aut verius, postea conversus ad fidem, dyabolum feat turbari," ibid., 437. 174 "Nam Mesco primus fuit, qui ydolatrie ceatate relicta lucem, que omnem hominem venientem in hunc mundum illuminat, virtute fidei recognoscens, cum patria cunctoque populo sibi subiecto sacro fonte baptismatis est renatus," ibid., 437. 100 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. I. The Lubi^z V erse. The legends of origin of Poland find one last reflection in a Silesian source. This is a verse on the origins of the Cicterdan house in Lubi^z (in U pper Silesia), found in a fifteenth century m anuscript, probably com ing ultim ately from the m onastery itself. It is p a rt of a sm all collection of historical m aterials that w as probably compiled aro u n d 1315, since this is the date of the latest annalistic entry found in it.175 The p arts of the verse that interest u s read: Est locus iste Lubens Julio de Cesare dictus, Slavonizando loquens consuevit dicere vulgus Lubens pro Julius, qui prim is castra m etatus Est hie, et populus eius phanum veneratus Annos per mille, quo Christo credidit ille . . . This place is Lubi^z, nam ed after Julius C aesar / The com m on people is accustom ed to Slavidze, saying / Lubi^z for Julius, w ho first m easured o u t the tow n / here, and the people venerated his shrine / for a thousand years, since they d id [not] believe in Christ. A fter describing the original foundation of the Lubiqz m onastery as a Benedictine house, the verse then goes on to describe its re-foundation as a C icterdan house u n d er the auspices of prince Boleslaus the Tall of Silesia, and notes the burial of this personage in the m inster. It then continues: Hie laudare d eu m dignos stabilivit in evum / Q ui statuas M artis Juliique dedendo d o a d s / Christo cum sanctis statuunt habitacula p a d s. . . 176 175 Korta, Sredniowieczna annalistyka, 231-236. 176 This verse is published together with the annal it was associated with:J?oczn/Jc lubiqski, August Bielowski, ed., MPH, o.s., 3: 708-709. 101 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. H e m ad e firm the w o rth y to worship G od foreverm ore. / He, having th ro w n the th e statues of M ars an d Julius into the sew er / established a dw elling of peace for C hrist an d his saints. The n otion th at Julius C aesar was associated w ith the founding of Lubusz comes from the historiographical tradition decending from M aster Vincent, and the Silesian chronicles im proved on this (from the local point of view), by m aking Lubbmnstead of Lublin the city founded b y his sister, Julia, after her ow n name. Lubiqz is sim ilar enough to Lubin in sound th at it could have been substituted for it quite easily, an d the legend intercepted for the use of m onastic history. T hat the pagan W est Slavs w orshipped Julius Caesar as a god, could have been discovered by th e m onks of Lubiqz, as w e are about to see, from certain earlier hagiographical w orks related to Pom erania . 177 III. The O rigins o f Poland in Pom eranian, C zech, R uthenian, and W est European Sources A. Pom eranian Sources If Silesian historical culture diverges som ew hat from the Polish m ainstream , Pom eranian historical culture diverges quite a bit further, just as the political and cultural relationship of Pom erania to Poland was m ore problem atic in the M iddle Ages, w ith m an y Pom eranian tribes an d princes attem pting to 177 The contiued saliency of Julius Caesar in Silesia as a figure worth associating one's origins with can be found in a certain fifteenth-century copy of the Silesian Chronica Polonorum, where certain marginal annonations deny that Pompilius II was eaten by mice, and assert the Silesian princes (as Piasts) descend from Julius (through Pompilius?)-see Ludwik Cwiklifiski's introduction to the chronicle in M PH, o.s., 3: 581. 102 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. preserve their local independence (against G erm an as w ell as Polish overlords). By the thirteenth century, G erm an influences w ere com ing to predom inate in w estern and n orthern Pom erania, w hereas Polish political and cultural influence h a d the upper h an d in southern an d eastern Pom erania. These complications w ere reflected in Pom eranian historical culture w hich w as uncom m only slow in developing (at least in a form w e can now trace), an d there w ere no chronicles w ritten in this region u n til the sixteenth century. N evertheless, there is at least one Pom eranian w ork, a fourteenth-century historical an d legal tract, that m akes use of the legends of origin of Poland for anti-Polish ends. B ut before turning to this w e should m ention one parallel to the Polish legend of Julius C aesar fo u n d in the vitae of St. O tto, Bishop of Bamberg, the apostle of W est Pom erania, all w ritten about the m id tw elfth century by G erm an clergym en, ha these, Iulin (Wolin), which w as fo u n d ed by Julius Caesar. There, C aesar's lance head w as reverenced as a holy object, until the final conversion of the city by St. O tto, in conjunction w ith a conflagration that afflicted it as punishm ent for its stiff-necked refusal to accept the bishop's m ission (in one version). In another version, the place in w hich the lance w as kept w as flooded by w ater, but allow ing the saint a bridge on w hich to cross and take possession of it, at which point the w ater suddenly and m iraculously receded. This tale seem s to echo the version of the Julius Caesar legend found in the Great Poland 103 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chronicle, w here the fam ed R om an founds W olin and Lubusz, instead of Lublin and Lubusz, as in M aster Vincent. 178 The Pom eranian legal tract is the Protocollum of the A ugustinian herm it A ugustinus, lector of the m onastic school in Stargard. A ccording to the latest and m ost thorough scholarship, it w as w ritten in 1365 or 1366 for the bishop of Kamien, an d a bit later, in 1367, w as dedicated to the Prince of Szczecin, Bamim EL179 Its purpose was to show on historical an d legal grounds the ecclesiastical and political independence of Pom erania from Poland, and to this end it used w hatever Pom eranian and G erm an sources w ere available (including the life of St. O tto of Bamberg by Ebo), an d treated Polish history on the basis of the Silesian Chronica Polonorum.1 8 0 The Lechites, according to him, descend from N em rod. The legend Gracchus (here called "Gractus") is repeated as in the Silesian Chronica Polonorum, except that all m ention of K rakow is om itted, along w ith the m onster and the crows. The legend of W anda also follow s along m uch the sam e lines, although her nam e is also given by A ugustinus as W andala, seem ingly because he w ishes to bind W anda m ore tightly yet to the Vandals, 178 These are the Prufening life (MPH, n.s., vol. 7, part 1 [Warsaw, 1966], 34-35, 46-47); and Ebo's life (MPH, n.s., vol. 7, part 2 [Warsaw, 1969], 52, 91-93) repectively. On them see Dqbrowski, Dawne dziejopisarstwo, 115-16. 179 Walczak, 'Protocolum,' esp. 35-73,168-96. The work itself is published in volume 17 of the serial Baltische Studien (1858, G. L. Kosegarten, ed.) under the tide Notula satis notabilis, a source which I have been unable to consult Accordingly I rely on the secondary literature in descibing its contents, especially Walczak, 'P rotocolu m Kiirbis, Dziejopisarstwo, 203ff.; Ryszard Kiersnowski, Legenda Winety: studium historyczne (Krak6w, 1950), 67-69. 180 Walczak, 'Protocolum,' 198-274. 104 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. w hom , as he discovered in certain G erm an chronicles, w ere the sam e as the Pom eranian Winnuli. The splitting off of the H uns from the Poles u n d e r A ttila (w hom , w e rem em ber, w as to be the first "King of the V andals" according to the Silesian Chronica Polonorum, and now placed in the time of A lexander the G reat and the Maccabees) is interpreted in another light. The better (potior) p a rt of the old Lechite kingdom th at elected A ttila an d cam e to be know n as Pom eranian, w hereas the Poles, w ho split from them , w ere the uncultured rustics or forest dw ellers. The Poles and Pom eranians hav e been enem ies ever since. Indeed Julius Caesar rebuilt the old, previously destroyed city of W ineta as Julin, as well as W olgast (Wologoszcz) in Pom erania as strongholds against the P o l e s , isi This version of the legends has certain (indirect) affinities to that of the Great Poland Chronicle, especially the putative "Slavic Interpolation." These include the Pom eranian legend of Attila, the tie of Wolin to Julius Caesar, an d the descent of the Slavs from N em rod. It also includes a list of nam es supposed to be those of early Pom eranian princes, th at coincides in p art w ith the list of the tw enty illegitimate sons of Lestek IH fo u n d in the Polish w ork. This has led Kiirbis to postulate the existence of certain Pom eranian historical traditions, w hich w ould have been the source for both, since A ugustinus show s no sign of hav ing know n the Great Poland Chronicle. The latest and m ost thorough 181 On Nemrod, see Kiirbis, Dziejopisarstwo, 204; On this version of the legend of Graccus and Wanda see Kiirbis, op. tit., 207-208, Walczak, ‘ Protocolum /121, 241-43; On the Attila legend, see Kiirbis, op. tit., 204, 208-209 and Walczak, ‘ Protocolum,' 240-41; on Caesar and the Julin / Wolin / Wineta legend see Kiirbis, op. tit., 204-206, Walczak, 'Protocolum,' 214ff, Kiersnowski, 67ff. His German sources are Adam of Bremen and Helmold. 105 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. investigator of this m atter, R yszard W alczak, is skeptical of this proposition, how ever. it should also b e n o ted that certain elem ents of this version of Pom eranian / Polish prehistory m ade their w a y into M iddle H igh Germ an epic literature by m eans of the Chronicon Mecklenburgicum of the K night Ernst von K irchberg by the year 1380, and hence to fifteenth-century northw est G erm an historiography. 1 8 3 But this developm ent w as already isolated from Polish historical culture. B. W estern European Sources Some elem ents of W estern geographical a n d historiographical traditions seem to have influenced the shaping of the legends of origin of Poland, and accordingly deserve som e review . M ost notable is the V andal legend of the origins of the Slavs and Poles, w hich we has b een encountered several tim es in the course of this dissertation already. It seem s to have nev er been entirely forgotten that central an d eastern Europe w as once the seat of this Germanic tribe, and it w as easy enough to transpose this old ethnic n am e onto the new peoples that appeared on m ore o r less the sam e geographic e x p a n s e . ^ A lternate 182 Cf. Kiirbis, Dziejopisarstwo, 204-209 and Walczak, ‘ Protocolum,' 275-79, 292. On the possibility that Master Vincent himself had some kind of contact with earlier forms of Pomeranian tradition see Lowmiaiiski, "W^tki literackie i tradyq'a historyczna w Kronice Kadhibka," 26-27. 183 Cf. Kurbis, Dziejapisarstioo, 212-14; Kiersnowski, 69ff. 184 a . F. Grabski, Polska wopirtiach obcych X -X M zo., 135ff. 106 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. identifications from Late A ntique sources w ere possible, and m edieval exam ples of their use can be found, b u t the belief in Gothic origins of the Slavs never seem s to have penetrated historiography or literature of Polish origin, and an identification w ith the Sarm atians had very little currency in Poland until the fifteenth century. The Polabian and Pom eranian Slavs w ere m ore often referred to as "V andals" in W estern sources up to the tw elfth century than w ere the inhabitants of Poland proper. These include the chronicles of A dam of Bremen (w ritten betw een 1078 a n d 1081) and H elm old, priest of Bosau (dating from the 1170s).!8 6 The latter w as one of the major sources of the Protocolum of A ugustinus of Stargard.i87 But as early ca. 990 the Miracula Sancti Oudarlrici Episcopi by G erhard of A ugsburg m entions M ieszko I as "M ieszko, Duke of the 185 On examples of legends of Gothic origins of the Slavs (popular among writers of the Balkan Slavs) see ibid., 153-57. It should be noted at this jucture that there is an isolated possible case of identification of the Poles with the Goths in literature of native origin, that is in the Epitaph o f Boleslaus the Brave. Unfortunately, the received text of this poem seems to be highly disordered, and reconstructions of the original sequence of lines varies from scholar to scholar. According to Kiirbis' attempt, for example, Boleslaus comes out as the ruler of the “Regnum Slavonim Gothormn seu Polonorum." See her "Epitafium Boleslawa Chrobrego. Analyza literacka i historyczna." Rocznik historyczny 55-56 (1989-90); whereas in Ryszard Gansiniec's reconstruction he adds the “Regni Slavorum Gothorurrf' to “sue [regnum] Polonorum." See his "Nagrobek Boleslawa Wielkiego," Przeglqd zachodnH (1951) no. 7-8: 409-21,511-20). On occassional identification of the Slavs with the Sarmatians before the fifteenth century (such as in the annals of Flodoard) see Tadeusz Ulewicz, Sarmacja: studiutn zproblem atyki stowiariskiej X V i XVI w. (Krak6w, 1950), 18ff. As "Germania"like "Somalia" w as carried over from Antiquityon maps and in geographical literature describe central and eastern Europe, it is not surprising to also find an occassional identification of Poles as Germans generically. E.g. Frank Borchart German A ntiquity in Renaissance M yth (Baltimore, 1971), 71. 186 Grabski, Polska zoopiniach, 137-38. 187 Walczak, 214ff. 107 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Vandals."(Misico dux Vandalorum) . lg8 The Otia Imperalia w ritten by the Englishm an operating in Italy, Gervase of Tilbury betw een 1211 and 1215, calls the river Vistula "W andalus" and derives the nam e of Poles from ifc "Poland is called the land of the Vandals from the V andalus its river, as I have heard from persons from there" (Polonia. . . que a Vandalo flumine suo, terra diciturr ut ab ipsis indigenis accepi, Vandalorum). 189 T hat he h ad Polish inform ants is b o m o ut b y the fact he know s (correctly) th a t the toponym Polonia m eans in the vernacular there spoken, tire same as the L atin Campania (land of fields) .190 This is interesting in that it show s that Polish contem poraries of M aster Vincent (presum ably clerics w ho h ad traveled to Italy) knew a version of the Vandal legend already, even if som ew hat different from th at found in Chronica Polonorum. W ith or w ithout actual contact w ith Poles the Vandal legend continued to thrive in the West, and to be further elaborated, as is illustrated b y the exam ple of the late thirteenth century Bavarian Chronicon Imperatonim et Pontificum, which includes a complex of legendary m otifs that repeatedly and consistently identify the Slavs w ith the Vandals (some of them none too favorable, such as the descent of the Vandal / Slavs from H am rather than Japhet). The D niepr is here called the "W andalicus R uvius." But the Vistula the "W andalicus Amnis." H ungary is said to be p art of Slavia, and, echoing both Polish and Czech " 1 8 8 Quoted in Grabski, Polska wopiniach, 136. ■ 1 8 9 Quoted in Balzer, Studium, 1:97. 190 Ibid., 92ff. 108 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. traditions, the forbears of the Poles and C zechs are said to have m igrated o u t from Pannonia .191 Before w e tu rn back to the Slavic legendary traditions of the C zechs an d Ruthenians, how ever, w e should m ention the influence of w hat m ig h t be called the "H unnish legend." The Nibelungenlied in the form we have it (recorded soon after 1200) includes Poles am ong the allies of A t t i l a . ^ 2 More directly significant for the developm ent of Polish legend, how ever, is the feet th at two g rea t universal histories of the later thirteenth century, the Speculum Historiale of Vincent of Beauvais an d the Chronicon Pontificum et Imperatorum of M artin of Troppau, both of w hich describe Attila as ruler of both the H uns a n d the Vandals. The latter of tw o w orks w as w idely know n in Poland, and m ay have h ad som e influence on the legend of A ttila as found in the interpolation to the Great Poland Chronicle o r the Silesian Chronica Polonorum.W 3 IQ1 Grabski, Polska wopiniach, 141-47. 192 Ibid., 150-52. 193 c f. ibid., 152; Kiirbis, Dziejopisarstwo, 201-202; M artini Oppaviensis chronicon pontificum et imperatorutn, Ludevicus Weiland, ed. in M GH SS, 22:454. On knowledge of Martin of Troppau in Poland, see Jacek Soszyiiski, Kronikia Marcina Polaka i je j sredniowieczrta tradyeja r§kopismenna w Polsce (Warsaw, 1995), published as volume 34 of the serial Studia copemicana. It is interesting to note that Martin appears sometimes with the epithet "polonus"or "the Pole." Troppau (Opava) is near the border of Silesia and Moravia, and it is certain that he was a member of the Polish Province of the Dominican order, dying as Archibishop Elect of Gniezno. For all that, his exact ethnic background is unclear. It is clear, however, that he was educated in Prague, and that he operated much of his life in Roman circles, so that intellectually his outlook can scarcely be said to be Polish. Amo Borst finds his views on the origins of peoples to be, if anything, characterized by a kind of provincial Romanism (see Borst, Der Turmbau, vol. 2, part 2, 815-16). 109 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. C. R uthenian Sources The culture of Rus, including its historical culture, seems to have been considerably m ore inaccessible to Poles by the tw elfth and thirteenth century th an that of even G erm any and W estern Europe, a n d there are no sure traces of know ledge of East Slavic sources in any account of the legends of origins w e are concerned w ith before Jan Dfugosz, w ho later in life learned Cyrillic script specifically to use them.*9 * Because of Dlugosz's interest in Rus histories, how ever, som ething should be said about Polish origins in the Tale of By-gone Years (Povest Vremionykh Let). This w ork is in fact the m ain spring of Rus historiography, a n d existed in a m yriad of local versions. W hich and how m any of these D lugosz knew , and w h eth er he had access to versions now lost to us, are controversial questions in the scholarly literature . 195 N evertheless, because all these versions are variants on the basic version, the Laurentian m anuscript version will be used here, since it is one of the oldest an d m ost im portant versions surviving (although the m anuscript dates only from the latter m iddle ages). 194 "cano iam capite ad perdiscendum literas Ruthenas me ipsum appuleram, quetenus historie nostre series crassior redderetur," Dtugosz Annales, vol. 1, litterae dedicatorae, 62-63. 195 On various local versions in general, cf. Serge Zenkovsky, ed. Medieval Russia's Epics, Chronicles and Tales, rev. ed. (New York: 1974), 11-13, 43-44,77, 83; idem, Introduction to The Nikonian Chomicle (Princeton, N.J., 1984), xiiiff. 110 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The Slavs, w e learn, are descended from Japhet, and originated in the lands along the D anube, w hich are today H ungary and Bulgaria. From there they began to scatter. W hen the Vlakhs attacked the Danubian Slavs, settled among them, and did them violence, the latter came and made their homes by the Vistula, and were then called Lyakhs [i.e. Poles]. Of these same Lyakhs, some were called Polyanians, some Lutichians [i.e. Lusatians], some Mazovians, and still others Pomorians [i.e. Pomeranians]. Certain Slavs settled also on the Dnieper, and were likewise called Polyanians.1 9 6 Som ewhat later, the chronicle describes the three bro th ers Kiy, Shchek, Khoriv, and their sister Lybed (swan), a n d how they fo unded the city of Kiev nam ing it after the eldest, w hereas two hills in the city are n am ed after Kiy's younger brothers. Their fam ily takes a leading role am ong the Polyanians [of the Dniepr]. A fter some other digressions w e are informed: Thus the Polyanains, who belonged to the Slavic race, lived apart as we have said, and called themselves Polyanians.. . . But the Radimichians and the Vyatichians sprang from the Lyakhs. There were in fact among the Lyakhs two brothers, one named Radim and the other Vyatko. Radim settled on the Sozh, where the people are know as Radimichians, and Vyatko w ith his family settled on the Oka. The people there were named Vyatichains after him — . The Polyanians [of the Dniepr] retained the m ild and peaceful customs of their ancestors and showed respect for their daughters-in-law and their sisters, as well as for their mothers and fathers.. . . They observed a fixed custom, under which the groom's brother did not fetch the bride, but she w as brought to the bridegroom in the evening, and on the next m orning her dowry was "•96 Samuel H. Cross, ed. and trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle: Laurentian Text (Cambridge, Mass., 1930), 53. I l l Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. turned over. The Radimichians [and] the Vyatichians lived in the forest like any w ild beast, and ate every unclean thing. They spoke obscenely before their fathers and their daughters-in-law. There were no marriages am ong them , but simply festivals am ong the villages. W hen the people gathered together for games, for dancing, and for all other devilish amusements, the men on these occasions carried off wives for themselves, and each took any woman w ith w hom he had arrived at an understanding. In fact, they even had tw o or three wives apiece.1 9 7 They crem ated their dead, and set the bones o n a p o st by the roadside, as the Vyatichians still do "to this day." They did this since they did n o t know the law of God, but willfully m ade their ow n law .1 9 » D . Czech Sources The m ost im portant foreign sources for the study of the Polish legends of origin are Czech, both because of the ap p aren t m u tu al influences of Czech and Polish sources, b u t also because of broad parallels betw een the Polish and Czech legends of origin of their respective peoples, dynasties, and states. M edieval Czech historiography is in fact quite rich, b u t for ou r purposes w e n eed consider those treating in detail the pre-Christian era, a n d w hich w ere know n a t som e point to Polish historians. These include the Chronica Boemorum of the Prague deacon, Cosmas (d. 1125), the rhym ed chronicle in Czech language, know n as the Chronicle ofDalimil, w ritten betw een 1315 an d 1319, and the chronicle of 197 ibid., 56. 198 Ibid., 56-57. 112 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Pribik of Radenin (d. 1380), know n to scholarship as the Chronicle ofPulkava, and w ritten in the tim e of C harles I of L uxem bourg.i" 1. The Legend of Lech and Czech The m ost direct p o in t of contact betw een Polish and Czech legends of origin is the legend of C zech an d Lech. In the Chronica Boemorum of Cosm as, the eponym ous forbearer of the Czechs is called B oem us (i.e. B ohem ia)2 * * * There is no m ention yet of other brothers, and just w ho B oem us and his follow ers w ere, and w here they cam e from is kept vague, except for the fact that they w ere p a rt of the m ovem ent to repopulate the globe after th e Biblical flood. The so called Chronicle ofDalimil m akes "father Boemus" "father Czech," thus transposing the nam e of the eponym ous hero from Latin to the vernacular. M ore curious yet, a w ord lech appears, apparently either in parallel o r in apposition to his nam e .201 As the denotative m eaning of the w ord is unclear (the language of the chronicle is archaic even for its tim e) an d since the context is less than transparent, interpretations of this w o rd have varied greatly in the scholarly literature. Nevertheless, it is the consensus that lech, w h atev er its m eaning, is a term 199 D^browski, Dawne dziejopisarstwo, 113,172-73, 175. On the ties of the Chronicle of Pulkaoa to the Imperial court, see Josef Emler, introduction to vol. 5 of FRB (Prague, 1893), vi-viii. 200 On the medieval development of the Czech eponymous legend see Frandsek Graus Lebendige Vergangenheit: Uberlieferung im M ittdalter and in den vostellungen ootn Mittelalter (Cologne, 1975), 89-93, and ff. for the other Czech legends, discussed below. 201 D alim ili Boehmiae cronicon in FRB, vol 3, no. 1-3, 6. "Dalimil" mentions Czech as having six brothers, but gives names for none of them. 113 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. characterizing Czech, a n d n o t a p roper name. W hether d u e to m isunderstanding this passage, or for som e o ther reason, Pnbik of R adenin, presents us a 'T ech " as the brother of Czech.202 The w hole legend is m uch elaborated in his recounting. Like "Dalimil," he sees the Slavs as existing from the tim e of the division of languages at the tow er of Babel. Spreading out from the plain of Sennar in the N ear East, they entered and settled southeast Europe: Bulgaria, Rada, Servia, Dalmatia, C harvada (Croatia), Bosnia, Carinthia, Istria, and Camiola. hi Croatia, a m an nam ed Czech h ad to flee d u e to a m urder, and left w ith his brothers and com panions (cum fratribus et consortibus eius) crossing the Danube, and settling Bohemia. His brother or companion by the nam e of Lech, who had followed him, crossed the snowy alps that separate Bohemia and Poland. And when he saw a great plain [planiciem] stretching up to the shores of the sea, he settled there and populated it w ith his family [de stto genero]. For it ought to be known that in the Slavic language, flat fields are called pole. And hence [the land] is called Poland [Polonia], as though "flat fields." After this some of his stock crossed over into Rus, Pomerania, Kaszubia, up to the kingdom of D ada, and filled the whole territory of Rus up to its northern shores, cultivating it. But others, from Bohemia, crossed the river Morava and started to dwell in the region there, called Moravia 202 On "lech" in Dalimil's chronicle (and the problem of Pribik of Radenin's interpretation thereof) cf. Kiirbis, Studi, 133-34; Kazimierz Slaski, "Lech-eponim" in Stownik Starozytnosci Stouriariskich (Wroclaw, 1967), 3:31-32. 114 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. from the said [river]. Likewise [they settled] Meissen, Bautzen, Brandenburg, and Lusatia.2 0 3 The relationship of this version to the version of the legend of Lech found in the Great Poland Chronicle is unclear. N either seem s to directly depend on the other, w hich seem s to indicate that there w as some preexisting source for Lech (perhaps derived as an eponym ous hero from the appellation "Lechites"), w hether oral or written. For all that, m uch rem ains obscure about the origin of this legend, and it cannot be ruled o u t that the figure Lech as the eponym ous founder of the Poles w as an idea of Pribik of Radenin, which, som ehow transm itted, provided a stim ulus (but n o t a direct model) for the au th o r or an interpolator of the Polish chronicle to com pose his ow n version. Such a theory, how ever, requires quite a string of hypotheticals, and hence is unlikely. It is clear only th at the third version of the legend of Lech, found in the Silesian Chronica P rindpum Poloniae, is, as the au th o r him self tells, based on a Czech source, and therefore, presum ably, Pribik of R adenin .204 2°3 "Frater autem sue consors eius nomine Lech, qui secum venerat, trasivit Alpes nivium, que dividunt Boemiam et Poloniam. Et cum vidisset planitiem maximam usque fines mans tendentem, ibi se locavit et earn de suo genere trasiverunt Rusiam, Pomeraniam, Cassubiam usque ad regnum Dade et confinia maritima septentrionis totamque terram Rusie impleverunt, et eandem similiter colverunt. Alii vero de Boemia transverunt super flumen Morauie, et ibi regionem que terra Morauia didtur, nec non similiter Misnam, Budissinensem, Brandemburgensem, et Lusadam prindpatus inhabitare ceperunt" Kronika Palkavova in FRB, 5:5. 204 For more on the problems surrounding the origins of the legend of Lech, see chapter 2, section n, below. 115 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2. Krok, his Daughters, and Prentysl The case of the legend of the Czech Croccus / K rok an d his daughters and its relationship to the Polish legend of Graccus / K rak an d his daughter W anda is even m ore obscure. From Cosm as w e leam th at th e Czechs lived in Boemus's tim e in kind of ideal state, full of virtue and sim plicity, living off nuts and wild gam e, and holding all p roperty in common, like m onks. O ver tim e, however, people began to desire possessions, and to quarrel w ith each other, and turned to the m ost upright and w ealthy as arbiters to resolve their disputes. The m ost fam ous of these was Croccus, to w hom people flocked from far and w ide to obtain his judgm ent, like bees to a hive, on account of his great w isdom . A castle (castrum) w as founded near the village of Stybeczne (Ztbecne), now already overgrow n w ith trees an d nam ed for h i m .205 H e h a d three equally wise daughters, Kazi, who taught the m edicinal art (w hose burial m ound, erected by the people in her m em ory, can still be seen on the riv er Mze); Tetka, inventor of superstitious sects and sacrilegious rites; and Libusa (Lubossa), vigorous in speech, chaste in body, a seeress, w ho could foretell the future, and took her father's place as judge w hen he d ied .206 Eventually, how ever, the loser of a law suit insulted her and challenged h er authority over m en as a w om an, and she and her sisters decided a stronger hand was needed to control the unruly. She calls the people together and presents to them the disadvantages of having a 205 Kosmuw letopis cesky [Chronica Bohemorum], in Josef Emler, ed., FRB (Prague: 1874), 2:6-7 206 ibid., 7-9. 116 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. prince rule over them , for they shall lose th eir freedom and becom e like slaves.207 But they clam or for a prince, anyw ay, so she foretells his nam e, and tells them how to find him . H is nam e is Prem ysl (Premizl; Polish, Przem ysl), and he w ill be found ploughing a new field in the village of Stadice (Stalici). C ertain m essengers are sent o u t to find him, follow ing the seeress's horse, an d eventually find Prem ysl, w ho perform s various miracles, an d then serves the envoys a meal. H e m arried Libusa and established laws, and his descendants are to rule Bohemia foreverm ore, although a revolt of Am azons m ust first be crushed .208 Libusa points o u t the spot w h ere the city of Prague is to be founded. Prem ysl, n o t forgetful of his form er statio n (suae sortis non inmemor) has his old w ork boots preserved, and to this day th ey can be found in the ducal cam era in V ysehrad (Wissegrad — Pribik of Radenin m entions a church in V ysehrad in this capacity instead ) 209 A lthough in C osm as's version, C roccus / K rok is neither quite a law giver n o r a prince, as the Polish G raccus / K rak, h e is in some w ay a root of authority, a role, which, if anything strengthened as the C zech legend developed. Indeed, 207 Ibid., 9-10. This speech is in fact modeled on the Biblical speech of Samuel to the Israelites on a similar topic. See F. Graus Lebendige Vergangenheit, 94n99. 208 Puikava, writing after the dying out of Premislids in the male line, changes this, so that if he would have finished ploughing the field before the envoys came, his dynasty would have lasted forever in the male line. Kronikapulkavova, 7. In Dalimil, it is the Czechs themselves that would have redeved the benefit, if he had finished his work, for it would not have suffered from insuffiaency and famine. See Banaszkiewicz, Podanie o Piascie i Popielu, 52. 209 Cf. Kosmuv letopis cesky, 14; Kronika pulkavova, 7. 117 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the parallelism betw een them w as noticed by Pribik, w hose passage on the subject runs as follows: They elected for themselves a certain wise and upright man, true in judgments, elim inator of quarrels, rich and splendid, Crok by name, who built the first fortress in Bohemia at a place called Stebna. Some say he h ad a brother or parent, Crak, who founded the castle and d ty of Krakow, and w hom imposed his name on it. This aforementioned Crok reigned [rexit] happily over the Bohemian land all the days of his life, not as prince, but as judge elected by the people.2 1 0 Both Graccus / fCrak and Croccus / K rok have fabulous female offspring, although the latter has them in m ore abundance. Libusa is, of course, the d au g h ter of Krok m ost like W anda, in that she rules in her ow n right, and in that she is chaste (but only as long as she alone rules).211 As w ith Kazi, a burial m ound is associated w ith W anda. The parallels betw een the legendary Premysl and certain Polish legends, especially that of his fellow ploughm an and founder of dynasty, Piast, are also striking. But to explicate these w e m ust m ove on to general questions concerning the interpretation of ou r legends. 210 "Elegerunt itaque sibi quemdam virum sapientem et probum, et in iudiciis veracem et complanatorem rixarum, divitem et opulentum Crok nominatum, qui primum fortalidum fecit in boemia in loco qui didtur Stebna. Aliqui edam ferunt, quod habuerit fratrem seu parentem Crak nuncupatum, qui Crak castrum et dvitatem Cracouiensem edificavit, quibus Cracow nomen suum imposuit Iste itaque prenominatus Crok rexit non tanquam princeps, sed ut judex electus a populo omnibus diebus vite sue felidter terram Boemie." Kronika PuIkavovar 5. 211 Cf. F. Graus's comparison of the two figures in his Lebendige Vergangenheit, 96-97. Graus maintains that Wanda is an even more "mythical" and less historidzed figure, as she is not bound up with the legend of origin of an actual ruling dynasty. 118 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter Two: T he L egen ds o f O rigin o f Poland up to 1400 in M odem H istoriography Historians of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, especially A dam Naruszew icz an d Jan Potocki, began a far-reaching attack on the tru th of m uch of the detail in m edieval accounts of Polish history before Mieszko I. Scholars operating in the m id -n in eteen th century w ere m ore favorably disposed to the factual accuracy of these legends, b u t by the end of the century Polish and G erm an-speaking "positivistic" historians w ere once again inclined to see little source value in them , especially those figures and motifs th a t m ake their appearance later than the Cronice e tg esta .1 M uch of the specific w ork of these earlier scholars has been superseded, b u t until relatively recently, the questions th at they asked have b een retained in the m ainstream of Polish historiography. This is to say that the m ain concerns of historical scholarship have been m ore orientated to the question of the representative truth of the legends and to the trustw orthiness of m edieval historians, than to questions of the significance of the legends to historical o r political culture. To be sure, the w orking m ethods and purposes of the m edieval chroniclers h ad to be taken into account by positivist historians, b ut m ore as a m ere m eans of penetrating through their accounts to 1 £laski, Wqtki historyczne, 7-8. For a more detailed account of the early development of historiography on the question of Vincent's 'Lechites' see Antoni Matecki, Lechid w gw ietle historyncznej krytyki, 2nd edition (Lw6w, 1907), 86ff. For full surveys of somewhat later literature see K . Krotoski, "Echa historyczne w podaniu o Popielu i Pi aide," Kw artalnik h istoryczn y 39, no. 3 (1925): 43-49; £laski, W qtki, 7-33; Jacek Banaszkiewicz, Podanie o P ia id e i Popielu: studium pordw n aw cze nad wczesnodredniowiecznym i tradycjam i dyn astyczn ym i (Warsaw, 1986), 5-12, the last of which is in fact a review that critiques the school of 'positivist' criticism that is solely interested in "reduction to data." 119 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. unearth, accurate traditions th at m ight elucidate title actual origins of Poland, than as an end in them selves. These legends, if anything, received m ore such attention th an com parable ones in m any other p a rts of Europe, for the origins of the Polish state are unusually obscure because of the alm ost com plete lack of contem porary sources pertaining to it. Because of the history of Polish scholars em phasizing the problem of historical data, it m akes sense to start this chapter by surveying historiography in this vein first. This is fitting also in th at any full assessm ent of m ore phenom ological aspects of the legends, insofar as they w ish to rem ain in the realm of history as a discipline, m ust take seriously the possibility that elem ents in legends originate in actual events. I. H istoriography and th e P o ssib ility o f H istorical E lem ents in the L egends o f O rigin As scholarship has developed in the p ast hun d red years o r so, one m ay still, as with earlier scholarship, divide the field into two loosely defined camps: those relatively favorable to the possibility th a t some know ledge of real events is contained in the legends as w e have them , an d those tending to be skeptical of the proposition. O f those relatively favorable, there has n o t alw ays been m uch consensus as to exactly w h at elem ents in them are the credible ones, and, indeed, som e of the theories advanced have a n air of the eccentric, such as K. K rotoski's attem p t to use them to prove the V araginian Rus origins of the Polish state .2 2 Krotoski, "Echa," 39ff. 120 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The m ost system atic and optim istic attem pt to ferret o u t historical data from the legends in recent decades has been th at of Kazirnierz 3laski, which is also one of the m ost consistent in its use of archaeological research. Like m any scholars, 3laski divides the legends of origin of Poland into tw o regional cycles, that of little Poland and that of G reat Poland, the first including the legend of K rak and W anda, th e second m ost of the rest of the legends.3 Synthesizing the w ork of previous optimistic scholars, an d going beyond it, he sees source value even in the 'Little Poland' legends (i.e. the legends of K rak and W anda), though they first appear only in the Chronica Polonorum of M aster Vincent,. H e sees in them some d istan t reflection of the W islan tribal state th at seem s to have existed in Southern Poland around the n in th century. As the ending "-ov" in Slavic toponym y is in fact a genitive, often indicating the place nam e was derived from the nam e of a possessor, and since use the personal nam e Krak o r K rok is in fact attested am ong W est Slavs, he concludes there m ig ht well h av e been a real K rak about whom som e m em ory was preserved in traditions surviving to the day of M aster Vincent an d beyond. He further reasons that such traditions m ay have circulated am ong general populace of Krakow, since the version recorded in the Great Poland Chronicle dem onstrates 3 His inclusion of the three Lesteks with the Popiels among the 'Great Poland Cycle' was criticized by Jolanta Dworzaczkowa in her review of his W qtki historyczn e in St. £r. 14 (1969): 202-203. The division of the legends into regional two cycles was a rather obvious measure, and has existed in the historiography for a long time, but the peculiarity of treating the Lesteks and Tompilius' die first as figures coming from Great Polish tradition (although they first appear only in the Chronicle of the 'Little Pole,' Master Vincent) was introduced into scholarship by Oswald Balzer, S tu dyum , vol. 1, 283. 121 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. th at variants of the legend w ere still available for a chroniclers to find, w hich in tu rn points to th e existence of a live oral tradition. This Krak m ay w ell have been elected as a tribal chieftain as a resu lt of "fam e an d booty" gained in a foreign adventure of som e type, replacing a previous regim e of rule by tribal elites, w ho are found u n d e r the guise of tire "W ojew ody" in the Great Poland Chronicle. The tradition, it is true, he argues, w as m uch obscured b y its folk transm ission, as illustrated by the dragon slaying, b u t for all that som e elements, such as the fratricide, w hich m ay be interpreted as folk m otifs, could just as w ell be reflections of actual events, since su ch com petition of siblings for pow er w ould be expected in the confines of the em erging "feudal class." Furtherm ore, that the perpetrator o f the crime w as exiled, and that K rak's daughter ascended to rulership, b ut d ied w ithout issue are all w ithin the realm of possibility, as is that after a period of disorder a foreigner (i.e. Lestek) cam e to the throne. Indeed, the Czech legend of K rok and his daughter, Libusa, m ay be another version of the sam e legend, a "m em ory of some v ery distant and obscure events linked w ith the person of K rak ." 4 £laski then fortifies his argum ents b y a discussion of two m ounds in the vicinity of K rakow linked to K rak a n d W anda (an association th at first appears, as w e shall see, in fifteenth-century sources). The K rak m ound, on w hich archeological w o rk was done in the 1930s seem s to date to the seventh o r eighth centuries. A lthough no burial was fo u n d in its center, Slaski takes serious the 4 Slaski, W^tkl historyczne, 28-34. 122 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. possibility of some real link to the "historical K rak," and searches in the historical record for som ething that m ig h t correlate w ith the "foreign w ars" w hich he postulates to have been K rak's m eans to pow er. H e proposes tw o possible solutions: either a group of W islans took p a rt in helping the C arinthian Slavs against the Bavarians in the 760s, o r they w ere tributaries of the A vars w ho fought against the Franks in in the 780s. U n d e r the guise of the invasion of the Tyrannus Lem anorum that ap p ears in M aster V incent's version of the legend of W anda, there lies, he hypothesizes, the C arolingian cam paign against the Czechs in 805 / 806, which he speculates m ay have taken Frankish arm ies into W islan lands. W islan prisoners taken b y the Czechs a t various times thereafter could have brought the legend there, as could h av e the exiled Krak H, an d the circle of follow ers he presum ably w o u ld have b ro u g h t w ith him .5 This analysis illustrates w ell 3laski's m ethods, as well as their weaknesses. Subtracting anything that seem s incredible, h e proceeds to 'rescue' all the figures an d p lo t motifs from the legends he possibly can, an d then tries to fit them to w hatever shards of inform ation, textual or archeological we have ab o u t E ast-C entral Europe seventh, eighth, and n in th centuries. A lthough h e is usually careful to represent his interpretations as m ere hypotheses, the im plications of his m ethod seem rather to b e th a t any plausible elem ents in the legend should be taken as representation in collective m em ory of actual events, if there is no 5 Ibid., 40-45. 123 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. reason to think otherw ise .6 This general m ethod he justifies by citing exam ples of the preservation of elem ents of historical fact over long periods of tim e in traditions of non-literate peoples. These include the apparent rem em brance of fourth and fifth century cam paigns of the H uns in Germ anic tradition, w hich attained w ritten form only in the tw elfth and thirteenth centuries (e.g. in the Nibelungenlied), Jordanes' apparently accurate account of the G oth's origin in Scandinavia (w hich they perhaps left in the 3rd century B. C.) alm ost 800 years later (presum ably based on oral traditions), and the M aori's traditions of their arrival in N ew Zealand w hich seem to have been (as confirm ed by carbon dating) h an d ed dow n through thirty-nine generations.7 Be this as it may, even m ost scholars w ho have b een willing to entertain the possibility that the "Vincentian" legends have som e use as a historical source have been m ore cautious than Jslaski. The historian K arol Potkanski operating at the tu rn of the nineteenth and tw entieth centuries, for example, concluded that "K rak could have existed and could have founded K rakow ," 8 b u t also that m ost 6 In particular 3laski's conclusion to W qtki historyczne (pp. 87-89), where we read: "The general evaluation of Polish national legends as a historical source, rather, yields negative results. In the current state of knowledge attempts at their historical interpretation must be limited to uncertain hypotheses." This seems a bit at odds with the tone of much of his work. 7 £laski, W qtki historyczne, 11-12, 22-23. He adds a another example in his glos d o dyskusji printed in St. £r. 20 (1976): 85, that of Fredrick Hall, who claimed that in the year 1861 or 1862 he heard tradition from the Inuit of Baffin Bay about fire late 16th century explorer, Martin Frobisher, and was shown remains of a house built by members of his expedition. 8 K. Potkahski, "Krak6w przed Piastami," in Lechia, Polanie, Polska: W yb6r Pism, Gerard Labuda, ed. (Warsaw, 1965), 192. He regards the Czech Krok as an entirely independent figure, who merely by coincidence shares a name with his Polish equivalent. 124 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the rest of the "L ittle Poland Cycle" needed to be interpreted in term s of folklore and m ythology. In this em inent historian H enryk tow m iariski concurs, b u t allow s also th at the legend of K rak m ight contain a m em ory of the period in w hich the tribal council wielded the preponderance of political pow er, before the full developm ent of the state.9 hr the case of the "G reat Poland Cycle" from Popiel and Piast on, there is a larger circle of scholars who are w illing to allow the legends the possibility of som e value as a historical source. Especially favored for acceptance is the dynastic list of nam es after Piast and before M ieszko (Siemowit, Lestek, and Siemomysl). Besides 3laski and Lowmianski, T adeusz W ojdechowski, O sw ald Balzer, Jacek H ertel, Karol Buczek, and A lexander Gieysztor all regard as probable (though som e w ith m isgivings) that three princes bearing these nam es actually did rule the Polanian state before M ieszko.10 Their attem pts to show the "historicity" of the legend of Piast and Popiel itself, though, are considerably m ore divergent. 9 Henryk towmiaAski, Poczqtki Polski, vol. 5 (Warsaw, 1973), 321. 10 T. Wojdechowski, "O Pia^de i piaide," R ozpraw y A kadem ii Umiqjetno^d w Krakowie, W ydziaf H istorio-F ilozoficzny 23 (1895): 218ff.; O. Balzer, Geneaologia Piastdw (Krak6w, 1895), Vm-DC, 17; (cf. K. Jasinski, Rodow6d pierw szych Piastdw [Wroclaw, n.d.], 45-53); Jacek Hertel, Im iennictwo dyn astii piastow skiej w e wczegrdejszym Sredrdowieczu (Warsaw, 1980), 27-30, 38ff.; Karol Buczek, "Zagadnienie wiarogodno^d dwu relacji o pocz^tkowych dziejach paAstwa polskiego," in Prace z d ziejd w Polski feudalnej ofiarowane Rom anowi Grodeckiem u w 70 rocznicy urodzin (Warsaw, 1960), 46-56; A. Gieysztor, "Leszek," in SSS, vol. 3, (Wroclaw, 1967), 49. Tadeusz GrudziAski, in his "Ze studidw nad Kronika Galla. Rozbi6r krytyczny pierwszej ksi§gi," part 1, Z apiski Tow arzystw a M aukowego w Torvmie 17 no. 3 / 4 (1951): 70-72, part 3, Z apiski historyczne 23 no. 1-3 (1957): 58, on the other hand, makes a de facto case for agnosticism on this question. 125 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Those supporting "historicity" of the legend generally focus o n the elem ent of dynastic change. The archaeologist W itold H ensel sees behind this a struggle betw een tw o proto— Polish tribes k now n from an early n in th century account of East C entral Europe, the L^dzice an d Goplans (Glopeani). H e hypothesizes th a t the L^dzice m ay h av e been u n d e r Goplan rule, w hich they threw off, p u rsu in g the Goplan prince (appearing in the legend u n d e r the figure of Popiel) from Gniezno to his ow n seat. As the core of the G oplan territory seem s to have been Lake Goplo, on w hich K ruszw ica is built, this w ould seem to explain tie of Popiel7 s death to K ruszwica, w hich exists in som e later sources (i.e. The G reat Poland Chronicle and the Silesian Chronica Polonorum ).n H e also suggests that the m ysterious guests in the legend m ay reflect an em bassy from the C hristian Slavic state of G reat M oravia to the Goplans, w hich m ay have also helped elem ents hostile to their rule against them in an attem pt to secure the n o rth ern b o rd er of M oravia. H enryk Low m ianski sees in this legend a w ar betw een the leaders of two sm aller tribal groups or factions, one, ultim ately victorious, based in Gniezno, the other on O strow Lednicki, w here there are rem ains of a n eighth century fort (as w ell as a palace from around the year 1 0 0 0 ), and n ear w hich there is an old place nam e, M yszki [< Polish m y sz, "m ouse"], Witold Hensel, Polska p rzed tysiqc la t 3rd edition (Wroclaw, 1967),76, summarized in ^laski, W^tid historyczne, 77-79. There are settlements on the banks of Lake Goplo which reach back before the eighth century, but a tower near Kruszwica known colllquially as the "Mouse Tower" dates only from the fourteenth century. Ostr6w Rzepowski, the main island in the lake had an iron age settlement on it, but the site had been long been abandoned by the time of Slavic settlement. On nineteenth and twentieth century folk versions of the Popiel tale localized to this spot, see Wojciech tysiak, Ludowa wizfa przeszfo^d: h istoryzm folkloru w ielkopolski (Poznart: 1992), 14-15. 126 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. w hich encouraged the later accretion of th e "w andering m otif" of a ruler or personage eaten b y m ice . 12 £laski generally inclines to HenseTs theory, b u t he also regards it as possible th at the cruelty of Popiel II recorded in the Chronica P olonorum of M aster V incent m ight reflect an accurate historical tradition as to this ru ler's character, w hich w ould also serve to explain w hy his subjects w ere eager to drive him off th e th ro n e .13 A s concerns the figure of Piast him self, m o st early proponents of the historical value of the legend w ere concerned w ith the question of his n atu re and social status. Most, such as H enryk Low m ianski an d K arol Potkanski have rejected outright that P iast could have b een of peasan t origin, as the legend claim s.14 Lowmianski, in fact, hypothesized that the story of Piast's peasant origin could have been concocted in a circle of m agnates "offended by princely pride"! Tadeusz W ojciechowski also considered the peasant m otif to be a literary invention, but believes it to be built on a kernel of accurate tradition, in th at it rem em bers that the d y n asty w as not originally of princely blood. For W ojciechowski m aintained th at the appellation "Piast" w as originally derived from a position equivalent to the Carolingian m aior d o m u s (i.e. the appellation w as derived from the Pol. Piastun, one w ho cares for or has charge of children - 12 H. towmiariski, "Dynastia Piast6w we wczesznym £redniowieczu," in Poczqtki pan stw a polskiego, vol. 1 (Poznari, 1962), 114-115. 13 fSlaski, W qtki h istoryczne, 80-81. 14 Potkadski, "Jeszcze o Pia^de" in Lechid, Polanie, Polska, 454ff. 127 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. i. e. the prince's children ) .15 O f m ajor scholars, only J. W idajewicz takes seriously the possibility that Piast could have actually been a peasant. 16 All the above m entioned scholars, how ever, accept that a m an n am ed Piast existed, and w as the forbear of the Polonian dynasty. As "C hosdsko" seem s to have been an authentic nicknam e used in m edieval Poland, some also accept the histo rid ty of this figure as the father of Piast. Rzepka, otherwise unattested, has alm ost alw ays been seen as an character invented in the transm ission of the legend, or even by the author of the C ionice etg esta him self.17 * ■ * • * • The m ost system atic skeptics of the sources value of the legends have been Alexander Bruckner, K azim ierz Tymieniecki, an d (to slightly lesser extent, an d only in his m ature position) G erard Labuda. M ost "skeptical" scholarship has been linked w ith a project to explain the origin of the p lo t elements an d figures in the legends in term s of literary concoction or m ere "folk" tale. This is certainly so of Alexander Bruckner. He asserts th at M aster V incent created Krak o u t of w hole d o th on the basis of no preexisting tradition. H e m erely derived, in a m anner obvious for the Polish speaker of his day, the personal name "G raccus" from "Cracovia," an d ad d ed som e com m on plot m otifs like the dragon-slaying 15 T. Wojdechowski, "O PiaSde," esp. 178. 16 J. Widajewicz, Poczqtki Polski (Wroclaw, 1948), 122. 17 See Hertel, 19-27, where there is admirable summary of the earlier literature on the origin, nature, and "authentidly" of these names. 128 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and fratricide.18 Tym ieniecki ad d ed to this view point by p o inting o u t that both dragon-slaying a n d fratricide (e.g. Rom ulus and Remus) are m otifs comm only associated w ith founding of cities, and would have easily sp ru n g to the m ind of someone as w ell read as M aster Vincent. The cavern beneath the W aw el hill, he notes, m ay have also suggested the m onster.19 L abuda hypothesizes further along these lines, b u t w ith m ore detail yet: the very "R om anized" form of the nam e "Graccus" gives aw ay its literary origin, w hereas the place K arantas (i.e. 'C auracus') in C arinthia suggested Krakow to Vincent by w ay of general assonance, and hence his idea for the hero's ultim ate origin.20 V arious scholars have also set as th eir task the uncovering of literary sources th a t substantially contributed content to V incent's m onster legend. These include S. Frankel, Jacob Ham mer, M arian Plezia, an d others w ho have illustrated th a t the m eans by which the m onster is killed (by throw ing it skins of anim a ls filled w ith inflammable m aterials) is alm ost identical w ith a m ethod d ragon-slaying found only in certain M iddle Eastern Alexandrine rom ances and epics. There are also several other m inor sim ilarities betw een these rom ances an d V incent's legend, which has lead Plezia to the conclusion that the book of apocryphal letters of Alexander m entioned by V incent could have been com prised a no w lost 18 Alexander Bruckner, Dzieje kultury polskiej, vol. 1 (Krak6w, 1930), 148, which represents his final views on the subject. 19 Kazimierz Tymieniecki, "Polska Iegenda sredniowieczna" Przesztcdd 7 no. 4 (April, 1935): 53-54. 20 Gerard Labuda, Studia nad poczqtkami padstwa polskiego vol. 2 (Poznafi, 1988), 28-30. 129 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. representative of this com m on genre, translated in to Latin (as m uch such literature w as) from a N ear-E atem language, probably Arabic.21 Jacob H am m er goes further th an m ost in foreign literature as a source for V incent's p lot details, pointing o u t parallels in form betw een several of the legends in the Chronica P olonorum a n d Geoffrey of M onm outh's H istoria R eg u m B rittaniae, w hich the Pole could easily have encountered during his stay in Paris.22 The legend of W anda, according to Bruckner, is also m ostly a literary construction, alth o u g h probably based on tw o preexisting elem ents: one about a beautiful goddess or undine w ho enchanted m en a n d drove them to suicide, and 21 See S. Frankel, "Die Sage von der Grundung Krakaus," Mitteilungen der Schlesischen Gesellschsift fur Volkskunde, 9, no. 18 (1907): 1-4; Jacob Hammer, "Remarks on the Sources and Textual History of Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia Regum Britanniae, with an excursus on the Chronica Polonorum of Vincent Kadtubek (Magister Vincentius)," Bulletin o f the Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences in America 2 no. 2 (January, 1944): 541-542, 542 n. 115; Marian Plezia "Legenda o smoku wawelskim," Rocznik krakowski 42 (1971): 25ff.; Brygida Kiirbis, "Holophagus. O smoku wawelskim i innych smokach," in Ars Historica, Marian Biskup, et al. eds. (Poznah, 1976), 163ff. As the Franciscan chronicler Dzierzwa noticed, this means of killing the dragon also bears some resemblence to the Vulgate book of Daniel (XIV, 27), where the prophet throws a cake of pitch, fat, and hair to the Babylonian dragon, in order to kill i t The animal skin aspect, however, is missing from this story. Karol Potkariski put the monster slaying / foundation motif in the context of Polish folklore in his Krakdw przed Piastami, 200-204 (see also the addendum to this question in Slaski's Wqtki historyczne, 34-35). See Jacques LeGoff "Ecclesiastical Culture and Folklore in the Middle Ages: Saint Marcellus of Paris and the Dragon," in Time' , Work, and Culture in the M iddle Ages (Chicago, 1980), 159-188 for a comparative view of the meaning of the dragon slayer / founder in Medieval sources, especially hagiographical. There are also certain apparent resemblences between the Vincentian legend and the story of S t George in the Legenda Aura, about which more will be said later in this dissertation. 22 Hammer postulates a number of such parallels, the most compelling surrounding the legend of Popiel: between King Ebraucus' twenty sons and the twenty sons of Lestko III; between the King Elidurus, who tricks his knights into accepting his w ill by feigning illness, summoning them to him, and imposing upon them unawares, and Popiel's feigned illness and summons to his uncles; between the poisoner Queen Rowen and Popiel's wife, and several other less significant or less compelling coincidences (see Hammer, "Remarks," 542ff.). 130 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. another w hich w as the learned nam e "W andalus" for the river Vistula, since it easily could h ave em erged from the general identification of the Poles w ith the Vandals w ith o u t the literary im agination of Vincent. A lthough a peasant w om an nam ed W anda (or m ore probably W enda as p e r the etym ology in th e G reat Poland C hronicle) appears in the court records of Radom in Little P oland in 1456, use of the nam e for real persons is entirely unknow n otherw ise until the nineteenth century.23 H enryk L ow m ianski allow s for the preexistence of some form of the legend of W anda (for all V incent's undoubted authorial h a n d in shaping the story) in the form of a hypothetical eponym ous hero 'W islaw a" w hich w ould h av e been linked, he believes, w ith the the Polish nam e for Vistula (i.e. Wisla) and the old tribal nam e W islanie (Vistulans). This m ight therefore im ply a local tradition at reaching back to the period of Vistulan independence (i.e. at least the n in th century).24 L abuda pointedly questions this theory, and advances his o w n theory that the origin of the legend (or at least m any o f the m otifs therein) m ay be found in G erm anic epic poetry. Drawing attention to the story in the E lder Edda in which the goddess Freya refuses to m arry the giant Thrym ra, w ho is afterw ards killed, he points o u t th at Freya w as also know n as Vanadis. If V incent knew this story the nam e m ay have suggested to h im the "Vandals," w hom h e knew to be Poles, an d / o r possibly "W endin" (G erm an for "Slavic w om an") th u s planting the seeds of the story in his m ind. Furtherm ore, 23 Bruckner, Dzieje, 149-150. The "undine theory" was first advanced by Jan Kartowicz in his "Piekna Meiuzyna i kr61ewna Wanda," Ateneum 3 (1876): 155-167. 24 towmiailski, Poczqtid Polski, 322-324. 131 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. he points out, other plot elem ents found in the tale can be found in the Edda, such as the defeat of a suitor's arm y by a goddess.25 Labuda also asserts th at the strange incantation of the "A lem an Tyrant" w ishing W anda rule over sea, earth, and air originates "from the sam e [Germanic] m ilieu," an assertion given w eight only by the w ork of another scholar, Leszek Shipecki, w ho w as able to point o u t a num ber of approxim ate parallels in Icelandic literature.26 Indeed, Labuda even suggests the w ay by w hich Vincent could have acquired his knowledge of Germanic epic at the U niversity of Paris he could have either run across Swabian literature (hence the " A lem anness" of the tyrant), o r learned of them from the D anish chronicler, Saxo Gram m aticus, w ho m ay have studied at Paris at the sam e time Vincent did, an d in whose approach to w riting history som e scholars have thought to find parallels to Vincent7s.27 In L abuda's view the legends of the Lesteks and Pompilli that appear in the Chronicle of Vincent are even more artificial. The figure of Popiel found in 25 Labuda, Studia nadpoczqtkami, 30-42. Kazimierz Kumieniecki's theory of the classical origin of the motifs in the legend of Wanda have not been supported by later scholarship. See his 'Todanie o Wandzie w Swietle 2r6del starozytnych," reprinted in his Scripta Minora (Wroclaw, 1967). 26 Leszek Shipecki, "Vanda mari, Vanda terre, aeri Vanda imperet. Krakowska formula tr6jczlonowa i jej staroislandzskie odpowiedniki" unpublished paper given at the Conference "Mity i wierzenia pogariskich Slowian i Balt6w" at Baran6w Sandomierski, October 6th, 1995. 27 Labuda, Studia nad poczQtkami, 33-34, cf. Stella Maria Szacherska, "Mistrz Wincenty a Saxo Gramatyk" S t tr . 20 (1976): 46-55. 132 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the C ronice e tg e sta was d e a rly doubled b y Vincent, b u t w h y three Lesteks?28 V incent seem s to have obtain th e idea of m ultiplying this nam e from the older chronide from the trick of the false arm y w hich he found in a n d e n t literature. As the Slavic root Lst, from w hich the nam e Lestek seems to derive, d e arly m eans "cunning, tricky," he choose to reduplicate that nam e in o rd er to fit it to the episode. The trick w ith spikes m ay have suggested another Lestek (as Gieysztor an d others have hypothesized), b u t since the king w ho ultim ately bears the nam e w as n o t the originator o f th e m ischief, Labuda changes his line of argum entation. He notes that the three Lesteks seem to exem plify various virtues in rulers: the use of tricks to defend the patria in the case of Lestek I; hum ility, and the Christian n e ed to take the m ore difficult p a th in the case of Lestek II; and m artial bravery in the case of Lestek IE. As the three are all co-equal exemplars, he im plies, V incent elected to give all the sam e nam e. As the first w as logically Lestek, so the latter tw o h ad to carry this nam e as well.29 28 Labuda speculates the Vincent misunderstood the phrase multitudo interempte in the Chrorrice et Gesta to refer to some undefined persons, rather than mice. From the extraordinary nature of the punishment, he then inferred that the murdered must have been dose relatives, and hence the need for him to have undes. Since there were many mice, there had to have been many dead bodies for them to breed on. As to why Pompilius I could not just as well have been the 'evil Popiel' in this case, and have murdered his brothers himself, he does not explain. Furthermore, the placement of the phrase in question, more in the context of Popiel's death than in that of the origin of the mice, and Vincent's excellent fadlity in Latin makes it seem unlikely that Vincent would have so misunderstood it 29 Labuda, Studia nad poczqtkami, 52-62, cf. Karol Potkahski, Lachowie i Lechici, in Lechia, Polonie, Polska, 75-76, Alexander Gieysztor, "Leszek I, II, in," in SSS, vol. 3 (Wroclaw, 1967), 48-49. 133 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. O ther scholars, such as K azim ierz Tymieniecki, have focused o n the significance of Julius C aesar's appearance in this cycle of legends, a m otif of obviously learned origin. Julius C aesar is a figure com m on in m edieval literature, so it is the exact nature a n d subtext of this "Polish Caesar" th a t is of m ain interest.30 Tymieniecki (and several other com m entators) h a v e interpreted the p urpose of the legend as a k ind of polem ic against the G erm an C aesar legends. These legends take p rid e from the supposed conquest of all of G erm any by the Rom ans, and the tie of G erm any to Em pire this entails. The m otif w as given fu rth er m eaning by the th eo ry of translatio im perii., the n otion th at Im perial rule never died out, b u t w as passed d o w n from the time of Julius to the G erm an em perors of the high m iddle ages. T he degree of naturalization of the figure of Julius in Germ an historical im agination is reflected in the relatively large num ber of G erm an cities that claim him as a founder, a reflection of w hich is found even in the Lives of O tto, Bishop of Bam berg.31 Vincent, w anting to establish Polish independence from G erm an, im perial suzerainty (or at any rate from m eddling b y the Emperors), seem s therefore to have asserted the p erp etu al independence of the Poles from C aesar's em pire. Indeed, they not only d efeat him , b u t becom e 30 Tymieniecki, 56-57, cf. O. Balzer, Studyum, vol. 1, 286-288. 31 See, for example, Frank Borchart, German Antiquity in Renaissance M yth , 32, 50, 67, 83, 87, 215, 235, 242,255, 292, 295, and F. Graus, Lebendigen Vergangerheit, 214-224, for a concise discussion of the wider context including the Slavic cases. As concerns the Vitae of Otto, Bishop of Bamberg, see chapter 1, above. 134 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. his co-equal allies.32 A sim ilar interpretation m ay easily be given the defeat of A lexander the Great, a figure whose popularity in Poland seems to have been greater than th at of the Caesars.33 Scholars skeptically inclined tow ard the legends as a whole have som etim es taken the legend of Piast and Popiel m ore seriously than those m aking their first appearance only in M aster Vincent7 s chronicle. A lexander Bruckner concedes th a t a dynastic tradition in fact existed, and that the au th o r of the C ronice e tg e sta recorded it, so that this legend w as n o t purely literary invention. The m otif of divine rew ards for hospitality is well know n in various Slavic folklores, he notes. In Bruckner's view th e nam e "Piast" is a nicknam e to be understood literally in Polish as " the hub [of a w heel]," just as Rzepica / Rzepka (which seem s to be a dim inutive of "beet"), and C hosdsko (in Briickner's opinion from the Polish "chwost," or "tail") are also nicknames. It never w as 32 Cf. Tymieniecki, "Polska legenda," 56-57; Zygmunt Sutowski, "Nad pierwsza ksi^ga Kroniki Mistrza Wincentego," in Europa-Slowiadszczyzna-Polska. Studia ku uczczeniu profesora Kazimierza Tymienieddego, Czeslaw Luczak, ed. (Poznari, 1970), 378-379; Adam Vetulani, "Prawo kanoniczne i rzymskie w Kronice mistrza Wincentego," St. t.r. 20 (1976): 42ff.; Andrzej F. Grabski, "Zwi^zek polskiej tradyqi dziejowej z uniwersaln^. w historiografi polskiej do korica XIII w," Z eszyty naukowe Uniwersytetu todzkiego, seria I, Nauki humanastyczno-spoteczne, no. 21 (1961): 41-43. The last two, however, warn against exaggerating the anti-imperial aspect of Master Vincent7 s views, since he as a practical matter accepted some kinds of "interference" in Polish affairs by German emperors, and in any case, he wanted the Poles to have a special relationship to imperial power, as well as (at times in their pre-history) an imperium of their own (e.g. the subscription to the Poles' letter to Alexander, and the Pompilii's dominion over other rulers). 33 On the reception of Alexander legends in Poland see R. M. Zawadzki "Legenda o Alexandrze Wielkim w r§kopisach polskich XDI-XV w.," Biuletyn Biblioteki Jagiellonskiej 21 no. 1-2 (1971):67-85; Ewa Kosowska, "Historia o zywocie i znamienitych sprawach Alexandra Wielkiego. Z problematyki przeksztalceh legendy biograficznej," Staropolskie teksty i konteksty: Studia 2 (1994): 44-68; Krystyna Secomska, Legenda Alexandra Wielkiego w "Panteonie"sandomierskim: minatury w kodeksie z 1335 roku (Wroclaw, 1977). 135 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. "Piastun" as T adeusz W ojdechowski w ished it to be, but, as w ith the other nam es in the legend, it w as invented by the co u rt tradition (or perhaps even the inform ant to a u th o r of the first Polish chronicle) to sound appropriately peasant-like. The ultim ate origin of the m otif of th e forbear of a dynasty's peasant origin w as, according to Bruckner, to be fo u n d in certain archaic Slavic rituals of pow er surrounding the ascension of a n e w ruler to the the throne. These included th e use of coarse "peasant" clothing or objects (cf. the legend of Lestek II or the C zech Premysl), or in som e cases, required the prince him self be invested b y a p easan t (both of these w ere true in the case w ith Slavic prince of Carinthia).34 In all this Kazimierz Tymieniecki agrees, b u t he sees the legend of Piast as derived from folk tradition, rather than from court tradition on the grounds it derives the ruling family from the com m on people. A nother scholar of the early tw entieth century, Justyn Gajsler, saw only the elem ent of first h air cutting as being p a rt of preexisting tradition. The m otif of the inhospitable ruler driven out of his dom ain, together w ith the elevation of a hospitable p o o r m an to the throne, Gajsler noted, is also found in a certain legend of St. G erm anus [Germain], in w hich the saint even brings back to life the calf slaughtered by the poor m an to feed him , just as Piast's m ysterious guests m ultiply the m eat of his pig. As the m otif o f m ultiplication of m eat (or a t a n y rate resuscitation of anim als used for m eat) in relation to an act of hospitality is w ell know n in G erm anic sources, such as th e Edda, and not w ell know n am ong the Slavs, it m ust have 34 Bruckner, Dzfe/e, 144-146. 136 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. been b ro u g h t to Poland by the a u th o r o f the au th o r of the C ronice e tg e s ta and im posed on the preexisting, Polish tradition, according to Gajsler's reasoning.35 The legend of Popiel and m ice has been taken by m ost scholars (until rath er recently) to be a m otif im p o rted into Poland from the R hineland, w here it occurs in several legends, m ost fam ously the legend surrounding the tenth- century bishop of M ainz, H atto, w h o w as eaten b y mice in the m id st of a tow er (or ship) on the Rhine, in p unishm ent for his avarice in times of fam ine. Some have even supposed that they have discovered the circum stances in w hich the legend w as brought to Poland, as the Polish ru ler M ieszko II (1025-1034) h a d a R hennish wife, Rycheza.36 L. Schulte and Alexander B ruckner developed an argum ent against regarding die list of the three p re-C h ristian rulers descended from P iast as real people. They theorize that the analogous Czech list th at appears in the chronicle of C osm os of Prague is derived fro m toponym s, an d therefore constitutes a m ere later invention. There is litde reason, they conclude, to suppose the Polish dynastic list is m uch more reliable. Indeed, none of the nam es found o n this list is used for a m em ber of the Polish d y n asty before the tim e of Boleslaus the W ry-M outhed (who had a son n a m e d Lestek), already roughly contem porary to the tim e of com position of the C ronice e tg e sta , an d hence, possibly, already 35 Tymieniecki, "Polska legenda," 51-53; Justyn Gajsler, "Stosunek podania gallusowego o PiaScie do legendy o s. Germanie," Przeglqd historyczny 6 (1908): 143-154. 36 See, for example, towmiartski, Dynastia Piastdw, 114. The earliest Polish annalistic materials do seem to show a Rhennish provenience. 137 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. reflecting its influence.37 Jerzy D ow iat comes to a sim ilar conclusion for som ew hat different reasons, reasoning that since all these nam es (except Siemomysl) seem to be u n k n o w n in early Slavdom, an d w hereas the suffix - w it is often found in W est Slavic tribal deity names, so then these figures are probably pre-C hristian gods euherim ized by the author of the C ronice etg esta . This is w hy he desired to pass quickly over these figures, w hom h e supposed to have been m en, but "polluted b y the error of idolatry."38 In general, however, m ost scholars have been favorable to the 'historicity' of these figures, and this includes m any who, like Jacek H ertel have argued m ainly from a linguistic and ethnographic analysis of these nam es.39 * * * A lexander Bruckner sum m ed u p the m ethodological approach of the skeptical cam p in its p u rest a n d m ost striking form w hen com m enting on the legend of Piast: "It is perm issible to reject the entire legend as an invention, it is 37 L. Schulte, "Beitrage ziir altesten Geschichte Polens," Zeitschrirt des Vereins fiirGeschichte Schlesiens 52 (1918): 46; Bruckner, Dzi'e/e, 145. 38 Jerzy Dowiat, Polska-padstwem gredniowiecznej Europy (Warsaw, 1968),85-88. As Alexander Bruckner noted long before however, a divine implication in this name would explain better why, according to the author of the Cronice etgesta the name was thought to be a (positive) presage of the boy's future. See his "O Piaicie" Rozprawy Akadem ii UmiqjetncZd w Krakowie, W ydziai Historyczno-Filozofyczny 35 (1898), 317-321. 39 Most recently and definitively by Jacek Hertel, who shows that both the roots of the name Siemowit are well known among West Slavic personal names, and likewise compounds off the root 'Lst- 'from which, presumably, "Lestek," are also known. Given that the Slavs were relatively creative in forming personal names by the recombination of common elements, it is plausible the actual people could have carried the names. He also maintains the historical authenticity of Cosmas' list See Hertel, Imienniectwo, 38ff, and nn. for older literature. 138 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. n o t allow ed to choose details from it, like raisins from a pastry (jak ro d zin k i z kolacza), an d enrich them w ith one's ow n inventions."40 Lurking at the back of m any of the debates about "historical" elem ents in the literature, how ever, are certain m ethodological assum ptions by scholars on all sides that have rarely been explicitly form ulated, m uch less w ith the pithiness of Bruckner's comm ent. O ne com m on presupposition that seem s to dog m any of the optim ists (such as Kazimierz 3laski, Karol Buczek and H enryk Lowmiariski) is that oral traditions about the distant p ast in historical fo rm are roughly equivalent to, or at least have a clearly distinct core of, historical data. Sometimes skeptics too seem to presuppose this, in th at m any (such as Alexander Bruckner or, to a lesser extent, G erard Labuda) find it necessary to argue that oral tradition w as indistinct and poor in content, w here they feel the need to concede its existence at all. They prefer to m aintain th at the construction of the legends as w e know them w as m ainly a litera ry activity rather than concede to optim ists the p lum of the existence of a rich set of historical traditions about the origin of dynasty and state in early Poland.41 Both sides have therefore som etim es ignored the "constructive" aspect of all m em ory, w hether socially em bodied in oral perform ance, or w ritten texts, or both. In oral and sem i-oral historical traditions especially, different events and 40 Bruckner, Dzieje, 148. 41 For an analogous criticism of those who see Germanic geneologies as mere clerical inventions see Hermann Moisl, "Anglo-Saxon Royal Geneologies and Germanic Oral Tradition" Journal of M edieval H istory 7 (1981): 215ff. 139 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. persons are frequently enough identified w ith one another, 'condensed' into one, or extended by the addition of n e w elem ents.42 The logic behind such transform ations is often m ultifarious in the extreme, and n o t alw ays easy to reconstruct, even w hen the full social, cultural, and political context of the transform ations are known, w hich is certainly not case in early Poland. Typically, how ever, people rem em ber w h a t they w an t to rem em ber, and traditions are transform ed in this light. As a corollary to this we m ay state that things tend to be rem em bered as they 'o u g h t to h ave been,' w hether the reason is som e conscious tendentiousness, or rath er ju st because certain elem ents of the tradition seem m ore relevant, com prehensible, and enjoyable than are others to the tastes of its audience in tim es an d places other than those of its origin. It is useless to assume, therefore, th a t w ith o u t collateral sources to the form ation of Poland one can determ ine w ith any satisfactory accuracy w hich elem ents of these traditions m ight contain historical verisim ilitudes and w hich do not; it is nearly impossible, precisely because the possibilities are so m any and varied 43 42 Literature on constructive memory in both psychological and cultural aspects has mushroomed as of late. With regard to medieval European culture specifically see James Fentress and Chris Wickham, Social Memory: N ew Perspectives on the Past (Oxford, 1992), esp. 144— 172; Patrick Geary, Phantoms o f Remembrance: Memory and Oblivion a t the End o f the First Millennium (Princeton, 1994); Amy Remensnyder, Remembering Kings P a st Monastic Foundation Legends in Medieval Southern France (Ithaca, 1995), to cite a few of the most recent examples. 43 What, for example, would we make of Charlemagne's Spanish campaigns if the Song of Roland were our only direct source for them? Would we be able to tell that his famous rearguard was ambushed by Basques rather than Moors? Likewise, what would w e make of the figure of Attila and his interaction with Germanic peoples if our only source was the Nibelungenlied? Examples could easily be multiplied. 140 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. One m ay n o t conclude from this, how ever, that too m any of these legends (or m otifs an d figures therein) m u st necessarily b e regarded as p ure inventions. True, it is n o t so easy even to identify w ith certainty which elem ents of the legends as recorded for u s m ig h t have their origin in som e kind of oral tradition, tale or epic, b u t this proposition cuts both w ays. Even some elem ents th at seem very literary in origin (as O sw ald Balzer pointed o u t concerning the A lexandrine and Caesar legends found in M aster Vincent) m ay in fact be learned tradition first form ulated an d transm itted orally. A lthough such legends m ay seem unlikely to contain "historical" elem ents, fundam entally the process by w hich learned elem ents m ay be accreted to a preexisting tradition (assum ing such a tradition existed) is m ore different in degree than k in d from the ordinary distortions to w hich such traditions are usually subjected in their transmission across long spans of tim e (e.g, native legendary figures m ay be identified w ith or assim ilated to antique heros).44 Likewise, m any elem ents th at seem as though they could have been derived from "oral literature" m ay be the invention of literary authors, especially given th at m edieval secular w riting w as often little differentiated in term s of to p o i (and som etim es even form ) from the shadow of "oral" culture 45 W ritten com position m ight well encourage authors to m ore 44 E.g. Henryk towm iahski's theory that behind the figure of Alexander lies some old tradition about a campaign of £wi§topeik the Moravian against what were to become Polish lands. Although this hypothesis is, doubtless, quite speculative, as is so often the case in these matters, the point here is that it is within the realm of possibility (see his Poczqtki, vol. 5, 325-326). 45 On this question see Bruce A. Rosenberg, Literature and Folklore: Rival Siblings (Knoxville, 1991), 55-88. 141 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. system atization an d com plexity (am ong other things), b u t sometimes, a t least, the process of reinterpretation of an oral tradition b y another reteller, o r by an au th o r m aking use of the w orld of p en and ink, is n o t so very different. Therefore it is entirely possible th at m any rem iniscences of real events of the pre-C hristian p a st have left their im print in a variety of w ays on the legends w e are concerned w ith; if so w e shall probably never know w hat they are w ith any certainty.46 II. A n Excursus on Lech and the Lechites As w e have seen in the first chapter, the figure of Lech appears for certain only in the u n doubtedly fourteenth-century p art of th e G reat P oland C hronicle, although the appellation "Lechites" for the Poles appears as early the C hronica P olonorum of M aster Vincent, and L ya kh is docum ented very early as a term for "Pole" or "W est Slav" am ong Rus peoples 47 Furtherm ore, a m ysterious w ord (but seemingly n o t p ro p e r nam e) lech appears in conjunction w ith the 46 I do not wish to deny that some hypotheses as to the "historical substratum" of these legends are more probable or plausible than others, or that careful study of the cultural milieu, and the sources and methods of various authors can help us establish the probability of such hypotheses for elements that appear (especially for the first time in any source) in their respective works. Nor do I wish to deny that some legends might be reduceable to such a degree to standard narrative structures and meanings (perhaps even down to the names of the characters) that speaking of any historical data in them is a moot point I merely wish to stress that given the lack of reasonable certainty in these matter, scholars might be better served by less positivity in their assessments of these questions, even in debunking. Cf. on these matters generally Jacek Banaszkiewicz, "Podanie o Lestku I Zlotniku" St. £r. 30 (1987): 40-41. 47 Similar forms are attested slightly later among the Magyars, Balkan, and Central Asian peoples. 142 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. eponym ous forbear of the Bohemians, "Czech," (w ith w hom the legend of Lech is usually later associated) in the Czech rhym ed chronicle of Damilil from the tu rn of the thirteenth an d fourteenth centuries. The classic solution to this riddle was set forth b y A ntoni M aledri and K arol Potkanski about a century ago. Both agree th a t "Lydian" (w ith a nasal 'e') w as used as term for "Poles" am ong the East Slavs v ery early o n (and also am ong peoples living to the south of Poland as in the H ungarian "Lengyel," pronounced "Lendiel"). This term probably h ad its basis in an ethnonym originally used by p a rt o r all of the proto-Poles as a term for them selves (as less pop ular alternate form), b u t w as later forgotten in its place of origin. Since the velar continuant w ritten 'c h ' in Polish ('kh' ['x'] in transliterated U krainian and Russian) is know n to be u sed Slavic languages as a k in d of droll or pejorative dim inutive suffix, and since de-nasalization of nasal vow els took place in East Slavic languages generally, this term was transform ed into the w ord "Lyakh" found in the Tale o f B y-g o n e Years ( in the adjectival form , in fact, the term rem ained "lyadiski" in East Slavic). Knowing this term , an d acting on an addition stim ulus, M aster Vincent u sed it as the basis for his appellation "Lechites."48 Malecki proposed (and Potkanski accepted) that this additional stim ulus m ay have been found in th at "book containing alm ost 200 letters of A lexander" that 48 Cf. Malecki, Lechid, 10-38; Potkanski, "Lachowie i Lechid," in Lechid, Polanie, Polska, 30-148. The etymology of this name seems to be from Old Slavonic ledina, or uncultivated land, which is rather close in meaning, interestingly enough, to the Polish polana, or meadow in a forest, from which the tribal name Polan (<"Pole," "Poland,"). See Malecki "Lechid," 36-38, Potkariski, "Lachowie," 80-81. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. V incent cites in conjunction w ith the story of th e defeat of A lexander the Great, w here, as w e recall, the term "Lechites" appears fo r the first tim e in his chronicle. Such apocryphal collections (as w e already know ) w ere popular in m edieval W estern Europe, although m ost w ere of ultim ately of eastern origin. Perhaps in one of them , A lexander w as m ade to fight the inhabitants of the city of Lake Lychnitis in Illyiicum (indeed, his father Philip of M acedon d id in fact campaign against them , a deed w hich could have been displaced unto his son). The likeness betw een this toponym an d the Rus term for "Pole" m ight h ave struck Vincent, planting in his m ind the idea for this episode in h is chronicle.49 Both also accept th at "Lech" as a progenitor of the Poles w as later invention, perhaps a t the h a n d of Pribik of R adenin, which w as then incorporated into the relevant section of the G reat P oland C hronicle w ith requisite changes. Potkanski and Malecki differ a b it on the Silesian Chronica P olo n o ru m , which directly identified the nam e of the Lechites (w hom it m ade "Lechi"— in assonance to the eponym ous hero Lech?) w ith th a t of Lestek, i.e. "tricky," and then applied this characterization to all Poles.50 M alecki thinks this passage a later interpolation th at took place after the legend of Lech h ad been coined in the later fourteenth century, w hereas Potkanski thinks the original 49 Cf. Malecki, 39-48; Potkanski, "Lechica," in Lechid, Polanie, Polska, 156-159. Cf. George Cary, The Medieval Alexander, (1954, reprint New York, 1987). 50 In this though, the Silesian version is unlike the story of Lech as it appears in the Great Poland Chronide. 144 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. author could have come u p w ith this set of identifications himself, even w ithout the influence of the legend of Lech.51 Jan Malicki, using a logic sim ilar to th at Potkanski applied to the Silesian C hronica P olonorum , has m ore recently argued that the au th o r (or interpolator) of the G reat Poland C hronicle, fam iliar w ith the then com m on m ethod of eponym ous etym ology, (he seem s to h ave form ed at least one other eponym ous hero from no m ore th an a nam e, that is 'T a n " from "Pannonia,"), could just as well have created Lech from the Lechite quite independently an d w ithout any outside influence. Czech chroniclers could have done the sam e as well, so w idespread w as this m ethod in the period, if they w ould have been fam iliar w ith either the chronicle of M aster Vincent himself, or if they had come to know the term Lechite indirectly (i.e. from their contacts w ith the Polish clergy, since Malicki accepts th at the term w as purely learned in nature). Malicki suggests, however, that the unclear reference to "lech" in the chronicle of Dalimil m ay after all be a passing reference to a version of the legend of Czech in w hich a Lech also appeared (in this case a learned, b u t oral version).52 Brygida Kiirbis, opts for a similar solution to the "Lech problem ," as she sees the "Lech episode" in the G reat Poland C hronicle as a preexisting tale, possibly even a w ritten story, 51 Cf. Malecki, Lechid, 58-59; Potkanski, "Lechica," 159. 52 Jan Malicki, Mity narodowe Lechiade, (Wroclaw, 1982), 35ff. 145 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. th at w as merely inserted into this chronicle, and thus presum ably predating m id to late fourteenth century, w hen that chronicle achieved its final form.53 There have been som e critics of this "standard view ." M. Rudnicki has defended, for exam ple, the idea that the term 'Lydian' for 'P ole' could have been in use am ong the Poles them selves u p to the tim e of M aster Vincent, w hereas K. £laski (following after another scholar, Stanislaw Zakrzew ski) sees in the legend of Lech a historical tradition about the founding of G niezno on the p a rt of the L^dzice tribe. 'Lech' m ight have been their eponym ous hero, an d as the L^dzice w ere evidently based in G reat Poland, it is likely they are identical w ith the later Polans. The "Ledziani" (a nam e know n directly only from a tenth century Byzantine source) w ould have been an Eastern branch of the sam e tribe, w ho w ere in close contact w ith the East Slavs, and hence the origin of the Rus term "Lyakh."54 H enryk Low m ianski, although he accepts th at the legend of Lech is a late developm ent, takes a different view of the origin of the term "Lechite." Taking as a given that Lech is (or could be) a dim inutive of Lestek, he m aintains th at this m erely m eans the "people of Lestek" on analogy to the term "A lexandrite" or, people of A lexander, found in the sam e section (I, 9) of the 53 Cf. Kiirbis, Studia, 135-137; idem, Dziejopisarstwo, 199-200. 54 M. Rudnicki, "Lech i Piast," Slavia antiqua 5 (1956): 76-83; 3laski, Wqtki, 53-60, cf. also Tadeusz Lehr-Sptawinski, "Ledzice-Ledzianie-Lachowie," in Opuscula Casimiro Tymieniecki septuagenario dedicata (Poznari, 1959), 195-209. The relationship between the terms Ledzice and Lediani, the peoples they represented, and the exact location of each is an issue on which there arediffering views in the literature. Broadly speaking there are two camps: that represented by Zakrzewski and fslaski which see the two as two branches of the same tribe, and those, such Tadeusz Lehr-Sptawihski, who regard the similarity in names as co-incidental. 146 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. C hronica P o lonorum w ere it first appears. Low m ianski believes th e term "L echite" or m ore p ro p erly ,"L estko w ice/ ' w as in use in early Poland as a synonym for "Poles," and although it m ight have been influenced b y the old tribal nam e "L^dzice" its m ain line of derivation w as distinct, since it stemm ed originally, in his view, from the personal nam e of Lestek (that is, the Lestek descended from Piast). Vincent, therefore, m erely transposed it o n to the earlier Lestek he invented.55 G erard L abuda, how ever, has energetically defended the "standard view " against Low m ianski's theories, noting, am ong o th er things, that the goldsm ith, both in term s of narrative and textual logic, is given the nam e Lestek only a fte r the defeat of A lexander, hence it w ould be strange to call his m en "Lechites" already at that early stage w h en the battle had y e t to be won. Furtherm ore, h e notes, deriving "Lech" as a dim inutive from "Lestek" is im probable on purely linguistic grounds.56 55 Lowmiariski, Poczqtki, vol. 5,327-328, 481-490. Complicating this whole issue is the fact that the earliest mention of the Polish state in Western sources (appearing in the work of the the Saxon chronicler Widukind) tells us about the defeat of a brother of Mieszko I in 963, in which this prince is descibed as leader of the "Lidcaviki" or "Licicaniki." Malecki (Lechid, 10-12) saw in this "L§czycani" from the town of t^czyca in Great Poland, speculating that this brother may have been patrimonial prince of the territory of tgczyca, others, most recently, Gerard Labuda (Poczqtid, 62-80), have seen in it a Pomeranian tribe. Henryk towmiahski has seen in this term his "Lestkowice." 56 Labuda, PoczQtki, 42-52. See Maria Malec, hniona chrze£djariskie w gredrdowiecznej Polsce, (Krak6w, 1994), 269 for documented examples of persons named "Lech" in medieval Poland, interpreted by this author as a shortened form of the Christian name "Lenart" (i.e. Leonard). 147 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. III. Sacral Substrata an d Com parative P erspectives In 1973, Czeslaw D eptula published his article "Sredniowieczne m ity genezy Polski," w hich view ed the Polish legends of origin in the light of a typology of similar legends in use in m edieval cultures generally.57 He discerned dynastic, imperial, and ethno-territorial strands in the Polish legends of origin, corresponding roughly to the legends as p resen ted by the au th o r of the C ronice e tg e sta , M aster Vincent, an d the late thirteenth- o r fourteenth-century historiography (i.e. the C hronicle o f D zierzw a an d the G reat P oland C h ro n icle), respectively. Furtherm ore, following in the footsteps of the Polish philosopher K rzystof Pom ian, he stressed the im portance of the beginnings of things in m edieval assessm ents of their value. Accordingly, he perceived in the legends of origin of the Polish state "certain m ythical m eanings, even w hen their contents operated on m inds only as sym bol or literary m etap h o r."58 Statem ents concerning the origins of the dynasty, state, or ethnic group, in other w ords, w ere to be interepretated as claim s as to their tru e n atu re and status.59 Polish scholars h a d alw ays realized som e of this (for example, the dynastic n atu re of the legends in th e C ronice e tg e sta ) a n d there h ad alw ays been som e (such as Jan Karfowicz o r K arol Potkanski), w ho p aid closer attention than m ost 57 Czeslaw Deptuta, "fsredniowieczne mity genezy Polski," Znak 25 no. 11-12 (Nov. / Dec. 1973): 1365-1403. 58 Ibid.,1366, cf. Krzystof Pomian, Przeszfo^d jako p rzedm iot wiary. Historia i filozoSa w m ySli Gredniowiecznej (Warsaw, 1968), esp. 11-28,113ff. 59 Deptula, "£redniowieczne mity," 1365-1393. 148 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. scholars of their day to th e potential of com parative a n d cultural study of the legends. Yet from the publication of D eptula's article on, specifying their cultural context an d m eaning has becom e more an d m ore the prim ary focus of w ork b y Polish scholars, especially the younger ones. For exam ple in a 1978 article, Bronislaw G erem ek (actually a specialist in w estern E uropean m edieval history), attem pting to apply the approach of Jacques LeGoff a n d other axmaliste historians to Polish sources, drew attention to several elem ents of the Polish legends of origin w hich reflect general m edieval presuppositions to time. H e pointed o u t that M aster V incent's approach to history, pairing u p ancient and Biblical exam ples w ith Polish ones, needs to be taken in the context of the idea of prefiguration and fulfillm e n t com m on in the theological interpretation of time, w hich encouraged the association of tem porally disjointed events that reflected each other in some w ay, a n d w hich were thus seen as sharing in the same essence. likew ise, this "episodic" approach to tim e h as m any analogies in folklore and epic, an approach w hich m ade for a w eak ability to sense anachronism , and enabled such m easures as the direct incorporation of A lexander the G reat and the heroes of Classical antiquity into the Polish legends. G erem ek also pointed o u t that for m uch of the M iddle Ages time had a hum an m easure, in a twofold sense. Firstly, in any attem pt to treat events in the past referred to the m em ory o f elders, to oral tradition (as M aster Vincent's interlocutors, M atthew a n d John, who are them selves m ade to refer to their o w n elders). Secondly, genealogy, the procession of h u m an generations, was the 149 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. m eans used to link peoples to universal history, and even in attem pts to perceive tim e in m ore linear w ay, (the m ain Polish exam ple here being the Biblical genealogy for the forebears of the Poles fo u n d in the C hronicle o fD zie rzw a ). This hum an m easure of tim e encouraged seeing the past alm ost entirely in term s of the needs of the present, an d so fu rth er encouraged the tendency to anachronism , as reflected in the Polish legends of origin.60 G erem ek's very general vision aside, m ost of the n ew studies dealing in com parative and cultural interpretation hav e attem pted to interpret the legends in term s of pre-C hristian or Indo-E uropean beliefs and assum ptions. To be sure, such projects w ere also n o t unknow n in the earlier literature (e.g. Stanislaw Schneider's naive attem p t to read a 'w ater serpent7 cult onto the story of Piast, Rzepka and Siemowit),61 b u t the first truly system atic and serious a ttem p t did n o t appear until the w o rk of Jacek Banaszkiew icz on the legends in the 1980s. Banaszkieiwcz's first book on the C hronicle o fD zie rzw a , although in m any w ays a conventional piece of source scholarship, already show ed his deep interest in ethnogenetic legend an d com parative research, for example, suggesting som e of the w ider reasons w hy D zierzw a m ight h av e found it appealing to link the Poles into the specific Biblical genealogy that he d id . It contained great R om an kings (e.g., N um a Pam phylius) an d Trojan heros (e.g., Aeneas and Anchises), m uch 60 Bronislaw Geremek, "Wyobrainia czasowa polskiego dziejopisarstwa Sredniowiecznego," St. 2fr. 22 (1977): 1-16. On the issue of Dzierzwa's biblical genealogy and universal history see also Jacek Banaszkiewicz, Kronika D zierzwy, 32-62. 61 In his "W sprawie Piasta, Rzepichy i Ziemowit," Kwartalnik historyczny 21 (1907): 591-603. 150 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. favored as legendary ancestors in m any parts of w estern E urope.62 T hereafter he turned his scholarly attention alm ost exclusively to explicating the structures of m eaning a t play in m edieval legend, his view reaching m aturity in P odanie o P iasde i Popielu, published in 1986.63 D raw ing on th e theories of the French com parative m ythologist G eorges Dum ezil, Banaszkiewicz p ointed o u t that the king is a g u aran to r of prosperity an d fertility for the com m unity he rules over in Ind o -E u ro p ean religious belief. H e also noted that a dynastic legend is, by its very nature, a "calling-card" which seeks to legitim ate p resen t rule based on the m yth of re tu rn to origins.64 From these two prem ises, h e goes on to in terp ret the legend of P iast and Popiel, particularly as it appears in the C ronice e tg e sta . In this early version of the legend, he notes, th ere is a tight sym m etry betw een the tw o m ain figures. The first is as poor as the is second rich. They both hold a feast for the first hair-cutting of their sons on the sam e day, the sam e guests visit both, b u t while the first is hospitable, the second is not. It w ould seem, furtherm ore, th at there is a k ind of "mystical link" betw een them , since the drink vanishes from Popiel's table at the sam e tim e as it m iraculously appears on Piast7s. This transference of 62 See note 60 of this chapter, above. 63 J. Banaszkiewicz, Podanie o Piasde i Popielu. Studium pordwnawcze nad wczesnodredniowiecznymi tradyqam i dynastycznymi, (Warsaw, 1986). 64 Ibid., 11-38. 151 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. nourishm ent from one to another, according to Banaszkiewicz, indicates that there has been a com petition betw een the two, w hich Piast has w on.65 D raw ing attention to the description of Piast as a "ploughm an of the the duke" (arator d u d s), Banaszkiewicz seeks to dem onstrate th at this status is anything b u t accidental. Indeed, he enum erates m any exam ples of stories about plow m an, farm er, shepherd, or food dealer w ho proves a future ruler or founder of dynasty, both from ancient and m edieval sources. Besides the case of the Czech Prem ysl, these include, Abdalonimus, a gardener called to be king of Sidon by A lexander the G reat; G ordius, the peasant destined to be king of Phrygia; Shapur, the once and future Arab king; Sargon of Akkad, w ho began his career as a gardener; Feridun, the mythical Iranian ruler brought u p by a gardener; John A gnus, called to be bishop of M aastricht while plowing; Wamba, progenitor of the Spanish Visigothic kings; Ina, future king of Wessex; and a certain Dagobert, a p eddler called to be em peror w ith a bag full of eggs and cheeses in his h and, according to the H igh Germ an chronicle of Jansen Enikel.66 The use of item s w ith associations to agriculture in the elevation cerem ony of the 65 Ibid., 39-43. 66 Ibid., 47ff., and also idem, "Konigliche Karrieren von Hirten, Gartnem und Pflugem," Saeculum vol. 3, no. 3-4 (1982): 265-286. As Banaszkiewicz points out, the legend of the dictator Cindnnatus is of the same general type, though his legend (as, for all that Przemysl's) uses the common topos to make reference to the harsh, as well as generative, aspects of monarchical power, for in one version of it, the plowman-general is said to "yoke" the defeated enemy. Such versions of this type of legend are, in Banaszkiewicz's view, a secondary development of the original sense, although the case of Cindnnatus shows that recognition of such possibilities is quite venerable enough (p. 35) Since Cindnnatus, though, refuses to hold long-term power, one may, I think, interpret it as an unusual develoment of the topos in a broader way : the legend is a kind of republican "anti-type" of the original myth. 152 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. C arinthian Prince, an d preservation of w o rk clothes by legendary Slavic kings, like Prem ysl or Leszek II needs to be interpreted as belonging to sim ilar cultural pattern. This topos, Banaszkiewicz adm its, seem s to be of near eastern origin, b u t in the context of Indo-E uropean m ythology it is to be conceptualized as a m ystical link of kingship w ith agricultural production, w hat Dum ezil calls the "third function." Or, to p u t m ore precisely, the king is thought to have m agical pow ers of assuring agricultural fertility for his subjects, hence the im portance, and deeply symbolic nature, of his tie to the land, emblem atized by his o r his ancestor's role as agricultural producer.67 In m any of these exam ples there is a pow erful female figure, Banaszkiewicz notes, usually a spouse of the hero, who plays a role in the legend. In the legend of Skjold, founder of the first Danish dynasty, his w ife Gejfon is herself the m ythical plower, w ho establishes the boundaries of Zealand, and in some of the A ncient N ear Eastern exam ples, the consort is explicitly divine, clearly indicating h iero s gam os. Accordingly, it is not surprising that Rzepka, the wife of Piast is rem em bered in the legend, even if in the version it com es dow n to us, her role is minimal. H e concludes that the legend of Piast and Rzepka m ost certainly preexisted the first source in which in appears, and probably already possessed m any of the m otifs present in the form the anonym ous Frenchm en recorded it, although it is possible Piast the ploughm an w as a m ore clearly a divine cultivator in the original version, and that the author 67 Banaszkiewicz, Podanie, 58. 153 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of the first Polish chronicle ("or som eone before him ") m ade sense of the sto ry by m aking him a peasant.68 Banaszkiewicz accordingly argues that J. F. G ajsler's attem pt to find a literary source for the legend of Piast in the Welsh legend of St. Germ an is w id e of the m ark. A lthough the saint m ultiplies food by resuscitating an anim al eaten for m eat in the house of a hospitable sw ine-herd, w hom he aw ards w ith the throne at the expense of an inhospitable m onarch, these m otifs (often in som e degree of m utual association) are them selves so w idespread, that the facts can best be explained if w e accept that b o th legends m erely d ra w off a com m on cultural archetype, as is true w ith the case of the ploughm an / ruler. A m ong th e examples is another Celtic one: a legend of St. Patrick, in w hich the saint elevates a poor m an, Cilline, to rulership over a n inhospitable king. The general m otif of divinities or divine em issaries being entertained by poor or disadvantaged persons and receiving blessings as a resu lt is even m ore w idespread. It is fo u n d in Classical sources (e.g., the legend of Baucis and Philem on found in Ovid), in Germanic m ythology (e.g., in the G rim nism al O din visits a king in disguise, w h o rejects him, while his son receives him , so that the latter is given his father's throne), in the Bible (e.g., LoTs generous reception of th e Angels as opposed to the attem pt to abuse them on the p a rt o f the Sodomites), in hagiography (such as in the legend of the Irish Saint C ronan), and in various folklores of the w orld.69 68 Ibid., 51-52, 62ff. 69 Ibid., 125-139. 154 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Using these cases to explicate the legend of Piast an d Siem owit as it appears in the C ronice e tg e sta particularly, Banaszkiewicz notes that the guests com e to Piast "by the m ysterious plan of G od" (ex occulto D ei consilio), and that they perform the first hair-cutting cerem ony qn Piast7s son. This last fact w ould im ply, given that the first hair-cutting w as an initiation cerem ony that established a link betw een the initiated a n d the initiator, th at Siemowit enjoyed divine patronage and, indeed, election to rulership. Banaszkiewicz leaves open the question w hether the Christianization of this legend w as already done in the dynastic tradition on w hich the author of the Cronice e tg e s ta based his account, or w hether the a uthor him self had a h a n d in it, noting th at this "is more im portant from the p o in t of view of history th an from interpreting its m eaning." H e does, though, hypothesize that this p lo t form (i.e., its C hristianized version) originated in the context of the eighth century replacem ent am ong the Franks of the M erovingian dynasty, w hich based its charism a m ainly o n blood, w ith the Carolingians, w ho stressed the idea of divine election in establishing legitimacy of rule.70 If the legend of P iast is about the legitim acy of rule of the Polan dynasty, the legend of Popiel's d e ath is m eant, Banaszkiewicz argues, to rem ove any possible lingering d oubts th at the replacem ent of the house of Popiel with that of Piast w as suitable and justified, given th at the Polish tradition d id not opt for the sam e solution of the Czech, m aking the native dynasty the first an d only in the history of the state. Banaszkiewicz, in o th er w ords, interprets this legend too in 70 Ibid., 139-155. 155 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the light of larger sets of m otifs and cultural m eanings. These m ost obviously show u p in the other so-called "m ouse-tow er legends" (M ausethurm sagen) w hose popularity in G erm any in particular (as noted above) has long been taken into account by Polish scholarship. Banaszkiewicz points out, how ever, that such stories are not exclusively Germ an, and that, furtherm ore, the version in the C ronice e tg e sta is am ong the earliest know n m edieval records of this plot form. Besides the cases of Popiel an d Mieszko Chosdszko, Banaszkiewicz (relying largely on older, G erm an-language scholarship, especially Felix Liebrecht) identifies more than a dozen other exam ples from ancient, m edieval, and folkloric sources of persons eaten by mice, rats, lice, or o th er verm in (all considered "w orm s" (verm es) in m edieval culture, repulsive creatures th at cause fam ine by destroying crops).71 Their geographical distribution includes the ancient M editerranean, Scandinavia, England, Ireland, an d Transylvania, as well as Poland. Almost all the victim s are rulers (kings, princes, and the like) or people w ho have authority over others, such as bishops (in tw o cases) or lords. In m ost cases, the crimes for w hich the culprits are punished are cruelty tow ard the poor (especially denying them food), sacrilege, or various other evil deeds, w hich are som etim es associated w ith a fam ine that the ruler's evil brings dow n u p o n his subjects, as is the case w ith the D anish king Snio. In several cases, the victim is attacked during a feast, and rather often he flees across w ater, som etim es (eitheir 71 F. Liebrecht "Der Mausthurm," reprinted in his Zur Volkskunde (Heilbronn, 1879) and Bjame Beckman, Von Mausen und Menschen: die hoch und spatmittelaltemlichen Mausesagen m it Kommentar und Anmerkungen (Bremgarten, 1974). 156 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. instead or in addition) to a tow er, m ountain, or other elevated location. The classic exam ple is the legend of Bishop Hatto of M ainz. This tenth-century figure h ad been ascribed (by the thirteenth century a t least) the crime of burning the poor in tim e of fam ine, rath er th an giving them alm s. A round the sam e tim e we also hear (although a t first in different sources) th at h e w as eaten by mice, and neither castles nor islands availed him in his defense. A fourteenth-century version has him sheltering futilely on a ship in the Rhine, w hereas in a fifteenth- century version he builds a castle called R attenburg o n an island in the Rhine to try to escape the rodents' w rath . A nother M a u seth u rm sa g e n o ted by Banaszkiewicz is particular interesting to com pare to the legend of M ieszko Choscisko, th at of a certain o p p o n en t of Em peror H en ry IV as related by W illiam of M alm esbury. This evil m an, like M ieszko Choscisko, is attacked by mice w hile holding a feast on ill gotten gains. A fter the attem pts of his guests to defend him fail, he hides in a tree, w here he accidentally w ounds him self w ith his knife, falls into a fire. From there h e m anages to get o u t onto the river Barrow in an a final attem pt to flee his attackers. His boat, how ever, capsizes, and he m ust sw im back to shore, w here the inevitable ensues. This version is also rem iniscent of the legend of Popiel's death in th at w eapons, an elevated location (tree or tow er), w ater, and fire all a p p ea r in both.72 72 J. Banaszkiewicz, Podanie, 156-179,182-183; Idem, "Die Mausethurmsage - the Symbolism of Annahilation of an Evil Ruler," Acta Poloniae historica 51 (1985): 5-11,15-25. Fire, though, appears in recorded versions of the Popiel tale only with the Chronica Polonorum of Master Vincent 157 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Felix Liebrecht th o u g h t the root of this group of legends w as an ancient rite of sacrificing a king w ho h as lost his m agical pow er to assure his subjects agricultural success, as evidenced b y the existence of fam ine itself (am ong the G erm anic peoples, such sacrifices w ould have been carried o u t by hanging, hence the high places com m on in the stories). Banaszkiewicz, d raw in g on the w ork of the Dum ezilian scholar D. J. W ard, sees in them reference to a som ew hat m ore com plicated set of beliefs. W ard m aintained th a t old Indo-E uropean beliefs prescribed three different m eans of sacrifice to gods depending on which of three different D um ezilian "functions" they represented: to the h ig h gods (the kingly / priestly function) sacrifice w as m ad e b y hanging, to the gods of w ar bloody sacrifice or burning, an d to the gods of agricultural production, drow ning. W ard, furtherm ore, finds examples from tales of both the Celtic an d Germanic w orld in w hich all three functional types hav e a role in the d eath of an offender, usually a w arrio r or m onarch.73 Banaszkiewicz collects evidence (from som e of the sam e exam ples as W ard) to show that for offenses against each of the functions (treason o r sacrilege against the first; cow ardice o r excessive cruelty against the second; plunder, profligacy, or lack of charity tow ard the starving against the third) the p erpetrators m ay be punished b y the propitiatory appropriate rite. Because 73 Donald J. Ward, "The Threefold Death: An Indo-European Trifunctional Sacrifice," in Myth and Law Am ong the Indo-Europeans, Jaan Puhvel, ed. (Berkeley, 1970), 123-142. Cf. Jeannine E. Talley "The Threefold Death in Finnish Lore" in ibid., 143-146. Especially interesting for these purposes is Ward's discussion of 'rationalization' of such tales (i.e. the need to maintain a coherent plot), which seems to lead to substitutions (such fall from a high place for hanging), or subtraction of one of the elements, at least in some versions (see ibid., esp. 141-142). 158 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. kings and leaders sum u p society and all three functions, are often liable for all three kinds of death. H e sees reflection of this "three-fold death" in the m ouse tales appearing in William of M almesbury and the Polish historiographical tradition of Popiel, in w hich a high place (equivalent of hanging), weapons (equivalent of bloody sacrifice / beheading), fire (equivalent of burning), and w ater (equivalent of drow ning) all have a place.74 The presence of mice, w hich dev o u r the royal offender, like the strange three-fold d eath underline the im portance and sacral significance of kingship: n o t just any death befits a m an of such elevated nature, b u t a specially m arked, /unnaturaT death. The mice assure th at the exterm ination of the failed ruler is total, and that no scrap of him rem ains. As the m ost dam aging problem w ith the sinful ruler usually is that h e loses his magical ability to uphold the fertility of his people's pursuits, and thus brings about famine, Banaszkiewicz m aintains that the elem ent of w ater (offense against the sphere of agricultural production) predom inates in m ost versions of the M ausethurm sage, b u t he nevertheless m aintains that all three types of crim e w ere present in the archetypal version of the tale.75 W hether o r not the exterm ination of Popiel by m ice w as alw ays an integral p a rt of the Piast legend, Banaszkiewicz is noncom m ittal, b u t he nonetheless notes that the link betw een the tw o is, from the point of view of the Indo-E uropean cultural sub-stratum , quite logical. Piast show s he has gained 74 Banaszkiewicz, "Mausethurmsage," 11-15,18ff. 75 Idem, Podanie, 183ff, Idem, "Mausethurmsage," 20-32. 159 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. royal pow ers over fertility, and Popiel dies the k ind of d eath that befits a m onarch w ho has lost them , thus further legitim ating the n e w dynasty. Banaszkiewicz points o u t that the tale as presented b y M aster Vincent portrays Popiel as treacherous, cow ardly, and profligate, th u s perfectly fitting the schem a of crim es against the th ree-fold order, suiting him for three-fold death. He regards it as possible th a t the three-fold crime w as already attached to the legend of Popiel from a n early date, and the au th o r of the C ronice e tg e sta in his concision m erely did n o t include that elem ent of the tale as it w as told him by his inform ants. Nevertheless, he thinks it m ore likely th a t V incent deduced the n atu re of the crime from the nature of the punishm ent, thus show ing th at this cultural schema w as still current among Poles of V incent's day. In any case, though, he m aintains th a t it is unnecessary to see the m otif as a cultural im port, since the Slavs presum ably w ould have been heir to it by virtue of their Indo-E uropean cultural heritage.76 Banaszkiewicz also attem pts a m ythological / ritual interpretation of the forebear and progeny of Piast. The nam e Choscisko, h e notes, is a nickname indicating someone w ith long or unusual hair, or a h a t w ith a tail. Legendary heros w hose nam es refer to long hair are know n in G erm anic tradition, Banaszkiewicz notes, a n d these seem to have connection w ith the royal m ark of long hair found am ong som e Germanic peoples. This in tu rn m ay be associated w ith fertility priesthood of kings. He hypothesizes th a t the nam e Choscisko m ay 76 Idem, Podanie, 179-181. 160 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. likewise have had such cultic significance. As concerns the lineage com prising Siemowit, Lestek, an d Siemom ysi, he hypothesizes th at the th ree m ay originally have been brothers, as sets of three brothers are com m on in In d o -E u ro p ean m ythology and ethnogenetic tales (e.g. Kiy, Shchek, and K horiv of Rus legend). Taking as a given th at each of the brothers m ight exem plify o ne of the three functional orders, he interprets the laconic passage about them in the C h io n ice e t g esta in this light, seeing in the "glory of honor" of Siem ow it the first kingly / priestly function, and in the "knightly deeds" of Lestek the second, w arrior function. Siemomysi, w ho three tim es im proves on his father w ith regard to fam ily (genus) and dignity, Banaszkiewicz sees a clear link to the third function, since increasing the m aterial w ell-being of the family falls w ith it.77 A m ong recent attem pts the interpret the legends w hich ap p ear for the first tim e in M aster V incent's C hronica P olonorum on the basis of pre-C hristian belief or Indo-E uropean cultural patterns, the legend of Krak, h is sons, an d W anda have received the m ost attention. Several scholars besides Banaszkiewicz have recently w ritten on the subject, including Edw ard Skibinski and Paw el Sfupecki Edw ard Skibinski takes as a given th at Krak him self m ay in the original legend have been the clear founder of K rakow and slayer of the dragon representing the forces of chaos. Likewise, he him self w as slain b y his brother, 77 Ibid., 85-124. He points that the Great Poland Chronicle's reading of the name "Siemomysi" as "Ziemomysl," i.e. meaning "solicitous for the land" instead of "solicitous for the family" preserves the "third function" tie of this figure as much as the original version found in the Cronice etgesta. 161 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the younger Krak. Skibinski justifies this on the grounds th at divine twins, one bright, the other dark, are w ell know n in Indo-E uropean m ythology, and th at bloody sacrifice w as com m only thought to be necessary to successful building, in o rd er to give the n ew structure soul. M aster Vincent, he hypothesizes, m ight have doubled the figure of K rak and m oved the dragon-slaying and city foundation back a generation. If this is so, he notes, then tire p lot line of the legend of Krak w ould b e show n to have exactly the sam e plo t structure as that of W anda. To wit: firstly, there is a state of threat, secondly, a hero brings about the d eath of the being (the o lo fa gu s or the Tyrarm us L em a n o ru m ) that causes it, and thirdly the hero him self / herself dies. This assum es in addition that the death of W anda that appears in w riting only in the G reat P oland C hronicle w as p art of the original oral tale, and that M aster Vincent left this elem ent out of his version. W hy m ust W anda die? Skibinski tentatively accepts H enryk to w m iah sk i's theory th at the figure W anda w as originally a "W islawa," eponym ous heroine of the W islan tribe, and so it is possible, he suggests, th at h er sacrificial death w as a n act necessary to assure the future success of her people, just as that of K rak w as necessary to that of his city. Skibinski then considers the changes he believes Vincent to have m ade in the original tale. He notes th at the people, o r the assem bly thereof, is in some m easure the hero of the cycle in M aster V incent's account. K rak convinces the people to elect him . It is they w ho build the city in his honor, and accept the rule of his daughter, after (presum ably) exiling the younger Krak. In this, Skibinski sees the influence of 162 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. John of Salisbury's school of political sovereignty, and hypothesizes that it m ight have been the desire to bring o u t this philosophical view point that caused Vincent to revise the legend so.78 Paw ei Shipecki takes a rather similar approach, b u t he differs from Skibinski in detail. H e sees in the W awel hill a "holy m ountain" that, he surm ises, com prised the center of the W islans' sacred geography. H e notes that before the m onster is slain, no geographical location for the Poles is given in M aster V incent's account, and that K rakow is founded only after the m onster is killed, on the very rock (the W awel, as it appears in the G reat P oland C hronicle an d after) w here the beast dw elt.79 Therefore, the legend is, in his view, analogous in function to the G reat Poland legend of Lech, as both concern the m arking o u t of a new land, and the founding of a city (Gniezno in the case of the legend of Lech). To Slupecki, the use of this com m on m otif w ould indicate that the legend of Lech m ight have existed already in a folk variant, despite its late date of record, rather than being an artificial literary concoction. Like Skibinski, he 78 Edward Skibiriski, "Mit a ideologia na przykladzie pod art malopolskich zawartych w I ksi^dze Kroniki Polskiej Wincentego Kadiubka," PTPN-SWNSz 103 (1985): 5-7. As concerns the fratricide motif, it should be noted that there is no direct evidence that Slavic religions knew of divine twins. Nevertheless, a double figurine, similar in workmanship to others known tc be Slavic votive figures, was found in Mecklemburg in 1969, and may be taken as suggestive in this regard. See Aleksander Gieysztor Mitiologia Slowian, (Warsaw, 1982), 152-153,203. 79 Stupedd notes that archeaological digs have found no evidence of buildings on the Wawel before the end of the ninth century, but argues that this does not absolutely preclude its having been a cult center. The most recent scholarly literature, in fact, postulates that the first fortress town on the Wawel hill was established around the year 800, and any use early of the hill as a cult site could have easily pre-dated the fortress by a considerable amount of time. See Andzrej Zaki, "Krak6w wi^lanski, czeski, i wczesnopiastowski," in Chrystianizacja Polskiej potudniowej, Jerzy Wyrozumski, ed. (Krakdw, 1994), 47-52. 163 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. accepts to w m ian sk i's "W isiaw a theory" of the legend of W anda, an d like him sees in it an act of sacralization, b u t unlike him it is m ore the Vistula as a geographical entity and "axis" of the W isfan state that is sacralized by the act of sacrifice, rather than the people itself. H e also attem pts a closer mythological interpretation of the m onster slaying episode, which he also accepts as having existed in folk versions draw ing on old cultural currents. Taking a hint from K arol Potkanski an d som e other earlier scholars, he notes th at in Slavic "folk m ythology," the dragon is associated w ith w ater, low ness / the valley, darkness, an d prim ordial chaos, so th a t it is n o t surprising that it is killed by fire (which associates w ith highness / the m ountain, light, and order), regardless of w hether the m otif of the anim al skin stuffed w ith inflam m able m aterials is of literary origin or not. Shipecki takes seriously, b u t does not com m it to, the theory advanced by the Russian scholars V. V. Ivanov and V. N. T oporov to the effect th at th at the figure Krak m ay be an incarnation of the Slavic storm god Perun (Pol. Piorun), believed to p lay the role of dragon-slayer in Slavic mythology, and notes th at one of the possible etym ologies of /Krak/ derives the nam e from an Indo-E uropean root m eaning 'oak' (cf. Latin quercus), a tree associated w ith Perun. In any case, Shipecki expresses certainty that the Czech K rok (sometimes thought to be an artificial, p urely literary figure), and the Polish K rak are figures of the sam e derivation, n oting that, besides the fact they b o th have 16 4 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. enchantress-daughters, b o th are associated w ith order, as K rak is a law -giver, an d K rok the ideal judge.80 Banaszkiewicz, true to character, takes the m ost broadly com parative view of the legend of Krak, ad d in g the Rus Kiy to a com parison of K rak and K rok.81 He starts from the presupposition that even dynastic legends, or legends about a culture-hero / founder of the state necessarily entail (even if only implicitly) a secondary hero, wrhich is none other th an the collectivity to be ruled over. The root of such legends, Banaszkiewicz argues, is tribal traditions, a n d regardless of how m uch they m ay be rew orked o n the surface, their basic elem ents rem ain "alm ost im pervious to the passage of tim e." H aving laid out this quite structuralist position, he proceeds to analyze the legends in question. T he law giver m ust save his people from a problem , w hich is usually a situation in w hich chaos and the 'la w of the fist" prevail. This is obviously true in the case o f K rak / Graccus, w ho stresses the unnaturalness of the condition of the Poles w ith o u t a king ("like a m an w ith o u t a head") in his electoral address, and establishes justice as that w hich benefits the least pow erful.82 The Czech case is m ore complicated, since there are tw o figures in play: Krok, a kind of ideal 80 Leszek Pawel Shipecki, "Wawel jako 3wi§ta g6ra a slowiaiiskie mity o zaj§du kraju," Przeglqd religioznawczy 1993, no. 2 (168): 3-17. 81 See J. B. "Slavonic Origines Regni: Hero, Law-giver and Founder of Monarchy," Acta Poloniae historica 60 (1989): 97-131. He has recently expanded upon this point in his book, Polskie dzieje bajeczne Mistrza Wincentego Kadlubka (Wroclaw, 1998), 7-44. 82 Banaszkiewicz, in fact, like Skibirtski sees the influence Master Vincent's reading of John of Salisbury here. 165 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. judge, an d his son-in-law Premysl, the true law -giver and founder of state. But both roles, Banaszkiewicz notes, can be tw o sides of the sam e figure, as is the case in law -giver legend of the M edes as recorded by H erdotus: Deioces first judges his people by popular acclaim, w ithout coercion, b u t tired by the weight of this duty, he retires from it. C haos breaks out in wake of his resignation, and soon he is m ade king by the people, despairing of another solution. The two roles are therefore in som e m easure functionally linked as two stages of the sam e process.83 The m atriarchy and am azon episodes in Czech legend, som etim es regarded as literary conceits, Banaszkiewicz regards as naturally linked to the law -giver topos, since the rule of wom en, as a "w orld u p -sid e dow n" w as often regarded as a sign of "prim eval chaos." A t the end of this process of law -giving, in both the Polish and Czech cases, and as a result of the 83 Banaszkiewicz, "Origines Regni," 97-105; 108-113; idem, Polskie dzieje, 18-21, 25-26. 166 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. conquest of chaos, the state em erges, an d a city is founded.84 W e shall have m ore to say about Banaszkiewicz's view on this particular presently. Of the three, the case of the R us Kiy stands o u t som ew hat w ith regard to the "state-founder / law -giver" m otif, Banaszkiewicz adm its. Nevertheless, although the Polanes (of the D nieper) seem to be naturally v irtu o u s and m orally superior to the neighboring tribes, th ey nevertheless have a problem in that they cannot actualize their calling to rule over o ther tribes except b y appointing Kiy their ruler, since they live apart as isolated families. As w ith the Czech and Polish cases (and as w ith m ost legends of this sort), a d ty then is founded to seal the foundation of the state. This leads Banaszkiewicz to theorize that, given the final stage is obviously there, and since the account of the Tale o f B y-G o n e Years is quite laconic, there m ay have once existed a fuller form of this legend which m ay have included more of the elem ents p resen t in the Czech or Polish equivalents.85 84 Banaszkiewicz, "Origines Regni," 119-123, idem, Polskie dzieje, 31-32 and ff. Banaszkiewicz draws attention to the fact that often in these kinds of legends birds show the location of the dty (or the law-giver city-founder himself, as is the case with Premysl in one of the fourteenth century Czech chronide). This motif, whidi seems to be a kind of prophecy of the inhabitants that are to flock to the site and to the rule of the leader, may even be present indirectly in Vincent's legend in the crows that flock down to the carcass of the monster, and which give the dty its name. Also, as we shall see, in fifteenth century versions certain mounds near Krak6w are described as the barrows of Krak and Wanda, thus linking the founders / law-giver in perptuity with the very landscape of the places they found; Banaszkiewicz points out the antiquity and wide geographical distribution of analoguous motifs, such as the "tombs of founders" that are found in many andent city-states (e.g. that attributed variously to Romulus or his foster-father Faustulus in Rome, or the ksistes of many Greek aties) or the Czech founding figures (Cosmas of Prague, as we know, dtes a certain barrow of Kdzi, while Krok, Libusa and Tetka are assodated directly with settlements). See Polskie Dzieje Bajeczne, 21-22 and n. 34, 29, 32-33, 36, 417 and cf. also "Origines Regni," 123-126, 123 n. 58,126 n. 67,112 n. 34. 85 Banaszkiewicz, "Origines Regni," 105-106,117-119. 167 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Banaszkiewicz supports this last contention by delving fu rth er into com parative Eurasian ethnogenetic legends. H e points o u t that in m any such legends, besides the founder of state p e r se, there are three o th er figures: m ost typically two m ale and one female, usually related by blood to each other a n d to the founder in som e w ay. Quite often the tw o m ale com panions are sons o f the founder (often they are twins), an d the fem ale com panion either the w ife of the founder and m other of his sons, or she is his d aughter and their sister. This p attern corresponds to the Polish legend (Krak, his tw o sons an d one daugh ter, W anda) as w ell several others (such as the foursom e in R om an p re-h isto ry King N um itor, Rhea Sylvia, his daughter, a n d R om ulus and Remus, his grandsons, or the legendary w ould-be founder of M oscow , Kuchka, an d his tw o sons and one daughter). Sometimes, though, several or all of the four appear as sibilings as in the Scandinavian foursom e: Odin, Wili, We, w ith the fem ale figure Frigga being O din's wife, b u t also shared by Wili a n d W e and O din's absence. The founders of Irish society, Bres, N ar, Lothar, and their sister Clothru are all sibilings of one another, and hence, Banaszkiewicz argues, a very close parallel to the case of the Kievan heros, allow ing them to be squarely placed together as reflecting a similar underlying cultural pattern.86 To finish his argum ent and tie the three Slavic legends together m ore clearly, Banaszkiewicz starts dow n w h a t he calls "the slippery ro ad of etym ology." H e notes th a t one of th e possible etym ologies for the nam e K rak is 86 Banaszkiewicz, Polskie Dzieje, 45-52. 168 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. from the norm "krakula" or curved stick. Such a curved stick served dem onstrably am ong the Balts, and probably also am ong the Slavs, as sym bol of judicial office. Perhaps, therefore, K rak and Krok, denote the same object linked to judicial authority. (He also notes there is also a figure Klukas —a term again denoting curved stick—in Serbian legend, w ho receives this nam e w hen he takes u p rule over his family.) The Rus Kiy, furtherm ore, is clearly identical w ith a Slavic w ord m eaning (straight) stick or club, w hich m ay be the East Slav equivalent to the curved stick used elsew here in the Slavic world.87 Banaszkiewicz m akes another com parative exposition of an additional elem ent in these three legends, to-w it, the status of hero as outsider. State founding heros th at are completely territorial outsiders are n o t at all rare in such legends, as is illustrated by the case of Aeneas, a founder of the Rom an people, and several other m edieval cases as w ell (to list only a few): Frado, supposed leader and forbear of the Trojans that settled in A ustrasia and became the Franks, the Trojan B rutus's legendary founding of London, and the legend of the Varangians com ing to rule in Novgorod. Still, in m any such legends, a state founder is a a kind of 'outside insider,' as is K rak / G racchus who is a m em ber of the people "returning from Carthinia," an d yet for th at very reason an outsider, perhaps "im porting" the state from the M editerrenean w orld. Prem ysl is m ore an insider yet, b u t still, even he m ust be searched for at som e distance from the assem bly of the people, and so retains a certain "outsideness." This outsideness, 87 Banaszkiewicz, Polskie Dzieje, 39-43; idem, "Origines Regni," 127-131. 169 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Banaszkiewicz points out, m akes the hero suitable to be a disinterested and just ruler, above factionalism, w hereas "insideness" supports the pride an d sense of election of the group, and com bining the tw o allow s for the best of bo th w orlds.88 Banaszkiewicz also points o u t broad parallels for the legend of fratricide connected w ith the twins of the founding group. In general, his interpretation of the legend of K rak's sons parallels Skibinski's, viz. he accepts that V incent (or som e reteller of the tale before him ) severed the legend's archaic link betw een the m u rd er / sacrifice perpetrated b y Krak junior and the founding of K rakow in the interests of m oral clarity: rather than have a m urderer sit u n p unished as a successful ruler, and founder of K rakow (and hence of tribal civilization), the eld er K rak is m ade to be the one w hose death an d burial leads to the foundation of the city, erasing, so to speak, die significance of the fratricide for the future of the society. Unlike Skibinski, though, Banaszkiewicz has no need to postulate the K rak the elder and younger w ere originally the sam e figure that w as split by the chronicler to achieve his m oralist ends. (Indeed Banaszkiewicz has endeavored to p o in t o u t the functional parallels of the elder / father figure in ethnogenetic legends of other peoples.) O ne of Banaszkiewicz's m ost interesting interpretations of the Litde Poland legends is that of the legend of W anda. H e points out that the episode can be u nderstood in p art in the context of the w idespread m otif of fem inine beauty 88 Banaszkiewicz, Polskie Dzieje, 24ff.; idem, "Origines Regni," 114-117. 170 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. conquering m asculine bellicosity, examples of w hich can be found in narrative, and even actual social practice, throughout Eurasia from the ancient w orld on.89 This general m otif feeds into, as Banaszkiewicz show s, an elem ent of Germ anic m ythology and early literature, know n best from Icelandic sources: th at is, a battle betw een tw o fam ilies of the gods: the w arlike and disciplined gods of A esir (lead by O din) a n d the Vanes, associated w ith fem inine beauty, w ealth, sexual immorality, fertility, an d sorcery, in short, Dum eziTs "third function." In older Germanic versions of the tale (according to Dum ezil), the first w ar in the w orld is w aged betw een these tw o groups, and leads to the em ergence of a society w ell balanced betw een the tw o opposing principles they represent.90 In V incent's version, Banaszkiewicz points out, the topos is applied in a w ay that m odifies this old m eaning. The Vanes have become directly associated w ith the V andal / Poles, an d rem ain m orally superior to their aggressive rivals and defeat them , so th at no synthesis is desirable o r forthcom ing, even in future ages, w hen V incent h as the V andal / Poles defeat the expansionist em pires of the ancient w orld. To su p p o rt his interpretation, Banaszkiewicz argues that the nam e W anda itself indicates th at it w as in fact the m otif of Aesir and the Vanes that Vincent (or w hoever created the tale) had in m ind. The nam e W anda, as m any ethnonym s u sed for Slavic peoples by G erm ans (such as Venedi, W enden, or even the eastern G erm anic V andals them selves), together w ith the nam e for 89 Idem,PoZs/de Dzieje, 69ff. 90 Ibid., 75-80, 83-85. 171 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. m ythical V anes all derive from one Indo-E uropean root, V e n -, m eaning num erous. In the context of the m ythological Vanes, this refers to their fertility and success in reproduction, but w hen applied to foreign peoples, it takes another, negative connotation, rather in the vein of 'teem ing foreign m asses/ It is, accordingly, a pseudo-ethnonym applied to foreign groups. The term 'A esir' com es from a n In d o -E uropean root (*ans) m eaning "num inous life force" and is used as co m p o u n d in m any Germanic given nam es, and apparently by the G oths as a title for sem i-divine m ilitary leaders. B oth these term s / concepts are applied even to divisions am ong the Slavs them selves b y Jordanes, historian of the G oths, w ho tells us of the people of the Veneti, w ho are div id ed into the "A ntes" (those am ong them w ho are good a t war), w hereas the "unw arlike m ultitude" am ong them are called "Sdaveni." Elsew here in Jordanes's chronicle, Banaszkiewicz continues, h e refers to the Sclaveni, Veneti, an d A ntes as co-equal subdivisions of the sam e Slavic people, such th at the sense of the division differentiate them on their productive fertility or w arlikeness, in accordance with the m eaning of the roots *ven— (Veneti) and *ans- (Antes), respectively. More typically, though, Banaszkiewicz argues, the Slavs w ere all associated w ith "Vannishness" as in the to p o s of the fertile and beautiful Slavic w om en, found in several G erm anic sources. It is from this cultural com m onplace, th at the figure of W anda w as created, sym bolizing the autochthonic n a tu re of Cracovian society and its achievements. This W anda gives h e r nam e to the Vistula river, an d by w ay of it (in V incent's version) to the 172 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Cracovians, w ho are the Vandals (about w hose association with the Poles w e already know), thus confirm ing that this people shares in her indigenous n atu re a n d tie to the land.91 Indeed, Banaszkiewicz argues that Vannic heroines symbolizing both the land and the people as well as defeating a foreign ruler, are not unknow n am ong the Celts, as in the G w endolena w ho the H istoria re g u m B iitanniae of G eoffrey of M onm outh, supposed to be a British princess, d au g h ter of the eponym ous hero of Cornwall, w ho defeats her husband in battle a n d kills him in revenge for his unfaithfulness w ith a Germ an princess. H abren, the daughter of the G erm an princess is captured b y Gw endolena and throw n into to a river, which com es to be know n from her nam e as the Sabrina (Severn), a n d w hich is regarded as the central river of Wales. This parallels the w ay W anda gives her name to the central river of her realm , in which she (in the later version of the G reat P oland C hronicle) also ends u p drow ned. Gw endolena, n o t incidentally, appears in another m edieval British source (the L ife o f M erlin) as the m ost beautiful w om an ever to have lived in W ales. The w ell know n rom ance heroine Eneide of B reton origin m ay have originally been such a figure, Banaszkiewicz argues. The sim ilarity betw een these nam es (W anda / G w endolena / [V]eneide) is not, therefore, an accident, b u t derive from the sam e root, *-ven ? 2 91 Ibid., 81-83, 85-104, cf. Mircea Eliade, A H istory o f Religious Ideas, vol. 2 (Chicago, 1982), 158-170, who summarizes the scholarship in the field of comparative religions on this subject. 92 Ibid., 114-118, 120. 173 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Even the addition of the m ountain from w hich the river W andalus / Vistula flows to the account of the legend in the C hronicle o fD zierzw a , Banaszkiewicz argues, is w ell precedented in sim ilar tales, as the land settled by Bohemus, protoplast of the Czechs, is said specifically by C osm as to center on the m o u n ta in Rip, and to b e w ashed by two r iv e r s the O hra and the Vltava, the h e art of Czech lands. The W elsh case is similar: the rivers Severn, and W ye, together with the M ount of Seven peaks are said to define the backbone of W ales. This set of associations has its parallels am ong the eastern Indo-Europeans, w here (as in H induism ) places th at include m ountains, w ater, and plain in close proxim ity are thought to be sacred, suitable, am ong o th er things, to be centers of princely rule.93 Indeed, Banaszkiewicz points out, the three daughters of Krok, even if n o t daughters of the first C zech ruler, b u t of the first Czech judge, also, taken together, deserve to be credited as the founders of Czech society, just as W anda does. All three are related to topographical features th at m arked o u t the m ain center of the original C zech tribal state. Of the three, Libusa is the one th at corresponds to W anda the best, in that she, like W anda is the forem ost leader of h e r society. Since h er nam e is clearly derived from a Slavic root m eaning 'desirable/ she is just like W anda in this attribute as well. The war w ith the am azons found in Czech legend u p o n the creation of the state by Prem ysl, according to Banaszkiewicz is also logically and naturally tied to this w hole com plex of m eanings, an d n o t m erely an artificial literary construct. The V annic 93 Ibid., esp. 119-121, 353-370. 174 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. golden age of plenteous production, sym bolized by the female rule of Libusa gives w ay to the rule of the m an of harsh law , Prem ysl, and, likewise, the C zech youths defeat the am azon m aidens, and thus create a full and balanced society. This is roughly similar to the division of sides, course and result of the w ar of Aesir w ith the Vanes. The W est Slavs, Banaszkiewicz concludes, w ere quite fam iliar w ith this set of beliefs.94 Therefore, th e legend of W anda m ost likely d id preexist the chronicle of M aster Vincent in som e form , and if the K rakow chronicler d id invent it, he certainly did not spin it o u t of whole cloth, b u t relied on patterns of thought an d belief current to th e Poles in his day.95 The legends of the three Lesteks have also been subject to profitable analysis by Banaszkiew icz's m ethods, even th o u g h these are often taken by scholars to be am ong the m ost contrived of V incent's legends. The figure of Lestek I, the goldsm ith w ho helps the Lechites defeat A lexander the G reat w ith a trick, Banaszkiewicz points out, is quite rem iniscent of smith figures in Eurasian m ythology and folklore (such as W ieland in G erm anic sources, H ephestos in Greek, V ulcan in Roman, K aw e in Persian etc.). This sm ith creates tricks or m anufactures magical w eapons to help a hero or the people defeat an evil oppressor or a dem onic foe. This ability of the divine sm ith is exactly the "art of Vulcan" referred to by V incent in the legend o f Lestek II, w here w e again have a 94 Ibid., esp. 121-130. Banaszkiewicz also points out the close resemblence between the spheres of activity associated with Kdzi, Tetka, and LibuSa to those of the Germanic trio of goddesses Skadi, Frigga, and Freya (ibid., 123-127). 95 Ibid., 115-116. 175 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. secret w eapon.96 But this is n o t all, Banaszkiewicz points out, for the divine sm ith in Indo-E uropean legends often h as a role in initiating a young hero / king into adulthood and preparing him for rule. In Celtic legend this initiation involves a test of pain w hich includes piercing in the foot (such as having the young hero stand on a spear), strikingly rem iniscent of the youths on the field of spikes in Vincent7 s legend. The strange w ay of running the race by the youth w ho w ins the crow n also finds its parallels elsewhere. Vincent tells u s the youth stood ready to run aversus, m ean in g 7 tu rn ed aw ay7 or backw ard, the latter of w hich is often associated w ith resort to m agic pow ers in ancient and m edieval sources. Backward feet or other physical deform ities are them selves associated w ith divine sm ith deities, sym bolizing the strange pow ers of the underw orld, which, they are believed teach to the young during initiation as an aid on their w ay to adulthood. Vincent, Banaszkiewicz concludes, seems to use the term "the a rt of Vulcan" in this story in such a w ay that show s he full understood the phrase's m eaning. Given the m otif's w idespread geographical distribution, he probably here m erely classicizing a native tradition. The figure Lestek w ho is a successor to Piast, Banaszkiewicz theorizes, m ay have been the sam e sm ith / helper figure, dem onstrating the existence of this figure am ong the early Great Poles as well.97 96 Jacek Banaszkiewicz, "Podanie o Lestku I ziotniku. Mistrza Wincentego 'Kronika Polska' 19, 11," St. t r . 30 (1987): 39-49. 97 Ibid., 175-186. 176 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Banaszkiewicz's interpretation of the legend of Lestek H is m ultifaceted and a full account of it defies easy sum m ary, b u t am ong o th er comm on m otifs th at he points out as having a tie to the legend are: the m otif of com petition betw een the youths for distinction in their ow n group, w ith the w inner pro v in g to be destined for real rulership,98 the com m on Germanic m otif of the duelist hero (since, as we recall, Lestek II defeats great foes in single combat),99 and the m otif of the carnival or tem porary king in opposition to the real one, apropos of the yo u th w ho w ins the kingship only very briefly, before h e is tom ap art b y the angry crow d, and ending as the object of m ockery.100 Of particular interest from the point of view of its especial im portance for Polish political culture is Banaszkiewicz's argum ent concerning Lestek's ritual veneration of his original hum ble clothes. This, he says, m ight reflect an aspect of som e ancient Polish coronation ceremony still fam iliar in V incent's time. The u se of hum ble objects in the enthronem ent of the C arinthian prince has been the object of m uch scholarly com m ent, and we already know the basic m eaning of this ritual act. Banaszkiewicz draw s attention to sandals of Premysl, w hich according to C zech chroniclers were preserved as regalia in Visehrad. H e m akes a strong case th a t this relic w as used in Czech coronation cerem onies as late as the m id-fifteenth century. Indeed, the practice of using the clothes o r shoes of some founding h ero 98 Ibid., 155-174. 99 Ibid., 187ff. 100 Ibid., 225-239. 177 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. is attested in coronation cerem onies from ancient Rome an d Persia onw ard (just as sim ilar em blem s w ere u sed as tokens of hum bler p ro p erty transfers and acts of inheritance in the law of m any Indo-E uropean peoples). Such relics are used to ritually tie the n ew king to the sacrality and legitim acy of the origins and ancestors which em body both. Accordingly, it is probable, Banaszkiewicz argues, th a t Vincent is referring in the legend of Lestek II to a specifically Polish version of this kind of rite.101 As concerns the legend of Lestek HI and his victorious dealing w ith Julius Caesar, Banaszkiewicz turns the m ain w eight of his interpretation back m ore tow ard the activities of V incent the author. If Lestek II begins the Polish age of expansion and em pire, Lestek III brings it to its height, subjecting m any nations, including the Parthians, and forcing Caesar to recognize h im as his equal. Banaszkiewicz argues th at the tw o cities which Vincent records as founded by the sister of Julius, Julia, i.e., Lubusz an d Lublin, were n o t recorded as a m ere aside, but, rather point o u t the core territory of this new Lechite em pire, w hich h ap p en s to correspond to the W estern and Eastern b o rd er outposts of Poland in V incent's day. Lubusz, in particular, w as an anchor of Polish defense against expansion by G erm an b o rd er princes subject to the Em pire, and hence the significance of Julius C aesar's d aughter recogn izin g it as Polish stresses the 101 Ibid., 193-224, 265-266. 178 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. legitim ate independence and territorial integrity of Polish lands in the face of any ,102 IV . C ulture, Id en tity and C hristianity A bout the same tim e th at Jacek Banaszkiewicz's Podanie o P iascie i P opielu appeared, Roman M ichaiowski published his article "R esta u ra tio P oloniae w ideologii dynasty cznej Galla A nonim a." M ichaiowski opted for a rath er different approach than Banaszkiewicz, looking at the role of the dynastic legend in the total historiographical project of the author of the C ronice etg esta , and laying less em phasis on b roadly com parative issues. H e does see the legend of Piast an d Popiel as the p roduct of pre-C hristian culture in term s of its basic fram e, w hich w as then Christianized, b u t only superficially, and possibly only at the h an d of Poland's first chronicler himself.103 H e adduces as p ro o f of this the talk of the fo rte fortu n a w hich directs the guests to Piast, and the v ery reticence about their identity in the original recorded version of the legend. H e does, 102 Ibid., 266-273. Banaszkiewicz also provides an interesting comparative perspective on Vincent's brief statement to the effect that Poles despite their unlimited strength and virtue only inhabited one hide of land. This he links to a common motif of the virtous people in small and poor homeland, which leave it to conquer other lands (as in the Persian legend of origin). Sometimes a more suitably wealthy domain in obtained by a trick (as in the legend of origin of the Bavarians). See Ibid., 244ff. 103 Roman Michaiowski, "Restauratio Poloniae w ideologii dynasty cznej Galla Anonima," Przeglqd historyczny 76 no. 3 (1985): 461-462. A recent article by the Polish African anthropologist, Michaf Tymowski, stakes out a broadly similar viewpoint. See "Oral Tradition, Dynastic Legend and Legitimation of Ducal Power in the Process of the Formation of the Polish State" in Ideology and the Formation of Early States, Henri Claessen and Jarich Oosten, eds. (Leiden, 1996), 242-255. 179 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. though, find an interesting parallel to the legend of Piast in another dynastic legend, that of the forbear of the C arolingian dynasty, bishop A m ulf. A ccording to the legend A m ulf called his tw o sons an d asked each to give u p his possessions as alm s for the poor. H is older son refused, but his younger accepted, w ith the effect that he received m ore than he had ever given, an d his descendants, unlike those of his brother, eventually sat on the throne of the Franks. The test of hospitality / giving alm s to the needy is here, and as in the legend of Piast, it brings about the m ultiplication of the 'w inner's' goods, an d the election of his descendants to rulership, M ichaiow ski notes. Both therefore trace o u t a m edieval topos, justifying change of dynasty.104 In m ost of this he an d Banaszkiewicz concur, but the m ost interesting aspect of M ichalowski's approach is its developm ent of an observation first m ad e b y Czeslaw D eptula in 1973, nam ely, that later lum inaries of the dynasty are cast by the historiographer in term s rem iniscent of the founders of the dynasty, or which echo their election.105 The tw o great heros of the C ronice e t gesta, Boleslaus the Brave and Boleslaus the W ry-M outhed, are presented as both freely generous w ith their resources, an d elected b y God. They return Poland to its original glory, acheived by Siemowit. Indeed, through the actions of Piast and the election of Siemowit, all their descendants have become the "natural lords" of Poland, the im plication of 104 Ibid., 463-465. 105 Cf. Ibid., 465-480, Deptula, "5redniowieczne mity," 1378-1382 on the "second beginning" of the dynasty (and state) brought about by the later luminaries who revive the promise of its first inception. 180 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. w hich status is m ade clear by the author of the C ronice e tg e sta him self after describing the crisis o f the Polish state in the 1030s: ''L et w hat has been said ab o u t the destruction of Poland suffice for the correction of those w ho d o n o t keep faith w ith their natural lords."106 A nother scholar, M arek Karp, has also exam ined the legends w ith the intent of expounding their 'ideological' aspects, b u t rath er than focus o n very general patterns on the level of whole civilizations, o r their specific application by given authors (as Banaszkiewicz or M ichaiow ski respectively do), he looks on them for evidence of regionalist or centralizing identities, and their relative mix, in them . H e sees the C ronice e tg e sta as characterized by a strong "general Polish" identity based around the dynastic state, w ith v ery little in the w ay of regional identity, a p art from identification of G niezno as the origin of the dynasty. This identification came, no doubt, from local, G reat Polish traditions, b u t w as, in K arp's view a mere vestige of them , rath er th an an elem ent carrying m uch m eaning. In other words, it is precisely its link to the dynasty th at gives Gniezno im portance here, rather than any particular significance of the place in itself.107 M aster V incent's version of the legends, reflects, to K arp's m ind, the period of "feudal" division in w hich he w rote. O n one hand, there is a m arked "Little Polish" sectional identity, reflected in his account of the origins of Poland by the total elision of Gniezno from the story line, and its d e facto replacem ent 106 Cited in Michaiowski, "Restauratio/'476. 107 Marek Karp, "Wi§z ogolnopolska i regionalna w Sredniowiecznych mitach poczqtku" Przegl^d historyczny 72 no. 2 (1981): 212-213. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. by K rakow . O n the other h and, there are the oft-rem ark ed on "im perial" aspects of this account, which sees the Lechite-Poles as a people spread over a very large area, a n d com m anding m an y different territories (although rather vaguely defined). This, in K arp's view , is Vincent's w ay of reconciling his strong "general Polish" patriotism w ith his regionalism, since it allow s for a principle of "unity in diversity" to be legitim ized b y its existence a t the very beginning of the Poles as a people.108 Vincent's preference for an "elective" approach to m onarchy, show n in those legendary episodes w hich a p p ea r for the first time in his w ork, can also be interpreted as a reflection of the conditions in w hich local elites often took on the role of 'kingm aker.' This w o u ld there be an expression of V incent's role as "an ideologue for the Little Polish nobility."109 K arp notes th at the C hronicle o f D zierzw a and the G reat P oland C hronicle have in com m on a concern w ith the "o rtu m po lo n ica e g e n tis ab in itio m u n d i." D zierzw a's genealogy, though, is so sh o rt an d n on— narrative, that it can scarcely b y regarded as a "m yth [of state] in the colloquial sense of the term ," b u t is rath er just "a short, eru d ite forew ord, ascribing fam ous antecedents to the Poles." T he attem pt of the G reat P oland C hronicle along these lines (i.e. in the so-called "Slavic interpolation") is, in his view, a m ore substantial achievem ent based mainly on etym ological and "eponym ic" m ethods. This has as its lynch p in the Slavic interpretation of the nam e N em rod, allow ing the Poles 108 Ibid., 213-216. 109 "[I]deolog matopolskiego moznowfadzstwa," ibid., 215. 182 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. an im p e riu m older than th at of the G erm ans. Indeed, unlike Vincent, the au th o r of this w o rk has no scruples about u sin g the term im p eriu m itself, an authority w hich in this account lasted am ong the Slavs u p to the tim e of Pom pilius II, and then existed again betw een Boleslaus the Brave and Casim ir the Restorer. This com m on concern m ay reflect, K arp notes, a desire o n the p art of these authors (writing the history of a state just then reunifying) to justify a m axim um of independence and im portance in the face of Germ anic neighbors, and m axim al rights over still disputed territories (most notably the Pom eranian digressions in the G reat P oland C hronicle). The "Little Polish" identity of the K rakow Franciscan has relatively little chance to show in his concise and m ostly derivative account of Polish origins, b u t his derivation of W andalus as the forefather of the Poles, linked as he is to W anda, the Vistula, and Vincent7 s cycle of Cracovian legends, m ay in K arp's view be a reflection of such regional feeling. The G reat P oland C hronicle's account of the legend of Pom pilius / Popiel and Piast is clearly sited back in n o rth ern Poland, as not unexpected expression of regional sense or tradition. Yet it is n o t G niezno that plays host to the events in question, but, surprisingly, Kruszwica. This indicates to Karp the "fragility an d m utability" of regional traditions w ith o u t the existence of w ritten sources to su p p o rt them , given the restricted circulation of Cronice e tg e sta and that it w as only M aster Vincent's C racovian oriented w o rk that served as a source to fourteenth century chroniclers.110 110 Ibid., 216-220. 183 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In sum total, K arp argues, there is much m ore evidence of /G eneral Polish' identity in these chronicles, than regional. This, in his m ind, supports the view that old tribal identities died o u t very quickly in Poland, and th a t later regional identities w ere focused m ainly on the conditions of the im m ediate present and the ebb and flow of sectional pow er (not very significant in the C ronice e tg e sta b u t grow ing som ew hat d u rin g and im m ediately after the period of "feudal fragm entation") rath e r than o n strong, well rooted traditions.111 * * * One of the m ore system atic attem pts in recent decades to look a t the interaction betw een the authors of the chronicles, their political a n d ideological environm ent, and the specifics of the legends as they have com e d o w n to us, is Czeslaw D eptula's lengthy study Galla A nonim a m it g e n e zy P olski. It is also m eant as a partial rejoinder to Banaszkiewicz's view of the general cultural significance of the legends. D eptula faults Banaszkiewicz for dow nplaying the probability of specifically Christian, Biblical, or theological subtexts in the legends, all the m ore striking given that the authors of chronicles recording them w ere clerics. W hile accepting Banaszkiewicz's dem onstration of the archaic and w idespread nature of the link betw een kingship and fertility, a n d various mythic to p o i by which it w as represented, he sees the proximate origin of the specific form s of these w idespread to p o i used in the Polish legend of P iast to be m ore Christian than Banaszkiewicz allows. This Christianity was, he adm its, som ewhat 111 Ibid., 222-225. 184 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. syncretic in nature, b u t nevertheless, he points o u t th at it was purely C hristian elem ents th at h ad m o st the w eight of w ritten authority behind them , and the upper hand in the cultural mix.112 A m ong the Biblical parallels he finds in the legend of Piast and Siemowit, are instances w here reception of m ysterious divine or divinely sent em issaries being rew arded, an d crim es against hospitality punished. A case in p o in t is the episode in the Book of Genesis in which the L ord an d tw o angels visit A braham and Sarah. The old couple receives the angels w ell, and so are prom ised a son (Isaac) as a blessing. Im m ediately thereafter in the Biblical text the tw o angels are sent to Sodom, and are received hospitably by Lot, b u t the Sodom ites com m it travesty against the obligation of hospitality b y the attem pted hom osexual rape of the guests, and are accordingly soon destroyed, w hile Lot and his fam ily are saved. H ere D eptula suggests that Piast and R zepka play the role of A braham and Sarah, while the citizens of Gniezno's behavior is analogous to th a t of the Sodomites. As concerns the m otif of the 'th ird function' occupation of the future prince, D eptula points o u t the case of Gideon, w ho is call by an angel of the Lord to lead the Israelites w hile threshing grain in a w ine-press. Also David is called to be annoited w hile ten d in g sheep, and from hum ble beginnings becam e king, as M aster Vincent him self pointed out as one of the "w ell-know n" Biblical parallels 112 Czeslaw Deptula, Galla Anonima m it genezy Polski. Studium z historiozofii i hermuneutyki sym boli dziefopisarstwa Hredniowiecznej (Lublin, 1990). Deptula, in fact, realized the link between kingship and fertility and its reflection in the Polish legends of origin before Banaszkiewicz's 1986 work, in his 1975 article "Problem mitu monarchy-dawcy zywno^d w Polsce £redniowiecznej na przykladzie podania o Pia^tie" Z eszyty naukowe KUL 3 (1975): 41-56, which I have been unable to consult. 185 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. to the case of Piast.113 A s concerns the m ultiplication of food given by a hospitable p oor person, there is the case in the First Book of K ings of the w idow of Zarephath, w ho found: her last m easure of grain and flask of oil prove to be inexhaustible, and h e r son m iraculously restored to life, w h en she shared w ith the Prophet Elijah in tim e of famine. A nd concerning the link of m ultiplication of food and kingship, D eptula points out the version of the m iracle of loaves and fishes found in John, chapter 6, in which after feeding the five-thousand w ith five barley loaves and tw o fishes, the people w ant to m ake Jesus king by force. Jesus m ust flee, D eptula notes, b u t only because his kingdom is n o t of this world, not because there is no actual connection betw een the miracle a n d kingship. Indeed, Deptula continues, m an y of the parallel exam ples cited b y Banaszkiewicz as evidence of ties to ancient Indo-E uropean beliefs are obviously from Christian hagiographical sources, thus opening up the question of Biblical influence upon them .114 D eptula is m ore favorable to Banaszkiewicz's conclusions regarding the legend of Popiel. H e notes that the author of the C ronice e tg e sta seem s to have had doubts about the tale, and sum m arized it only very quickly, registering desire to leave b ehind speaking about those w hose m em ory has b een lost in the m ists of time, and w ho w ere "polluted by the erro r of idolatry." The clearly 113 Ibid., 233-236. Deptula speculates that Master Vincent may have gotten the idea both for the Biblical links of the legend, and the tie to Gordius as well, from Cosmas of Prague's version of the story of Premysl. Vincent was learned enough, however, that he could have probably seen the parallels himself from his own knowledge and broad reading (see pp. 250-251). 114 Ibid., 236-242. 186 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. pre-C hristian sub-stratum , though, in D eptula's view, w as n o t the m eth o d of his death per se, since in Christian legend from a very early period, H erod the G reat is said to have been eaten by w orm s, and there is also the Biblical case of Q ueen Jezabel, w ho is throw n from h e r palace, tram pled by horses, and eaten b y dogs. Because Jezabel convinced h er husband, King Jeraboam to m urder som e of his relatives, D eptula suggest this passage m ay have been the inspiration for M aster Vincent7s evil wife of Popiel / Pom pilius, and her crimes. In D eptula's interpretation the author of the first Polish chronicle either considered Popiel's punishm ent to be a function of his idolatry, or m ore likely, that he found som e aspect of the story garbled and redolent of the un-C hristian. This m ay have been, Deptula speculates, that Popiel's punishm ent did not seem duly proportionate to his crime, in th a t Popiel in this version is n o t an entirely negative character (e.g. he is n o t stricken by pride, that principle sin). In D eptula's view, it is this alone w hich clearly indicates the tale's pre-C hristian sub— stratum , which, anyway, M aster Vincent m anages to circum vent by m aking his Popiel / Pom pilius a thoroughly evil character.115 Indeed, D eptula notes, it is rem arkable how little room for the explicitly pre-C hristian sacred there is the C ronice e tg e sta as com pared to the first Czech chronicle, that of Cosm as of Prague, w here the actors include enchantresses and seeresses in key roles. If the au th o r of the Cronice e tg e sta also m akes relatively 115 Ibid., 268-279. Deptula also conceeds that the namesof the heros of the legend of Piast and Siemowit may well be of pre-Christian origin and euherimized, even if the tale as such is not (see pp. 263-264). 187 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. little explicit reference to C hristianity (except tw o references to the Christian God), and keeps the identity of the guests m ysterious, this is probably m erely because he w as a laconic w riter, or that he reg ard ed the affairs of God am ong pagans to be b y n atu re m ysterious.116 The rite of first hair-cutting too, in D eptula's interpretation, regardless of its origin, is entirely Christian in m eaning already in term s of its role in the first recorded form of this legend. This rite of passage is perform ed on Siem ow it by the em issaries of the God, an d given the subtext of the establishm ent of fictive kinship betw een the parties. This act, D eptula reasons, indicates adoptive sonship of God. As w as the case of Old Testam ent divinely chosen kings, this charism w as passed on to the descendants of the anointed, so long as th ey rem ained w orthy of it. O nly in the context of the rejected Popiel does the a u th o r of the C ronice e tg e s ta m ention the "error of idolatry," and expressing the desire to leave it behind, goes on to discuss the career of Siemowit an d his successors, even though they too are still pagan. This contradiction is m ore a p p aren t than real, since by this act of adoption, Siemowit has already received a kind of "honorary baptism ." To D eptula's m ind this suggests that rite of first h air-cu ttin g was already highly Christianized at the Piast court by the early tw elfth century. It is true, h e adm its, that M aster V incent w riting only h u n d red or less years later, felt the need to defend the rite as a m ere secular act of adoption, b u t this m ight be because clergym en in V incent's circle, influenced by the "G regorian reform ," view ed it w ith suspicion since it im plied 116 Ibid., 219ff., 266ff„ 291-292. 188 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. an extra-ecclesiastical form of royal sacrality. O n the basis of this line of argum entation D eptula feels the need to revise B anaszkiew icz's thesis that this legend reflects echoes of the replacem ent of M erovingian charism a of blood a n d Carolingian charism a of divine election, since in fact the divine election to kingship in the Biblical an d m edieval Christian conception d id n o t at all rule o u t that divine favor w o u ld be passed dow n generations in the ruling family, and so the opposition betw een the tw o forms of charism a is quite a bit less than absolute.117 The stress D eptula lays on the relative C hristianness of the Cronice et gesta com pared to the chronicle of Cosm as of P rague does n o t m ean he concedes the latter7 s legends of origin of Bohem ia to be essential pagan. Quite the opposite is true, according to Deptula. Indeed, Libusa vividly recounts the disadvantages of having a prince in a speech based u p o n Sam uel's address to the Israelites on the sam e topic. Also, Libusa the p ag an seeress foretells in the future of Prague tw o golden olive trees that reach the heavens, a vision which turns o u t to refer to the C hristian saints Vaclav (W enceslaus) an d St. Vojtech (Wojciech, Adalbert). D eptula sees C osm as here as m aking a claim for parallelism under a kind of natural law b etw een the developm ent of the Czech state and dynasty, and that of the Israelites, linked in turn, by foreshadow ing, to the first Czech heros of the Gospel. L ibusa and Premysl are therefore characterized by a 117 Ibid., 279ff. In this context Deptula points out that the (twelfth or thirteenth century?) epitaph of Boleslaus the Brave makes special reference to his first hair-cutting (for literature on this epitaph, n. 184 to chapter one, above). 189 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. peculiar duality: both are explicitly linked to magical, pre-C hristian sacrum, w hile a t the sam e tim e they are the tools of G od in C osm as's account.118 Similar concern w ith the n atu ral order of the state appears only in Polish historiography w ith the Chronica P olonorum of M aster Vincent, D eptula notes, and then it is a state of natural virtue, in w hich monarchical law is seen fundam entally positive, rather than being b o und u p w ith servitude as in the Czech case, reflecting V incent's contact w ith the political theory of the "tw elfth century Renaissance."119 D eptula's lengthy defense of the use of the term "m yth" to refer to the legends of origin of m edieval states and peoples deserves com m ent. As has been already discussed, D eptula in his 1973 article argued for the applicability of the term to the legends of origins since, firstly, they contain certainly, elements of pre-C hristian m yth, an d secondly, and m ore im portantly, they w ere supposed to reveal the "true arrangem ent" of things, since to the predom inant m edieval w orld view, beginnings reveal the pure, untram m eled nature of things. D eptula expands on this noting th at the "true nature of things" im plies also the appropriate norm ative o rd er for w hatever social organism they addressed (even if only implicitly), filling another of the requirem ent of the m ythic. This operated through the Christian w orld-view , ritual system , and symbols, im parted to the w ider society both by universal catechetical instruction, and by general 118 See especially, Ibid., 173-215. 119 Ibid., 218. 190 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. perm eation of the culture. These stories of origins m ay be both "legends" (Le. "prim itive history") and "m yths" (i.e. "prim itive philosophy") sim ultaneously, because of the unique n atu re of the beginning. The beginning constitutes the origin of history, and also the p o in t of contact of history w ith th at beyond time, the transcendent and eternal. En D eptula's reckoning (as for that m atter, Banaszkiewicz's), even a certain "literariness" is n o t inim ical to the m ythical functioning of these legends, since it is precisely the function intended, rather than the origin of elements, th at are im portant to consider (and besides, in C hristian societies, it is textual sources that have the m ost sacred authority).120 * * * The w ork of Jacek Banaszkiewicz, Czeslaw D eptula, and other scholars w orking in similar veins, have n o w dem onstrated convincingly the cultural and ideological im portance of these legends, and, by m eans of careful com parative study, cast the often all too laconic Polish sources into a fuller light b y suggesting som e of their lost contextual significance. M any older interpretations that postulated a high degree of arbitrary authorial fancy in creating the legends have been convincingly refuted b y them . These new studies also bring o u t the difficulties of m any earlier efforts of scholars w ho attem pted to find historical d ata in the legends: they d id n o t sufficiently take into account general patterns and beliefs of early m edieval societies in interpreting the legends, hence m any 120 Ibid., esp. 32-68. Cf. Banaszkiewicz, Polskie Dzieje, 8-9, and Brygida Kiirbis's review of Deptula's 1976 article in St. Z.r. 22 (1977): 253, which expressed some reservations on using the term "myth" for medieval ethnogenetic legends. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. lost them selves in constructing sets of arbitrary hypotheses o n the basis of rather ad hoc m ethodologies, hypotheses that frequently (and perhaps necessarily) contradicted each other. A lthough they are som etim es incom patible in detail, the w o rk of the two scholars m ost responsible for this n ew approach, Banaszkiewicz a n d D eptula, are com plem entary in so far as the form er concentrates m ore attention on pre-C hristian Indo-E uropean belief and the latter m ore on the C hristian. Banaszkiewicz's scholarship in su m total has lead to the broadest an d m ost unexpected insights, an d uses th e w idest variety of sources for his com parative work. H e concentrates his reflections heavily (especially in certain of h is later w ritings) on general structural p attern s and typologies occurring in the legends, typologies w hich change very little through tim e. This includes Biblical and C hristian versions of them , alth o u g h these as such are rarely his p rim ary concern. Banaszkiewicz, it should be noted, also sees a kind of source v alue in the legends for the state of early Poland: n o t so m uch its histoire evenem entuelle, how ever, b u t rather its beliefs, rituals, and institutions.121 D eptula's approach, although it includes an abstract treatm ent of general questions, is m o st useful w hen it is focused on the authors an d w orks them selves, and certain aspects of 121 For example his argument concerning the nature of earlier Polish coronation rites, discussed already above. In some of his studies devoted to topics other than legends of origin, Banaszkiewicz takes on questions of old Slavic institutions directly. See, for example, his "Pons mercati, grad us legnei, stepen i inne. Uwagi o znaku wladzy i prawa slowianskich miejsc wiecowych," in Discemere vera ac falsa, Grzegorz Leopold Seidler,ed. (Lublin, 1992), 79-89. 192 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. their C hristian clerical culture (i.e. know ledge of the Bible an d Bible stories) taken in their o w n term s. M ost path-m aking research has its risks an d shortcomings, especially if it is involved w ith the constructive side of scholarly endeavor, i.e. the building up of hypotheses, especially if those hypotheses are broader in n a tu re th an a given scholarly com m unity h ad previously considered . D eptula seems som etim es guilty of over-interpretation, as w h en he tries to su p p o rt his reading of the rite of first hair-cutting by citing Biblical parallels that are less than striking, for exam ple: the cutting of Sam son's h a ir (which has a quite different significance) and the m ere feet th at attention is d raw n in the Biblical narrative to D avid's red hair.122 N ot all unusual beliefs an d symbols concerning h air are alike, or even all linking hair and pow er. O ne m u st m atch the belief to the circumstance. In his attem p t to show the relevance of his interpretations for the cultural m eaning of the legends in all of Polish society, he m ight assum e altogether too high a quality of "general catechesis" in Poland before the late m iddle ages. O utside the m ore educated clerics, an d the highest secular elites one w onders h o w com prehensible som e subtexts d ra w n from learned theology w ould have been. A lthough it is highly probable that at least some Bible stories circulated in M edieval Poland in oral versions even before system atic and regular attem pts w ere m ade to preach to ordinary people, the extent of this know ledge cannot n o w be gleaned, w hich m akes the all-im portant 122 Deptufa, Galla Anonima mit, 285-286. 193 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. question of how those stories w ere understood is even m ore obscure. If com parative studies are any guide, however, this p o pular understanding was probably rudim entary and syncretic. Indeed, m any m edieval chroniclers them selves w ere evidently rath er w orldly clerics w hose know ledge of formal theology (at least) w as superficial.123 Banaszkiewicz, som e m ig h t maintain, relies too heavily o n the theories of Georges Dum ezil, whose view s on the Indo-E uropean cultural heritage and social structure has its critics, especially in its 'strong' (i.e. rigidly tri-functional) form. As D eptula points out, som e features he attributes to Indo-E uropean belief in fact can be found across m an y different cultures, som ething which, it should be noted, Banaszkiewicz him self in his latest book on the legends of M aster 123 See for example Ibid., 76ff. It is a matter of dispute just when the parish system even appears in Poland (some favor the eleventh century, others the twelfth), but it seems that still in the early thirteenth century the density of the parish net was still on the sparse end of the West European range even in a more developed area, like the monastic estates of Lubiqz Cicterdans in Silesia. Cf. Piotr Gdrecki, Parishes; Tithes and Society in Earlier Medieval Poland (Philadelphia, 1993), 45-48, 125, and Eugeniusz Wi&uowski "Rozw6j organizaq’i parafialnej w Polsce w czasie reformaqi" in Ko£d6t w Polsce vol. 1, Jerzy Kloczowski, ed. (Krakow, 1968), 239ff. Jan Dtugosz in fifteenth century, furthermore, could still write to the effect that sermons in Polish vemancular were rare before his own age (see his Liber Benefidorum [i.e. Registrum Ecdesie Cracoviensis], vol. 1, 261ff.). Indeed, until the early thirteenth century, it seems that rites of (rather explidt) ancestor worship or domestic sacrifice were widely tolerated by the church. See Stanislaw Bylina "The Church and Folk Culture in Late Medieval Poland" Acta Poloniae historica 68 (1993): 27-42; Gieysztor, Mitologia, 237-238). This picture I have just painted, however, might be too bleak, for the scardty of sources from earlier medieval Poland dealing with these issues might be indining us too much to assume there was nothing there, when in fact the problem might be rather that nothing was recorded. Nevertheless, it seems unlikely that catechetical instruction of the ordinary people was very frequent, or that that which existed was of a very high level. As concerns medieval historians as mainly practical rather than theological in outlook, see Richard Vaughan, "The Past in the Middle Ages," Journal o f M edieval History 12 (1986): 1-14. Vaughan's artide is somewhat polemical, and may overstate the case, however (cf. the critidsms of Vaughan's piece by Nico Lettinck, "The Character of Late Medieval Universal Histories in the Netherlands," in L'Historiographie mddidval en Europe, Jean-Philippe Genet [Paris, 1991], 322). 194 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Vincent has b eg u n to take better into account.124 Let u s leave detailed answers to these questions for historians of religion and com parative m ythologists to answer. It m u st be said th at w herever it w as obtained, the various evidence m arshaled b y Jacek Banaszkiewicz for his various interpretations is often impressive an d effective in dem onstrating the basic cultural significance of the legends, and their dependence beliefs and practices w idespread far beyond Poland. This achievem ent is to a large degree separable from the question as to w hether D uxnezil's system ization of com parative m ythology has problem s taken in itself. A s a corollary of his approach, how ever, it m ust be said that Banaszkiewicz (again w ith the partial exception of his latest book) tends in his m ature w orks som ew hat to exclude those aspects of the interpretation of the legends' m eaning th at are particular to the given historians, or perhaps, those aspects of clerical culture that do n o t so easily reduce to v ery general cultural 124 Deptula,Galla Anonima Mit, 163-166. As concerns Dum£zil and his methods (especially as concerns in the mythological reading of apparently 'historical' legends), cf„ for example, Georges Dum£zil, Archaic Roman Religion, vol. 1 (Chicago, 1970), 60-78, 251-260; Mircea Eliade, A H istory o f Religious Ideas, vol. 2,109-113; C. Scott Littleton, "Indo-European Religions: History of Study," in The Encyclopedia of Religion Mircea Eliade, ed., vol. 7 (New York, 1987), 209-213 and Jarich G. Oosten, "Ideology and the Development of European Kingdoms," in Ideology and the Formation of Early States, 220-241, the last two from a moderate and up-to-date Dum£zilian point of view; and Amaldo Momigliano, "Georges Dum&ril and the Trifunctional Approach to Roman Civilization," in his On Pagans, Jews, and Christians (Hanover, NH., 1985), or T. P. Wiseman, Remus: a Roman M yth (Cambridge, 1995), 18-30, who like many historians are skeptical of certain aspects of Dum^zil's method and conclusions. As concerns Deptula's point concerning wider cultural patterns, we might here mention Victor Turner's concept of 'liminality,' which he formulated in the context of the link between fertility, sacred rulership, and the need for rulers to undergo rites of humiliation before assuming authority in the beliefs of the Ndembu people of Zambia. See his The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Chicago, 1969), 97-102. 195 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. patterns that interest him . This is u nderstandable and legitim ate given his ow n interests, but in this precisely the road to future research m ight be pointed. Such research w ould focus specifically on transform ation, adaptation, an d / or decay of various patterns of belief an d narration, n o t m erely as p a rt of a retrospective m ethod to reconstruct links of o u r legends to their "full, original" m eaning, or to show th at various cultural patterns linked w ith larger civilizations an d spheres of belief w ere alive and current in Poland o r Slavdom in the day our various historians wrote, b u t to reintegrate the w hole picture and look once again a t the various specific accounts and their purposes. These m ight illum inate the state of this given late m edieval culture an d society, even if m ostly w ith reg ard to a Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 196 certain part of its elite.125 It is to this task that the p resent w ork w ill endeavor to contribute to in som e sm all m easure, for fifteenth sources. * * * Recently a broadly com parative w ork on m edieval E uropean national histories, especially, on their treatm ent of origins an d pre-history, h as been published by the G erm an scholar N orbert Kersken.126 The scope of his vast w o rk is suggested by the geographical breath of various sources h e deals with: Spanish, Norm an, English, Scottish, Norwegian, Danish, Polish, Czech, and H ungarian chronicles all receive a chapter, and the R uthenian Tale o f B y-gone 125 On occasion, the specific structural meaning Banaszkiewicz postulates in a legend seem to have to be so deeply buried behind his toridzation in the texts as w e have them that it opens legitimate questions as to whether it is really present, and if its presence is accepted for the sake of argument, as to how much the authors who recorded them understood the significance themselves. The most striking example of this can be found in his interpretation of the slight and ambiguous passages refering to the deeds of the triad Siemowit, Lestek and Siemomysl, in such a way as to make it fit a tri-functional schema, when the author of the Cronice etgesta was probably only trying to obtain stylistic variety by praising these rulers in slightly different (but broadly similar) ways, and all within the pale of ordinary vocabulary of chivalric praise. The message here on the level of the text is therefore that Boleslaus's ancestors were inherently valiant Cf. chapter one, section one, above. This is of course separable from the question as to whether figures like Lestek and Siemowit taken individually might not have mythological roots (cf. Banaszkiewicz argument for the former. In my skepticism about this particular argument I more or less agree with the view of Lech Letiejewicz, expressed in his article, "Legendy etnogenetyczne w 3wiede siowiafiskim" Slavia antiqua 32 (1989 / 1990): 129-144, although I think he is a bit too sanguine about the possibility that some of these ethnogenetic legends (or even legendary dynastic lists) contain identifiable historical data from old tribal traditions. To some extent, an analogous case can be made concerning Banaszkiewcz's interpretation of Jordanes's divisions of the Slavs: it is the Slavs and the Antes that are opposed, rather than the Veneti and the Antes. This does not mean, of course, that Banaszkiewicz's interpretation of the original sense of the information is incorrect, but it does show that as early as Jordanes, historians and writers were garbeling and misunderstanding these topoi, which should warn us against overestimating the universal accessibility of their meaning to people in earlier times. 126 Norbert Kersken, Geschichteschreibung im Europa "Nationes." Nationalgeschichte Gesamtdarstellung im Mittelalter, (Cologne, 1995). 197 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Years is often also taken into account in his general considerations. A lthough he a d d s relatively little new to the interpretation of the particulars Polish historiographical legendary traditions he helps to see diem on a b ro ad er stage th at allows their typical and atypical features on a E uropean scale to com e to light.,127 A ccording to K ersken a historiographical tradition is "m inted" a t the point in tim e it appears (or in the case of older civilized areas, first becom es concerned w ith the nation), and the political conditions in which the tradition first emerges w ill determ ine w hether its sense of national identity and origins will be based on the historical developm ent of people (Volk), of central authority (Zentralgewalt), or of territory (Land). A m ong som e of these K ersken distinguishes subtypes: those based around the beginnings of the people m ay o p t for autochthonic or m igrant ancestors in their origin legend, while those based on central authority m ay b e centered either on a dynasty or on centralized state institutions of authority. Furtherm ore, Kersken realizes, m ost traditions develop side-m otifs in the other tw o areas, b u t nevertheless he rem ains certain th at the originally predom inant elem ent continues to be the m ost im portant shaper of the tradition throughout the subsequent centuries. Of all his case-studies, only in the case of Poland does K ersken have difficulty in defining the time horizon of the first appearance of "national" lz- 7 Interesting (but hard to verify) is Kersken's observation that Master Vincent's presentation of family successions, especially the acceptance of the underage Popiel's accession to the royal throne by his elder half-brother princes might be meant as a kind of propaganda to encourage other Piast princes to support the accession of his patron's (Casimir the Just's) son Leszek to the senior throne of Krakow, against the ordinary practice of seniorate succession (ibid., 542-543). 198 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. historiography, attributing it "in outline" to the au th o r of the Cronice etgesta, b u t then fully only to M aster Vincent. Kersken classifies the Polish legends as being dynastic in root, and therefore belonging to the central-authority based genus. Master Vincent, though, h e concedes, a d d e d a large num ber of "people based' elements to the Polish historiographical tradition. The land-based tradition, Kersken argues, is the weakest of the th ree in Poland. This is reflected in the fact that a legend focusing on the taking possession of the land appears only in the Great P oland Chronicle, and then only in the quite brief legend of Lech.128 Kersken on occasion sees Polish legends as fitting into a regional pattern, for as is typical for Scandinavian and other E ast-C entral E uropean states outside the sphere of Classical civilization (which could record lengthy histories of the land before the nation), Poles prefer an 'autochthonic' legend of people, w here the inhabitants are either in their present hom eland from time im m em orial (as in M aster Vincent), or are the first settlers after the universal deluge (as in Cosm as or Dzierzwa). This, according to Kersken, reflects a strong sense of national separateness in these countries.129 A significant dynastic orientation w ith regard 128 Ibid., 560ff. Kersken argues that the weakness of the land-based national conception can be found in the terminology used generally by Polish chroniclers: both term such as the "Polish land" and terms based on the ethnicity of inhabitants (e.g. Regnum Polonorum) rarely appear as such, but rather, he points out, more abtract or state-centered terms are perferred (Polonia, Regnum Polonie), reflecting the early central sovereignity of the Polish state, and thereafter the importance of the Piast dynasty in keeping its memory alive during the period of political fragmentation that developed after 1138 ( pp. 563-564). 129 Ibid., 800. 199 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. to legends of the origin of central authority (w hether this is, in the larger analysis, of secondary or prim ary im portance in the tradition) is found in particular in places, w here the dynasty currently reigning w hen national history first appeared h ad ruled continuously reaching back into the prehistorical legendary past, as is also the case in Scandinavia a n d east-central Europe (although he adm its H ungary fits this generalization only partially).130 Also, by K ersken's definition, in Poland as in N orm andy, N orw ay, D enm ark, Bohemia an d H ungary, the passage from "pre-history" to "history" comes w ith Christianization.131 In som e respects K ersken finds Polish legends to fit w idespread and com m on patterns, such as: the appearance as m otifs of both descent from a son of N oah and from an eponym ous hero in the legend of people, or the m otif of a early heroic age soon after the founding of m onarchy in w hich enem ies of great p ow er or fam e are defeated, as in M aster Vincent7s age of the three Lesteks.132 In other respects K ersken finds the Polish case to fit w ith a m inority of European cases. Poland is unsual in including explicit reflection on the very nature of political authority, i.e. K rak's speech in Vincent7 s Chronica P olonorum about the 130 Ibid., 807-809. 131 Ibid., 789-790. 132 Ibid., 791ff., 804-805. He also points out that descent from an ancient people (i.e. the Vandals in the Polish case) is reasonably common, occuring in about two-thirds the cases he studies. Likewise he illustrates that the the appearance of explanations of city names on the basis on eponymous founders (Krakow, Lublin, etc. in the Polish case), or etymological interpretation (as in the case of Gniezno) are both reasonably common. Not unexpectedly, he also shows, it is the oldest rulers that typically found the most important cities (pp. 812-813). 200 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. naturalness of authority, or the Great Poland Chronicle's attributing K rak elevation to his m ilitary leadership. A ccording to Kersken, the C zech legend of Krok, Libusa, and Prem ysl (and its m uch m ore lacrimose theory of political authority) is the only sim ilar case.133 Also, Polish attem pts a t placing legends of origin chronologically are unusually w eak, according to Kersken, as are the specific historical data recorded surrounding the act of conversion.134 A lthough som e of K ersken's insistence on the unity of historiographical traditions based on their prim ary them e m ight seem exaggerated given the com plexity of the case histories he presents, he has clearly provided a road-m ap to further com parative studies that will n o t focus so much on m apping the broadest cultural assum ptions (as say, Banaszkiewicz and D eptula do) underpinning legends of origins, b u t rath er focusing on regional patterns, and the specific political, social and intellectual conditions in which national histories w ere w ritten. He is also generally correct in pointing out the im portance of the first w orks in the historiographical tradition in shaping the param eters w ith w hich later chroniclers will w ork. Nevertheless, the rest of the p resent w ork will turns its attention to the later Polish tradition of the fifteenth century. M ost of the core content will indeed be taken from earlier sources, mostly w ritten. But this does n o t m ean the fifteenth century w orks are uninteresting or pale im itations of 133 Ibid., 806-807. 134 Ibid., 558-559,786. The appearance of signs or miracles foreshadowing or related to conversion is also common according to Kersken, but the Polish tradition is unusually unconcerned with the precise circumstance of baptism of the first Christian ruler—for example, it is not recorded who baptised Mieszko (pp. 813-816). 201 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. earlier traditions. Indeed, quite the contrary, Fifteenth-century w ritings develop the specifics of the legends in great detail, develop them in the light of n ew intellectual trends, and use them in a w id er variety of genres, ways, an d social an d political contexts, th an in the previous centuries. 202 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter Three: M inor Sources o f the F ifteen th Century I. A nnals A . T he H oly-C ross A nnal 1. The Legend ofMieszko in the Holy Cross Annal The production of new annals w as m arkedly reduced in Poland in the fifteenth century, com pared to earlier periods, b u t d id not vanish entirely. One of the m edieval Polish annals w ith the m ost m anuscript copies surviving to present, the Holy Cross Annal, seems to have been set in its original form in 1399 or 1400, an d continued w ith fifteenth-century entries of various kinds, w hich vary from one m anuscript tradition to another. The original nineteenth-century editors argued th a t it w as p u t together at the M onastery of the H oly C ross o n ty s a Gora, b u t m o d em Polish historiography, citing pariochialities of interest tying it to the W aw el hill, have tended to see a Cracovian origin for it instead, so that it is som etim es called the Annal of the Krakow Sextants (Annales Mansioniarum Cracoviensium) in the scholarly literature. Its m ost recent editor, A nna R utkow ska-Plachdnska has a rgued th at the a u th o r or authors show several areas of local interest, including the region of Sandom ierz (specifically, its secular nobility), the m onastery of the H oly Cross, as w ell as the ecclesiastical institutions on the Wawel. In its thirteen surviving copies, it is b o u n d w ith a variety of other w orks of highly varied contents, including scholastic, legal, 203 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. literary, historical, pastoral, and other w orks, testifying to the w id e range of interest of its readers, i A lthough the annal itself is relatively long, it scarcely has m u ch m ore to say about the pre-Christian history of the Poles than its predecessors. After a preface th at briefly lays out the history of Salvation, the first entry reads: In the year of Our Lord, 916, duke Mieszko of Poland [dux Meszko Polonie] is baptized with all his knights, and the Catholic faith is received in Poland. He took [in marriage] Dqbrowka [Dambrawkam], daughter of duke Boleslaus of Bohemia [de Bohem ia], from whom Boleslaus, called Chrobry [Chabry] was bom. This Mieszko, son of Siemoslaus, the pagan [Semislai pagani-i.e. Siemomysf], was blind for seven years before his baptism, and after receiving baptism, he saw for many years.2 O ne m anuscript reads 915 for the date of the d u k e's baptism , another, 917, another 966, and one even 1096. 2. Interpretation This datation, even leaving aside the variants, in curious, as it does n o t correspond to any recorded m edieval tradition, either annal or chronicle, and A ugust Bielowski is of the view that this cam e about by a Polish speaker unconsciously equating the Latin "sedecim ," or 16 with Polish "szeszd zisiqt" or 1 Cf. Drechliarz, "Osi^gni§da" 190-91; Anna Rutkowska Plachdriska, ed. Rocznik Swigtokrzyski, MPH, n.s. 12 (Krak6w, 1996): xii-lxvi. Labuda is of the opinion that many of these Sandomierz elements come from his hypothetical lost Dominican annal. See Labuda, Zaginiona Kronika, 148-49,158-59. On the legend of Mieszko Cho^dsko as it appears in this work, see chapter one, section n, F, above. 2 Rocznik Swigtokrzyski, 4. 204 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 60, so that 960 and som e years became 916.3 G iven, how ever that m any Polish annals in m anuscript d o n o t spell the w ords o ut, b u t use rom an num erals, o r a com bination of w ords a n d rom an num erals, it is also possible that a letter L, or fifty, w as m erely om itted in the copying, either b y the author himself, b y w hoever wrote o u t the original fair copy of the Holy Cross Annal, or (m ost likely) b y the copyist of the m anuscript of some other annal, on which the a u th o r chose to rely. M ost interesting, perhaps, is the w ay this annal m akes explicit a v arian t of the legend of M ieszko's blindness found before only in the Krakow Annal, and then only implicitly, th a t is, th at his recovery of sight occurred after his baptism . N ot m ade clear is w h eth er the author thought M ieszko w as blind seven years from b irth (and thus m arried a t the age of seven), o r w hether he w as struck blind at a later age, a n d then after seven years the m iraculous healing occurred, since nothing at all is said about the origin of his blindness. The author d raw s explicit attention to the paganness of Siemomyst. This m ight be just included as a passing rem inder of the un-Christianness of the Poles before this time, although it could also be intended as a term of contem pt, a n d thus a kind of im plied negative value ju d g m en t on the value of pre-C hristian Polish history. If it w as, this w ould be in line w ith the som ewhat n arro w churchly historical interests prescribed by the annal genre in Poland, w hich as w e know , seem to h av e been interested in pagan pre-history only in the case of the pre-conversion life of 3 See Bielowski's edition of the Rocznik Szuigtokrzyski in MPH, o.s. 3:60n. 205 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. M ieszko, w hich set the stage for his later C hristian life (if anything w as said about it at all). B. T he A nnal o f S^dziw 6) o f C zechel (F ifteenth C entury V ersion) 2. Relation with the Earlier Version The Annal ofSgdziwoj, in its surviving full an d interpolated version, n o t the lost original annal, seem s to have dated from the en d of the thirteenth century.4 The full version survives only in the "codex of S^dziwoj of Czechel," an elaborate and m assive com pilation of annals, chronicles (including the Cronice et gesta, Great Poland Chronicle and Chronica principum Polonie), lives of saints, travel literature (including M arco Polo), and docum ents of historical interest or pertaining to church affairs. W ojdech Drechliarz, w ho h as devoted a string of recent studies to this annal, has convincingly d em onstrated th at the interpolated version w as p u t together after the first q u arter of the fifteenth century by none other than the com piler of the codex, S^dziwoj of C zechel (1410-76), n o t only because its sources correspond exactly w ith those k n o w n to be in the possession of this m an, b u t because the hand of the interpolator m atches pieces of w riting know n to be those of S^dziwoj, and appears in m arginalia throughout his 4 Cf. Bielowski, introduction to the "Rocznik S^dziwoja," in M PH , o.s., 2:871-72, M. Perlbach, MGH SS 29:424ff; Wojdech Drechliarz, "Wst§p do studium zr6dtoznawczego 'Rocznik S^dziwoja'," Studia historyczne 35 no. 3 (1992): 291-306. Drechliarz shows that neither of the available editions suffidently differentiates the original work from the fifteenth-century interpolations and re-working in the manusdpt 206 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. manuscript.5 S^dziwoj is an interesting figure in his ow n right, a m em ber of the G niezno and K rakow cathedral chapters, recipient of a bachelor's degree in theology from the U niversity of Paris, an observer at the Councils of Ferrarra an d Basel, A ugustinian canon, and diplom at, he also had a reputation as a political prophet. H e counted the historian Jan Dlugosz am ong his friends (Dlugosz dedicated his Vita of St. Stanislaus to him), and corresponded w ith Jean Juvenal Ursins.6 2. The Legend of Mieszko According to the Annal ofSgdziwoj The account of the conversion of M ieszko found in the final version of the Annal of Sgdzizvoj includes erasures and an extended addition appended at the end of the original entry, presum ably a t the b eh est of S^dziwoj him self. These interpolations are placed here in italics: In the year of our lord 965 Dobochna, daughter of Wratislaus, Duke of Bohemia, and sister of Saint Wenceslaus zeas married [desponsatur] to Mieszko, son of Duke Siemomyst [Mesconi filio duds Zemomysl]. This Mieszko [Mesca] was bom blind and having been baptized in Prague received sight by a divine miracle. When the nobles [nobilesjwto were with him saw this, they cried "poley", from which they, who had first been called Lachs [Lachowye }when they were pagans [pagani], are called Poles from the pouring [ex perfusione] of the waters of Holy Baptism. And 5 The codex is described in Jacek Wiesiotowski, Kolekcje, 98-135. On S^dziw6j's authorship of the interpolations see Drechliarz, "Wstgp," 293-96; idem, "Zr6dla i autor Rocznika S^dziwoja: Z dziejdw kultury historycznej duchowiehstwa wielkopolskiego w XV w„" Nasza Przeszlosc 80 (1993): 131-67. 6 On S§dziw6j's life and activities see Wiesiotowski, "S§dziwoj z Czechia (1410-1476): Studium z dziej6w kultury umystowej Wielkopolski," Si. Zr. 9 (1964): 75-104. See Dlugosz Historiae, vol. 5, Opera omnia, vol. 9,193-194 and 230, for Dlugosz's characterization of him as a man of great holiness and learning, and also for his account of his role as political prophet. 207 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. having seen such a excellent miracle, the magnates of the Kingdom of Prague [Maiores regni Prage] were baptized, and thereafter all Poland was called from 'Poley.'1 3. Interpretation and on the so-called Mazovian Annal The derivation of the nam e "Poles" is taken from the im perative singular of the verb m eaning "to p o u r" in Polish ("polaj" is its m o d e m form and orthography). The peculiarities of this account are im m ediately obvious. Besides the folk etym ology, here M ieszko is baptized in Prague an d receives his sight at the very baptism al fo n t itself, and even acts as the Czech nobles' cause of conversion. A ccording to Jacek W iesiolowski, the folk etym ology here m ight be draw n from a p reacher's exem plum passed on in oral tradition, perhaps originating in the fourteenth century and m erely recorded b y S^dziwoj, w hich is entirely possible given its naive charm. Wojciech Drechliarz, though, has failed to find it preserved in w ritten serm on collections from K rakow or Wroclaw, which, how ever, does n o t rule o u t the existence of such a tradition, even in some w ritten form.s The p lo t elem ent first appearing in the Krakow Annal and restated explicitly in the Holy Cross Annal reaches its fullest developm ent, withtic scene. It m ust be said, though, th at there is no trace of any influence of the Holy Cross tradition on that fo u n d here, since they seem to preserve different parts of Vincent's original version of M ieszko's blindness: the Holy Cross Annal his seven 7 The correct text of this entry with the interpolations marked is given in Drechliarz, "Zr6dia," 160nl73. 8 Cf. Wiesiotowski, Kolekcje, 103; Drechliarz, "Zr6dla," 160-61,161nl76. 208 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. years of blindness, and the Annal ofSgdziwdj that he w as blind from birth. This existence of two in d ep en d en t variants of the baptism m iracle, though, m ight testify that it h ad a w ider an d m ore diversified oral circulation than indicated from a survey of surviving w ritten accounts. That Czech nobles w ere converted b y this miracle is unattested elsewhere, and indicates a kin d of reversal of seniority betw een the tw o peoples, or at least an attem pt to reduce the Czech priority in the progress o f C hristianization to a state of n e ar parity, and indicates a strong patriotic influence on the tradition.9 Did S^dziwoj find all these elem ents together in a single legendary tradition, or did he ad d anything on his own? M ost likely they w ere found already articulated in the pre-existing tradition, because of the logical link betw een the the baptism m iracle and the new nam e for the Poles. O nly the placem ent of the event in Prague an d the conversion of the Czech nobles could logically be rem oved from it w ith o u t creating a loss of sense, b u t this does not a t all exclude the possibility that it could have been contained in the original tradition. One last peculiarity deserves note: S^dziwoj's m odification of the Czech princess's nam e to "Dobrochna," a dim inutive that does n o t occur elsewhere, w hich w ould strengthen the chance that the source on 9 The notion that the Czechs were not living up to their Christian baptism in the second half of the tenth century can be found in the lives of S t Adalbert (see for example S. Adalberti pragensis epsicopi et marytris vita prior, Jadwiga Karwasihska, ed. Monumenta Poloniae historica. n.s. vol 4, part 1 [Warsaw, 1962], 17-18, a work known to S^dziwdj), and could have been easily exaggerated into their paganness. As Drechliarz points out, however, the idea that Mieszko was baptised by St. Adalbert bishop of Prague is also found in one of the vitae of Saint Stanislaus, and so the place of the baptism could easily have been misunderstood to be Prague. See his "Tre^ci ideowe 'Rocznika S§dziw6j'/' Kwartalnik historyczny 99 no. 3 (1992): 56-58. 209 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. w hich S^dziwoj probably relied w as a w ritten one, for if he w ere m erely rem em bering an oral recitation, it is n o t likely so he w ould have rem em bered such details from it (unless the dim inutive form appealed to him for som e reason of personal taste ).1 0 The Annal of Sgdzizooj does n o t even bother to m ention M ieszko's pagan father, thus p u ttin g it squarely in the m ainstream of the purely ecclesiastical historical vision typical of the annal literature in n o t even according an unbeliever this dignity (which the Holy Cross Annal, although n o t otherw ise interested in his person, at least conceded to him). This w ould be consistent w ith the author's interest in recording a version of the legend that seeks absolute theological clarity as to the m eaning of M ieszko's recovery by h aving it take place at the baptism al font, and w ould accord perfectly w ith the k now n interests of S§dziwoj, the theologian and w ould-be hagiographer. This likew ise corresponds w ith the view point expressed in the Mazovian Annal, believed by m any scholars to also be the w ork of S^dziwoj an d preserved only in his codex. This w ork, w hich seem s to be a precis of the Great Poland Chronicle w ith various additions to support Polish claims to M ichalowo and Podolia, p u rp o rts to have been w ritten in the reign of Casim ir the G reat. It is n o w generally th o u g h t to be a forgery by some fifteenth-century Polish intellectual in state service for use against the Teutonic Knights' a n d Lithuanians' 10 Cf. idem, "Zr6dta," 160. On how S^dziw6j might have derived the idea the Dqbrowka was daughter of Wratislaus, see ibid., 142-43. 210 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. territorial claims. Suspicion has fallen on S^dziwoj himself, since it also stresses the French ties of Polish m onarchs, a n d as w e know , S§dziwoj w as strongly connected to the French scene.1 1 This w ork begins by telling the reader curtly: "H aving om itted the previous, pagan princes of Poland [Obmissis prioribus paganis Polonie principibus], and beginning w ith the first Christian prince of the Poles, Mieszko [Myeszkone], as annals tell the story, he w as baptized in the year of our Lord 965."1 2 This m erely m akes explicit w h at has been long an im plicit program of m ost Polish annals. 4. Sgdziwoj of Czechel's Comments on the Great Poland Chronicle S^dziwoj's historical codex contains a copy of the Great Poland Chronicle, annotated in his ow n hand. M any of his com m ents on the legends of origin, as throughout the w ork, m erely describe content, b u t som e are m ore substantive in nature. Lech again appears as "Lach," just as in his Annal, and th ro u g h o u t his copy of the chronicle. M ost interesting are certain critical remarks. S^dziwoj writes simply "this is n o t true" (hoc non est verum) next to section of text linking the Biblical Q ueen of Sheba w ith Pannonia. N ext to the legend of Lestek I, he writes: "A lexander the G reat destroyed Krakow, w hich is improbable (non est verisimile)" and "Lestko the goldsm ith; Alexander defeated, which is im probable since it conflicts w ith Ptolem y's Cosmographia" (Alexander devincitur, quod non 11 For a discussion of the older literature on this subject see Wiesiotowski, Kolecje, 132-34. 12 MPH, o.s., 3:203. 211 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. verisimile quia hec convariatur Cosmographie ptolomey). Since the Cosmographia (m ore com m only know n as the Geographia) does n o t m ention A lexander as such, we m u st assum e that S^dziwoj is referring to the fact th at this w ork's latitude and longitude figures of lands occupied by A lexander obviously specify their location as being far aw ay from Poland. To criticize the Polish historiographical tradition u n d e r the influence of Classical historiography or geography, as w e shall see, is even m ore characteristic of S^dziw of s friend Jan Dlugosz, w ho m ay even be the source of the A ugustian's view s o n the subject. S^dziwoj raises no such objections to Lestek Hi's defeat of Julius Caesar, an d m akes special note of C hrist's birth in the time of Lestek an d Julius. S^dziwoj notes next to the passage on Lestek It's cherishing of his old, poor clothing that this king loved poverty (apparently w ith a m onk's approbation). H e also m akes special note of Popiel / Pom pilius's love of dance, perhaps m arking the fact o u t for use as a n exemplum in a serm on directed against im m oral am usem ents. Piast appears in Sedziw oj's annotations u n d er an otherw ise unattested dim inutive form of his nam e, "Pach."i3 C. T he "A cta quedam notatu d ig n a" and its Legend of M ieszko Slightly m ore generous is another brief fifteenth-century source, the Acta quedam notatu digna probably w ritten in the 1470s in Mazovia, and preserved 13 All these marginal comments are printed in the footnotes of the latest edition of the Great Poland Chronicle (MPH, n.s., 8). 212 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. only in a single Silesian m anuscript of the early sixteenth century.1 4 It is based m ainly on the Holy Cross Annal, but is like a chronicle in that it has chapter headings, as w ell as listing events by year. Its account of M ieszko's early life runs as follows: In the year 96 [sic!] after the Nativity of Our Lord, the Kingdom of Poland accepted the faith of Christ, when their duke, called Mieszko [Mysskal (bom of a pagan father, Siemomysl [Semislao], and bereft of sight [luminibus captus] for the seven years of his youth before accepting the faith) was baptized as the first, with the nobility of all his kingdom. He recovered his vision by virtue of the sacrament, and then immediately took as a wife the daughter of Boleslaus, duke of Bohemia, D^browka [Dambrawskam] by name, with the agreement of both of his parents.1 5 N o doubt the copy of the Holy Cross Annal u sed by the anonym ous au th o r w as one of belonging to the m anuscript tradition th a t read 1096 for the date of M ieszko's conversion, b u t the millessimo w as for som e reason forgotten or om itted in copying.1 6 The account is different from that of that annal in that it clarifies the am biguity of its source, and states th at his seven years of blindness w ere in his youth, an d th at having recovered his sight, he w as im m ediately m arried to D ^brow ka, to w hich the au th o r a d d s the explanation that his p aren ts gave consent, presum ably since the boy w as still too young to enter into m arriage on his ow n accord. This variant dem onstrates n o t only the w ide 14 See Antoni Lorkiewicz's introduction to this work in MPH, o.s., 3:296-99. 15 Ibid., 299. 16 Cf. Lorkiewicz's note on this subject, ibid., 299nl. 213 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. circulation of the Holy Cross Annal, b u t also the active interest the youth of M ieszko continued to d raw am ong readership of annals. II. Poem s and O rations A. Poem s 1. Verse on the Birth ofCasimir Jagiellon Two poem s survive from the fifteenth century th a t show the currency in w ider learned circles of various alternate nam es for the Poles derived from legendary pre-history. The first w as w ritten as a panegyric for the birth of Prince Casim ir to King Ladislaus Jogaila an d Q ueen Sofia of H olszany (1427), Hystoriographi acie. Traditionally ascribed to Stanislaus Ciolek (ca. 1382-1437), royal underchancellor an d bishop of Poznan, it is now thought to m ost likely be the w ork of his associate, Nicolas Pszczcdka of Btonie, royal chaplain and m em ber of the royal chancery from 1422 up through 1427, possessor of a M aster of A rts degree from the K rakow U niversity, i? The first stanzas read: Hystoriographi acie mentis lustrate fade nove prolis magnalia pangitote natalia ompnia per diversoria euge faustis donaria. 17 R. Gansiniec, "Liryka Startislawa Ciofka," RocznUd Historyczne 23 (1957): 168-71; H. Kowalewicz, "Tworczo&f liryczna Stanistawa Qotka," Eos 65 (1977): 152-53; Michalowska, W ielka historia, l:685ff.; Zofia Kowalska, Stanistazo Ciolek. Podhmderzy krolewski, biskup Poznahski, poeta dworska. (Krak6w, 1993), 140-141. On Btonie and his works in general see Stanistaw Wielgus, Sredniowieczna lacinskojgzyczna biblistyka pobka (Lublin, 1992), 83-85. 214 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Vandalorum propages preconia compages Dona Sortis ceteris favent, sed a superis tibi naturalia manant crassa copia18 W ith the historian's insight / T urn your m in d s / to the greatness of the infant. / Laud his birthday / all you in every land / offerings for the fortunate, indeed. O race of the Vandals / join the public praises. / Fate's gifts to others / show favor, b u t from the heavens / gifts of nature fo r you / flow in abundance. H ere the term "V andals" seem s to be u sed m erely as a learned synonym for "Poles." It aims to ad d to the poem an air of sophistication an d archaic grandure w hich no doubt seem ed to the author an d audience as suitable to the im portance of the young prince and the solem nity of the occassion. 2. Andrew Gatka and his Song in Praise of John Wycliffe If Historiographi acie show s continuing interest in the long standing equation of the Poles w ith the V andals at the royal court in the early fifteenth century, another poem uses a version of the Lechite appellation for a m ore dem iotic publicist purpose. 1 9 It w as w ritten by A ndrew Galka of D obczyn (ca. 1400-after 1451), a M aster of the U niversity of K rakow , who becam e a p roponent of Hussitism and of the doctrines of John Wycliffe. A fter long 19 Ryszard Gansiniec, "Liryka Stanistawa Ciotka," Rocznik historyczny 23 (1957): 168-69. 19 This equation of the Poles with the Vandals made its w ay into the first time poetry of Krak6w in the previous century. 215 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. standing disputes w ith the university and the bishop, he w as confined in 1449 in the Cistercian house in M ogila n e ar K rakow for penance. Soon a Polish poem in praise of Wycliffe and w orks b y the proscribed Oxford m aster w as found am ong his possessions, and a trial for heresy was arranged at the behest of the Bishop of Krakow, Zbigniew Olesnicki, the inquisitor, and the chapter prosecutor, Jan Elgot. Due to the negligence o r collusion of the m onks, how ever, h e escaped and m ade his w ay to the Silesian d u ch y of Glogow (Glogau) and th e protection of Boiko V, the pro-H ussite D uke of Glogow an d Opole, and from there sent various letters back to Poland to explain him self to friends an d ta u n t his enemies, one of which, to some unidentified Polish noblem an, included a copy of his verse (or so w e are told in its text).20 It is rem arkable for (am ong o th er things) a strange attem pt to describe W ycliffe's theory of universals in th e vernacular, b u t we need be concerned only w ith its first stanzas: Lachowie, Niemczowie fschiczi i^zykowie wqtpicze li w movvie y fschego pisma slowie Wikleph prawd^. powie. Gemuzz nie rownego mistrza poganyskego y Krzeszczianyskego 20 Many letters concerning his case are published in the Codex dtplomaticus universitatis studii generalis cracoviensis (Krak6w, 1873), 2:103-107,110-18. For excerpts from others see Michaiowska, Wielka historia, 1:534— 38, who also has the best concise account of his case. 216 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ani bqdze wi^czszego, asz do dnia s^dnego.21 Lachs, G erm ans / all peoples / you doubt if in speech / and in all his w ritten w o rd s / Wycliffe tells the truth. / N one shall be his equal / [among] p ag an m aster / or Christian / none shall be greater / until the d ay of judgm ent. The versification, as Polish philologists have pointed out, is n o t typical of m edieval Polish verse, a n d seem s to be taken from Czech m odels. N ot surprisingly, in C zech vernacular literature there are m any sim ilar H ussite songs, w hich probably pro v id ed the original stim ulus for G alka's w ork.2 2 It is possible th at G alka used Lachozvie here as a m ere exotic (i.e. Ruthenian) term for "Poles" w ithout intending it to be linked w ith the Lechites of historiographic tradition. But S^dziwoj of Czechel, just a decade or tw o later, used the w ord in a context that m akes it clear that precisely this form (w ith an "a" instead of an "e" an d w ith the old Polish nom inative plural m asculine personal ending "-ow ie") w as m eant as a synonym for "Lechites." Also, as w e shall see, the historian Jan Dlugosz som etim es calls Lech him self "Lach." 21 Text many times reprinted. See Wiesiaw Wydra and Wojdech Rzepka, Chrestomatia Staropolska: Teksty do roku 1543. 2nd ed. (Wroclaw, 1995), 288-90 for the work in both original and modem orthography. 22 juliusz Nowak-Dhizewski, Okolicznosciozva poezja polityczm w Polsce: Sredniowiecze. (Warsaw, 1963), 66, Michaiowska, Wielka historia, 1:538. 217 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Accordingly, it is likely that Galka too understood it as just such a synonym for the legendary "Lechites."23 Both these poetic w orks survive w ith scores an d thus w ere b o th m eant to be sung. In the case of Hystoriographi acie, it is a three-voice setting rem iniscent of Italian secular w orks of the period, and com posed by Nicolas of Radom , the m ost im p o rtan t Polish com poser of the early fifteenth century. Recently, how ever, it h as been show n th at the piece w as originally com posed for som e other, now lost text, and the w ords of the panegyric w ere fitted to it later as a rather clum sy contrafactum .2 4 G alka's poem survives in only one copy, preserved am ong m aterials gathered by the sixteenth-century L utheran reform er, M atthias Flaccus Elyricus, together w ith a m elody. It has been identified as the tim e of an older Czech H ussite song, and hence G alka's song is itself a contrafactum .^ The Latin panegyric w as presum ably perform ed in court circles. It is h ard er to tell if, by w hom , and w here G alka's song w as actually sung, b u t possibly by Polish-speaking Silesians, Czechs, or H ussite sym pathizers w ithin Poland (of which there w ere a fair num ber am ong the nobility of G reat Poland). In their respective authors' opinions, the allusions to various legendary 23 Cf. Malicki, Mity, 43. 24 See Mirostaw Perz, "Kontrafaktury ballad w r§kopisie KrasMskich nr. 52 (PL—Wn8054)," Muzyka 37 no. 4 (1992): 91-96,105-106. A musical edition has been published by Zygmunt Szweykowski (Muzyka w daumym Krakozvie. [Krak6w, 1964], 10-13). 25 Jerzy Zathey, "Tie£n o Wiklefie' i jej zapomniana melodia," Pamigtnik Literacki 46 no. 3-4 (1955): 171-87; Michatowska, Widka historia, 1:538. 218 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. nam es of the Poles w ould have been fam iliar to their intended listeners, w hich gives u s some idea of the m illieux in w hich such familiarity existed. B. D ip lom atic Orations 1. The Oration of Jan Ostrorog before Pope Paul II: Background, Content, and Reactions O n tw o occasions som e of the legends of origins of Poland w ere p u t to diplom atic use in fifteenth century. In the first instance, the legend of Lech was used b y Polish negotiators in a m em orandum in support their claim s in the last stage of the Thirteen Years W ar (1464) against the Teutonic O rder. Since this docum ent is bound up w ith the activities of tw o im portant figures th at have n o t yet been discussed, Jan Dlugosz an d Jan of D^browka, detailed consideration of it w ill be p u t off until both have been treated. The second diplom atic oration referring to the legends w as given a few years later, d u rin g the em bassy of Jan O strorog to Pope Paul II in 1467. O strorog (1420 / 1430— 1501), a m em ber of one of the m ost prom inent G reat Polish m agnate families, received a doctorate of b o th law s from the U niversity of Padua. Probably already in the 1450s, soon after his return to Poland, he w rote a royalist political tract ow ing som ething of its content to M arsilius of Padua, 219 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. w hich, am ong other things, w as m ean t to uph o ld the authority o f the king over the Polish c h u r c h .^ O strorog's oration before Paul II w as, it seems, intended to stress the value of the Poles to th e H oly See by enum erating their accom plishm ents in bo th secular (read, rather, m ilitary) and churchly spheres, as well as helping to accom plish the official buisness of the em bassy: obtaining papal ap p ro v al of the second peace of T orun ending the T hirteen Years W a r .2 7 A fter stressing the h ardiness and hardness of the Poles an d their northerly glory (Polonia . . . quanta est in septentrione gloria tua), and noting by w ay of his only concession to the topos of m odesty that his native lan d w as in the p ast more accustom ed to raising w arriors than orators, h e proceeds to the m ain body of his praise of Poland: [If] it were Demosthenes' task, [even] his tongue and mind [ingenium] surely (as I think) would not suffice to demonstrate the majesty of such a kingdom. For even if I would omit the broadness of her lands, the fertility of her soil, her land flowing with milk and honey, is there not the obvious argument of her utmost virtue and nobility, unconquered by so many foreign powers [imperii] in so many wars with so many peoples? Up to this day she has remained holy and spotless [sancta et intemerata], which is conceded to no people. Assyrians conquered all their neighbors, the Medes the Assyrians, the Persians the Medes, the Athenians the Persians, the Lacedaemonians the Athenians, the 26 On his biography and works see "Ostror6g, Jan" in PSB (Wroclaw, 1979), 24:502-505. Juliusz Domariski, Poczqtki Humanizmu: Dzieje filozofii sredniowiecznej w Polsce (Wroclaw, 1982), 9 :lllff. On the datation of his Monumentum pro reipablicae ordinatione see Anna Strzelecka, "Uwagi w sprawie daty powstania oraz genezy Monumentum Ostroroga," in Prace z dziejdzo Polski feudalnej (Warsaw, 1960), 251-64.1 follow her datation here, but other scholars prefer a later date for this work. It is published in Humanizm i reformacja w Polsce, Ignacy Chrzanowski and Stanislaw Kot eds. (Lw6w, 1927), 61-72. 27 On Polish policy toward the papacy in this period see Marian Biskup et al., Historia dyplomacji Polskiej (Warsaw, 1980), 1:484,490. This particular embassy of Ostror6g's was not successful in its basic aims. 220 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Greeks the Lacedaemonians, the Macedonians the Greeks, Phyrrus the Macedonians, Italy Phyrrus, the Sennonian Gauls [Senones Gdli] Italy, while the Carthaginians (lead by Hannibal) and the Goths were each separately, and at last entirely together overcome by the Romans, whereas Rome itself conquered the Romans. But what leader or people has been able to boast [iactare se possuntl of having trampled upon Poland? I do not adjudge that anyone has defeated her; and, (as I give satisfaction to the fatherland [patriae] in which I so rejoice) I can say that she has conquered many. Never conquered, and always victor. Queen Wanda [Vanda] overcame the emperor of the Germans [Germanonim Imperatorem] advancing with great strength, not by the sword, but by her mere appearance: so holy (or rather overwhelming [vehemens]) was the sight of this princess, that the enemy though rather to kill himself before battle, than to test the ranks of a female leader [feminae ducisl. Having secured the victory, Wanda sacrificed herself to the gods, throwing herself into a river, considering no other offering worthy of such great an accomplishment. From her we are called Vandals [or] Lachites [Lachite] from Lach, the originator of our name before the time of Wanda. Next we took the name "Poles" from our frequent victories in the field [campo], for in our language "field" is called "polye." Alexander the Great, too, whom the world could not contain, Poland pacified, driving him from her borders. Furthermore, Julius Caesar routed three times, concluded an alliance with her, the token of which was to give his place to shepherds— Julia city, which is now the capital of Lithuania [in cuius signum datus erat pastoribus eius locus—Julia civitas, quae nunc est Lituaniae caput], Livy, Justinus, and Floras were silent about this, because they were Romans; I wish to refer to the Polish annals, otherwise the letters of Aristotle confirm it well. We all know how remarkable the Scyths always were, remarkable men, famous women. They put Darius, King of the Persians to flight, massacring Cyrus with his huge army, destroying Zodiriona, general of Alexander the Great At least you have heard that Roman arms never attempted them: these in our own time the Poles have laid low, several times capturing their emperor, and because of such an unheard of [insoleriti] victory, Poland has recognized Scythia as subject to i t 28 O strorog goes on to praise the accom plishm ents of the Poles in religious affairs, going so far as to praise Ladislaus Jogaila as greater than some of the apostles for his conversion of the Lithuanians. 28 Chrzanowski and Kot, Humanizm i reformacja w Polsce, 57. By the Scyths, Ostrordg means the Tartars, with which the Poles variously fought and allied with in the fifteenth century. Later in the speech, they appear as Tartares. 221 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. O strorog's boasts did n o t go w ithout response, for a Polish m anuscript in the collection of the Cistercians at Mogila near K rakow preserves a response b y an anonym ous Italian, w hich attacks his claims: Polonicae gentis legatus venit ad urbem Vel potius Getid de regione lod Extulit hie patrios titulos, victrida signa Regis Kazimiri fortiaque arma patris, Imperii latos fines, nulla otia gentis, Protulit hostiles saepe fugasse manus. Mira hominis virtus, mira est praestantia linguae Ac equidem nostris aequiperanda avis At dum forte refert partriae incunabula gentis, Pingue solum et mores et fera bella probat, Addidit hoc. fradas ades romanaque signa, Romanos Getica procubuisse manu. Quin etiam divi pressisse et Caesaris arma, Foedatam nostro sanguine didt humum. Pace tua dixisse velim: te aludis agebat Summus amor patrios tollere ad astra lares. Et me tangit amor patriae et me gloria tangit, Insurgit pro qua carmen in arma meum. Die mihi, quae ratio, [quae] nunc monumenta fatentur Romanos Getica procubuisse manu? Nulla quidem invenies. Hanc dadem, haec horrida bella Fusaque Polonica fortia castra manu Credo equidem finges, fingunt nam multi poetae, Inter quos parta est gloria summa tibi. Quis alium ferret Iovis, cui cura deorum, Cui paret astriferi regia summa poli? Invictam sic tu potuistis vincere Romam, Quae fuit, est et erit quae caput imperii. Mos patrius molles longum produce re crines: Haec est martigeris gloria magna Getis, Vinctis hirsuta rutilantia corpora pelle: Effera gens patrio diffidlisque situ. Omnia plena metus, bellum fremit imdique pubes, Oblita vipera spicula felle madent. Assiduo quamvis agitant [sua] corpora Marte, Non puduit Latio colla deddisse Getas; Cur pudeat servire Thraces, servire Britannos? 222 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Cessit Arabs, cessere Dad Rhenuszue Padusque: Et Getis impositum est et tibi vile iugum. Quidquid ab octiduo spectatur, quidquid ab ortu, quidquid ab Arcturo sub regione latet,, Roma, tibi tribuere dei; sic perdere Parthos Fas fuit et gelidos vincere Sauromatas. At tu, quod Getica sis tan turn natus in ora, Asserts invicto Marti vacare Getam, Nunquam ilium subisse iugum, sed fortibus armis Casesari finitimos depopulasse focos. Falleris, nam patriae vires victridaque arma Romana aetemum sub ditione manent.29 A n am bassador of the Poles cam e to the city / o r rather, of the Getans, from his native clime / he extolled h ere the hereditary titles, and victorious standards / of King C asim ir and the m ight of his father, / the bro ad lands of his Em pire a n d his peoples's ceaseless activity, / he m ade know n th at [his] h an d alw ays p u t the enem y to flight. / W onderful is the capability of that m an, w onderful the eloquence of his tongue / certainly to be com pared w ith that of o u r forefathers. / But w hen he sets forth the origins of his native people / he dem onstrates [their] rich soil and m ores and savage w ars / ad d in g this: that G etans' m ight routed the Roman standards an d their ranks, laying Rom ans in the dust. / Furtherm ore h e says th at they struck d o w n the arm y of divine Caesar, / and polluted the ground w ith o u r blood. / I would prefer that you spoke in peace: great love / causes you to raise your forefathers' praises to the heavens. / Love of fatherland m oves m e too, and also glory m oves me, / because of it, m y poem rises u p in arms. / Tell m e now , w hat is your reason, w h a t histories adm it / that the Rom ans w ere laid low by Getic hand? / You certainly will n o t find them . This disaster, these horrible w ars / and m ighty camps spread w ide by Polish hand / I believe th at surely you invented them , for m any poets invent / am o n g them your great glory is bro u g h t forth. / Who carried aw ay the apple of Jove's eye, the darling of the gods / w hom the royal heig h t of starry heaven set forth? / You w anted to so conquer unconquered Rome / w hich was, is, and w ill be the capital of em pire. / It is your ancestral custom to produce long hair / This is the G etans' great m artial 29 Printed in ibid., 58-59. 223 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. glory, / their shaggy red bodies covered w ith hides / a w ild people, of inaccessible hom eland. / [Where] everything is full of fear, and m en th reaten w ar from every side / paying n o heed to the vipers fangs, they overflow w ith venom / A lthough their bodies are constantly agitated by M ars / it w ould n o t have been a sham e for the G etans to subm it their necks to the Latins; / for w h y should it be sham eful th a t the Thracians or Britians so served? The A rab gave way, as the Dacians, the Rhine, and the Po / and so upon you a n d the Getans a servile yoke w as im posed / W hatever m ay be seen in the W est, w hatever in the East, w hatever lies u n d e r the N o rth star / O Rome, that the gods have given to you; so the Parthians perished / and it w as right that you conquered the icy Sarmatians. / But you, since you w ere so b o m on Getic shores / claim that the G etan avoided unconquered M ars, / that n e v er w as he un d er [foreign] yoke, b u t w ith m ighty arm s / depopulated neighboring p arts a t Cesar's expense. / You are w rong, fo r the m en and a n d victorious arm s of your fatherland / rem ain eternally under R om an authority. The Italian's association of the Poles w ith the ancient G etans is, so far as I have been able to ascertain, an original idea of his ow n, as the territory of the Thracian Getans a t b est bordered on the Polish kingdom only tangentially (although it corresponds m ore closely to the M oldovan principality in w hich the Poles took an active interest, and over w hich O strorog m entioned victories of the Polish king in the final p art of his speech). A nother Italian p o et w riting a shorter and som ew hat m ore polite response to the Poles, how ever, m ade note of their long hair .30 This m ay be at the h eart of identification, for the phrase "hairy Getans" (hirsutos Getas) appears in O vid's well-known Epistulae ex Ponto, 30 Printed in ibid., 60. 224 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. in w hich the Rom an p o et lam ents his exile am ong them .31 H ow ever geographically hazy, the association adm irably serves the po et's purposes, though, as it serves to underline the prim itiveness and m arginality of the Poles com pared w ith the greatness of Rome. Given the association of the papacy w ith the glory of ancient Rom e in the rhetoric of some papal court hum anists of the fifteenth century, this response m ight be read as stressing the suitability of the Poles' serving Rome, and th u s it w ould be a rejoinder to the m ain im plication of O strorog's speech, w hich stressed the uncom m on m erits of the Poles and thus underlined their potential as an independent and co-equal ally of the papacy. Because of Paul D's strained relations w ith the hum anists of Rome, how ever, and the fact th at the association of the papacy w ith ancient Rom an im perial authority becam e the norm in the w ritings of Roman hum anists only som ew hat later than his reign, it is also possible this verse w as as a "private" response of a R om an hum anist m eant only to defend the honor of the ancient city itself 32 This poem p ro m p ted a rebuttal from O strorog or som e other m em ber of his delegation, which according to Juliusz Domahski is the one of the first know n Latin verses by a Pole in a flawless quantitative style, in which style it excelled 31 Ovid, Epistolae ex Ponto, 1, 5, 74. 32 See John D'Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome: Humanists and Churchmen on the Eve of the Reformation (Baltimore, 1983), 92-97,115,117-23 on the relationship between the humanists with the papacy in general (both practically and intellectually), and Paul II in particular. 225 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. even the verse it w as responding to .33 It presupposes the identity of the T hradan G etans (Getae) an d the G oths (Gothi), often confused even in late Antiquity, and attributes the Italian a dventures of the latter to the form er, espedally the successful rule over Rom e an d Italy on the p a rt of the O strogoths: Si nos in Getica natos regione fateris, Quamvis Vandalium credimus esse genus, Romanos olim victos fatearis oportet Ac Romam nostra procubuisse manu. Namque res Italas vexarunt Getica quondam Bella, pharetrati bella fuere Getae. Notum, qui reges, quae natio dura ruinam Romani quondam fecereit imperii. Quod in [re] est nesds, indoctus et ipse poeta, Verbaque iam tantum versificata canis. Quae vero imprudens in nos tu iurgia iactans, Versibus et fabula garrulitate canis, Conveniant Scythicis Visigothis, Vandala sed nirnc, Seu vis, Ostrogotha terra beata mea est. Natio laudanda est et pace et fortibus armis Evinci nulla quae potuerit manu.34 If you think us b o m in Getic parts, / A lthough w e believe ourselves descended from the Vandals, / You o u g h t to think th a t Romans w ere defeated / a n d Rome laid low b y our hand. / For Italian affairs w ere once vexed / w ith Getic wars; the quivered Getans m eant w ar. / It is kn o w n which kings, w hich h ard nation / once ruined the R om an Em pire. / As it is, you do not know ; the poet himself is ignorant, / and his w ords m oreover so m u ch like the vesification of a dog. / Such quarrels you unw isely throw a t us / w ith verses and a tale of dog-like garrulity, / They w ould suit Scyths and Visigoths, b u t it is the Vandal, / or, if y o u wish, the 33 Domariski, Poczqtki Humanizmu, 113. 34 Ibid., 60. Ostror6g, not surprisingly, is more willing to associate the Poles with the Ostrogoths who successfully managed to rule Italy and Rome, rather the Visigoths, who merely looted it. 226 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Ostrogothic, land th at is blessed to me. / A nation is to be praised if in peace or b y stro n g arm s / no h an d has been able to conquer it. 2. Ostrorog's Oration: Sources and Interpretation Jan O strorog seem s to have m ainly relied on a couple of chronicles for his sources: the Chronica Polonorum of M aster Vincent and the G reat Poland Chronicle. H e m entions the suicide of W anda and the linkage of the nam e Lechites to the person of Lech, n o t found in the Chronica Polonorum of Vincent n o r in Dzierzwa, b u t rath er in the Great Poland Chronicle. H e also know s the apocryphal letters of A lexander an d Aristotle, w hich are n o t m entioned in the Great Poland Chronicle, b u t found in the other tw o chronicles. From these various sources he chose the episodes in Polish pre-history in w hich m ajor foreign enem ies w ere defeated. T here is m ore to O strorog's selection of m aterial than this, how ever. The Italian-educated O strorog, am ong the first m en w ho m ight be unequivocally described as a Polish hum anist, chose to highlight Polish victories that purportedly took place in antiquity to the papal court. Thus, he pays court in his ow n w ay to the hum anist and Italian fascination w ith Classical antiquity, w hile a t the sam e tim e stressing the supposed Polish role in it, and even a Polish superiority to the g reat civilizations of the ancient M editerranean insofar as they, unlike the Poles, w ere som etim es conquered. In this he behaves in a way th at roughly parallels the behavior of som e G erm an hum anists tow ard 227 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the Italians.35 This, m ore than anything, d raw s the indignant response, presum ably from one of th e litterati a t the P ap al court. The resp o n d en ts defend the honor of ancient Rome against the claim s of Ostrorog, and the chronicle tradition based on M aster Vincent, w hich declares the independence of the Poles from sw ay of the im perial legend (just as effectively in its neo-classical as its m edieval form ). If O strorog draw s m ainly on the standard chronicle tradition, his oration also includes some bits of "inform ation" on Polish pre-history n o t found w ithin them . H e has the G erm an prince who m arched against W anda com m it suicide rather then even attem p t to use his forces against W anda, leaving o u t the enchantm ent of his arm y. Perhaps O strorog introduced this variant him self as a simplification, rather than to explain the w hole story to an audience entirely unfam iliar w ith it. M ore interesting is the variant of the legend of a Polish d ty nam ed after Julius Caesar: now not Lubusz, or W olin, but, it seem s Vilnius (Wilno), the capital of Lithuania, here som ew hat arbitrarily transform ed into Julia Ciuitas (probably to be interpreted here in a generic sense of "Julian City," since Julius's sister Julia does no t appear in O strorog's oration). This seem s to b e a reference to the legend of the Roman origin of the Lithuanians, w hich w ill be discussed in detail in the context of Jan D lugosz's full record of the tradition. It w ill suffice to say for now , that the legend probably did not exist yet in w riting, an d therefore O strorog probably encountered it in oral form. 35 Cf. Frank Borchart, German Antiquity, 22-26. 228 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The details of this oral version are impossible to know for sure, so brief and gnom ic is the reference. Given the tendency for figures associated w ith agricultural production to be prince / founders in Indo-European origin legends, it is reasonably likely the shepherds d id appear in the original tale. It is also possible that some other "agricultural producers" appeared, and O strorog, given the Rom an motif in play here, and his o w n hum anist inclinations, m ade them shepherds to conform w ith the early occupation of Rom e's founder, R om ulus. It is n o t out of the question th at O strorog understands the shepherds as being Lithuanians (or Poles) generally, stressing in a general w ay their virtuous a nd unspoiled prim itiveness in antiquity. In any case, this legend dem onstrates the degree to which Lithuania h ad been "naturalized" into the national consciousness of learned Poles by the m id-fifteenth century, such th at it m ight be considered a territory associated w ith Poland, even in ancient times. Furtherm ore, given the fact that a faction of the Lithuanian political nation w as still dissatisfied w ith the Polish union, and that few in Lithuania of any stripe w anted their land to be view ed as m erely another province of Poland, the view is no t w ithout its tendentiousness (m uch as M aster Vincent's original legend of Julian d ty founding in Poland was, if Banaszkiewicz is correct). 229 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. III. Jan o f D ^brow ka's C om m entary to the "Chronica Polonorum " o f M aster V incent A . M aster Jan o f D ^brow ka and h is Com m entary One of the m ore interesting sources for Polish historical culture in the fifteenth century is som ething of a peculiarity, even on a E uropean scale.36 It is a scholastic com m entary o n a historical w ork (the Chronica Polonorum of M aster Vincent) by a fifteenth century m aster of the U niversity of K rakow , Jan of D ^brow ka (ca. 1400— 72). Despite its curiosity as such, the w o rk is som ew hat understudied even am ong Polish scholars, in part due to the lack of any printed edition apart from a highly fragm entary eighteenth century one. Jan of D ^brow ka w as b o m into a peasant fam ily in K ujaw y in the low er Vistula valley, and m atriculated to the University of K rakow in 1420. H e received a bachelor of arts in 1421 an d a m aster of arts in 1427. H e lectured in rhetoric betw een 1427-33, a n d afterw ard (1437-44) Aristotelian m etaphysics. By 1446, he h ad received a licentiate in theology, an d w as elected rector of the university for the first of nine tim es in his life. H e w as also eventually offered, b u t declined, a position in the law faculty. Relatively late in life he w as m ad e a canon of the 36 History was lectured on also at the University of Vienna in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and by the end of the fifteenth century at other German universities, but overall, history remain marginal to the formal curriculum of most universities in Europe in Jan of Dqbrowka's day, and scholastic commentaries on medieval historians were almost unheard of (cf. Marian Zwiercan, Komentarz Jam z Dqbrozvki do Krcmiki Mistrza Wincentego zwanego Kadhibkiem [Wroclaw, 1969], 174— 75; Juliusz Domadski, "Narodowe i uniwersalne pierwastki w my£li polskiej," Odrodzenie i Reformacja w Polsce 37 (1993): 27-28 n. 28). Livy's Ab arbe condita however, redeved a commentary by Nicolaus Trevet, a fourteenth-century Oxford Dominican. See Ruth J. Dean "The Earliest Known Commentary on Livy is by Nicholas Trevet," Medieoalia et Humanistica, o.s. 3 (1945): 86. 230 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. K rakow chapter (1467) 37 Betw een 1462 and 1464 K ing Casim ir IV used him several times as a d iplom at in the protracted negotiations attem pting to bring the Thirteen Years W ar w ith the Teutonic O rder to a d ose, co-operating on som e of his missions w ith Jan Dhigosz. Like Dhigosz, he seem s to have played the role of a historical expert, an d w as often given greater status in legations than his younger contem porary, possibly due to his greater political reliability from the p o in t of view of the king.38 H e w as also notable for his personal library, w hich he w illed to the university institutions on his death. This library w as unusually large, even for a university m aster of his d ay (it reached beyond a hundred codices by the end of his life) and encom passed theology, law, m oral and political philosophy, and som e classical and hum anistic literature.3 9 Besides his com m entary to V incent's chronicle, Jan of D^browka also w rote a num ber of o th er w orks, none of them published to date: the obligatory com m entary to the Sentences of Peter Lom bard, a set o f Quaestiones to the 37 On Jan of D^browka's life, see Zwiercan, Komentarz, 84-87, 177f.; Henryk Barycz, "Jan D^browka," in PSB, 5:26-28; Waclawa Szelihska, "Dwa testamenty Jana D^browki," Studia i materialy z dziejdw nauki polskiej, series A, no. 5 (1962): 3-37. On his role in university affairs as a rector and vice-chancellor see Ignacy Zar^bski, "Okres wczesnego humanizmu," in Dzieje uniwersytetu jagiellmiskiego w latach 1364-1764 vol. 1, Kazimierz Lepszy, ed. (Krak6w, 1964), 171, 179. 33 Unlike Dtugosz, he had already migrated from the post-Ole^nicki camp to the in the royalist camp by around 1460 (see chapter 4, section one, below). On his diplomatic activities, see Barycz, 'Jan D^browka," 27, Bolestaw Przybyszewski, "Kapituia krakowska za kanonikatu Jana Dhigosza" in Dlugossiana, vol. 1 Stanisfaw Gaw§da, ed. (Warsaw, 1980), 67-69; Marian Biskup, "Dziafalno&f dyplomatyczna Jana Dhigosza w spawach pruskich w latach 1454-1466," in Dlugossiana 1:156-58. 33 On his library see Szeliriska, "Dwa testamenty"; Jerzy Zathey, "Biblioteka jagiellohska w latach 1364-1492," in Historia biblioteki jagiellonskiej, Ignacy Zarebski, ed. (Krak6w, 1966), 1:101. 231 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. G ospel of M ark, an d a substantial num ber of serm ons.40 Som e believe him to also be the au th o r of the diplom atic m em orial of 1464 arguing the legal case for Polish possession of Pom erania and Prussian territories, in w hich (am ong other things) the legend of Lech is m entioned. M arian Zw iercan, in his m onograph on the Commentary to Vincent7s chronicle, has been able to establish rather precisely its d ate of composition, along w ith the interrelations an d relative age of various redactions of the work, for like m any scholastic texts it exists in several different versions. There are in fact five m ajor versions of this w ork. The first is the ro u g h d raft version preserved in Jan of D ^brow ka's copy of Vincent7s chronicle (MS BN 3002), w here the m aterial for the com m entary is w ritten in on m argins and blank pages, often as rather disorganized and h ap h azard scribbles. Four m anuscripts survive from am ong the earliest finished copies. These seem to have all originated at the same tim e (late 1435 or early 1436) b y the dictation of M aster Jan, for (am ong other reasons) all have the exact sam e corrections at m any points in the text. M arian Zw iercan calls these the "dictanda," and they constitute M aster Jan's finished version, which is also preserved in six copies later than the dictanda, m ostly d ating from around 1440 (although one of these six originated in 1467 and another in 1471). A lso around 1440, an expanded version of the com m entary w as 40 On his theological works and views see Stanislaw Wielgus, Sredniowieczna tacinskojgzyczna biblistyka polska, 99-101; Zofia Wfodek, "Tendenqe doktrynalne na wydziale teologicznym uniwersytetu krakowskiego w XV wieku," in Literatura i kultura poznego sredtiiowiecza w Polsce, Teresa Michatowska, ed. (Warsaw, 1993), 25-26. 232 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. com posed by a n anonym ous K rakow m aster, including b o th stylistic changes to Jan of D qbrow ka's version, and ad d in g further explanations of points left unclear by Jan, along w ith som e fragm ents from Jan's ow n ro u g h d raft that he h ad left out of the first finished version. This version I shall call the anonym ous interpolator, after Zw iercan. It is preserved in a single m anuscript copy (BJ 2471). There are two later versions, both originating in the m ilieu of the K rakow university. The first, d atin g from 1446, is that of Jan of Szadek, M aster of A rts (1430) and licensee in canon law (1434). H e incorporated som e of the changes of the anonym ous interpolator into his version, and changed or added to a handful of o th er passages on his ow n. Ten copies of this version survive, two dating from the 1440s, four from the 1450s, one from around 1470, one from the 1470s, and one dated 1481, the last know n copy m ade of the com m entary. The last version w as created in 1450 by M atthew of Kobylin (M aster of Arts, an d later professor of theology an d rector of the University, d. 1492) for the K rakow cathedral school. It is a pastiche of anonym ous interpolator's and Jan of Szadek's 233 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. versions. It survives in tw o copies from 1450, and (fragm entarily) in another one from 1462.4 1 W hat w as Jan of D qbrow ka's intended audience in w riting his unusual com m entary? As Zwiercan has pointed out, the com m entary's content, focusing m ainly on the m eanings of w ords a n d explaining o r amplifying the chronicle's m oral points w ould im ply an intended audience th at was not particularly advanced in the life of the m ind. The purpose of the work, in o th er w ords, w as didactic.42 Given that he w rote the com m entary soon after he h ad stepped dow n from the Thom as N ow ka chair of rhetoric (w hich he held 1427-33), an d begun his law studies, it is quite possible th at the w ork w as m eant to sum u p his ow n teaching practices in that position. This m eans th at Vincent's chronicle w as already a subject of lectures a t the university a t this early stage, som ething that becom es certain in 1449, w hen it appears on a list of required w orks for the 41 For the sake of my work on the Commentary, I have relied mainly on the following Manuscripts: BN 3002 (the rough draft), BJ 2474 (one of the dictanda), BJ 2471 (the anonymous interpolator), B. Czart. 1317 (one the first containing Jan of Szadek's version), B. Czart. 1318 (the version of Matthew of ECobylin) although I will privilege the dictanda version in most cases, since this contains Jan of D^browka's final finished version. See Zwiercan, Komentarz, 12-84 on the manuscripts general. On BN 3002 specifically, see pp.12-22 (cf. Wiesiolowski, Kolecje, 88ff.), on the dictanda see pp. 22ff., on BJ 2471 see pp. 45-48, on Czartoryski Library 1317 and Jan of Szadek see 48ff., and on the Matthew of Kobylin version see 72ff. On lost manuscripts see pp. 79-81. The only existing printed edition of the work, fragmentary and riddled with errors, was published along with Vincent's Chronica Polonorum and the Annales of Jan Dhigosz in Dobromil in 1612, and reprinted in Leipzig in 1713 It may be used only with extreme caution, and in conjunction with the full manuscript versions. On this edition and its defects see ibid., 81-83.1 have had reference to the eighteenth-century reprint (Ioannis Dlugossi seu Longini canonici qnodam cracoviensis Historiae Polonicae liber XIU et ultimus, [vol. 2] Henricus Huyssen, ed. [Leipzig, 1713]). 42 Zwiercan, Komentarz, 178-79. 234 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. N ow ka chair draw n u p in th a t year, and so it rem ained u ntil 1476, w hen it w as rem oved to make room for Q uintillian's De oratorio, institutione. Zw iercan also points o u t that it is unlikely that a heuristic w ork of young faculty m em ber w ould have spaw ned so m uch copying in the 1430s and 1440s, or tw o separate rew orkings by other m asters unless it h ad been m otivated b y a requirem ent or desire to teach w ith it.4 3 Jan of Dqbrowka refined his m ethods of com m entating over the course of his treatm ent of the first letters of Vincent's first book. A fter these, he settles dow n to a form ula that is generally followed: in the case of the chapters attributed to Bishop M atthew , first, historical sum m ary an d explanation. Secondly he explains or expands on the the m oral point (in the section labeled Circa litera notandum ), and finally (in the section labeled Circa vocabula notandum) definitions of w ords Jan th o u g h t difficult, or for some reason particularly interesting. In the case of the speeches of Archbishop John a sim ilar schem e is followed: first description of the contents (sometimes already com m enting on the m oral points typically contained therein), exposition of m oral doctrines (typically w ith citations from authors), and then explanations of w ords.44 In a practice that shows the influence of a dictam inal approach to teaching rhetoric, 43 Ibid., 109-10,158-65, idem, "Komentarze i przer6bki Kroniki mistrza Wincentego," St. Zr. 20 (1976): 111-12. Ignacy Zar^bski makes a case that reading of Quintillian (perhaps in the fragmentary version widely known in the Middle Ages) was already implied in the 1449 statute ("Okres," 175 n.35). 44 Zwiercan, Komentarz, 90ff. 235 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Jan of D qbrow ka conceives each speech by th e A rchbishop John or Bishop M atthew as a discrete "letter" answ ering the letter of the other, m aking of M aster V incent (as w e shall see) only the red acto r and w riter of the prologue and fourth book. A lthough Jan of Dqbrowka is the first U niversity of K rakow m aster w hom w e know to have compiled for him self a hefty m anuscript collection of historiographical sources, he seem s to have know n an d draw n u p o n in com posing his historical explanations only a relatively lim ited num ber of them only those contained in his historical codex: Chronicle ofDzierziva, Little Poland Annal, an d above all the Great Poland Chronicle. In addition, he occasionally h ad recourse to the Chronicon ponitificum et imperatorum of M artin of O pava .45 The num ber of m edieval w orks he cited as m oral authorities or sources for inform ation other than strictly historical is quite a bit m ore impressive, including (am ong others): the encyclopedic works of Papias, John Balbi of Genoa, and H ugutio of Pisa, H enry of Settimelo's (H enricus Pauper's) De diversitate fortune, the Poetria nova of Geoffrey of Vinsauf, the versified Bible of Peter Riga, the Trojan rom ance of G uido de Columnis, several w orks of Alain de Lille, as w ell as such w orks of political philosophy as the Polycraticas of John of Salisbury, the Speculum regiminis of Philip of Pergam o, an d the royalist De regimine principum of Egidus C olonna of Rome. Aside from the books of the Bible and the standard patristic works, he also cites several Classical authors, including m any of the 45 Ibid., 123-32. 236 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. better know n w orks of Cicero, V alerius M axim us, a n d (m ore rarely) Lucan, Justinus, Sallust, Frontinus, Pliny Younger, Juvenal, Terrence, C laud ian, as w ell as the standard encyclopedic w orks of late antiquity. N o r are the Ethics and Politics of A ristotle absent. A m ong the hum anist w orks, Jan seem s to have a great predilection of Francesco Petrarch's Remedium, w hile citing Pier Paolo Vergerio's De ingueniis moribus quite a b it m ore rarely .-46 AH this list (by n o m ean exhaustive) goes to dem onstrate the accuracy of M arian Z w iercan's assessm ent of Jan of Dqbrowka: "Jan of D qbrow ka was n o t a historian. R ather, one m ight call him a history buff [milosnikiem historii]. The com m entary [in accordance w ith the authorial program ] is a collection of philosophico-m oral an d gram atico- rhetorical reflections, rather th an historical." 47 B. C ontent, Sources, and M ethod s o f D ^brow ka's Com m entary 1. Dqbrowka on the Nature of the Chronicle, along with his Excursus on the Origins o f the Poles Jan of Dqbrowka begins his com m entary w ith a substantial preface that explains his purposes and the use of history, the title of the Chronicle and its four A ristotelian causes. Jan explains his ow n purposes by citing a passage from the sixth century w riter C assiodorus's Variae, lam enting the decline of great deeds, w hich once graced the city of Rome. Accordingly, h e says: 46 ibid., 146-56. ” 47 ibid., 181. 237 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. [Inspired by] the Ancients' love of the fatherland . . . it seemed to me worthwhile for the great increase [incremento non modico] of our unconquered Kingdom of Poland [Regni Polonie], to bring back to the attention of modems the ancient deeds worthy of memory contained in the chronicle of Vincent from the very beginning [ab ipso exordiob, to recall those virtues and vices, the victories granted Poland from on high, so that study of good deeds would excite the wills of the Poles, and that so aided their hearts might be invited to follow them.48 John of Salisbury's Polycraticiis and one of the letters of P eter de Vineis are th en cited as authorities for the notion that know ledge of the p ast is of value in the m oral shaping of contem porary people, while C assiodorus, Philip of Pergam o, are quoted on the virtues an d necessity of patriotism . C ato is cited to the effect that patriotism m ust be prom ulgated by pen as well as sw ord. Jan then discusses ho w Vincent's chronicle is suitable vehicle for achieving these lofty ends: In a number of aspects the chronicle of Vincent [Cronica Vincenciana] recommends itself [as] distinguished above the others, extremely truthful in its histories, most learned in its use of words [in serie verborum], setting forth originally the golden pillars of our Polish fatherland, true images of our fathers, and enumerating step by step the conflicts of war, setting them forth in divine light [diva luce ordinatos].49 H e th en sets about the w o rk of describing his chosen chronicle: About its beginning, I will say some general things worth special attention, set out in this saying in meter[contenta in hac dictione metrico]: "If you wish to know a book, first find out these things: Its use, title, goal [intendo], the field of knowledge it belongs to [parsque zophie], the four causes that bring about the _______ whole."50_____________ 48 BJ 2574,1. 49 Ibid., 2-3. 50 ibid., 3. 238 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. This schem a defining the contents of the introduction is a com bination of two form ulas com m on in introductions to m edieval com m entaries: R. W. H u n t's type C, and the so-called Aristotelian com m entary (i.e. exposition of the four causes) . 51 The utility, Jan casts aside quickly, identifying it w ith the final cause. The title, by contrast, receives lengthy exposition. Jan understands the title as: Chronica de gestis Principum Polonie quam lector sciat esse editam a Mattheo quondam Cracoviensi episcopo, in qua per modum Dialogi interloquendo cum Ioanne archiepiscopo Gneznensi tres lihros ediderunt quartum autem addidit Vincencius quondam Cracoviensis episcopus, which, no doubt, he found in som e codex in w hich he found the chronicle. After explaining the origin of the term Chronicle (correctly, from the G reek w ord for time, chronos), his exposition of the title is in a fact a discussion of tw o questions: the ultim ate origins of the Poles, and the authorship of the chronicle. Poland (Polonia)r Jan tells us, is a very broad (spaciossimum) kingdom , w hose nam e, according to the sequence of St. Stanislaus, is derived from the N orth Pole (polo Artico). Poland also takes its nam e from the castle (castro) of Polon, w hich existed in form er tim es in Pom erania (a b it of inform ation Jan found in the Great Poland Chronicle). Poland is also called Vandalia from Vandalus the first b o m of N egno, for w hom it is thought th at the river today nam ed 51 On the different types of medieval commentary introductions, see A. J. Minnis, Medieval Theory of Authorship 2nd ed. (Philadelphia, 1988), 15-29, which cites the older literature. 239 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. "W isla" in the vernacular w as called the Vandalus. So also the m ountain from w hich this river originates w as nam ed for him . N egno cam e from the lineage (stirpe) of Japhet, and so the Poles descend from this St. Japhet, son of Noah, w hom his father blessed. A fter citing Genesis 9 for the text of the blessing, Jan continues w ith the genealogy of the Poles. For this pu rp o se he m erely copies the requisite p a rt of the Chronicle ofDzierziva (chapters 1-2, u p to the list of lands occupied b y the descendants of Vandalus) w ith only one significant change: the genealogy as listed is shorted by tw o generations (N um a Pam philius and Reasilva are om itted, although the sum m ation at the end still m entions thirteen generations). H is reason for doing so is m ade som ew hat clearer by his attem pt to count generations in the m argin of his ow n copy of the Dzierzw a. The Chronicle ofDzierziva says this lineage has as m any generations as betw een N oah and Joseph (i.e. the 13), b u t this source gave him only tw elve nam es to list for the Polish genealogy. Some tim e after listing out the generations an d thus noticing the problem , Jan, it seems, cam e u p w ith a solution, for he w rote into the Polish genealogy in a different ink than he used for the original listing the name "N um am " as though a separate person from Pam philius. H e also em ended the text of D zierzw a to m atch this convenient splitting of N um a Pam philius in two. This being so, how ever, it still does n o t explain w hy w h en it cam e time to w rite the com m entary, Jan entirely om itted N um a Pam philus, a n d Rheasilva as well, m aking A lanus son of Aschanius. Perhaps he w as uncertain of his solution, and 240 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. h ow to interpret this p a rt of the genealogy generally, and so m erely decided to avoid the issue by om ission, even at the price of diverging from his source, an d m aking the count of thirteen generations obviously unattainable. Perhaps h e th o u g h t it w ould be clear to his students (if they bothered to count, and only in a back-handed way) th at the list was incom plete an d uncertain if thus handled, or p erh ap s he m eant to am en d it later (but no gap in the text is to be found, ev en in the rough draft copy ) . 52 G iven his obvious earlier attention to the issue, it is unlikely he m ade the om ission m erely in error. The variant of the Chronicle of Dzierzwa found in Jan's codex also proves the origin of another characteristic feature of his com m entary text: in the listing of lands: the term "Seleda" (denoting one of the fa r W est Slav territories) is h ere replaced by "S ueda" (i.e. Sweden) while "C am eola" (i.e. Camolia) is ad d ed after Carthinia.55 Jan then finishes his discourse on the first origins of the Poles: Poland is also called Vandalia from Vanda, daughter of Graccus, and with the passage of time [the Poles] were called Vandals, about which the present chronicle manifestly speaks. Poland is also called Lechia, from which the Lechites take their name [vocabulum], who [also] took their name [nomen sibi usurpavenintl from Lech, the senior son of Panno. For it is written that Panno had three sons, Lech, Rus, and Czech, which is described plainly enough in a certain other Polish chronicle [Chronica Polonorum]. Therefore it is probable [uerissimile] that those who succeeded him in tum, desired that he have posthumous fame, and so imposed his name upon his lands [provinciam suam]. 52 Cf. BN 3002, 2r., 36v. and BJ 2574,3-4. On 36v. of BN 3002, Jan also drew out a small T-O map next to the Biblical genealogy in the margin. 53 Cf. BN 3002 2r., 36v., MPH o.s., 2:164-65 and textual notes. 241 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. This is also seen in the name of Jerusalem, which was once called Salem, then Gebus, and finally Jerusalem.54 The "certain other Polish chronicle" m entioned here is, of course, the Great Poland Chronicle, w ith Jan ad d in g on his ow n only the m eans by w hich the nam e of Lech w as transferred to his territories, and the exam ple of Jerusalem . After explaining w h at is m ean t by dialogue, Jan then proceeds to take up the question of authorship of the Chronicle. First he notes th at som e call it the Chronica Vincencia, attributing authorship to the form er Bishop of Krakow, w ho w ithheld his nam e out of hum ility. H e implies his approbation for this view adding, et videtur verins. O thers, though, he notes, form ulate the title so as to regard Bishop M atthew an d A rchbishop John the authors. O r all three could be authors in succession. This view Jan approves in even stronger term s: Reputo ego inter ceteras verius. Indeed, first M atthew and John w rote the first three books, and then Vincent w rote the fourth treating events u p to his ow n tim e, editing the first three books, then adding a n introduction at the behest a n d will of Duke Casimir. H e finally concludes th at "one ought not dispute excessively (pertinaciter) about the author of this work," citing the Pseudo-Senecan De quarto virtutibus cardinalibus, to the effect th at it is m ore im portant to be m oved by w h at is said and h ow it is said then w ho said it, and St. John D am ascene to the effect that w isdom , w herever found, comes ultim ately from the H oly Spirit.55 54 BJ 2574, 4. 55 Ibid., 5. 242 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Interestingly, as M arian Zwiercan noticed, Jan seem s to have realized th at Vincent actually w rote the w hole work, since in the rough d raft of his com m entary to book IV, section 7 (where V incent refers back to the second book as his ow n w ork), th a t all the books w ere obviously w ritten by ''V incent K adlubek [Kadlubkonis], Bishop of Krakow, then m ost learned [literatissimus] in the w hole world, as annals [annales cronice] m ake clear/ ' * 5 Yet n o w here does this appear in any finished version of the Commentary. Jan then proceeds to address quite a b it m ore briefly the intention and branch of know ledge of the w ork. The intention of the w ork, he tells us, is to place in order the w ords a n d deeds of ancient Poles that are w orthy of m em ory, and so induce Poles of later ages to military, brave, virtuous, a n d honest deeds (res). The study of the w o rk o u g h t to be regarded as p a rt of m oral or ethical philosophy, since brave a n d honest exam ple of the ancients (veterum) are referred to, that their traces m ay be follow ed after. Jan then cites Cato enjoining the old to recount facts an d deeds, and the y oung to listen to them , w hereas John of Salisbury is quoted o n the usefulness of all things to the w ise and P eter of Vinsauf to the effect th at the p ast makes the future certain.*? The four causes are treated at slightly m ore length. Such know ledge as this, Jan writes, does n o t h av e a m aterial cause properly speaking, since it is a quality in the soul. The g reat deeds w orthy of m em ory them selves, how ever, 56 Zwiercan, Komentarz, 119; BN 3002, 205v. 57 BJ 2474, 5-6. 243 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. m ay be regarded as the m aterial cause loosely speaking. The form al cause of the tract is the division [of the work] into four parts, w hereas the form al cause of the treatm ent [of the subject m atter] is the p rose genre (modus agendi prosaicus). The author, Jan explains, chose to write in prose rather than poetry (metrice), since poetry, although it delights, treats history briefly and im perfectly, w hereas the author wished to discuss the subject m atter perfectly. John of Salisbury is then quoted to affirm th at g ran d subjects can b e raised briefly, b u t m ust be treated at length in order to be explained. The efficient cause was the historian m entioned in the title, w hereas the initial efficient cause (causa . . . effidens mouens), w as Prince Casimir, w ho w an ted to advance th e study of ancient deeds for the good of his kingdom an d its fu tu re increase. Jan also differentiated tw o types of final cause: "intrinsic" (intrinseca —the past deeds of Polish kings and princes), and "extrinsic" (extrinseca —the reason for stu d y in g the w ork, th at is, refinem ent, eloquence, virtue, an d , ultim ately, blessedness) .58 After this interesting introduction, Jan com m ents on Vincent's introduction to the chronicle at a length sim ilar to his ow n preface. Jan som etim es uses the text a springboard for lengthy digressions o n som e p o in t of interest: he uses of the m ention of theatrical spectacles in Vincent's introduction to discuss at length th e m orality of attending spectacles and carnivals in general. 58 ibid., 6-7. 244 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and tinder w hat circum stances jokes and am usem ents m ight be perm issible to Catholic m en, a n d other related topics as w ell.59 2. The Commentary to Vincent's first four chapters. Jan treats sections 1 and 2 of book one as a w hole .60 His com m entary on them begins by inform ing his students th at it is the beginning of the p a rt of the w ork in w hich the author executes his plan for it (pars executiva), and h e does so in four books. A bout the legendary w ars of the D anes themselves he has alm ost nothing to say, except to note that this passage tells of "the vastness (immensitate) of the K ingdom of Poland (regni Polonie) and its victory w on against neighboring and transm arine nations ." 6 1 He does m anage to include a discussion of John of Salisbury's and Isidore of Seville's conceptions of the body politic (i.e. the m etaphoric parallel betw een the hum an bo d y a n d political society) appended to his explanation of the m eaning of the term "republic." Also, he takes the general reference to the fam e of the early Poles as an opportunity to adm onish his listeners (based o n m axim s draw n from C assiodorus, the Bible, Seneca, and 59 Ibid., lOff. 60 This means his numbering of sections throughout the first book (and even after) is somewhat different from the division used by modem editors, which is the one believed to be Vincent's original ordering. For a condordance of both numbering systems, see Zwiercan, Komentarz, 91-92. 61 Ibid., 24. 245 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Henricus Pauper) th at a good nam e (farm) is m u ch to be valued above m oney .62 As far as his definitions of w ords, his glosses to aborigines, and succedanens are interesting: the first, Jan tells us, is used in the sense of "unknow n in origin" since "the genealogy of peasants an d plebs [rusticorum et plebeorum] is n o t w ritten dow n, no r transm itted by m em ory, as is the genealogy of nobles." The latter term m eans succeeding [into rule] either justly b y heredity or by the deliberations of free election (succedentes vel merite per hereditarim in nacionem vel libere per deliberatam eleccionem). The anonym ous interpolator (unlike the hum ble- born Jan of Dqbrowka!) elaborates this by ad d in g proudly (and in full concordance w ith Vincent's m eaning) that the the Poles were no t ruled b y such rulers as w ere "ignoble, or plebeian, that is, rustic, n o r were [they] either new comers [adventici] w ho by force subjected [the Poles] to themselves, b u t truly hereditary and of princely b irth [principati derivati]."6 3 To Vincent's rather unclear account of Polish dealings w ith the Gauls (1.3), Jan provides the following introduction: "the second letter, by M atthew, Bishop of Krakow, about the m any victorious conflicts of the Poles w ith Gauls an d Romans." Vincent never quite says that Poles a t this tim e defeated the Rom ans, b u t rather that the Gauls did, after they h ad been forced into an agreem ent w ith the Poles to share their conquests w ith them . But given this supposed sharing of territory, and the fact that Graccus, the future K ing of Poland, is associated by 62 Ibid., 25-26. 63 Cf. ibid., 24-25; BJ 2471, 27. 246 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Vincent with these Gallic victories in som e vague way, perhaps Jan concluded th at Poles m ust have also h a d some p a rt in them . Extremely laconic as it is, though, Jan's explanation is itself hardly very clear. Jan provides tw o interesting historical glosses to this section, which, as M arian Zw iercan w as able to determ ine, he found in H ugutio of Pisa.64 The first is an explanation of the origin of the term "Gallus": it com es from a river in Phrygia w hich intoxicates m en w ho drin k from it, and drives them m ad (vesani). Hence the region of G aul (Gallica . . . regio), which is divided into three parts: Gallia Comata (or L om bardy), Gallia Togata (or Burgundy), an d Gallia Brachata, w hich in fact is G erm any (Teutonia), n am ed for "long arm s" (a longis braccis). Therefore by "G auls" here we are to u nderstand G erm ans o r T eutons (Et ideo per Gallos hie intellegnntur Germani seu Teutonici). The second concerns the origins of the "G reda" (i.e. Greece): it com es from Grecus, a king of th at land, and the Greeks are divided into five different groups: Attic (actici), Boetic (beotes), A eolian (eoles), Dorian (dores), an d H yanthes (hyades), each of w hich have their ow n language. These explanations are placed am ong expositions of w ords, w hich m ake u p m ost of the com m entary to this section .65 The next section (1.4) is alm ost entirely given over to explanation of w ords, and is bereft of an initial sum m ary or m uch historical detail, although in the anonym ous in terp reter's version an initial paraphrase o f the content of the 64 Zwiercan, Komentarz, 147. 65 BJ 2574, 26-27. 247 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. section is found a t som e length .66 Some of the sam e historical m aterial u se d by the interpolator is fo u n d buried am ong th e explanations of w ords, even in Jan's ow n dictanda version, as it happens, an expansion u p o n the inform ation supplied b y Vincent on the G auls an d Graccus: Poland did not bother [curaxrit] to have a king up to the time of King Assuerus, husband of Ester, who reigned in India up through Ethiopia over 127 provinces. At this time 300,000 Gauls migrated, seeking new lands, and captured Rome and burned it, while the rest occupied almost all the kingdoms of the globe [orbis]. When the Poles heard this the gathered a great army against the Gauls, and constituted Graccus, a nobleman and knowledgeable in war, as captain [capitaneiim] or prince, and so overcame [deoicerunt] them.67 A nother geographical explanation is also included: "Pannonia according to some is the m other an d origin of the Slavs and their nations. For Pannonia, according to the interpretation of the Greek and Slavic, m eans 'having all/ hence the Slavic 'p a n ' or 'lord,' that is, having all."6 ® 66 "[John] wishes [to say]: 'O Matthew, what you related in your letter is not fiction, i.e. thought up [fictum, id est, excogitatum], nor put falsely (false expressum), but whatever you said is true, and what7 s more useful and neccessary by nature, as Egidus testifies in his Homily: the Gauls, when they had multiplied so much in their own homeland that it could no longer contain them, sent 300,000 seeking new lands, homes, and dominions (sedes novas mansiones ac dominia). One part of them sought out Italy, and having taken Rome, burned i t The remaining part of the Gauls engaged in many conflicts with barbarians, and reaching Pannonia (which is now called Hungary) they defeated the Pannonians, and set up their dwellings there. It is therefore quite probable and likely (satiss ergo probabile et verisimile est), that the same Gauls contended with the Poles, as you, Matthew, asserted in your letter, since they were neighbors of each other. For opposing torrents next to each other will not be able repose in peace/" BJ 2471, 31. 67 BJ 2474, 28; cf. Zwiercan, Komentarz, 129-30 on sources. BJ 2471 includes this passage in a slightly expanded version (p.31). 68 BJ 2474, 28. 248 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The first is derived from the Chronicle of Dzierzwa, chapter 4, w hereas the second is from the Slavic interpolation of the Great Poland Chronicle. Also interesting is the definition of history here contained, taken from Isidore of Seville: History is a seeing or a recognition [hystoria . . . est visio vel cognicio]. In ancient times, no-one wrote history unless he was there and saw what was to be described. It is derived from "Histerion," that is to see or to recognize [cognoscere], and since this soon passes away, it is reduced to our knowledge (notitiam) and memory. For history is [an account of] deeds done, remote from human memory due to antiquity. Hence 'historian,' that is, a writer of histories, and "historiography," that is, the description of history.69 3. The Commentary to the Legend o f Graccus and Wanda In the dicatanda version com m enting the legend of Graccus / K rak (Vincent 1.5), m ention is briefly m ade of his election as king, law giving, and his son's nefarious succession after him , b u t again, m ost of the com m entary is given over to the definitions of w ords. Once again also, the anonym ous interpolator has considerably m ore to say about the p lot of this section of text th an Jan, for he sum m arizes it some length, and even adds som e interesting bits of inform ation on his ow n a t two junctures. A bout the elevation of Graccus to the kingship we read: While Graccus was staying in Carthinthia, some rose up and laid waste to the borders of the Kingdom of Poland [regtti polonie fines]. But Graccus, a man of wondrous refinement [nrbanitatis] and eloquence returned from Carthinia and called together all the nobles [nobilibus] to a congress [colloquium]. Having 69 Ibid. 249 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. gained the favor of all, he won their support for elevating him to the royal dignity, using reasons contained in the letter.70 A lthough V incent m erely says th a t at this tim e, m any began to desire rule, the anonym ous interpolator, follow ing the influence of the Chronicle c f Dzierzwa and the Great Poland Chronicle (where Graccus is elected specifically to defeat the Gauls), has Poland pillaged by invaders at the tim e of his election. H e also makes the people called together explicitly nobles, rath er than the Lechites generally, no doubt interpreting Vincent in this case from his experience in his o w n age (as the term colloquium w ould itself suggest, as this w as a com m only u se d term for a parliam ent in late m edieval Poland). A fter paraphrasing V incent in sim pler language on the content of Graccus's speech and the law giving of this prince, he includes a very interesting account of the of the m onster an d its lair: Just as now, beneath the mount on which the Krak6w castle is built, there can be seen a cave, in which then a certain dragon of most atrocious cruelty dwelt, and which was called an holophage by some. Those neighboring the city were forced to give it a certain number of herd animals every week, and if these were denied it, they would be punished by [the loss of] so many human heads by the monster.7! 70 BJ 2471, 35. Cf. BJ 2474, 31. 71 "Unde si cut et modo sub monte in quo castrum Cracoviensis collocatur apparet spelunca in qua tunc draco quidam crudelissime attrodtatis erat qui a quibusdam olofagus didtur, cuius voraatati accole dvitatis cerium numberum armentorum singulis septimanis dare sunt coacti, quibus negatis tot humanis captibus a monstro plectabantur." B J 2471,36. Neither of these passages made it into in Jan of Szadek's version (cf. B. Czart 1317, 23), which also holds true of Matthew of Kobylin's version (B. Czart 1318, 38). 250 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. This is the first source th a t absolutely and w ithout doubt locates the cavern in w hich the m onster d w elt u n d ern eath the W aw el hill, and the first to clearly describe the m onster as a d ragon, both features of the legend w ell attested after this tim e. The first, th at is, save one. In Jan of D qbrow ka's codex (but n o t in the final, dictanda version of the com m entary) w e find the follow ing note w ritten in by Jan's hand in large letters n ext to the requisite section of V incent's text: De olofago sub Waxuyelna.1- This form m ay im ply the neighboring "W qw elnica" (i.e. Skalka) of the Great Poland Chronicle, b u t it is the W awel that is fam ous for its caves. The anonym ous interpolator, furtherm ore, (who had access to Jan 's rough draft) clearly understood Jan to m ean this latter hill, since he described it as the "m o u n t on which the K rakow castle is built" (sub monte in quo castrum Cracoviensis collocatur). This m ay be im p o rtan t evidence for the existence of traditions, probably oral, localizing and picturing this episode know n to u s from the historiographical traditions. Even in the dictanda version the m onster is called a dragon in passing, b u t only in the com m entary to the section of V incent's text on the fo unding of the d ty o f Krakow (I, 7), for instead of speaking of the cawing o f th e crow s w hich cam e to the carcass of the "m onster" ( ; monstri—as in Vincent), Jan m entions the carcass of the dragon (cadaver draconis). A s far as explanations of w ords in th e com m entary to 1,5, Jan recognizes (correctly) that "holophage" (olofagus) is d eriv ed from the G reek w ords m eaning "w hole eater" (totum . . . comendere), referring to Hugucio of P isa for his 72 BN 3002, 50v. 251 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. know ledge of the G reek roots. H e also characteristically, takes w ords of m oral o r theological significance as opportunities for brief serm ons, as is the case w ith "piaculum ": "that is, fault, sin, crime, since it is to be atoned for [pyandum], for Eve introduced sin [pyaculum], that is death, guilt; the rem edy for w hich is contrition of the heart, since M ary bore expiation [contulit pyaculum], th at is the rem edy of guilt and sin."7 3 Com m enting on the next letter of Archbishop John (1,6), Jan expands on his m oral point: [John shows] that Graccus the younger was justly excluded from rule (dominio) over the Kingdom of Poland for fratricide. First a proverb is cited, secondly feelings of astonishment, thirdly, he also suggests the remedy for these [tercio, eorundum remedium et intendith Indeed, the younger Graccus is justly condemned to perpetual exile, and in punishment is cut off and exduded from rule over the Kingdom of Poland, since because of his ambition he killed and slaughtered his brother, therefore, he is himself proscribed and thrown out of the kingdom from which he cast his brother out by death . For he who prepares a trap for his brother falls into it himself."74 A m ong the explanations of w ords, C ato is quoted against am bition, and as the last note to this section, Jan m anages also to quote the datation of G raccus's reign found in the Chronicle of Dzierzwa: "Lastly to be noted: This G raccus king of the 73 BJ 2474, 32. Cf. also "immanisime," or "acephali," on heretics being without Christ, the head. "Triumphus," by contrast, explains some aspects of the classical practice of triumphal processions. 74 ibid., 34. 252 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Kingdom of P oland flourished m ore than 400 years before the b irth o f C hrist an d alm ost a h u n d re d years before A lexander of M acedon."7 5 Jan's com m entary to the legend of W anda (1.7) includes his first lengthy sum m ary, and expansion on, the events described b y M aster Vincent. M ost of this, in fact, is d ra w n alm ost verbatim from the Great Poland Chronicle w ith little change, up to an d including W anda's accepting of the Germ ans' hom age and her free-willed self-sacrifice by jum ping into the Vistula, along w ith the derivation of the river's nam e from her name, and through the river, that of the Poles. There are two interesting differences: instead of stressing the physical!ty of W anda's beauty (pulchritudine corporis) as the factor w hich induced the "A lem an Tyrant" to try to take h er an d h er land, Jan replaces w ith phrase in question fou nd in his source w ith "her unutterable beauty" (ineffabili pulchritudine), which, if anything, further spiritualizes the figure of W anda. Perhaps m ore significant is the omission of the G erm an prince's speech to his m en, and the addition of the detail that he killed him self while fleeing (consternatus jugam dedit, fugiensque, diis suis immolando, gladio vibrato insiliit). This seems to sap any nobility this figure m ay have displayed in earlier versions of the legend, by m aking him cow ardly, in addition to the o th er vices he reveals in the course of the story. Jan's account of the founding of K rakow paraphrases V incent loosely, and includes m any elem ents n ot found in the original: 75 ib id ., 35. 253 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The Poles, eager to remember Graccus forever, founded a noble and famous city around the lower bank [of the Vistula], which from the name of Graccus was named Graccovia, and they did not cease from his obsequies until the walls had been enclosed. Others called it Cracovia, on account of the great [amount of] croaking of crows, which then flocked to the carcass of the dragon [draconis]. Alexander the Great is said to have destroyed this city and sowed [its fields] with salt Indeed, the city [dvitas] was founded beneath the hill then called Wawelnica [sub monticulo Vqvelnycza], and now Skalka [Scalka] in the vernacular. Graccus built a castle [castrum] on the greater and higher hill [monte], now called Wawel [V^vel], which called with is own name, Grac. The Poles indeed in his eternal memory, behind the lesser hill called Wawelnica built the said great and famous city, which they called Gracovia from his name. The body of this Graccus they buried in a prominent place, where there is today the hill of Saint Benedict [mons Sancti Benedicti]. Wanda [Vanda] having thus sacrificed herself to the gods (as was said previously), was buried opposite Mogila [versus M ogylam] in another hill, when she surfaced from the water from the gods [ex aquis a diis emersam].76 Besides the reference to th e m onster being a dragon, this passage contains tw o previously unrecorded bits of lore about Graccus / K rak an d W anda: their burial places. Both Mogila (a village near Krakow) and the hill on which the church of St. Benedict is built are identifiable features of the topography of K rakow and its environs. Full discussion of these supposed burial places m ay be p u t off until w e discuss a m ore extensive version of this lore, w hich appears in the Annales of Jan Dlugosz. Suffice it to say, though, that such inform ation b o u n d up w ith local topography quite likely reflects local oral traditions. It is interesting to note that the rough draft version of the w ork does n o t include the inform ation about the burial of W anda, w hich m u st have therefore been included in the final version as 76 Ibid., 37. 254 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. a n aside during dictation, increasing further the chance that it was a fam iliar piece of local lore, casually available to Jan's m em ory.7 7 A m ong explanations of w ords, the account given of celebata (i.e. celibate) is interesting for its m oral content, and no d o u b t intended for young aspiring clerics: It "is derived from [the w ord] 'unm arried' {a celebis], and is virginity, m odesty, chastity, as th o u g h it derived from [the phrase] 'w orthy of heaven' [celi dignus], for people leading a chaste life are like angels, and are w orthy of heaven.'"^ The next chapter (I, 8) in Vincent's chronicle (in Jan's words) "approves the aforesaid by analogy an d by reason" (per simile et per rationem). A fter brief explaining Vincent7s argum ent, Jan proceeds to a d d support to its m inor prem ise (minor)-, augm enting the exam ple of Q ueen Sem iram is w ith several other fem ale rulers or notables from the ancient w orld com piled from various sources, an d w ho are cited as "w om en exceeding m en in virtue." These are: Nicostrata Carm entis, Regina, sister of Tubal, the Sibyls, Libia, Deiphobe, Vatidnia, M erepesta, as w ell as great Biblical wom en: Rebecca, Judith, Abigail, Ester, Jael. H e also includes a length digression about respect an d devotion for public benefactors, and its decline am ong the Poles of his ow n time, to w hich the anonym ous interpolator ad d ed a paraphrase of the case of King Anaxillaus described by Vincent (w ith interpolations in italics): 77 Cf. BN 3002, 54 v. 78 BJ 2474, 38. 255 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. As Tulius says in his Rhetoric, book one, "the most important devotion is the virtue by which duty and loving respect is given, both to those linked by blood and to those friendly to fatherland [patria].” The old Poles are to be praised for their surpassing devotion Ipyetatis7 , because they who gave such benefits to the fatherland were given honor and respect, not only in their own persons, but also in their descendants, for example, their sons and daughters. For upon the death of Graccus, they built a city for the eternal memory of his name, commonly [wlgariter] called Gracovia, and made his son king. When his fratricide became apparent, they adopted the daughter of the said Graccus, Wanda by name, to whom due to their devotion, they showed not a little obedience, although it was to a woman. This act of devotion the Sicilians also showed to the children of Anaxillaus, for on the death of the aforesaid king of Sicily, they entrusted his children to the care of a very faithful knight of his, that is, Micalus, along with administration of the kingdom. The prince and the whole senate of that kingdom, oblivious to its ovm dignity, due to the devotion they felt toward the Lord King Anaxillaus, allowed the king's chosen servant Micalus to [take up] regency, and deputated the administration and governance of the kingdom, and suffered him to rule. But alas! Modem Poles scarcely show such devotion and upright trust, they more attend to [their own] interest rather than devotion. Their friendship and faith lasts as long as their own interest and profit are served. Such friendship, which loves someone as long as they are useful and of help, is not friendship, but ought to be called commerce.7 9 Curiously, Micalus, dearly labeled a slave (serous) by Vincent, is turned by the interpolator into a knight (miles), b u t he seems to have another source for this incident, w hich could be its origin. Although casting him as a knight may have seem ed m ore familiar to the political world of fifteenth-century Europe, it does rob the exam ple of some of the m eaning invested in it by Vincent. A t the end o f the com m entary to this section, the interpolator also a d d s a digression on the origin of the nam e "Sicily," and h o w it derives from one King Siculus, taken from G uido de Colum nis' rom ance o n the Trojan War.so 79 Ibid., 39-40; BJ 2471, 46-47. 80 BJ 2471, 47. 256 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4. The Commentary on the Legends of the Three Lesteks Jan begins his com m entary on V incent's chapter o n Lestek I (I. 9) by quoting the Great Poland Chronicle's account of events after W anda's death, that is, about the rule of the w ojew oda and tw elve governors. Jan ad d s only his ow n attem p t to date the length of this period: alm ost a h u n d re d years (fere centum annis), echoing his datation of Graccus (for he h a d determ ined this king to live about a h u n d red years before Alexander, w hom L estek defeats), and then adds a very concise sum m ary of A lexander's dealings w ith the Poles, n o t m entioning Lestek o r the nature of the trick w hich defeated the M acedonian in any specific w ay.8 1 Proceeding to his m oral discussion (Circa literam est notandum), Jan takes up the issue of A lexander's cupidity and its political implications: The Poles did not allow themselves to be ruled by the obvious cupidity [cupiditate] of Alexander the Great, since they considered [cognoverunt] him to be vice-ridden [vidosum]. for a vice filled man is not worthy to rule and command others, unless he first puts aside his vice and cultivates virtue. About which Tully [says] in his Paradoxes, paradox five: "A ruler [imperator] is to be praised, or rather to be declared or thought worthy of the name. But how w ill he rule some other, if he is not about to rule his own desires [cupiditatibus]? Let him first reign in his desires, spum pleasures, be wary of anger, check avarice, and rejects other flaws of character Babes], then let him begin to rule others." Therefore the Poles wrote appropriately to Alexander: "he rules others badly who has not learned to rule himself; nor is he worthy of triumphal glory who is conquered by the pomp of cupidity." For nothing is more glorious in princes S'1 The anonymous interpolator, however, expands some on the treatment of the envoys (ibid., 51). 257 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. than liberality, and nothing worse than greed, as Tully says in the first book of De officiis.82 A fter this discussion o f public m orality, he proceeds to the explanations of w ords, including som e term s d raw n from classical h istory (i.e. questores, argiraspide). H e also includes a discussion of die circum stances in w hich trickery m ight be allowable in his definition of dolus (i.e. trick): "In such circum stances a trick is lidt: in fighting off enem ies or in self defense. For a p lan is [meant] to be hidden" (Sit enim celando proposition)*3 The m ost interesting thing in Jan 's com m entary to this section, how ever, does n o t occur in an y of the finished version, b u t only in the rough draft. W ritten by Jan in large script in the m argin n ex t to the passage in V incent w here A lexander is said to invade other provinces (ulteriores aggreditur prouicias) after conquering Silesia a n d Krakow, w e read: Sandomiriam. A little further d o w n the page in the sam e fashion w e find Stradom w ritten in n ex t to the passage w here the future Lestek places the false helm ets and shields o n a hill-top to d raw A lexander's elite into his trap.84 La all probability Jan w as here recording traditions that localized events from legendary pre-history, as he presum ably did in the case of the burial sites of K rak and W anda. Since Sandom ierz w as already regarded as a city of venerable im portance in the fifteenth century, it is scarcely 82 BJ 2474, 42. 83 Ibid., 43. 84 BN 3002, 56v. "Cruszwica" is written in the same manner next to the death scene of Pompilius II (69r.), a localization Jan found in the Great Poland Chronicle. 258 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. surprising that events from the Polish A lexandrian legend m ight attach to it. The case of Stradom , a suburb of Kazim ierz by K rakow nestled b etw een the W aw el and Skalka, is m ore surprising, because it is built on low an d originally sw am py ground (not a t all the "high m ount" (in celso monte) on w hich one the false arm or is said b y Vincent to have been placed). It is therefore probable this version of the legend envisioned A lexander's elite guard (having destroyed Krakow) to have been cam ped a t Stradom , and the m ock-ups placed o n a surrounding height. N either Skalka (nearby on the other side of the Vistula) n o r the adjacent Bawol are presently m ore than five to seven m eters higher than Stradom, however, and even though higher in the past, they scarcely could be thought of as "high m ountains, " so th at the best candidate for the legendary hill would have to have to have been the heights of Krzem ionki (containing the supposed barrow of Krak) about tw o kilom eters south of Stradom. A t any rate, Stradom itself dates only from the second half of the fourteenth century (first m entioned in sources in 1375), w hich prima facie w ould seem to indicate a very late tradition. 8 5 The legend, how ever, could well have been attached to the spot before the suburb came to be, existing as in does in the very shadow of K rakow and the Wawel, places freighted w ith great significance in the landscape of Polish ethnogenetic legend. Jacek Banaszkiewicz m aintains that the localization of the legend to Stradom m ight be the product of Jan's own im agination an d historical interests 85 Jerzy Wyrozumski, Dzieje Krakawa (Krak6w, 1992), 1:401-402. 259 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. projected onto the C racovian landscape w ith which he w as familiar.®* This, of course, remains entirely possible, b u t it is rather unlike Jan of Dqbrow ka's ordinary behavior as w e have already observed it, w here he tends to follow one of the sources available to h im (usually Vincent of the Great Poland Chronicle) quite scrupulously in laying o u t the facts pertaining to past events. It is likely, therefore, he had a source for it, although perhaps one com m anding less authority (as w ould be the case if it w ere an oral tradition), such that he d id n o t judge the inform ation reliable enough to include in the final version. The com m entary to the next section of Vincent7 s text (1,10: Archbishop John on the apocryphal letters of A lexander and Aristotle, the C orinthians' resistance to Alexander, and Alexander7s trick against Darius) includes a brief and close sum m ary of the contents, expanding significantly only on the im plication of the Poles' defeat of Alexander: For after Alexander was so shamefully defeated by the Poles [per Polonos], he gave up devastating principalities [dominiorum], and idled [quieoit] in peace up unti 1 Iris death, since he intimidated no people IgensI as much as before on account of his humbling [deieccionem]. In fact, he was held in contempt, and Archbishop John wonders at such great courage [fortitudine] and audacity of the Poles, through which Alexander's dependencies [clientela] were thrown into more confusion than [by] the Corinthians. He wonders at the fact, furthermore, that Alexander himself was repulsed in such a fashion by the industry of the Poles, with not a little confusion beyond the borders of Poland.87 86 Jacek Banaszkiewicz, "Historia w populamach kompilaqach—tzw. Poczet krol6w polskich," in Kultura elitama a kultura masowa, B. Geremek, ed. (Wroclaw, 1978), 225. Banaszkiewicz does not discuss the Sandomierz localization. 87 BJ 2474, 44. 260 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Jan seems to here u n d e rstan d the phrase in Vincent a b o u t the ceasing of Alexander's exaction an d the quieting dow n of dem ands for tribute as applying n o t just to Poland, b u t to all lands, as it were, driving A lexander into a kind of retirem ent. A m ong his glosses on w ords to this section, Jan explains Corinthus (i.e. Corinth), an d notes th at the A postle Paul w rote tw o letter to the Corinthians.8 8 C om m enting on section 1 ,11, w hich m erely m entions the elevation of the clever sm ith to rulership an d the bestow ing on him th e n am e Lestek, Jan uses the opportunity to take u p the issue of the hum ble m an elevated b y virtue: Just as the Kingdom of the Romans and many other kingdoms L et aliarum gentium] were not always ruled by those of princely or noble blood, nor by the famous [insignes] (as is dear [in the case of] Vespasian, Hadrian [Lelius] distinguished by a famous family, and yet they ruled the Republic admirably), so too not all w ho presided over the Kingdom of Poland [Regno Polonie1 were not always princes or those from famous families, but sometimes from a humble lineage [stirpe], but outstanding [insigniti] in virtue. Lestko I was one of these, who was elected prince since he adroitly [solerter] saved Poland from the hand of the mighty (nay, unconquered), Alexander the Great and at length, on account of the totality of his very great merits, he was crowned king. And deservingly, for nothing so much promotes and elevates one to honors (ad dignitates) as virtue. According to Frandscus, book 2, fifth chapter "Through virtue one's condition is raised little by little to the lonely height; kings know themselves to stand on high ground." So also Alexander of Macedon made a gardener, preeminent in virtue, King of Asia, and he was praised for his accomplishments.89 88 Ibid., 45. 89 BJ 2474, 45. 261 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The king of A sia in question, is Gordius, m entioned by V incent in chapter II, 4 in conjunction w ith the legend of Piast and Siemowit. It is interesting to note again how m uch Jan, of com m on birth, underlines the suitability of social advancem ent due to m erit (although Vincent gives him am ple opportunity to do so). This them e continues in the com m entary to section 1 ,12, w hich is for the m ost p a rt a close sum m ary of Vincent7s text in simplified a n d less laconic language, b u t stressing m ore explicitly that the Poles them selves deserve praise for avoiding the com m on behavior lam ented b y A rchbishop John, in which, although hum ility is the nurse of virtues, virtues in the low ly are discouraged rather than encouraged.9 0 Jan's com m entary to the horse race of Lestek (1,14) and his "m iraculous elevation" (mirabili sublimacione) to kingship, is m ade up m ainly of a paraphrase of the course of events. The w ording is based o n the Great Poland Chronicle, w ith only the peculiarities of the this latter version changed to conform w ith Vincent7 s text, that is to say, the youths w hen they discover the spikes spread some into the clear p ath foiling the original author of the trick, while the rider covering his horse's hooves an d first proclaim ed king is one of these youths (not the original plotter). The one th at runs on foot and finally w ins the crow n is the second youth, w ho in the Great Poland Chronicle is too injured to ru n a t all. These aspects 90 "Although among some, virtues in commoners lin plebeis] are not rewarded, but suppressed. Yet among the upright and virtuous, virtues are alway accorded dignity and rewarded. In view of this deed, the old Poles [veteres Poloni] were such, without doubt, [for] they gave the virtues of Lestko the industrious, beneficent [benefici], and virtuous goldsmith, due reward, when they elevated him to kingship." BJ 2474,46. 262 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of content aside, the parap hrase follows the Great Poland Chronicle nearly verbatim , except th at Jan prefers the term nobiles to proceres, and omits the actual announcem ent of the race by the electing body. A m ong the explanations of w ords, Jan explains the origin of another w ord w ith significance for Classical history: stadium.9' The anonym ous interpolator was evidently once again not content w ith Jan's version, and w orks u p a m ore detailed sum m ary of events. The interpolations are based o n M aster Vincent's text rath er than that of the Great Poland Chronicle, b u t m uch of it is quite free paraphrase, original in its w ording. The interpolator m akes the persons to w hom the issue of royal election is referred n o t only "private persons" of unquestioned sim plicity, but explicitly "from am ong the com m oners" (privatis plebeorum personis). A pparently n o t trusting his students to und erstan d the m etaphor of the vineyard contained in the speech of the electors, he explains in some detail th at the vineyard is the "m ost fertile Kingdom of Poland" (regnum polonie uberrimum), and that the hooves of the horses tearing it u p are to be understood as being the pride of the nobles. A relatively lengthy and vivid picture is painted of the youths' foot-race on the field for their ow n purposes: they are explicitly m ade "barefoot" (decalceatos) and the plausible detail is added that w hen they run into the spikes w hich cut their feet, they jum p aw ay (statim accideis oxigonorum cesi, subsilirent). The second half of the sum m ary follows the original sum m ary of Jan for the 91 Ibid., 49-50. 263 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. m ost part, adding only in explanation of the sentence p assed on the rider w ho covered over the hooves of his horse th at it was "because frau d ought to aid no one" (quia fraus nulli debitur auxiliari)-9 2 The next section of Vincent7s text is John's speech reflecting on the usefulness of h id d en tricks and the harm fulness of tricks discovered, and about those w ho w ere elected to kingship in absurd ways. Jan's sum m ary of this letter m agnifies the point: It is thus also not surprising that Lestko the second was raised to kingship by a race run on foot. For he acted wisely, since he hid his plan and trick [artem suam et astnciam]. His companion, in the uninjured hooves of his horse, made his trick public. Therefore Lestko [Lestco] was decorated with the royal dignity, and retained it for his life and that of his sons and descendants fnepotibus], while his companion was ignominiously deposed and tom limb from limb an the same day he was made king.. . . His great vigilance was therefore ironic, since his his eye never saw sleep during his reign.. . . Lestko took up the honor, for which he labored with his trick [astu], and deservedly, since his trick was profitable, on account of which it harmed his companion [propter quod ei nocuit]. Lestko concealed his trick, that is, hid it, [abdidti, id est, occultimit] and therefore it was profitable to him.93 This point m ight seem to a d d som e m oral am biguity to Jan 's considerations, in th at it seems to say a clever trick is a deserving one. H e h as already discussed the circum stances in w hich a trick can be legitimate, and so m aybe he trusts his students to realize th at this should be applied only in those circumstances. 94 Yet, 92 BJ 2471, 61-62. 93 BJ 2474, 52. 94 He also sets out a fundamentally similar viewpoint in the commentary to section HI, 22 (ibid., 237; Zwiercan, Komentarz, 141-42). 264 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Lestek ITs trick seem s to fit neither of those circum stances, w hich both relate to self-defense. Jan in the previous discussion (I, 9) does use the term dolus, w hich stresses deception, w hile in the case of Lestek II he uses astucia, w hich lays stress rather on cleverness, and so he m anages to im ply a different m oral cast to h is trick, perhaps because the yo u th d id not think u p the initial trick (the field sow n w ith spikes). H aving already discussed the deeds po n d ered by Archbishop John, Jan of Dqbrow ka in the second section (circa literam notandum) rather uncharacteristically quotes a longer account of the story of Strato than th at given b y Vincent, d raw n from Justinus, Vincent's ultim ate source for it. The anonym ous interpolator likewise adds the full version of the tale of D arius's elevation to King o f Persia taken from Valerius M axim us, which is placed, n o t very logically after the definitions of words.9 5 The next section (1,15) of Vincent's text discusses the m ilitary deeds and assorted virtues of Lestek II, and Jan's com m entary to it is a paraphrase th a t sticks close to it, b u t dividing the content neatly into four subheadings (each pertaining to a virtue) for ease of apprehension. First, Lestek's bravery (fortitudo), in w hich Jan describes his military vigor, second, his generosity tow ard his subjects (liberalitas), third, his abstim oniousness (sobrietas), and fourth, hum ility (humilitas), in w hich Jan describes his ritual cherishing of poor clothing 95 BJ 2474, 52; BJ 2471, 66; cf. Ignacy Lewandowski, Recepcja rzymskich kompendidw historycznych w daxunej Polsce. (Poznari, 1976), 71. 265 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. before donning his regalia. A m ong explanations of w o rd s w e find the w ord prodigalitas ("prodigality") w hich sees Jan trying to explain w hy it is attributed to Lestek as a virtue, given its negative connotations: Prodigality properly speaking is the vice of superabundant generosity [liberalitatis], as is dear in the Ethics, 4. But here "prodigal," that is to say, "spend-thrift" [dijfususl or, lastly, "profuse" [largus], is understood as generosity or liberality, which is very much a necessity in kings. Thus, Tully in De Officiis, first book and Boethius, second book, De Consoladoner. generosity makes kings famous and celebrated [famosos et claros]." Therefore the Polycratiais, book four, chapter 14, says "Titus, son of Vespasian became well-loved for reason of his liberality, and abandoned the avarice of his father with such generosity that his whole pleasure seemed in giving, and with such good spirits did he strive to give gifts, that he promised gifts beyond his capability [nt ultra posse dona promittebat], and when taken to task he said: "no one ought to leave the prince's presence unhappy." One day, when he had given nothing he said: "O my friends, I have wasted this whole day."96 The next section (1,16) continues the discourse on the hum ility of Lestek II, and the com m entary to the section sum m arizes it closely.9 7 It then proceeds to discuss hum ility's opposite, pride: The proud prince is not worthy of the name 'prince' [nomine principis censeri non meretur] This is clear in the case Nebuchodonezer, who having been elevated, fell into pride, grew corrupt, lost good sense, and lived like a brute among the beasts: humbled, however, he was afterwards restored to his kingdom. As far as princes [are concerned], they, who ought to be distinguished [clari] above all others, ought very much to avoid pride, which is the mother of all baseness [obscuritatis], and pursue humility, which is the origin of all virtue.98 96 BJ 2474, 54. 97 The anonymous interpolator adds an explanation that mistakenly interprets Master Vincent's French phrase placed in the mouths of Greeks as being actually in the Greek language (BJ 2471, 69). 98 BJ 2474, 55. 266 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Petrarch is then quoted, supporting the contention that hum ility is the foundation of virtue: indeed, if lacking in a kin g it m akes him n o t so m uch obscure as diabolical. The com m entary to the legend of Lestek III (1,17) is one of the longer in the w ork. It is for the m o st p a rt m erely a recopying of th e Great Poland Chronicle, chapter 4, up to and including the account of towns fo u n d ed by the tw enty illegitim ate sons of Lestek IH, w ith the further listing of tow ns an d explanations of their nam es a p p en d ed from chapter 8 (on Siemowit) of th at sam e source. There are, however, a few interesting changes m ade by Jan in his source text. C rassus is here described as "King of the Prussians" rath er than being associated w ith the Parthians as appears both in M aster Vincent's text and the Great Poland Chronicle alike. Furtherm ore, Jan a d d s the following sentence after the defeat of Crassus: "Furtherm ore, this Lestko ruled the Getans [getis], that is, the Prussians and Parthians, that is, the R uthenians and other regions fu rth er to the east of the Ruthenians. Therefore seeing his pow er, Julius Caesar concluded an agreem ent of friendship w ith him " (secum amicitiam federavit) ." The origin of this statem ent seem to be derived from Vincent's labeling C rassus as ruler of the Parthians a n d Getans, for Jan w o u ld have know n that later in his chronicle V incent clearly calls the Prussians Getans. Vincent also calls the Polovetsians (Kum ans) living u p to the thirteenth century in w hat today is 99 Ibid., 57. 267 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. southern Ukraine "Parthians" on occasion, and it w o u ld have been easy enough for Jan to generalize this to all of the lan d s to the east of Poland, and hence w ith those of the R uthenians.1 0 0 Jan nam es the second city founded by Julia as Lublin, rather than Wolin, as in the Great Poland Chronicle, in o rd er to have his com m entary agree w ith the text of Vincent. M ore curiously, he identifies the first city founded by her as Lubusz in Saxonia, that is to say, L ubusza (Ger. Ltibben), rath er th an Lubusz on the Odra. He also adds from Vincent that Julia received Sorbia (terram Sarbiensam) as a m orning gift (pro donacione loco devirginacionis). Jan also stresses th at the city of Bukowiec / L ubeck w as taken by the G erm an "em peror" (actually H enry the Lion of Saxony) per fraudem, i.e., by deception from the sons of M ykkel (Niclota). Both these additions, found in no o th er Polish source (so far as I am aware), im ply th at Jan had a specific interest in, a n d som e kind of source for, the history of the lands to the w est of Poland. G iven Banaszkiew icz's argum ent that Vincent deliberately chose these cities to m ark o u t the core integral lands of the Lechite Em pire, it is entirely possible that Jan realized these im plicit claims, and chose to replace Lubusz w ith L ubusza quite consciously in o rd er to m ake a statem ent ab o u t Polish rights to the form er lands of the far W est Slavs, and hence to m axim ize Polish aggrievem ent in the face of G erm ans a n d the Empire. As w e shall see this is certainly true of Jan D higosz, Jan of 100 See for example Vincent's Chronica Polonorum, 2, 14 (p.47), 2, 18 (p.55), 2, 24 (p.70). 268 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. D ^brow ka's som etim e colleague in the diplom atic effort to w in back W estern Pom erania from the Teutonic O rder. Finally, Jan includes some interpolations pertaining to universal history. H e cites Valerius M axim us's life of C aesar as a source confirm ing h is deeds w ith regard to Poland (!), a n d augm ents the passage found in the Great Poland Chronicle on the datation of the reign of Lestek IE w ith a n additions w hich exhibits his occasional tendency to see the problem s raised by the chronicle in term s of theology (in this case by referring chronology to the history of salvation). The inform ation contained in the interpolation he drew , as M arian Zw iercan pointed out, from the chronicle of M artin of Troppau: From the chronicles of the Romans one may gather that in the time of this Lestko, Christ was bom in Bethlehem. On the death of Julius, Octavian his nephew succeeded him, under whose rule [sub quo]Christ was bom. But in the reign of Nero, Prince of the Romans, who killed saints Peter and Paul, the apostles, Lestko the most fortunate of the kings of the Lechites, paid the debt of the flesh in old age. 1 0 1 Vincent's section 1 ,18 is a w istful paean to agreem ent am ong brothers, in particular am ong the seventy sons of the Arab king E rotim us (w hose nam e com es out "C rodnius" in this m anuscript tradition). Jan's com m entary very briefly sum m arizes the contents of the section, interpreting it m ore as praise of the concord betw een L estek's tw enty natural sons than as a lam ent for the com ing perfidy. Jan also adds one of his ow n original ventures into questions of 101 BJ 2474,59 (additions in italics). Cf. Zwiercan, Komentarz, 131; MGH SS 22:406, 445. 269 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. public m orality, as it happens, an explanation as to w hy concord betw een brothers is so rare am ong royalty: For thus the concord of brothers is... consort and friend indeed to a royal house, for on account of mutual envy associates in rule [socii regni] cannot be friends, since whoever wants to rule, also does not want to be subordinate. Thus blessed, nay, more than blessed, fraternal fellowship [sodetas fraternal is considered as praiseworthy. This is possessed among brothers when the reverence and benevolence [referenda pyetatis] is intended more than the desire to rule [desiderinm dominandi], such as was the case among the twenty sons [fratribus] of Lestko.1 0 2 A m ong the explanations of w ords w e find one of the Phoenix d raw n from the H exam eron of St. Ambrose. 5. The Commentary on the Legend ofPompilius / Popiel The sum m ary of the legend of Pom pilius IE (1,19) is copied alm ost verbatim from the Great Poland Chronicle, chapters 5 and 6 (on the tw o Pompilii), w ith no significant abridgement, and w ith only two m inor additions: the pretext for Pom pilius's leaving his m urdered uncles bodies unburied is added from Vincent7 s text, and in the dem ented king's d eath scene, Jan adds "w ater," "height," an d "enclosure" to the list of obstacles that proved useless in stopping the mice, the first following M aster Vincent7 s version, the last tw o im plicit in every version. Jan, in the second part of his com m entary to this legend, discourses at som e length on the danger of the vices of lu st and excess to rulers: 102 BJ 2474, 60. 270 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Princes ought to keep themselves from the stench of lust and excess [fetore libidinis et luxurie], gluttony and intemperance. For the Scripture says: "The king ought not have many wives, who enchant his mind." In it [also] is prohibited the desire for excess [libido luxurie] as well as gluttony, which is connected to i t For the prince ought to be acceptable to God and grateful, honest in himself and orderly [ordimtus]; lovable and revered to his own, frightening and horrible [horrendus] to enemies, all of which desire [libido] takes away. For the love of women enervated the strength of Samson, infatuated the wisdom of Solomon, polluted the sanctity of King David. For no authority [imperium] is durable, no principality stable when desire for excess [libido luxurie] rules in the prince. Thus the Roman Empire was exhausted and divided during the rule of Nero, whose gluttony devoured all, whose lust stained all, whose greed exhausted all, whose excess combined with pride plundered all, as the Polycraticus book 5, chapter 11 says. Nor is it surprising. For when the prince relaxes in his lusts, his subjects are taught license [subditi licencius predpitantur],1 0 3 G regory the Great is q u o ted in support of the sentim ent, an d then Jan proceeds to give several m ore exam ples draw n from classical authors. These include H erodianus's speech before O ctavian attributing M ark A nthony's fall to his first being conquered by C leopatra an d Egyptian excess; Valerius M axim us on how the city of Volsinium, on account of excess, becam e subject to slaves; the same au th o r on how H annibal w as conquered w hen his arm y w as w eakened by a decline into the vices of feasting, drinking, venereous pursuits, and sleep, such th at it is h ard to say w h eth er these or the enem y w ere m ore dam aging to them . Jan then adds the follow ing etiological observation: "It is for this reason it is said of o u r lustful Pom pilius th a t he w as first in flight an d last into battle, for these are the effects of lust" (libidinis). Jan finishes his reflections by noting cases of chastity in successful leaders, citing Vegetius on how honorably Scipio A fricanus behaved 103 ibid., 68. 271 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. tow ard a certain beautiful an d unm arried young noblew om an, and John of Salisbury on how O ctavian w as indifferent to the charm s of Cleopatra, and o n the ascetic practices of H annibal and Gaius (the jurist, n o t the em peror). 10* Vincent's section I, 20 is a short discourse o n various plagues rem iniscent of the attack of the m ice in Polish history, an d the case of the Sybarite Sardanapalus and h o w h e w as overthrow n by his G eneral Arbactus, w ho pitied his effect on his fatherland. Jan's com m entary to the section puts rather m ore explicit stress than V incent on the them e of divine judgm ent: Letter 19, by John the Archbishop, the last of this first book through which he confirms by like and by merit the unheard-of death that befell Pompilius due to his nefarious crime, just as the Abderite [Abdelite] peoples (as he says) had to abandon their homeland on account of multitude of frogs, and the Philistines on account of their entrails being eaten up, sent back the ark [of the covenant] to the sons of Israel with golden buttocks and mice, as is clear in I Kings, chapters 5 and 6. So deservingly, Pompilius, who put his uncles to death by poison, and had them disgustingly thrown out without burial, underwent a vile and unheard-of death from mice bred on his uncles' bodies. And just as King Sardanapulus, given to the comradeship [contubemiis] and enticements of women, died by consuming himself in flame (as the venerable Egidus [of Rome] says, book 1, part 2, chapter 16), so also Pompilius, who was enticed by the many desires of his poisoner wife, deservedly died a disgusting death, since in accordance with his guilt for a singular sin, God inflicted a singular punishment, according to the saying of Deuteronomy 25: "In the measure of sin, their will be weeping," and Apocalypse 18: "As much as he abounded in delights, so much shall he be given torment and weeping."105 104 ibid., 68-69. 105 ibid., 71-72. 272 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6. The Commentary on the Legend ofPiast and his Successors The com m entary on section II, 1 serves as a kind of introduction to the second book "in w hich a new line (successio) of n ew kings and princes begins," and paraphrases the speech of Bishop M atthew in w hich he explains w hy their discourse ranges so m uch into side issues.1 0 6 A s concerns section H, 2 (also labeled a prefatory letter) our author interprets Archbishop John's discourse on how people m ight criticize the chronicle to m ean there were actually persons w ho attacked the venerable prelates, an d so rises to their defense, endorsing along the w ay the truth of everything in V incent's chronicle, and questioning the m otives of those w ho belittle it: These are excellent men, since they wrote the things they write in true writings, although perchance not in such an ordered account and learned manner [prompte ordinate et diserte redactis]. Therefore they mix no falsehood with truth, and hence the hurtful [iniuriose] envies, slanders, and back-biting [canine mordicaciortes]. Presumably those who do such things do not love the honor of the Kingdom and its increase [incrementum].1 0 7 Section II, 3 of Vincent's chronicle is devoted to the legend of Piast and Siemowit. Jan once again relies on the Great Poland Chronicle as the source of his sum m ary of the event, again for the m ost p a rt copying it verbatim w ith a few m inor stylistic changes in the sections devoted to both figures. The Great Poland Chronicle has the holy guests come twice to Piast7s hut, once in the reign of 106 ibid., 73. 107 ibid., 74, cf. BJ 2471, 89, which puts the point more clearly and a bit more expansively. 273 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Pom pilius / Popiel (w ithout a miracle), an d another tim e after his d eath to elect him king, w hereas V incent knows of only one visit, d u rin g the life of Pom pilius, w hich foretells the election of Siemowit (Semovitus, Zemowyth) to the highest dignities (first "m aster of the soldiers" and afterw ard as king), w hereas P iast (pyasth) himself never rules. This required Jan to reconcile the two, and h e d id so by adding a passage to the recopied text of the Great Poland Chronicle w hich m aintains the two visits of the guests, b u t takes from V incent the m iracle d u rin g the visit in Pom pilius' reign along w ith its linkage w ith the first hair-cutting of Siem ow it w hom (apparently according to his ow n speculation) he has be im m ediately m ade "m aster of the soldiers" as soon as the hastily invited dignitaries see the signs associated w ith him . This passage reads as follows: When [the guests] had sat down with their host, he prepared for them refreshment in food and drink, with great affection of the heart [ex tnagno cordis affectu]. When they saw the great desire of his heart and affectionate intent, they obtained [impetravenint] from the Lord, that the dishes, as well as the cup, would be increased and multiplied into such abundance that the multiplicity of containers [vasonim] collected from the neighbors would not suffice to hold it The guests ordered the King Pompilius, too, together with his magnates be asked to the feast During the feast they cut the hair of his son Siemowit and was made Master of the Soldiers [magistrum milicie creavenmtl. Upon the death of Pompilius and his being devoured by mice for his evil, when the magnates [proceribus] were gathered in Kruszwica and were debating about the election of a King, the two said guests returned to the said P iast108 A part from this the changes of content to the Great Poland Chronicle's account are minimal: Kruszwica is explicitly called the capital city (capitularis); the d rink m ultiplied is described as beer (cerevissa) rath er than m ead (mellis) (the 108 Ibid., 77. 274 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. similarity w ith Cronice et Gesta here is m ost likely m ere coincidence).1 0 9 A nother possible shade of m eaning of the phrase Se movit in Polish is listed.1 1 0 M ost interestingly, one o f the reasons w hy the offspring of Pom pilius7 s poisoned uncles refuse obedience to Piast is om itted, nam ely, the horrific nature of their fathers7 death, leaving only their distaste for subm itting to som eone of low birth. This last m ight underline the unw orthiness a nd illegitim acy of the Pom eranian princes7 m otives in seceding from Polish rule, a n d hence be a reflection of Jan's patriotism (for the Polish claim to Pom erania w as a live issue in his ow n day), o r the im plied em phasis m ight even reflect his ow n experience as a m an of hum ble origin who h ad advanced in the world. In the second part, dedicated to draw ing m oral conclusions, Jan begins: Piast merited by hospitality to be raised to the royal dignity. Therefore the Letter of Paul to the Romans, 13 encourages us to hospitality, saying "do not forget hospitality, for by this it has pleased God that some have received angels...", that is to say Abraham and Lot, in Genesis chapters 18 and 19, about which Origen, Homilies on Genesis, "he alone escaped the destruction [incendia] of the Sodomites for this reason, that his house showed hospitality to guests, a house to which angels came. To closed houses fire came."1 1 1 109 Although there is one other possible reflection of the wording of the Cronice et gesta in this passage: we hear Piast acted ex magno cordis affectu, very much like the Cronice et gesta's cum magno cordis affectu and unlike any equivalent phrase in Vincent or the Great Poland Chronicle (cf. BJ 2475, 77; MPH n.s., 2:10; MPH n.s., 8:13; MPH n.s., 11:31-32). Still, these two slight resemblences to the wording of the "Gaulus Anonymous" are probably too slight to positively claim usage. Perhaps future research could look for other traces of this earliest of Polish chronicles throughout the appropriate part of Jan of Dqbrowka's Commentary. 110 "quasi iam loquens vel solus loquens" Italics indicate Jan's own original addition (BJ 2474, 77) The anonymous interpolator adds a third interpretation: "vel se loquens" (BJ 2471,94). m BJ 2474, 77-78. 275 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. O ther Biblical passages in praise of hospitality are adduced, and Jan discusses a related problem , that is, the four prerequisites for gift giving to be acceptable to God, nam ely that it be cheerfully given, that it be given in the context of com m unal harm ony, th at enough is given in relation to one's wealth, and lastly th at it be given truly and in good faith. For each of these prerequisites Scriptural exam ples are again cited. A m ong the explanations of w ords to this section, the list of classical titles said b y Vincent to have been established by Siem ow it are glossed, the tribune (Tribunus) being understood as a m ilitary rather than civil tribune in accordance w ith the m eaning other L atin and Greek term s, w hich m ostly refer to m ilitary offices.1 1 2 The next two sections of Vincent's text returns to the them e of virtue am ong the hum ble, an d gives exam ples from the Bible, and m ore expansively from Classical history of the low ly raised to kingship or high office. In the com m entary to the first section (II, 4) we read that A rchbishop John confirms what was said by Matthew in the preceding letter about the election of the commoners [plebeoruml Piast and his son Siemowit as king and about their rule and glorious dominion [dominioque ac glorioso suo imperio] by natural examples and familiar parallels, and proposing other similar deeds. Therefore it is not surprising that Piast [Pyast] and his son Siemowit [Semoiin/th], although commoners and poor were elected as Kings of Poland, since Saul also, about which I Kings 16 speaks and Gordius the ploughman were poor and humble, and they too were once excellent kings.1 1 2 112 ibid., 79. 113 BJ 2474, 80. 276 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Jan then sum m arizes the chronicle's natural analogies to the great com ing from the small. The anonym ous interpolator adds an extra recapitulation, draw ing attention to the virtue of courageous enthusiasm found in the hum ble Piast and Siemowit: It is therefore not fair in human affairs to entirely despise a small and meager thing, since in such much virtue is often hidden. For according to Henri cus Pauper, "in a weak reed sweet honey is often hidden," and so in the humble and common, the virtue of courage [animositatis], as is dear from Piast and Siemowit his son.114 A m ong the explanations of w ords to this section is augur, w hich contains a rather lengthy explication o f the legend of G ordius and how his becom ing king was foretold by an oracle, based on the Polycraticus of John of Salisbury.1 1 5 The com m entary to next section (U, 5) is devoted to very close paraphrase of Vincent's further exam ples from ancient history of hum ble person becom ing king, although he does on his ow n refer to Petrarch's De remedium in support of the contention that persons w ho have suffered and been tested by trails before h an d are best suited to be king, us Section II ,6 of the Chronica Polonorum finishes up discussion of the topic of hum ble origins of g reat kings, and then turns to the question of the rite of first 114 BJ 2471, 97. 115 BJ 2474, 80. 116 Ibid., 82. 277 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. hair-cutting, and why it is n o t to be regarded as superstitious.1 1 7 Jan sum m arizes its contents closely, discussing it, interestingly, as an issue as to w hether the C hristian faithful (Christi fideles) ought to participate in such a rite. A lthough the event is supposed to have h ap p en ed in the pagan past, he treats it, in other w ords, as though it w ere a contem porary problem for C hristians, and not just of antiquarian interest. In this how ever, he m erely amplifies a n elem ent already presen t in the earliest recorded form s of the legend, since an im plicitly Christian m iracle is already associated w ith it in them, and M aster V incent himself associates it w ith the m onastic tonsure. A fter the sum m ary, the com m entary (under circa literam notandum) to this section is all a discussion of the nature of nobility occasioned by a single sentence in Archbishop John's speech, the rhetorical question "W ho is n o t a noble, w hom virtue ennobles?" From this letter and the preceding two one is able to posit two kind of nobility. One is natural, which arises from the lineage of their fathers and grandfathers, and [from] ancient wealth, and thus sons of lords [dominonim] succeeding their fathers in their estates [in bona patema succedentes] by nobility are called natural nobles. About this the Philosopher says in the Politics, book 5: "High birth, that is, natural nobility is old wealth, and [such] seem to be nobles [et nobiles videntur], by which the virtue and riches of ancestors are displayed [existunt], 117 From this point on in the second book, Jan of Dqbrowka's division of the chronicle and his distribution of dialogue among the characters begins diverge from the original author, preferred in modem editions, as also occurred in the first book. I have again followed Jan's practice and gave the standard number in parentheses. In summary of the differences, his II, 5 of Matthew equals II, 5 in tire original, in which, however both Matthew and John speak. The II, 6 of John is meant to be a speech of Matthew in the original, whereas the original's n, 7 in which both speak is attributed entirely to Matthew by Jan of Dqbrowka. The beginning of II, 7 is split off as a separate section and attributed to John, and the balance becomes II, 8, a speech of Matthew, while in the original II, 7 this whole section of text is attributed to Matthew. Thereafter the fifteenth-century master's subdivisions match the original in attribution to characters, but run one ahead in numbering. For a tabular presentation see Zwiercan, Komentarz, 92. 278 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. And the same, in the Rhetoric, "Nobility is the honorableness of ancestors (honoritas progenitorum)," and this nobility is accidental [secundum quid] and not true. Thus Alanus [of Lille] says in his Complaint: "What is nobility for you, what the famous name of your ancestors, if you yourself become slave to vices?" And Henricus Pauper [says]: "Not a prestigious family, nor the famous name of ancestors, but uprightness flourishes as true nobility [vera nobilitate viget]." Ovid alludes to these things in De Panto, [saying], "[It is] neither property [census1 nor the famous name of ancestors, but uprightness and intelligence [ingenium] that make the great" And rightly according to Francescus [Petrarch], book 1, chapter 14, for nobility of life is to be sought,not nobility of birth. For parents were never noble, unless they did something worthy of praise, and there is one origin for all, one parent of the human race, one source, who in turn sometimes disturbed and sometimes brilliant [modo turbidus, modo nitidus] has given rise to everyone like. Such [hereditary] nobility therefore is in a certain way alien, and it is ridiculous to vainly boast of what belongs to someone else [alieno autem gloriari ridiculosa est iactancia]. And he in fact boasts of another, who takes the nobility of his ancestors upon himself. For the merits of ancestors are marks of shame [sunt note] to degenerate descendants. Formal nobility [mbilitas formalis], however is different, [nobility] which according to Seneca, Liber de moribus, is a goodness [generositas] of mind resulting from the exercise of virtues. And this is true nobility.118 Statem ents from C assiodorus, W alter of C hatillon's Alexandreis, and Seneca's Epistolae ad Lucillum are all cited in support of this last proposition. Vincent's Section II, 7 is mostly devoted to a discussion of hair-cutting as an act of adoption, citing the Justinian code on adoption at length, and this Jan faithfully sum m arizes, appending to it a discussion of the different kinds of kinship (cognatio): physical (camalis), spiritual, and legal (legalis) or adoptive. Section II, 8 (II, 7) in Jan's reckoning is m erely A rchbishop John's short recognition th at M atthew 's argum ent is convincing, and the com m entary to the section adds little b y w ay of content.1 1 9 118 BJ 2474, 83-84. 119 Ibid., 86-87. 279 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Section II, 9 (II, 8) of Vincent7 s chronicle covers the reigns of Lestek IV, Siemomysl (Zemomizl), an d Mieszko. Jan after describing in the contents in general term s and paraphrasing Vincent on the positive qualities of Lestek and Siemomysl, h e recopies the requisite sections of the Great Poland Chronicle again, in lieu of w riting h is o w n sum m ary, w ith only very m inor changes. O nly one of them pertains to content, and th at is his datation of the b irth of Siemomysl to 914 instead of 913, w hich h e also w rote in the m argin of his copy the Little Poland Annal beside the requisite entry (there, unusually w ritten w ithout any date) as M arian Zw iercan p o in ted out. Zwiercan surm ises that he copied this date from w hatever m anuscript served as his original for the annal, since it h ad been left out by accident in the original copying of his own. Jan ends the sum m ary by attributing to Q ueen Dqbrow ka the founding of the bishoprics an d church of Poland, follow ing loosely the Little Poland Annal.120 H e also notes that out of zeal for God she d id n o t w a n t to m arry Mieszko before he w as baptized, and he uses this as a springboard for a discussion of difference in religion (cultus disparitas) as an im pedim ent to m arriage according to the Bible and canon law. The only w ord glossed for this section is caracter, which is defined only in its ecclesiastical sense of a sign uniting the church, i.e., the sacraments of Baptism, Confirm ation, and Ordination. 121 120 Zwiercan, Komentarz, 131; for the Little Poland Annal [Rocznik malopolski], see MPH, o.s., 2:818; MPH, o.s., 3:140 on Princess Dqbrowka and the church. 121 BJ 2474, 87-89. 280 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The next section, n, 10 (II, 9), is a paraphrase an d expansion on Vincent's argum ent on the significance of M ieszko's blindness and nam e, set, characteristically, in m ore systematic term s th at in the original: Letter ten, by Archbishop John, in which three things are done. Firstly, he approves the saying of Lord Matthew in which Mieszko [Myeska] [is said to have been] the first king of Poland through whom the light of faith and the grace of Holy Baptism was imparted to the inhabitants [regnicolis] of this kingdom. Secondly, he shows that his corporal blindness and the illumination [illustracio] of his bodily eyes was a suitable sign of the blindness of us all, and of mental or spiritual enlightenment [ilhistrationis], and this is persistently signified though eternal things [et hoc continue per septitemalium designatur], as is made sufficiently clear in the text. Thirdly, the name Mieszko [myeska] is explained, and three causes or interpretations are proposed: first, vernacular [vulgaris]. For he was called myeska, that is confusion [turbatio], because having been bom blind his parents were highly upset [turbati] at his blindness, and also the whole kingdom was led into it [i.e. confusion]. The second definition [ratio] is spiritual, since from him commotion [turbatio] is begun against vices and spiritual warfare against sin and the suggestions of the devil. The third definition is also spiritual, indicating that the Poles, [though] brought over and converted to the orthodox faith, will not all be saved, but among them are mixed the good with the bad; some go to salvation, others to destruction. Just as not all things postulated in the mystic intellect [non omnia que ponitur in mystico intellectu] are mystical [sunt mistica], so not all who are in the Catholic faith obtain the merits of salvation. But those who do good will enter into eternal life, those who do evil into the eternal fire, according to the Athanasian Creed.1 — In this vein of discerning the good and the bad, Jan proceeds (in circa literam notandum) to a discourse about the duality of peace, good an d bad, and the sub- types of each. A ccordingly, a thought to w hich Vincent d ev o ted only a sentence is expanded into a significant discussion of its ow n . 123 122 ibid., 89-90. 123 ibid., 90. 281 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. C. Summation and Concluding Remarks on Jan of D^browka's Commentary, and its Significance Jan of D qbrow ka's unusual ad ap tatio n of the genre of scholastic com m entary to a historical w ork yields intrinsically interesting results a t m any points (witness his discussion of the four causes of the chronicle), b u t this form at by its very nature causes his w ork to be ra th e r disorganized. It also required it to be ancillary, and given th at the com m entary is intended to be a basic one, and n o t a set of disputed questions on the text, h eavy reliance o n edifying sentim ents by various anctoritates w as expected. Judging from the num ber of m anuscripts of V incent's Chronica Polonorum w ith Jan of D qbrow ka's Commentary that com e dow n to us, Jan w as successful in reviving interest in the chronicle, and m aking it widely accessible despite its difficult style. As to w h eth er its m oral a n d patriotic goals w ere successful is h a rd e r to tell, but, as w e have seen, Jan relatively frequently included significant expansion on the ethical (and som etim es theological) points m ade by M aster Vincent, including discourses on fame (1,1), devotion to others an d fatherland (I, 8), cupidity (I, 9), prodigality (1,15), lust a n d excess (1,19), discord in princely families (1,20), hospitality (II, 3), and above all, the virtue of hum ility (1,11; 1 ,16; II, 4— 6). M any of these are specifically directed to the relationships of virtue and vice in public life and kingship, although som e include discussions th at relate to 282 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. m oral questions in m ore general term s. 124 Jan is faithful to Vincent7s ow n m oral vision, for m uch of his interpretation is elaboration, although som etim es w ith a certain shift in em phasis tow ard a explicitly theological view of m oral problems: for example, the elem ent of divine retribution strongly im plicit in Vincent's account of the death of Pom pilius becomes explicit in Jan's com m entary, the legend of Piast is used as an opportunity to cite Biblical passages enjoining hospitality and as a springboard for discussing the conditions u n d e r which a gift is acceptable to God. Also, the final cause of the chronicle itself is interpreted as being beatitude. In all this, Jan's treatm ent of the legends of origin w as no different than his treatm ent of other p a rt of the chronicle, w here longer discourses on m oral topics are, even m ore com m on (this probably is the result of his grow ing confidence as a n author as h e w orked through w hat w as his first large w o r k ) . 125 In any case, it is clear that the didactic purposes of the w ork and the relatively basic level of the intended readership required Jan to sim plify his ow n thought on some occasions, as w itnessed by his deletion of any reference to Vincent being the sole au th o r of the w hole chronicle (this w ould have complicated his 124 For more on his moral views on public morality and kingship as revealed by the Commentary, see Marian Zwiercan, "Model wtadcy w komentarzu Jana z Dqbrowki do Kroniki Bl. Wincentego zwanego Kadhibkiem w wykladzie uniwersyteckim i latach Jana Dhigosza," Analecta Cracoviensia 16 (1984): 233-46; on this and his moral views more generally see Jerzy Korolec, "Problem cn6t moralnych w Komentarzu Jana z D^browki do Kroniki mistrza Wincentego," in Literatura i kultura w poznego sredniowiecza w Polsce, Teresa Michalowska, ed. (Warsaw, 1993) 57-68. 125 See listing and discussion of these discourses Zwiercan, Komentarz, 137ff. 283 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. treatm ent of the dialogue as a n exchange of letters betw een M atthew a n d John anyway). It also m eans th at he a t times feels the need to m ake very basic points about the text (for exam ple, th at it is an exam ple of irony that the vigilance of Lestek ITs friend led to a reign so brief h e never got to sleep in it). A p art from the question of Jan's interpretation of the legendary episodes in Vincent's chronicle, there is the issue of his treatm ent of the content of the legends them selves. H is m ost obvious activity in this sphere is to create a synthetic version ou t of the legendary traditions contained in the tw o m ost widely copied chronicles of his day: Vincent's Chronica Polonorum and the Great Poland Chronicle, w ith D zierzw a's version throw n in for good m easure w h en the Krakow Franciscan h ad som ething to add to Vincent. Given the nature of Jan's work, V incent has a certain tendency to be the m ost dom inant ingredient in the synthesis, to w hich the others are harm onized in case of discrepancy. Jan w as generally scrupulous in his reliance on his sources and only on occasion tam pered w ith the content of the stories. O n some occasions he seem s to have w orked u p new variants as one of his m ethods of harm onizing his sources w ith each other. This seem s to be the case w ith his reduplication of the miracle of m ultiplication of food in the legend of Piast and Siemowit, so th a t both the Vincentian version (which has it occurring during Pom pilius's life) and the Great Poland Chronicle's version (which has it occurring at the royal election after his death) can be reconciled. In one case he seem s to have been confused b y the 284 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. internal inconsistency of his source (i.e., in his dro p p in g of several nam es from D zierzw a's Biblical genealogy apparently after being unable to satisfactorily m ake the advertised thirteen generations out of the tw elve nam es listed). Perhaps the single m ost im portant contribution o f Jan's com m entary a s a source for the study of legendary traditions in the w id e r society in the fifteenth century is his a p p aren t record of certain Cracovian traditions, nam ely the supposed burial m o unds of K rak and W anda, and, in Jan 's rough draft, the localization of the L estek I's trick on A lexander's arm y to the settlem ent Stradom just south of the W aw el, w hile one of the other old centers of Little Poland, Sandomierz, is said to have been captured by the M acedonian king. Also for the first time, the W aw el m onster is explicitly described in a w ritten source as being a dragon, and (in the anonym ous interpolator's version of the com m entary) the localization of its lair p u t w ith complete certainty at the W aw el hill. In a few cases Jan seem s to have come up w ith som e new variants or inform ation on his ow n. Two of these m ight be regarded as tendentious: his om ission of h orror a t th e crim e of Pom pilius as a m otive for the Pom eranian princes to the w ith d raw from the rule of Piast and Poland, w hich leaves only the second of the m otives cited by the Great Poland Chronicle: the unw orthy one of their haughty unw illingness to subm it to a m an of com m on origin. This m ig h t w ell be a statem ent ab o u t the legitim acy of Pom erania's separation from the Polish kingdom by the Teutonic O rder, a separation w hich Jan's diplomatic 285 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. career w as largely devoted to undoing. H is substitution of Saxon Lubusz / Lubben for eastern L ublin or Pom eranian W olin as the city founded by Julia, Q ueen of Poland an d sister of Julius Caesar, m ay be an attem pt to claim a k in d of Polish m oral rig h t to headship of all the for W est Slavic peoples in lands subject to G erm an colonization, thus strengthening all the m ore the Polish claim to relatively nearb y Pom erania. As w e shall see, this is m ore clearly true of Jan of Dqbrow ka's colleague diplom at, Jan Dhigosz, in his presentation of Polish geography in legendary prehistorical times. P erhaps Jan's apparent attribution of cowardice to the A lem an Tyrant, not in found in any previous version, could stem from a m ore generalized anti-G erm an sentim ent, b u t it could well be m erely an expedient th at allows him shorten his account of the story, or even a variant he picked u p from som e other source, pro b ab ly oral. The fuller version of the com m entary fo u n d in the m anuscript BJ 2471 created by the contem porary anonym ous in terp o lato r differs from the original finished (dictanda) version in providing som ew hat longer sum m aries of events or explanation of V incent's "com parative" episodes. H e also seems to provide a certain am ount of m odernization of social circum stances, as in his m aking a knight out of the ruling slave of ancient Sicily, M icalus, or his m aking of "private persons" in the legend of the horse race explicitly "com m oners," thus assim ilating the categories of private / public p erso n s to com m oners and noble respectively. U nlike the com m on-born Jan of D ^brow ka, he stresses the 286 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. hereditariness of Polish princes and that they are n o t of "ignoble o r rustic descent" in a som ew hat h au g h ty tone. 126 The other m asters' variants of the com m entary, unlike th at of the anonym ous m aster, generally diverge from Jan's version only in relatively insignificant ways. IV. G enealogies of Rulers A. G enealogies by Jan o f D^browka Jan of D ^brow ka is also the key figure in the developm ent of royal genealogies and regnal lists, w hich appear for the first time in Poland in the fifteenth century. The first one w ritten after 1410 b u t (probably) before 1434 and surviving in four copies (including the codex of S^dziwoj of Czechel), has no connection to him, b u t this listing of Polish kings begins w ith Boleslaus the Brave, and excludes the legendary kings of pre-history. A nother genealogy th at survives in three fifteenth-century copies (including in B. C zart 1317, one of the m ost im portant m anuscripts containing the Szadek version of the Commentary of Jan of Dgbrowka) identifies Vandalus as the father of Lech, w ho in tu rn is m ade the father of Graccus. It also claims that the Poles defeated not only the Gauls, 126 He does not, though, tamper with the apparent common origin of several legendary Polish leaders. This would have been impossible without re-writing Vincent's text, and besides the agricultural occupations of dynastic founders (and other rulers) has sacred connotations, and, further, the virtue that leads to the founder's election in itself establishes his noble status, and so any inconsistancy here is apparent rather than real (or, perhaps, it is only a matter of the anonymous's tone). Vincent and all the commentators strongly stress the element of humility in all these legendary royal elections, the anonymous interpolator as well, since humility is to be cultivated in all persons, in particular royalty. 287 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. b u t also the Persian king A ssuerus (previously u sed as only a tim e m arker for the Gaullish events). This interesting genealogy, as Jacek Banaszkiewicz pointed out, rem oves m uch of the problem w ith the red e v ed version of Polish pre history from a dynastic stan d p o in t by m aking several early figures previously dissociated from each o th er in the tradition into lineal decendents. This w ork th o u g h (as Banaszkiewicz also pointed out) is really a m ere variant of the beginning of the Chronicle ofDzierzwa, and n o t actually a free standing genealogy. 127 The next two genealogies we possess b o th com e from Jan of D ^brow ka's historical codex (BN 3002). The first one, a sim ple scratch-sheet-like listing of nam es (with some genealogical links sketched in) is a t the very beginning of the codex, starts: "Choscysko, Piiaschk, Zem ivid, Lestko, Zem ivid, Mescho." 128 Jan's second genealogy is m ore elaborate (although every bit as rough in form ) and includes som e text. It is placed in his history codex after the Chronicle of Dzierzioa, but before the Chronica Polonorum w ith the rough d raft of the Commentary. It in fact exists in tw o forms, as another version w ith a slightly briefer account of the legendary kings is copied into Jan's m anscript a few pages after the first. Its beginning ru n s as follows: 127 Jacek Banaszkiewicz, Kronika Dzierzwy, 43; idem, "Historia w populamych kompilaqach," 224. 128 BN 3002, lv. 288 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Graccus, first king of Poland, who was succeeded by his only daughter, Wanda. Lestko, the goldsmith [aurifex], died without issue. Lestko, the runner [cursor], since he was elected by a horse race [per cursum equorum], He was succeeded by his son, Lestko, who was succeed by his first-bom son of his wife Julia, sister of the Emperor Julius, Pompilius, and he [i.e. Lestko] had twenty other sons. He [i.e. Pompililus] was succeeded by his first-bom, Pompilius, who poisoned his twenty uncles, was eaten by mice, and having died without issue, left the kingship vacant [regnum vacaverat]. At the time of this Pompilius that was a certain farmer [agricola], Piast [Pyast], son of Choidsko [Choschiskonis], who of his wife Rzepica [Zepycza] begot a son, Zemowid, who was succeeded by his son, Lestko, who was succeeded by his son, Zemomisl, who was succeeded by his son, Meschko the Blind, the first Catholic prince, who baptized by [the doing of] Dambrowka, duchess of Bohemia with his whole kingdom in the year of the Lord 965 during the time of Otto the first and from her he begot a son in the year of the Lord 966, Boleslaus Chabri. . . .l29 In the first genealogy, Jan seem s to be concerned only w ith the Piast dynasty, so th at the C hosdsko m entioned here is probably the father of Piast, rather th an of Popiel / Choscisko. The form s of Piast's nam e u sed here is unusual, seem ingly a dim inutive, an d the spelling of Siem owit w ith all consonants voiced is essentially sim ilar to th at peculiar to his ow n copy of the chronicle of Vincent (Zemyzvid).1 3 0 129 "Rodow6d xi^zat polskich,"MPH, o.s., 3:281; BN 3002, 30v.-31r., cf. the (relatively) shorter version of this long genealogy on 34v-35r., where Mieszko the Blind appears as the the "first Christian king" (primus rex christianus) rather than as the "first Catholic prince" (primus princeps catholicus), thus effectively promoting the first 'historical' Polish ruler to higher status, in accordance with the terminology used by both Master Vincent and the Great Poland Chronicle. Marian Zwiercan (Komentarz, 14) points out that the second, shorter, version of the genealogy seems to have been the first one written (about the same time as the Commentary itself), whereas the first was actually written in several years after the Commentary , in the 1460s. 130 See Marian Plezia's notes to 2,3,1 and 2, 8,1 of Vincent's Chronica Polonorum , 31, 36, where BN 3002 is represented by the sigilum N l. 289 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. C uriously, Jan interprets the nam e Siem om ysl as m erely being a variant of Siemowit, as he repeats th at latter nam e in place of the form er. Since these peculiarities (except the use of "Z" instead of "S" as the first letter of Siemowit) do n o t m ake their w ay into the Commentary, it m ay seem th at this is an early attem p t by Jan to o rder his m aterial, and th a t as his preparations m atured, he m atched his usage to his sources m ore closely in the spelling of the nam e "Piast" an d the distinction betw een Siemowit and Siemomysl. This is com plicated by the fact, though, that there is erasure and correction of errors o n the later parts of this genealogy (in Jan's hand), w hich w ould indicate that is the product of a certain continuing interest.1 3 1 Regardless of its time of origin in the form we have it, the question arises w hether the form s w ith all voiced consonants that ap p ear in this genealogy (and his copy of the Chronica Polonorum) are taken from som e kind of vernacular usage in his day, o r w hether they are Jan's ow n peculiar distortions. If the form er, this m ight even be evidence of live oral traditions involving these legendary figures in the fifteenth century. O nly in the case of m em bers of the M azovian and Kujavian branches of the Piast dynasty,do these nam es seem to dem onstrably used for real people in m edieval Poland, and for these Piasts, versions w ith and initial "Z" are on occassion docum ented, but the 131 See Zwiercan, Komentarz, 13n.2 290 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. nam e Siemowit no place else appears w ith a final "d."132 U nfortunately, the full tru th of this m atter is im possible to ascertain w ithout a detailed study in historical phonology.1 3 3 In the second genealogy, Jan has evidently com piled a brief sum m ary of som e of the m ore salient events attached to each figure in the V incentian tradition, perhaps to help him self keep them straight. Except for the form of the nam e of Siemowit (Zemozuid) the peculiarities noticed in the previous genealogy do n o t appear here. B. The Royal G enealogy D erived from the Commentary o f Jan of D^browka The last and m ost often copied genealogy of Polish kings, is also linked to Jan of D^browka. As it happens, it is an very brief epitom izing extract from his Commentary, although independent of either of the genealogies in his ow n codex, as Jacek Banaszkiewicz has dem onstrated.1 3 4 It w as w ritten som e tim e betw een 1460 and the death of Casim ir IV, and survives in full in four copies, along w ith 132 On forms of these names appearing in medieval sources see Witold Taszycki, ed., Stownik staropoliskich n a z w osobistych, vol. 5 (Wroclaw, 1977-1980), 59-64. The name Siemomysl has several variants and related forms: Siemomystaw Siemoslaw or Siemislaw, some of which were used by noble as well as princely families. 133 Voicing of the final consonant intervocalically is a characteristic of Southern and Western Polish dialects already in the fifteenth century. By this period all Polish dialects tended to de voice voiced final consonants, except as Zdzislaw Stieber suggests, learned Poles who were a aware of the innovation and may have resisted it by deliberately revoidng them. See The Phonological Development of Polish, Elias J. Schwartz, trans. Michigan Slavic Materials no. 8 (Ann Arbor, 1968), 77-78. Perhaps "Zemy wid," at least in its final cosonant, is a mistaken attempt to revoice a consonant that had originally never been voiced! 134 Banaszkiewicz, "Historia w populamych kompilaq'ach," 218ff. 291 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. one shortened version, containing only the nam es, titles, an d d a ta on d e s c e n t s The full version begins as follows: Graccus, a nobleman, and knowing how to wage war, [he was] the first elected King by the Poles. He engaged the Gauls, sent here by King Assuerus, in conflict and defeated them. At this time [Hie] a dragon was killed on a rock [in ruppe] by the younger son of Graccus. He thereupon committed fratricide, and was excluded from rule of the kingdom of Poland, and did not succeed his father. Vanda, daughter of Graccus, who conquered the King of the Germans [Lemonorum], and did not marry him. She freely jumped into the Vistula, sacrificing herself to the gods for [her] prosperity and success. For a hundred year there was no king [Centum annis rege caruerunt]. Lesthko, the first, the goldsmith [aurifaber], without offspring, who defeated Alexander the Great by a trick [astute] beneath ty sa G6ra [sub Calvo. . . monte]. A t this time Alexander of Macedon was shamefully defeated by the Poles, and ceasing from any more devastation, idled in peace [in pace quievit], Lesthko, the second, the humble, who beat others to the finish [ad metam] during a race: as a prize [pro braviol, he was elected king. He is praised for four virutes: namely, bravery [fortitudine], generosity [liberalitate], abstemious [sobrietate], and humility. Lesthko, the third, the only son of Lesthko, three time defeated Julius Caesar. Julius made a friendly alliance with him: his gave his sister Julia as his wife, from which Lesthko begot twenty sons. At this time Christ was bom in Bethlehem, and Octavian, nephew of Julius, took up the imperial dignity. Pompililus, the first-bom of Lesthko the third, and oldest among twenty sons. Pompilius, minor grandson of Lesthko, and son of Pompilius. Mice ate him along with his queen and two sons in a tower in the castle of Kruszwica [in castro Crusvydensi], He also was called ChoStisko [Cosichko], At this time twenty brothers were poisoned by King Pompilius: he was their nephew, they his undes. Pyast, 135 On manuscripts see ibid., 213-17, August Bielowski, introduction to "Poczet kro!6w polskich," in MPH, o.s., 3:289-90. The shortened version is published in MPH, o.s., 3:277. Another variant from the turn of the centuryexpands the text but in a significant way only from Mieszko on. Banaszkiewicz ("Historia w populamych kompilaqach," 215-16) argues persuasively that this version dates to around 1500 (dose to the age of the manuscript itself), and hence falls out of the time frame of this study. 292 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. a poor farmer in the city of Kruszwica, miraculously ordained king by the Martyrs, John and Paul, the lineage of Pompilius having been rooted out and destroyed. At this time a new line of kings was begun. Semouitus, the only son of Pyast, most serene and brave [serenissimus ac strenuissinmusl, he always gained the triumph of victory over his enemies. This Semovitus recovered much that was lost, and was regarded as brave and fortunate in everything, prospering in all his actions. Lesthko, the fourth, son of Semovit He followed in his father's footsteps in everything. Zemyslaus, son of Lesthko the fourth, who governed all lands subject to his rule (dominio) in peace. Myeschka, son of Zyemyslaus, raised blind for seven years, and afterwards was given sight by God [divinitus illuminatus], he took Dobrowka, a Christian, sister of saint Venceslaus as a wife. In the year of the Lord 966, he first [of all] at the persuasion of his wife accepted holy baptism and established Jordanus, the first bishop of Krak6w, and accepted the faith with his people.136 Like Jan's ow n longer genealogy, this one is devoted m ainly to the m ost m em orable events associated w ith each figure, although in the case of Lestek n, the epitom ator includes the outline of Jan's praise of the k in g 's virtues. It also contains a few interesting variants to the plot of the legends. M ost notably, there is a second localization of the defeat of Alexander recorded in a fifteenth century source: this tim e Lysa G ora (Calvus mans), w here one of the older Benedictine houses in Poland is located, a place of rich legendary traditions.1 3 7 Also curious is the attribution of all tw enty son of Lestek IH to Julia, and the fact that Jordanes is m ade "bishop of K rakow " rath e r than of Poland (with Proholf the first leader of 136 MPH, o.s., 3:290-92. 137 This localization also appears in the early sixteenth-century Polish text Powiesc rzeczy istey. See Marek Derwich, Benedyktynski klasztor sw. Krzyza m tysej Gorze w sredniowieczu (Warsaw, 1992), 117,122. 293 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the Krakow church), as in the Commentary, following the Krakow AnnaLl3S This last m ay be the result of m ere inept editing on the p a rt of the epitim ator, but it m ight also be an a ttem p t to attribute to the Krakow bishopric initial prim acy over all others, w hich w ould strongly indicate the a u th o r w as associated w ith a little Poland m ilieu. Jacek Banaszkiewicz, as w as the case w ith Jan of Dqbrowka's localization of A lexander's defeat to Stradom, believes the ty s a Gora localization is the product of the a u th o r's fantasy. There is no reason, how ever, w hy it is not just as likely or m ore likely that this localization comes from an oral tradition originated am ong persons to w hom the m onastery w as an im portant historical landm ark, and m aybe even am ong the m onks them selves, since such localizations are com m on in parochial oral traditions. In either case, it is quite likely that the au th o r h a d some kind of personal connection to the m onastery (or at least with the im m ediate area). It is unclear w hy Julia is m ade the m other of all tw enty sons of Lestek against all other surviving versions. It could either by an act of arbitrary authorial fancy, or it could record som e oral version of the tale. M isunderstanding of the text is the least likely explanation here, given that the author seems to have read the text of the Commentary (altogether clear on this point) in a good am ount of detail, and copied m any specific phrases from it. 138 Cf. BJ 2474, 88. 294 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. C. The Royal G enealogies' Treatment o f Legendary Figures The genealogies of kings, as Banaszkiew icz w rites a re "w orks of not very elevated aspirations and inferior accom plishm ents," which, "in the shadow of g reat historiography [led] their ow n different and quite ab u n d an t life (wcale bujne zycie)" "For all that," he continues, "th ey provided a larger group of readers (odbiorcdw) up-to-date inform ation th a t suited their needs." * 3 9 In this they served a purposes similar to that of the Commentary of Jan of Dqbrow ka, b u t directed at even less sophisticated audiences. M ost fifteenth-century m anuscripts which contain them are heavily oriented to o th er w orks of history, an d so they seem n o t to have often been an end in them selves, b u t to have h a d a ancillary role to help readers of the m ore com plicated an d less tractable w orks of Polish history. This hum ble nature of the w ork no d o u b t encouraged the creator of the second genealogy to include bits and pieces b y his ow n hand, including the localization of the defeat of A lexander the G reat u n d e r ty s a Gora in Little Poland, w hether or n o t some oral tale w as the stim ulus for this action, or the au th o r7 s ow n m ind. For all this ancillary nature it w ould n o t be w ide of the m ark to say that these genealogies m ay be regarded as sim ilar to annals w hen taken in their ow n right, b u t different from annals in th a t they are m ore exclusively directed to the problem of kingship. Because of this, they have m uch m ore interest in legendary pre-history, and its concom itant (if implicit) legitim ation of royal authority. In other w ords, their content is m eant im plicitly to rem ind the read er of the 139 Banaszkiewicz, "Historia w populamych kompilaqach," 227-28. 295 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. continuity of the institution of Polish kingship from earliest tim es, a continuity w hich to readers of the p e rio d w o u ld have been understood as legitim ating of Polish kingship in itself b y its rehearsing its glorious p ast.1 4 0 Given the connection of m o st of these w orks w ith the w o rk of Jan of Dqbrowka, they m ay also be reg ard ed as p a rt of continuum of v ary in g degrees of interest in his Commentary, for as m any as eight copies of the w o rk of the K rakow m aster are fragm entary an d include only selected extracts from whole. The genealogies, though, rem ain distinct, in th at unlike these fragm entary copies of the Commentary, they a re free standing w orks w hich did no t req u ire Vincent" s chronicle to be copied along w ith them . A nd the creator of the m o st copied of them was independent enough to include alm ost as m any variations in the plot details of the legend as Jan d id in his m uch longer w ork. 140 Banaszkiewicz and other scholars often make the point about the "ideological" aspects of royal genealogies, generally as concerns earlier medieval societies. Although these free standing royal genealogies in written form appear only very late in Poland, so that there can be no talk of them directly reflecting old tribal traditions, the very idea of epitomizing a history based on rulers shows the continuity of a certain personal conception of history, a conception not at all absent in chronicles, but merely "distilled" in the genealogy form. See, for example, Banaszkiewicz, Podanie, lOOff.; Hermann Moisl, "Anglo-Saxon Royal Genealogies and Germanic Oral Tradition," Journal of Medieval History 7 (1981): 215-48. 296 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter Four Jan D iugosz, h is Life, and Works I. D iugosz as Man and Writer Jan Diugosz (1415-80) is the first Polish historian for w hom w e have a considerable mass of extant biographical sources. We m ay say w ith certainty, therefore, th at he w as b o m into a noble fam ily of m iddling im portance. H is father, Jan Diugosz of Niedzielsko, w as a hero of the battle of G riinw ald (Tannenberg) and received for his exploits a couple m inor territorial offices in sequence.1 Together w ith som e sm all hereditary holdings, these gave him a respectable economic base, b u t n o t sufficient to provide very w ell for all his num erous sons. Jan Diugosz, the future historian, was his second son to survive infancy. According to his anonym ous biographer, the young D iugosz took enthusiastically to study from the age of six a t a succession of different schools, a n d after com pleting seven years of elem entary study, he en tered the K rakow U niversity in the sum m er of 1428 at around the age of thirteen.2 A t the University he studied Aristotelian dialectic an d philosophy for close to three years. It is not im possible that the young Diugosz had contact w ith Jan 1 On Dhigosz's family see M. BobrzyTiski and Stanislaw Smolka, Jan Diugosz, jego zycie i stanowisko w pismiennictwie. (Krak6w, 1893), 3ff., 313-33. His father was the Burgrave of Brzeinica near Radom up to 1421, after which he redeved the far more important position of Starosta of Nowy Korczyrt, but held it only for a brief period of time. Cf. Antoni Gqsiorowski, ed., Urzgdnicy matopobcy XU-XV wieku: Spisy. (Wroclaw, 1990), 294. 2 Vita loannis Dlugosch Senioris Canonici Cracoviensis, Mieaslaus Brozek, ed. (Warsaw, 1961), 29-30. The author of this vita may be none other than the Italian humanist, Philip Callimachus. See ibid., 9-11. 297 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of Dqbrowka a t this stage, who held the N ow ki chair from 1427, b u t there is no positive evidence for this despite the obvious later acquaintance of the two. In any case, Diugosz clearly left the U niversity before D qbrow ka dictated his C om m entary to the Chronica Polonorum of M aster V incent in the form w e now have it.3 If Diugosz knew and studied under Jan of Dqbrowka, it probably w ould have been his only form al advanced study of rhetoric. According to his biographer, a com bination of his father's financial difficulties, and personal inclination, caused him to leave his university studies an d take up a rem unerative position in the chancery of the pow erful Bishop of K rakow , Zbigniew Olesnicki. H is uncle Bartlomiej, a form er royal preacher, m ay have been instrum ental in his obtaining this position, as well m ight another relative of his, Jan Elgot, a t that time one of Olesnicki's officials A D iugosz and Elgot, at any rate, fast becam e good friends a nd collaborators. D iugosz began w o rk in Olesnicki's chancery as a scribe, b u t advanced quickly. By m id 1434 he h a d achieved his entitlem ent as a 3 On Dhigosz's university studies, professors, and fellow students see Krystyna Pieradzka, Zwicpki DIugosza z Krakowem (Krak6w, 1975), 32-36,42ff.; Idem, "Jan Dtugosz a Uniwersytet Jagielloriski," Maiopolskie studio, historyczne 6, no. 3-4 (1964): 43-46; Jadwiga Krzyzanowska, "Otoczenie intelektualne Jana Dtugosza," in Jan Dtugosz w pigcsetnq rocznicg smierci, Feliks Kiryk, ed. (Olsztyn, 1983), 31-36. Cf. Vita Dlugosch, 30. 4 "Sed adeo etiam puer doctus esse maluit quam videri, quod numquam aliquo titulo, cum per doctrinam posset, insigniri voluit Ceterum, cum necessaria sibi aegre subministrarentur, quippe quod pater illi diffidlem novercam superinduxerat, coactus est vitae suae modum statuere, cum nulla esset facultas incumbendi studio, si deessent alimenta. Diu itaque secum condicionem suam dequestus examinatisque pluribus vivendi rationibus nullam, quae a litterarum studiis aliena esset, satis laudere potuit.. . . [UJrgente tandem rei domesticae difficultate, ductus opinione et fama, quae constans erat de integritate et literatura hmanitateque Sbignei, tunc episcopi Cracoviensis, inter familiares ipsius curavit ascribi." Vita Dlugosch, 30. On his contacts see Bobrzyriski and Smolka, Jan Dtugosz, 14; Maria Koczerska, "Dtugosz jako sekretarz Zbigniewa Ole^nickiego," in Jan Dtugosz w pigcsetnq rocznicg, 53. 298 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. notary imperiali auctoritate. In tw o m ore y e ars a t the age of ab o u t 21, h e had already achieved the inform al position of secretarius to the bishop, an d in another tw o years (in 1438) he appears as the bishop's chancellor, succeeding Jan Elgot.5 From 1434 on through 1444 he also accum ulated a n u m b er of well- endow ed benefices, including a canonry in K rakow (in 1436, after h e took m inor orders) an d those of custos of Wislica and prepositiis of the collegiate church of St. George o n the W awel hill in K rakow (after he took priest7s o rd ers in 1440). After 1444 up to alm ost the end of his life, how ever, he advanced very little in his form al church career, perhaps because of h is unfinished university studies, and his concom itant lack of degree. It is nevertheless a testim ony to O lesnicki's confidence in his abilities and trustw orthiness th a t Diugosz w as designated to be one the executors of his estate on the b ish o p 's d eath in 1455.6 ha Olesnicki's service Diugosz first en tered into his life of public affairs, an d also first began his literary activities. D uring the declining years of Ladislaus II Jagieho, and especially d u rin g the reign of his teenaged son L adislaus EH , Olesnicki w as increasingly the dom inant figure directing Polish affairs of state. Olesnicki's policies during this period h ad a profound influence o n D higosz's 5 On his official service to Olesnicki, see ibid., 53-63. 6 On his benefices and financial resources see Paul W. Knoll, 'Jan Diugosz, 1480-1980," The Polish Review 27 no. 1 /2 (1982): 17; Bobrzyiiski and Smolka, Jan Diugosz, 198-99. On his role as an executor of his mentor's will see Borzyhski and Smolka, 84-86. On the organization and operation of the Krakow cathedral chapter in Dhigosz's day see Bolesiaw Przybyszewski, "Kapitula Krakowska za kanonikatu Jana DIugosza," in Dlugossiana: Studia historyczna w pi§csetlecie smierci Jana DIugosza, Stanislaw Gaw§da,ed. (Warsaw, 1980), 1:25-82. 299 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. outlook through the end of his o w n life, even w here he m odified the view s he inherited from his m entor in particulars. Olesnicki represented several distinct causes; first and forem ost the political superiority of church over the secular state an d m onarchy; secondly, crusade against the Turks instead of attem pts a t violent re-vindication of past Polish territorial losses to the Teutonic order; thirdly, the suzerainty of Poland over Lithuania, an d aggressive Catholic m ission directed tow ard her O rthodox subjects; an d lastly, the interests of the A ristocratic families of Little Poland over the low er nobility a n d the interests of other regions.7 Olesnicki's cultural interests also seem to have m ade an im pression o n his younger collaborator. Olesnicki w as an avid collector of historical m aterials, and w as one of the few w itnesses w ho could cite chronicles repeatedly from m em ory (although not alw ays accurately) a t the 1422 hearing before the papal legate A ntonio Zenon concerning Poland's title to Pom erania and C hehnno.8 Diugosz tells u s in the dedicatory letter to his Annales that it was at Olesnicki's behest that he began the initial form of the w ork. Diugosz also seems to have participated in 7 On Olesnicki's outlook and its influence on Dtugosz see in particular Maria Koczerska, "OleSnicki, Zbigniew" PSB vol. 23, 776-783; Bobrzyriski and Smolka, Jan Dtugosz, 19ff.; Urszula Borkowska, Tresci ideowe w dzietach Jana DIugosza (Lublin, 1983), 111-19; Jerzy Wolny, "Krakowskie Srodowisko katedralne w czasach Jana DIugosza," Dlugossiana, 1:90-94. 8 See Jadwiga Krzyzaniakowa, "Erudyqa historyczna Zbigniewa Olesnickiego w Swietle jego zeznari na procesie w 1422 roku" in Ars historica, Marian Biskup et al., eds. (Poznari, 1976), 475-84. For the cultural context, Wiestaw Sieradzan, Szviadomosc historyczna swiadkdw w procesach polsko-krzyzackich w XZV-XV wieku (Torufl, 1993). For the text of OleSnidd's deposition itself, see Lites ac res gestae inter Polonos Ordinemque Cruciferorum, o.s. (Poznari, 1855), 2:223-236. 300 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Olesnicki's attem pts to find m anuscripts of Livy's Ab Urbe Condita9 Livy w as not the end of Olesnicki's interest in Classical literature or the new hum anist style (as evidenced by his letters to Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini). Nevertheless, Olesnicki rem ained m ore of a n adm irer of literary hum anism than its practitioner, a statem ent that is probably applicable to D iugosz as well.i° Olesnicki's view s of the conriliar issue so b in n in g in the W estern church are also w orthy of m ention. Initially an enthusiastic supporter of the Council of Basel, he slowly began to distance himself from the council from 1443 on as its fortunes deteriorated, never using the cardinal's h a t the council sent to him . N evertheless, in the eyes of m any in the Papal cam p, he rem ained the object of som e suspicion.!* The question of Olesnicki's cardinal's h a t first brought Jan D iugosz to public prom inence as m an of affairs. After the d eath the young King Ladislaus crusading a t V arna (1444) and the subsequent interregnum , his younger brother Casim ir Jagiellon cam e to the throne (1447), and quickly m oved to lim it the 9 In his letter to Mardn of PrzemySl in 1449, Diugosz writes: "Solidtat Dominus noster Cardinalis reverendum patrem Dominum Johannem Episcopum Varadiensem [i.e. Varazdin], ut sibi librum Titi Livii mutuet, vel te, vel magistro Gregorio [i.e. Gregory of Sanok] redeunte transmittat Cura, rogo, ut praefatus Dominus Varadiensis adnuat huic honesto desiderio et praedbus tanti patris, in re sibi difficili neque ardua condescendat." Opera omnia I, Alexander Przezdziecki, ed. (Krak6w, 1887), 604. 10 On Olesnicki's interest in humanism, induding his correspondance on literature with Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, see Juliusz Domahski, Poczqtfd humanizmu w Polsce: Dziejefilizofii sredniowiecznej w Polsce, tom IX, (Wroclaw, 1982), 113-15,142-46, Ignacy Zar^bski, Stosunki Eneasza Sylwiusza z Polskq i Polakami (Krak6w, 1939),59-75. Whereas some Polish scholars might exaggerate Olesnicki's humanism, Harold Segel is too pessimistic on this score. See Harold Segal, Renaissance Culture in Poland: The Rise of Humanism 1470-1543 (Ithaca, 1989), 23. 11 Bobrzyhski and Smolka, 23-24. 301 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. influence of Olesnicki. A pparently at the secret behest of the king (and the b ish o p s other enem ies), Nicholas V conspicuously refused to grant O lesnicki the purple. A fter several previous em bassies to Rom e on the p art of m ore experienced servitors h a d failed to secure the cap, Olesnicki in 1449 resorted to the still relatively u n tried Diugosz. In p a rt d u e to a favorable convergence of circumstances, D higosz seem ed to easily succeed easily w here others failed, and this obtained for him a t once a m odest reputation as a diplom at. 12 D higosz w as thus alm ost im m ediately sent off again by Olesnicki, this time to Spis in Slovakia to negotiate a peace betw een the ram paging m ercenary arm y of the C zech Jan Jiskraz and Janos H unyadi, regent of the K ingdom of H ungary, as the conflict betw een them threatened to dam age the significant holdings of Polish C row n in that region (and the interests of the Olesnicki fam ily there as well). O nce against Dhigosz p roved unexpectedly successful, m anaging to arrange an arm istice betw een the w arring sides, despite the bitterness of the conflict. This bro u g h t Dhigosz's capabilities to the attention of the king, although it m ay n o t have been altogether favorable attention, since the king resented Olesnicki's dabbling in diplom acy behind his back while he w as aw ay in L ithuania.^ As relations w orsened betw een Olesnicki an d the king, Dhigosz u rged his m entor in a letter (dated February 2nd 1450) to greater restraint in dealing w ith 12 Ibid., 21-27, where there is the most detailed account of this mission. For a briefer account in English of the same mission and the circumstances surrounding it see Paul Knoll, 11-14. 13 Bobrzyriski and Smolka, Jan Dtugosz, 27-37. Cf. Joseph Held, Hunyadi: Legend and Reality (Boulder, Colo., 1985), 138-39. 302 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. C asim ir Jagiellon, b u t in the vein of paternal correction, rattier than accom m odation. Olesnicki w as little inclined to take even th is advice, however, an d relations deteriorated still further. Royal suspicion rem ained on Dhigosz despite his desire for greater cordiality betw een bishop an d king, as he and Elgot w ere forbidden by the king to go to the Jubilee celebration in Rome before they gave account of their intents before the Crow n underchancellor.1 4 They were, how ever, eventually allow ed to m ake their pilgrim age, stopping off also in Venice an d the Holy Land (by ship) before returning. D higosz considered the pilgrim age to Jerusalem as the m ost im portant achievem ent of his life, which testifies to his p i e t y .is The V enetian visit saw him also collecting and copying m anuscripts, the exact n atu re of which, unfortunately, are u nk n o w n .1 * 6 Dhigosz h a d one last opportunity to serve his m entor as an envoy, th is tim e (in 1451) w ith the C astellan Jan of Bobrka to Casimir himself, talking h im to task for not being m ore favorable to Polish interests over L ithuanian in the affair of possession of the territory of L uck (Luts'k). This w as to no avail, since Casimir w ith po in ted silence let the L ithuanians finally incorporate L uck the next year.17 14 Ibid., 37-41. The full text of the letter to Olesnicki is published in Dhigosz's Opera omnia, vol. 1, 607-13 (esp. 608). Vita Dlugosch, 50. 16 in his letter to Venetian citizen Baldus Quirinus he thanks him for letting him arrange a copy of his "rare and sigular codex" (codicem suum singularem rarumque), Opera omnia, vol. 1, 620. 17 On this incident see Bobrzyhski and Smolka, Jan Diugosz, 43-44. 303 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Despite his association w ith the king's old rival Olesnicki, Dlugosz w as used by the king him self after O lesnidri's death for diplom atic missions in the developing struggle over East Pom erania and Prussia with, the Teutonic Knights. Dlugosz was present a t a peace deputation of certain parties in the Im perial D iet to the king in Torun already in 1454, while Olesnicki w as still alive. There, the king h a d requested th a t D lugosz w ork u p a response to envoys of some princes of the Empire underlining the justice of the Polish cause based on historical examples. A lthough D fugosz's response w as never used since the king decided the envoys had no real standing, it show s that Dlugosz in his enthusiastic participation in furthering royal policy in Prussia w as already show ing a significant divergence from the position of Olesnicki an d that Dfugosz's historical erudition was already w ell know n an d adm ired by the king.*8 In 1457 he participated in the financial execution of an agreem ent w ith m ercenary garrisons in East Pom erania (originally in the service of the Teutonic Knights) to give them their back pay. In 1459 he participated as a historical expert in a Polish delegation attem pting to negotiate peace w ith the Teutonic O rder, and no doubt his previous success w ith the m ediator of these talks, Jan Jiskraz, w as also a factor in his appointm ent.1 9 18 On Dtugosz's role in this event and his own account of it- see Marian Biskup, "Dziaialno£<f dyplomatyczna Jana Dtugosza w sprawach pruskich w latach 1454-1466," Dlugossiana 1:144— 46. 19 On his activities of 1457 see ibid., 146-49; for those of 1459, see ibid., 149-52. 304 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The year 1460 w as a fateful one for Dlugosz, as h e found him self at odds w ith the king over succession to the Krakow bishopric. O n the d eath of Olesnicki's successor in that year, the chapter defied the king in a electing som eone other than his m an, Jan Gruszczynski. The Pope m ade situation more difficult yet, appointing a third m an, Jakub of Sienno. W hen the king show ed his resolve m ost the chapter backed dow n. N ot Jan Dlugosz, how ever, w ho w ent into internal exile w ith the papal candidate rather than countenance a dim inution of the church's liberties. Accordingly, he was form ally banished b y the king, his benefices stripped b y the cow ed chapter, and his house in K rakow ransacked by the king's men. E ventually a com prom ise favoring the king w as w o rk ed out w ith a papal legate, a n d D lugosz returned to K rakow in February 1463 u n d er a general am nesty for Jakub of Sienno's supporters.2 0 In this affair D lugosz show ed himself to be faithful to the ecdesiasticism of Olesnicki, yet his future w as to lie m ore and m ore in royal service. Perhaps w ith the help of intercession on his behalf by his associates of royalist persuasion like Jakub of D§bno and Jakub of Szadek, or perhaps m erely because of his indisputable usefulness as a historical expert, Dlugosz w as m ade p a rt of the royal delegation to the 1464 peace talks in Torun w ith the representatives Teutonic 20 Bobrzyriski and Smolka have by far the most complete account of this controversy. See their Jan Dlugosz, 101-12). Cf. Dtugosz's letters written during this affair. Opera omnia, vol. 1, 623-24. Among those supporters of the king excommunicated by Jakub of Sienno was Jan z Dqbrowki. The declaration of this is in Codex epistolaris saeculi decimi quinti, vol. 3, MMAeH-RGPI vol. 14, Anatolii Lewicki, ed. (Krakdw, 1894), 107-10. 305 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. order and m ediators from the H anseatic League.2 1 Dhigosz used the opportunity to stu d y Prussian historical m aterials as p a rt of the preparation of the Polish case fo r possession of Pom erania and Prussia. He, and / or perh ap s Jan of Dqbrowka, w h o w as also on the commission, p rep a red a statem ent of the historical grounds for the Polish claims, w hich w as subm itted to the m ediators and preserved to this d ay in the H ansa's record of the proceedings.2 2 The next y e ar he an d Jakub of Szadek w ere royal delegates to the u n ited Prussian estates. A fterw ard, together w ith representatives of those estates, the tw o m et for fu rth er negotiations w ith the G rand M aster of the Teutonic order, b u t w ithout m uch success. A fter m eeting w ith the king in Septem ber 1465 in Torufi to brief h im o n the course of the negotiations, h e rem ained in th at city for over a year, taking p a rt in the protracted final peace negotiations there w ith the Teutonic O rder, although only in som ew hat secondary role.2 2 H e w as probably present at the signing of the final agreem ent o n O ctober 19th, 1466 incorporating E aste rn P o m eran ia a n d W estern P ru ssia into P oland, w h ic h h e describes in d e ta il in his A n n a le s, along w ith his joy a t the re tu rn of the 21 Cf. Feliks Kiryk, "Dlugosz a Jakub z D§bna," in Jan Dtugosz: Wpigcsetnq rocznice, 47-49; Bobrzytfski and Smolka, Jan Dhigosz, 115-16; Biskup, "Dzialalno^d," 152-59. 22 Printed in Aden der Standetage Preussens unter der Herrschaft des Deutschen Or dens, vol. 5, M. Toeppen, ed. (Leipzig, 1886), 135-43. 22 Biskup, "DzialalnoS<f," 159-64. 306 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. contended lands to P o lan d a n d the T eutonic K nights' cap itu latio n to Polish o v erlo rd sh ip .24 H aving show n him self trustw orthy in these last years of the Thirteen Years' W ar, he seem s to have gained considerable stature in the eyes of King Casimir, so that in 1467 h e w as offered the position of tutor of the royal princes. After a certain hesitation, he accepted, and retained the position u p until the end of his lif e .2 5 This, despite the fact that (as his nineteenth-century biographers Bobrzyhski and Sm olka surm ise) his relations w ith the king m ay have w orsened again after 1474, p erh ap s d u e to D fugosz's resentm ent at n o t having been given a prom otion to episcopal dignity. His biographer reports that he refused the king's offers to be the crow n undertreasurer o r underchancellor, b u t doubts exist in the literature about the accuracy of this inform ation.2 6 Dtugosz's declining years w ere ones of intense activity, b o th diplom atic and literary. In late 1467 D lugosz w as p a rt of a Polish com m ission sent to 24 D higosz, Historiae, vol. 5, Opera omnia, vol. 9, 451, 457-458, 473. 25 On this aspect of Dtugosz's activities see Vita Dlngosch, 50-51; Jan Krukowski, "O lekturze krolewicz6w— ucznidw Jana Dtugosza," in Jan Dlugosz: W pigcsetlecie., 65ff.; Paul W. Knoll, "Jan Dtugosz," 9-10; Bobrzyhski and Smolka, Jan Dlugosz, 122-25. His pupils included Ladislaus, future king of Bohemia and Hungary, Casimir, future saint of the Catholic Church, John Albert, future king of Poland, Alexander and Sigismund, both future grand dukes of Lithuania and kings of Poland, as well as Fredrick, future archbishop of Gniezno and cardinal. Some scholars have argued that his rapprochement with the king allowed him to extensively use of historical sources from the royal chancery. See Jadwiga Krzyzaniakowa, "Kancelaria kr61estwa Wladystawa Jagietty jako o^rodek kuitury history cznej," St. Zr. 18 (1973): 80ff. Others are skeptical that there was much systematic interest in collecting records for the purpose of writing history in the royal chancery at all. See Stawomir Gawlas, "3wiadomo£<f narodowa Jana Dtugosza," St. Zr. 27 (1983): 12w53. 26 Cf. Vita Dlugosch, 55; Bobrzyhski and Smolka, Jan Dlugosz, 140. 307 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Bohemia by the king. This com m ission w as to m ediate betw een George Podebrady, King of Bohem ia and the nobles of the Catholic League attem pting to overthrow him, w hile a t the sam e time inclining G eorge to reconcile w ith the Pope and paving the w ay for a Jagiellonian prince to be nam ed the heir an d successor of George. It achieved little success, how ever, other than a short-term truce betw een the w arring parties. O n returning, the comm ission stopped in W roclaw for several m onths in 1468 to discuss the progress of the talks w ith the papal legate Rudolf, w hich gave Dlugosz a chance to develop fruitful Silesian contacts.2 7 Dlugosz vvas n o t nam ed to the next Polish em bassy in this affair, perhaps because he show ed him self too inclined to favor the Papal cam p in die first one.2 8 N evertheless, in Septem ber 1469 he w as back in Bohemia in royal service, this time to m eet w ith the representatives of M atthias Corvinus, K ing of Hungary, and to reconcile them to Jagiellonian succession in Bohemia. For reasons that are not entirely clear, however, the m eeting never took place. Finally, in 1471, as a m easure of the success of Polish policy, Dlugosz had the opportunity to see the y oung prince Ladislaus, his pupil, installed on the Bohemian throne. Ladislaus offered him the Prague archbishopric, b u t D lugosz 27 For Dtugosz's role in this embassy and the context of the affair see Bobrzynski and Smolka, Jan Dhigosz, 125-31. 28 See ibid., 131. His views on the "Silesian question" also differed markedly from the policies of Casimir. On Dtugosz's view of Silesia and Silesians see Wactawa Szelihska, Slqsk w pismiennictwie Jam Dtugosza (Krak6w, 1993), 167-69; Jadwiga Krzyzaniakowa, "Poj^cie narodu w Rocznikach Jana Dtugosza: Z problem6w £wiadomo£d narodowej w Polsce XV wieku," in Sztuka i ideologia XV wieku, Piotr Skubiszewski, ed. (Warsaw, 1978), 143-44. 308 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. refused, unless the Czechs w ould return to R om an obedience, clearly an im possible condition due to the strength of U traquism there.2 9 A fter his return from Bohemia, D lugosz fell ill, and, thereafter w as plagued by generally deteriorating health. D espite this, in 1478, he w as called on b y the king for one more diplom atic service: to negotiate directly w ith M atthias C orvinus to avoid reactivation of his w ar w ith Casim ir (which broke o u t over the Bohem ian succession and lasted until 1474), and to incline him to abandon the cause of his allies the ever troublesom e Teutonic Knights. Corvinus tu rn ed o u t to be sharply disinclined to do either, and only w ith great effort did Dlugosz m anage to get a one year extension of the truce. A lthough the king seem s to have expected m ore of him, this achievem ent is regarded by m any as a considerable testam ent to D lugosz's skills as a negotiator.3 3 In June 1479, the king finally gave D lugosz an episcopal appointm ent (to the archbishopric of Lwow), b u t Dlugosz w as d ead already by the time the Papal confirm ation came. The last m onths of his life seem to have spent m ost of all in w inding dow n his affairs and finishing his w orks.3 1 This activity m ight indicate an aw areness of his approaching death, w hich occurred on May 19,1480. 29 Vita Dlugosch, 51-52; Bobrzyfiski and Smolka, Jan Dlugosz, 131-37. 30 Cf. ibid., 144-47; Knoll, 'Jan Diugosz," 15-16. 3! On his last days, see Bobrzyhski and Smolka, Jan Dlugosz, 211-15. He seems to have deposited his Annales with the professors of University of Krak6w. Cf. Annales, vol. 1, 63; K. Pieradzka, "Jan Dhigosz," 57; Wanda Semkowicz-Zarembina, Powstanie i dzieje autografu Annalium Jana Dtugosza (Krakdw, 1952), 60-61. 309 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A part from his activities as an unusuaUy generous p atro n of ecclesiastical a n d academic architecture, the vast m ajority of D lugosz's cultural activities centered on his historical and heraldic w orks. 3 2 H is first w ork was a list of incom es of the bishop's table of the K rakow diocese (done for Olesnicki, probably around 1440), and thus a purely adm inistrative piece.3 3 But even this left a large m ark on his historical w ork, teaching him to collect and collate large am ounts of m aterial, including docum ents, a m ethodological skill that is responsible for two of the prim e characteristics of his historiographical production: its great b u lk and detail.34 This chancery-born proclivity for collating large am ounts of source m aterial m ay also have encouraged his habit of avidly seeking out foreign historical w orks on his various diplom atic travels. H is next w ork, the Banderia Pnitenorum, w ritten in the later 1440s, w as a description of the 32 His foundations include the building or refurbishing of six churches and three houses for clergy, as well as the founding of two monasteries and a bursa for poor students of the Krak6w University. On his foundational activities and contributions to architecture, etc., see Vita Dlugosch, 36-38; Michal Rozek "Fundaqe artystyczne Jana Dtugosza," in fan Dlugosz: W pigcsetnq rocznice.; Anna Buczek, "Mecenat artystyczny Jana Dtugosza w dziedzinie architektury," Dlugossiana, vol. 1; Jan Samek and Izabella Rejduch-Samkowa, "Problem odr§bnosd architektury 'Dtugoszowej' na przykiadzie kosdota parafialnego w Radborowicach pod Krakowem," Dlugossiana, vol. 2, Stanislaw Gawfda, ed., (Krakdw, 1985); Krystyna Pieradzki, Zmiqzki, 85-95; Bobrzyrtski and Smolka, fan Dlugosz, 201-209; Knoll, "Jan Dlugosz," 17-19. Knoll's article stresses the significance of his achievements in this regard, given his less than princely income. 33 On this lost inventory see Marian Plezia, "fan. Dhigosz," in Pisorzy staropolsq/, Stanislaw Grzeszczuk, ed. (Warsaw, 1991), 145; Koczerska, "Dlugosz jako sekretarz," 60-61. 34 Cf. Bobrzyfiski and Smolka, fan Dlugosz, 54; Plezia, "Jan Dhigosz," 153; idem, "Pisarstwo Jana Dtugosza," Dlugossiana, 2:20-25. 310 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. banners captured from the Teutonic Knights a t the battle of G runw ald, an d displayed as trophies by the tom b of St. Stanislaus in the Krakow C athedral.3 5 This w ork included a fair am ount of narrative ab o u t the battle and units that bore them, an d w as accom panied by representations of the banners, do n e b y the Krakow painter Stanislaus D u rin k 3 6 In 1450s already Dhigosz probably began w ork on his vast history of Poland (.Annales seu Cronice Incliti Regni Poloniae), quite possibly, expanding it from a core th at com prised a gesta of his benefactor, Olesnicki. His Vita of the Polish Becket, St. Stanislaus, dedicated to S^dziwoj of Czechei, a long-standing associate, was com posed betw een 1461 and 1465, m uch of it while he w as in exile, and thus perhaps reflects a certain identification of the saint7 s plight w ith his ow n.37 From the last period of his life (1468-80) d ates his Vita of the Blessed K unegunda, his six catalogues of bishops of Polish sees, his massive com pendium of benefices of the K rakow diocese (including m uch historical m aterials about the sacred objects an d locals treated therein), and last 33 Some parts of it seem to have been added later, but how much later is a matter of discussion in the literature. Cf. Karol G<5rski, "Litewskie Powi^zania 'Banderia Prutenorum' Jana Dtugosza: Na marginesie ksi^zki Svena Ekdahla," Dlugossiana, 1:169,173-75, Paul Knoll, "Jan Dhigosz and his 'Banderia Prutenorum'," Polish Review, 25 no. 1 (1980): 93-96. 36 This has appeared in several editions, the most accessible one of decent quality being: Karol G6rski, ed., Joannis Dlugosii banderia Prutenorum (Warsaw, 1958). 37 On tliis work see Jerzy Stamawski, Drogi rozzoojowe hagiografii pobkiej i tacinskiej w wiekach srednich (Krakdw, 1993), 96-105; Plezia, "Jan Dtugosz," 150,155. The work itself is printed in vol. 1 of his Opera omnia, pp. 1-181. 311 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. b u t n o t least the final redactions of his g reat history.38 H ardest to d ate is his Clenodia, or arm orial, w hich w as to com prise his account of the Polish nobility (even so, it contains relatively little purely historical material). It is believed to have been w ritten som etim e in the second half of his life, b u t som e doubts rem ain in the m inds of som e scholars as to w hether the ascription to D higosz is authentic.3 9 Dtugosz's Annales are, how ever, his m o st im portant work.*0 Fortunately, the "autograph" of th e w ork has come d o w n to us (Czartoryski L ibrary m s 1306), allowing u s to trace the w ork's developm ent in detail. The "autograph" is actually in large m easure in the hand of D higosz's secretaries and copyists rather 38 Knoll, "Jan Dtugosz," 20-24. On the first mentioned, see Stamawski, Drogi rozwojowe hagiografii polskiej i lacinskiej, 105-107. On his catalogues of bishops see Edward Potkowski, "Fiktive Biographien in den katalogen polnischer Bischofe des Jan Dtugosz," in Falschugen im Mittelalter: Intemationaler Kongress der MGH, vol. 1 (Hannover, 1988). On his catalogue of benefices of the Krakdw diocese (variously known as the Liber beneficiorum or Regestrum ecclesie cracoviensis), see Stanislaw KuraJ, Regestrum ecclesiae cracoviensis: Studium nod powstanian tzw. Liber beneficiorum Jana Dtugosza. (Warsaw, 1966). 39 Stefan Kuczyiiski, "Herby w tworczoici historycznej Jana Dtugosza," in Sztuka i ideologia XV wieku, 220ff.; Plezia, "Jan Dtugosz," 168; Piotr Dymmel, "Pierwsza redakcja najstarszego herbarza polskiego," in Ludzie i herby w dawnej Polsce, Piotr Dymmel, ed. (Lublin, 1995). The edition of this work in volume one of the Opera omnia is rather defective (among other things, it include some sixteenth century interpolations as part of the original text), and has been superceeded by the hard-to-obtain edition of M. Friedberg ("Klejnoty Dtugoszowe," Rocznik Polskiego Tcnoarzystwa Heraldycznego 10 [1930]). 49 On various editions of the Annales and their quirks, especially the oft-cited one in his nineteenth-century Opera omnia, see Piotr Dymmel, "W sprawie warsztatu edytorskiego dawnych wydafi Rocznikow Jana Dtugosza" Studia historyczne 34 no. 3 (1991): 349-368. 312 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. than his own.*i It includes m any signs of extensive rew orkings in various sections, such that it m ig h t be called his "w orking fair copy," if not for w ell established scholarly tradition calling it the "autograph." Two volumes of this m anuscript (later reb o u n d as one) come dow n to us, one beginning w ith the dedicatory letter and ru n n in g u p to the year 1338, the other running from 1339 u p to 1404. The lost th ird volum e of the "autograph" contained the rest of the w ork, treating up to the y ear of D higosz's death, 1480.4 2 Based on the extensive paleographical and codidlogical analysis by W anda Sem kowicz-Zarem bina on the surviving volum es of the "autograph" (as w ell as m ore general study by m an y other scholars) it can be said th at the w ork g rew through three redactions. The first was probably a rough com pilation of m aterials subdivided into yearly headings p u t together in the 1450s and early 1460s. This w as fused into a prelim inary text before 1468, to w hich m any m any n e w m aterials w ere ad d ed from m any different sources, com prising w hat Sem kowicz-Zarem bina calls the second redaction. Som e parts of the autograph w ere recopied cleanly in rew orked form on n e w sheets of p ap er incorporating sections previously existing as m arginal notes or on loose sheets, an d these com prise a third 41 On Dhigosz''s collaborators and their role in his work see Piotr Dymmel, "Uwagi nad historic tekstu w autografie 'Annales7 Jana Dtugosza," in Venerabiles, nobiles, et honesti: Stiidia z dziejdw spoleczenstwa Polski sredniowiecznej, Andrzej Radzimihski, Anna Supruniuk, and Jan Wroniszewski, eds., (Torurt, 1997), 469«13, 472-75. 42 On the manuscript tradition of this last part for which the autograph is missing, see Piotr Dymmel, Tradycja rgkopismienna Rocznikdw [ana Dtugosza: Studium analyticzne ksiifg X-XII. (Warsaw, 1992). 313 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. redaction, done in the last years of D higosz's life.4 5 The only large section of the m anuscript coming dow n to us in the third redaction is the first sixty pages, all copied in one hand, and including the dedicatory letter, an extensive chorography (geography) of the Polish kingdom , and the legends of origin u p to Lestek HI.4 4 The received subdivision of the w ork (into twelve books) seem s to have been carried out only at this late stage.4 5 Therefore, w e know that the m ajority of the m aterial relevant to this stu d y has come dow n to u s in rather finished form , so few of the details of the text7s developm ent are as apparent as they are w ith later sections, w here large am ounts of m aterial are obviously a d d ons, w ritten in the m argins or on loose pages later rebound into the m anuscript. The largest disagreem ent in the scholarly literature concerns exactly w hen, an d w ith w hat intent, D higosz began the work. Some see the w ork as 43 Wanda Semkowicz-Zarembina, "Autograf Dtugosza i jego warsztat w nowej eayq'i 'Annales/" Dlugossiana, 1:271-76. For the older literature, see idem, Pawstanie, 34-37, 44-59. Much of this author7s datation of various parts is done on the basis of the analysis of water marks in the various types of paper comprising the manusdpt. See also the recent artide by Piotr Dymmel ("Uwagi," 471-73) who makes some further valuable remarks on the development of the "second redaction," and even on some of the sub-periods in the process of its extension and revision. 44 Wanda Semkowicz-Zarembina, Powstanie, 47-48. Cf. Dhigosz, Annales, 1:51-141. 45 Livy was traditionally believed by scholars to be the stimulus for this division. Cf. Bobrzyhski and Smolka, Jan Dlugosz, 69-70; Semkowicz Zarembina, Powstanie, 33. Although Dlugosz himself never quite says this in his rationale for the division (Annales, 64), as Alexander Semkowicz pointed out already in the nineteenth century in his Krytyczny rozbior dziejow polskich Jana Dtugosza (do roku 1384) (Krak6w, 1887), p. 20. Furthermore, Wanda Semkowicz-Zarembina, in somewhat later piece, changed her mind and explidtly raised some well-founded doubts on this score. Wanda Semkowicz-Zarembina, "Elementy humanystyczne redakqi Annalium Jana Dtugosza," in Mediaevalia: W 50 roczniq: pracy naukowej Jana Dqbrowskiego, ed. J6zef Garbadk, et al. (Warsaw, 1960), 240-41, 244-45. 314 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. having begun as w ork o f contem porary history only (perhaps a biography of Zbigniew Olesnicki), w hereas others are of the view th a t Dlugosz intended a large-scale history of P oland from earliest tim es right from the outset of his project. W anda Sem kowicz-Zarem bina is tentatively of the latter school, conceding, however, th a t Dlugosz finished the initial redaction of contem porary history m uch m ore quickly than the parts on earlier tim es, since the latter took m uch more arduous research and collection of m aterials, and hence m ore tim e to bring to order. She also concedes that, judging from his dedication, Dlugosz originally intended to w rite only contem porary history, b u t she nevertheless m aintains that after he b eg an collecting m aterial, yet before he actually began w riting, he already expanded his conception to encom pass the whole of Polish history. Other historians, m ost notably Ignacy Zar^bski, m aintain that Dlugosz began writing a life of O lesnicki before proceeding to a d d the rest.46 Dlugosz's com pilatory approach to preparing his text helps explain the exceptionally large bulk of his Annales (the two surviving volum es of the "autograph" alone encom pass over a thousand m anuscript pages), and the exceptional am ount of d etail in his accounts. It also helps explain some of the w ork's peculiarities and shortcomings, such as the m isplacem ent of events u n d er 46 Cf. for example Ignacy Zar§bski, "Gesta Sbignei jako element ewoluqi w genezie Annalium Jana Dtugosza" in Prace z dziejdw Polsfd feudalnej, (Warsaw, 1960), 296ff.; Slawomir Gawlas, "Astrolog przyjatietem historyka? Diariusz Zbigniewa Ole&uckiego w genezie Rocznik6w Jana Dtugosza," in Kultura sredniowieczna i staropolska, 455-69, esp. 460ff.; Wanda Semkowicz- Zarembina, Powstanie, 49-57; idem, "Elementy Humanystyczne," 252; Plezia, "Jan Dtugosz," 156-59. 315 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. incorrect dates (i.e., w hen loose sheets w ere incorporated into the texts in the w rong place by copyist7 s errors), events appearing twice u n d e r tw o different dates (when his sources w o u ld n o t agree as to w h en som ething happened), or even multiple contradictory accounts of the sam e event (he w ould apparently copy dow n different accounts of an event from various sources, and d id not alw ays m anage to condense them into a single narrative).4 7 It w ould be m istaken, how ever, to conclude from this, how ever, that Dlugosz in his Annales show s him self to be only a n uninspired com piler. The w ork shows a strong im p rin t of the author7 s outlook, and, especially in sections he rew orked the m ost, the results are often m arkedly different from any given source on which he relied. II. Assessments of Jan D lu gosz and his Corpus in Historiography M any of the m ost im p o rtan t interpretive questions surrounding the outlook and w orks of Jan D higosz have generated a fair am ount of disagreem ent in the scholarly literature over the p a st century. These include: first, Dfugosz7 s view s in affairs of church polity (i.e., w as he m ore condliarist or papalist?), second, the degree of his interest in and pu rsu it of literary hum anism , and third, the degree to w hich Dlugosz w as w illing to em bellish his sources w ith details from his ow n im agination. Less controversial, yet still possessing a rich 47 Cf. Wanda Semkowicz-Zarembina, Powstanie, 39-46; Plezia, "Jan Dtugosz," 159ff.; idem, "Pisarstwo Jana Dtugosza," 23ff.; Heinrich Zeissberg, Die polnische Geschichteschreibung des Mittelalters (Leipzig, 1873), 322-27. 316 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. literature, is the question of ethnic a n d national identity in his outlooks, as w ell as th at of the nature of his ard en t ecclesiasticism, and h o w h e m ight have revised it in his later career as a royal servant. M ichal Bobrzyhski and Stanislaw Smolka, in their sem inal biography, argued for seeing D lugosz as a condliarist. They n o ted the enthusiastic support for the Council of Basel u p to 1447 am ong the faculty of the University of Krakow, as well as am ong Olesnicki's circle (including his relative, Jan Elgot), in brief, throughout D tugosz's whole m ilieu. Furtherm ore, the earlier nineteenth- century literary scholar M . W iszniewski claimed to have found a letter of S^dziwoj of Czechel to the young D higosz dated 1434 a n d arguing for the prim acy of the condliar authority ("de tuenda concilorum auctoritate suprema ")A& The author of the other g reat late nineteenth-century stu d y devoted to Dlugosz, how ever, saw him as a firm papalist on the basis of an analysis of his Annales A9 The m ost subtle a n d far-reaching study of the question done to date, by U rszula Borkowska, takes into account all the relevant evidence, including the totality of D lugosz's w orks. She notes th at the evidence am assed by Bobrzyhski and Smolka for D lugosz's condliarism is n o t large, an d all of it circumstantial, even if one takes the claim s of W iszniewski at face value (and the supposed letter has never since been found). She points out that he gives fairly extensive M. Wiszniewski, Historia literatnry polskiej (Krak6w, 1848), 5:28 (which I have been unable to consult). See Bobrzyhski and Smolka, Jan Dlugosz, 26, 222. 49 Aleksander Semkowicz, Krytyczny rozbidr "Dziejozv Polski" Jana Dtugosza (do roku 1384) (Krak6w, 1887), 17. 317 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. treatm ent of the C ouncil of Constance, including m uch valuable inform ation on the Polish delegation there, b u t scarcely m entions the m uch m ore controversial (and ultim ately failed) Council of Basel at all.5 0 H e seem s to try to cover u p the degree of support show n for the council by the U niversity of K rakow and m uch of the Polish episcopate, including that of his m entor, Olesnicki.5 1 Borkowska also p oints out that Dlugosz pro v es him self also to be a papalist in that he accepted the Donation of C onstantine as a w ork of the H oly Spirit, and seem s to see the Pope as the general superior of the Em peror and 50 Borkowska, Tresci, esp. 53-66. Dhigosz himself wrote to Michat Goczna, canon of Sandomierz in 1447 on the predicament of the bishop of Plock in the face of the stubborn support of the council by the Duke of Mazovia: "miserat siquidem, ipse Dominus Ploczensis ad Dominum nostrum spedalem nuntium petens suam Patemitatem ut me requireret suis litteris, quatenus plenarie instrueremus ilium, quid suae Patemitati in tanta perplexitate et involutione rerum facere expediret Dominus autem noster deliberatus persuasit atque consulit suae Patemitati, ut postquam declaration plena per Dominum Regem et omnes provincias Regni sui pro Domino Nicolao facta esset et obedientia sibi per notabiles nuntios missa, eius profiteretur obedientiam et tribunal, et in omnibus adversitatibus suis et gravaminibus Sedis Romanae imploraret patrocinium et terrores undecumque venientes nullatenus formidaret, tamen omnia attentata post praefatam obedientiam felidter cassabuntur, et adversarius potent tmdi in lacum et foveam graviorem quam aestimabat se aliis fodisse. Neque insuper magnus respectus habendus est, super eo, quod Dux omnia in Consilio obtenta in executionem ponet, prout litterae vestrae continent Ista quidem, executio nulla tenus durare poterit, de qua ego dubium habeo, si fiet, quoniam eo addud non possum, ut Dux et sui sint tarn deliri, ut velint se opponere toti Regno, et forsan toti catholica orbi," Opera omnia, 1:597-98. Bobrzyhski and Smolka, though, try to maintain that the pro-papal attitude here expressed is merely a reluctant concession to necessity, following in the footsteps of his master OleSnicki's abandonment of the Condliar cause in that year, fan Dhigosz, 26). 51 Borkowska, Tresci, 56-59. For an excellent brief account of the development and strength of Polish condliar thought, espedally in the Krak6w milieu in which Dhigosz moved, see Paul W. Knoll, "The University of Cracow and the Condliar Movement" in Rebirth, Reform and Resilence: Universities in Transition, 1300-1700, James M. Kittelson and Pamela J. Transue, eds. (Columbus, Ohio, 1984). 318 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. pro p er and final arbiter of tem poral affairs.52 Yet he also condem ned the theocratic vision of Boniface VUI as the p ro d u ct of unsuitable libido dominandi, and criticized, sometimes bitterly, w h at h e regarded as unjust papal decisions (for exam ple, the policies of Pius II favoring the Teutonic Knights). She concludes th at D higosz m ay be considered a m o d erate papalist in his m ature period. She does n o t rule o u t that he m ight have conceivably entertained condliar sentim ents in his earlier days, b u t regards it as probable that Dlugosz w as chosen for the m ission to Nicholas V to secure the purple for Olesnicki p red sely because h e w as the one in his d rd e least "polluted" by condliarism .5 3 Regardless of his specific view s o n authority on the highest level of the church, that Dlugosz view ed the church as the proper leader of state a n d so d ety has been n o t been seriously doubted in the scholarly literature, for it is dem onstrated repeatedly by both his w ritings an d the actions of his life (as d u rin g the struggle over the K rakow bishopric). It has been addressed m an y different tim es and in several different w ays, in recent decades m ost interestingly by U rszula Borkowska and M aria Koczerska. The latter has pointed o u t h o w m uch D higosz's characterizations of good rulers and good bishops co in d d e in significant m easure, differing m ainly in th at good rulers, unlike good bishops, 52 Ibid., 49-50. 53 Ibid., 48, 51-53, 58, 65-66. 319 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. m u st possess m ilitary virtues, an d m u st be submissive to church authorities.54 Borkowska points o u t th a t D lugosz w as the last historian to follow the vision of g reat thirteenth-century hagiographer, V incent of Kielcze, in seeing the early Piast m onarchy as a k in d of "golden age" of harm onious church-state relations, spoiled by the m u rd er of St. Stanislaus b y Boleslaus the Bold, after which the fallen state had to be the servant of th e church.5 5 Against this too-static view o f D lugosz's approach to th is subject, how ever, several m ore detailed an d subtle studies (including Borkowska's) point o u t th at on his reentry to royal service in the 1460s, his specific view s tow ard royal pow er, seem ed to have changed substantially. In the Annales, for exam ple, King Casim ir abruptly appears in a m o re positive light from a ro u n d the early 1460s on, w ith D lugosz even finding a w ay to partially justify the king's actions in the Krakow bishopric affair, if on ly by w ay of the venerable topos of the evil advisors. Furtherm ore, m any of the b itte r objections D lugosz voices in the earlier parts of the Annales to royal interference in the n am in g o r transferring of bishops vanish in this final part, alm ost w ithout a trace.5 6 The developm ent of D lugosz's attitudes tow ard hum anism , his interest 54 Maria Koczerska, "Mentalno^c Jana Dtugosza w iv/ietle jego tw6rczo£d," St. Zr., 15 (1971): 124. Cf. ibid., tables on pp. 122-123 and 125. 55 Borkowska, Tresci, 104^15. 56 For an example of a "static view" of Dtugosz in this matter see Ignacy Chrzanowski, 'Jan Dtugosz: Proba charakterystyki cziowieka," reprint Wydawnictwo Populamo-naukowe (L6dz, 1948), 16. For the more nuanced views see Borkowska, Tresci, 116-19; Bobrzyhski and Smolka, Jan Dtugosz, 189-92. 320 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The developm ent of D higosz's attitudes tow ard hum anism , his interest an d classical literature, an d the nature of his attem pts to im itate classical style have sparked off a lively debate in the scholarly literature betw een those w ho see Dlugosz as a kind of proto-hum anist, and others w ho regard hum anist influences on his w orks and activities as superficial.57 Various scholars, m any of them advocates of D lugosz's hum anism , have been able to dem onstrate his use of classical authors (m ostly historians), and of contem porary hum anist literature. H e helped Olesnicki track dow n Livy's Ab urbe condita in H ungary. The probable result of these labors, a m anuscript containing the third a n d fourth decades of the R om an's great history preserved in the Jagiellonian Library, has a substantial num ber of m arginalia in Dlugosz's ow n hand, including m any th at can be dem onstrated to be the stylistic pattern for various passages in the Annales, especially descriptions of battles, and characterizations of persons, peoples, and speeches.58 O ther classical w orks that have survived in m anuscripts w ith marginalia in D lugosz's hand include Pliny 57 For a condse account in English of the development of humanist interests in the Krak6w millieu in Dtugosz's era see Paul W. Knoll, "Italian Humanism in Poland: The Role of the University of Krak6w in the Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries," in Renaissance Culture in Context: Theory and Practice, Jean R. Brink and William F. Gentrup, eds. (Cambridge, 1993), 164-73; Tadeusz Ulewicz, "Polish Humanism and its Italian Sources: Beginnings and Historical Development," in The Polish Renaissance in its European Context, Samuel Fiszman, ed. (Bloomington, 1988), 215-28. 58 Maria Kowalczyk6wna, " J a g ie llo iisk ie rgkopisy Liwiusza z marginaliami Jana Dtugosza," Eos 58 (1969/1970): 219-27. For a brief, German-language summary of Dtugosz's borrowing from Livy see Wladystaw Madyda, "Johannes Longinus Dtugosz als Vorlaufer des Humanismus in Polen," in Renaissance und Humanismus in Mittel- und Osteuropa, eine Sammlung von Materialien, ed. Johannes Irmscher (Berlin, 1962), 2:187-90. 321 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Elder's Historia natiiralis, Lucan's De bello civili, an d C aesar's Bellum gallicum, as w ell as a Latin translation of a fragm ent from Xenophon.^9 From analysis of his w orks, philologists have also found traces of Sallust's Bellum iugurthinum and Catalinae coniuratio, the historical com pilation of Justinus and Frontinus's w ork on m ilitary stratagem s, as w ell as the standard pieces of Rom an literature studied in M edieval arts curricula. D higosz also several tim es d tes the geographical and historical encyclopedia of Solinus, Collectanea rerum memorabilium, as well as the Geographia (Cosmographia) of Ptolem y.^ It should be noted that the use and know ledge of m ost these w orks (w ith the possible exception of Livy) do n o t m ark D higosz out as a h um anist p er se, since they were m ostly available to, and occasionally exploited by, the better educated m edieval historians. The list of w orks by fourteenth- and fifteenth-century hum anists know n to or used by Dhigosz is sim ilar in length. These include the De casibus virorum illustrium and De geneologia deorum of Boccaccio, Petrarch's Rerum Jamiliarum, A ntonio Panorm ita Beccadelli's De dictis etfactis Alphonsi Regis Aragonum libri quatuor (with a com m entary by Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini), Poggio B racdolini's De miseria conditionis humanae, and Peter Paul Vergerio's De ingenuis moribus. 59 Kowalczykowna, "Jagielloriskie rfkopisy," 220-21. 60 See Wladysiaw Madyda, "Wzory klasyczne w 'Historii Polski' Dtugosza," Eos 49. no. 2 (1957/1958): 177-201; Ignacy Lewandowski, Recepcja, 72-75; Tadeusz Sinko, "De Dlugossi praefatione Historiae Polonorum," in Stadia z dziejdw kultury polskiej (Warsaw, 1949); J. Schnayder, "Salustiusztowe echa w Historii polskiej Jana Dtugosza," Eos 46 no. 2 (1952/1953): 141-60; Danuta Turkowska, "5lady lektury Justyna w Historii Polskiej Jana Dtugosza," Pamigtnik Literacki 52 no. 3 (1962): 159-79. 322 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Som e of these seem to hav e been used by Dtugosz as instructional m aterial in his role as tutor of the royal sons. D tugosz also knew and u se d som e of the historical a n d geographical w orks of Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini (Pope Pius H), w ith w h o m he w as personally aquainted. H is Historia Bohemomm is used several tim es a s a source for Czech history in the Annales, and his De Europa served him in various steads, possibly even as a m odel for his ow n chorography of the Polish K ingdom .6^ The com m on elem ent in all literary hum anism of the fifteenth century, w as, of course, the im itation of Classical style. H ow do D tugosz's works com e out, m easured by this yardstick? D anuta Turkow ska's detailed study of his style gives a detailed, b u t rath er com plicated answer. D tugosz's style turns o u t to be highly varied, and his vocabulary abundant. Often, especially in the m ore polished parts of the Annales, D tugosz attem pts to im itate the phraseology of Livy, w ith very com plex and long periodic sentences, although he does no t alw ays do so w ith the gram m atical scrupulosity of the Rom an, so that his m eaning som etim es becom es unclear. The less finished p arts of the w ork, b y 61 See Ignacy Zar^bski, "Problemy wczesnego odrodzenia w Polsce: Grzegorz z Sanoka—Boccacdo— Dhigosz," Odrodzenie i reformacja w Polsce 2 (1957): 42-52; idem, "Humanystyczna lektura Dtugosza: Antonio Panormita Beccadelli (w sporze o Dtugosza argument nowy)," Binletyn biblioteki jagiellonskiej 17 (1965): 5-20; idem, Stosunki, 131-50; Stanistaw Solicki, Zrodla Jana Dtugosza do problematyki czeskiej (Wroctaw, 1973), 112ff.; Jan Krukowski, "O lekturze," 67-72; Anna Rogalanka, "Przedmowa Dtugosza do "Dziejdw Polski," Rocznik Historyczny 19 (1950): 79-97. Many of the things Rogalanka attributes to humanist authors can also be found in medieval ones. See Tadeusz Ulewicz, "Historycznoliterackie zaplecze listu dedykacyjnego Dtugosza do Zbigniewa Ole^nickiego," Dlugossiana, 2:39-42. Cf. Benoit Lacroix, L'historien au moyen age (Montreal, 1971), 147-55,160-91, 247-59. 323 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. contrast, typically show a sim ple an d functional style, rather than an elevated, literary one. O n the plane of vocabulary and low er level usage, D lugosz is m ore clearly "m edieval" in his Latin. The influence of contem porary hum anists can also be detected, although by and large, h e w as n o t as successful as they in m arrying his classical m odels w ith the literary traditions and usage needs of his tim e.6 2 There is evidence that D lugosz him self felt insecure about the quality of his literary style, as in his dedicatory letter (easily the m ost classicized parts of his Annales) he returns to the topic of his w o rk 's stylistic inadequacies again and again, far beyond the requirem ents of the standard topos of m o d esty .^ Som etim es confused w ith the question of Dhigosz7 s hum anism is the question of the "m odernness" o r "m edievalness" of his outlook. Jan D qbrowski w rote th at "o u r historian [Dlugosz] belongs to another w orld th an the w orld of the the hum anists; his w ork is the last great historical w ork w ritten in a churchly sp irit"6 4 That the strength of the churchly spirit w as strong in D lugosz is undeniable, and that this spirit is m ore prevalent in his w orks than in m any of his contem poraries is also clear. Yet churchliness of som e sort is n o t so rare in the historiography of the fifteenth an d sixteenth centuries, even am ong som e 62 Danuta Turkowska, Etudes sur la langue et sur la style de Jean Dlugosz (Wroctaw, 1973), 89-91. 63 See, for example his Annales, vol. 1, "Litterae dedicatoriae/' 54-56, 59-61, 63. 64 j. D^browski, Dawne dziejopisarstwo, 239-40. Cf. also Koczerska, "MentalnoSd," 110,139; Marian Biskup, "Jan Dhigosz jako historyk Polski i kraj6w Europy irodkowschodniej," Zapiski historyczne 46, no. 4 (1981): 39-40. 324 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. w riters of a notably h u m an ist bent 6 s A sim ilar argum ent m ay be m ade concerning Dhigosz7 s p atriotism and statism versus his universalism. A nyw ay, such niceties of classification are more im portant (if anyw here) in general and com parative studies, a n d less so for a specific study, such this one. D lugosz's patriotism has attracted scholarly com m ent from at least the early nineteenth century on, m uch of it orientated to how it caused him to cover over or distort his accounts of various events.6 6 In recent decades, more system atic explications of his conception of peoplehood and nationhood, Polish or other, have come to the fore. C oncom itant w ith this, of course, if the question of just w hat Dlugosz u n d ersto o d the object of his patriotic affection to be. M ost im p o rtan t of these have been the studies by Slaw om ir Gaw las and Jadwiga K rzyzaniakow a. In her article "Poj^cie narodu w 'Rocznikach7 Jana Dlugosza," published in 1978, Krzyzaniakow a m aintains that the L atin w ords gens / gentes and natio / nationes are used as practical synonym s in D lugosz7 s usage in the context of 65 For example, Flavio Biondi's Decades in the fifteenth century, which according to one scholar have as their only persistent theme "the replacement of the declining pagan respublica by the emergent orbis Christianas, and of the Caesars by Christ as imperator." See Donald R. Kelley, "Humanism and History," in Renaissance Humanism: Foundations, Forms, and Legacy, ed. Albert Rabil (Philadelphia, 1988), 3:243. Tadeusz Ulewicz in his "Historycznoliterackie zaplecze" and Stanislaw Grzybowski, in his brillant, but uneven "Natura, czlowiek i post^p w dhigoszowym iredniowieczu" (in Jan Dlugosz. Wpiecsetnq rocznicg, Felix Kiryk, ed. [Olsztyn, 1983], 99-100) are rare among Polish scholars in taking this into account Slawomir Gawlas recognizes the variety of Renaissance thought but seems still assumes humanism itself to be more ideologically unified than it really was. See his "£wiadomo3<f," 9-10. 66 For an example of a more recent piece of historiography in this vein see Stanislaw Gaw§da, "Ocena niekt6rych problemdw historii ojczystej w 'Rocznikach' Jana Dlugosza," in Dlugossiana, 1:184-89. 325 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ethnic term inology, b o th m eaning "people" o r "nation" (although in general M iddle Latin usage of his day, she notes, gens could also denote a fam ilial group, and natio a social estate). La general, K rzyzaniakow a finds six subjects th a t occur consistently w hen D higosz introduces or describes various peoples: descent from a com m on ancestor, com m on territorial origin, language, com m on physical and psychological traits, religion, and lastly, law a n d politics. These, she concludes, defined "nationhood" for him.67 As concerns the Polish "nation," K rzyzaniakow a notes that D lugosz saw it encom passing in his ow n day only those lands an d peoples that w ere in the Polish state after its reunification by Ladislaus the Short in the early fourteenth century, including ev en the peasantry. Interestingly, though, she notes th at he usually regarded M azovians as Poles, even though m ost of their lands w ere still only loosely b o u n d to the Polish kingdom (as its fiefs) in his ow n day, w hereas the Pom eranians are excluded from it, even after the reincorporation of Eastern Pom erania in 1466. The Silesians of his day, if anything, seem even less Polish in D lugosz's eyes th an Pom eranians.6 8 O ur K rakow canon often sees his patria as Poland in this narrow sense. Yet, K rzyzaniakow a p o in ts out, he w as also a "state patriot" for the b ro ad er constitutional entity appearing m ost com m only in his pages u n d er the term "K ingdom of P oland" (Regnum Poloniae). W hen he refers to the Polish K ingdom 67 Krzyzaniakowa, "Poj§de narodu," 138-41. 68 ibid., 143-44. 326 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. in this b ro ad er sense, he includes Pom erania, royal Prussia, and Red Ruthenia in it. It also o ught to include, b y rights, Silesia, all of Ruthenia, and Lithuania, even though D lugosz often looks d o w n h is nose at R uthenians, and, even more so a t L ithuanians, w hom he regarded as prim itive people, ow ing their advancem ent entirely to th e Poles. T hat the Lithuanian Jagiellon dynasty cam e to possess the Polish throne he regards as a punishm ent for the sins of the Poles and their native dynasty.6 9 Therefore, K rzyzaniakow a concludes th at "the national consciousness of Dlugosz is tied in w ith, b u t n o t identical to, his state consciousness."7 0 The term Regnum Poloniae in his usage is accordingly rather am biguous, falling into the p u rv ey of either "nation" o r state, depending on the context. Slaw om ir Gawlas in h is b ro ad er and m ore detailed study "Swiadomosc n ard o w a Jana Dlugosza," expands an d refines m any of K rzyzaniakow a's conclusions. Carefully tabulating all instances of the term s natio and gens in D lugosz's Annales, he concludes th at Dlugosz m eant b y the form er any politico- territorial group, and by the latter any group sharing com m on descent (although as a practical m atter the tw o largely overlap). Gawlas expands the discussion to take in D lugosz's conception o f language (Latin lingua), noting th at he shows m arked pride for the Polish language (once in a while also the "Slavic" m ore generally), a n d also that he assum es a large degree of correlation betw een 69 Ibid., 141ff. Cf. Gawlas, "Swiadmo^d," 45, 45nl88; Annales, vol. 5, Opera omnia, vol. 9, 28. 70 Krzyzaniakowa, "Poj^tie narodu," 145. 327 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. languages and nationes o r gentes. Occasionally, b u t rarely, he refers to ethnic "blood" of one type o r another, for m ore often it is language that seem s to define ethnicity in his w ay of thinking.7 1 As concerns his view of "others" Gawlas notes that Dhigosz h a d no strong feelings ab o u t foreign minorities, so long as they w ere not politically active. Gawlas argues th at in general Dhigosz w as relatively indifferent to Germ ans, and m ost expressions of hostility tow ard them found in his w orks are m erely taken over from his sources, w hile at the sam e time the u rb an G erm ans living around him in K rakow are conspicuous b y their near absence in his w orks.7 2 Expanding o n K rzyzaniakow a's observations concerning D higosz attitudes toward other peoples in close contact w ith the Poles, Gawlas dem onstrates that D higosz disliked the Czechs m o st of all (in p art for their H ussite proclivities), w hile seeing the H ungarians as inconstant and cow ardly, an d the Ruthenians as perfidious and schismatic. The list of shortcom ings of character he attributes to Lithuanians is quite substantial. Although Dhigosz also proves himself w illing to pointedly criticize the character of the Poles on occasion, Gawlas points o u t that he alw ays paints them in a positive light w hen com paring them to o th er peoples.^ 71 Gawlas, "fSwiadomo&f," 17-36, and tables on those pages. 72 Ibid., 36, 50-51. 72 Ibid., 39-40, 47-52. On his attitude toward Lithuanians and Lithuania cf. also the detailed discussion in Bobrzyhski and Smolka, Jan Dlugosz, 177-89. 328 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A ccording to Gawlas's reading, Dlugosz draw s the borders o f the Regnum Poloniae in several different, som etim es inconsistent ways. A t least o n occasion, he seem s to have regarded any territory ever incorporated into P oland as pro perly belonging to the Regnum, including the territories o f legendary pre history or the w ide-ranging conquests of Boleslaus the Brave. M ost often, though, he proves prim arily concerned w ith Polish rights in the east, particularly over Podolia and Volhynia, b u t also over Lithuania and h e r R uthenian holdings. Podolia and Volhynia, as w ell as Vladimir-Halich, Pom erania, Prussia, and Silesia are regarded by Dlugosz as rightfully p a rt of "Poland p ro p er" or as core territories of Poland. This narrow er territorial sphere, G aw las notes, w as m uch closer to being a realistically attainable one in the context of th e fifteenth century, and, it was, in fact, actualized by 1466, w ith the exception of p a rt of Prussia and the lion's share of Silesia.7 * In practice, Gawlas maintains, w h eth er Dlugosz in a given instance expressed patriotic feelings for the broader or the narrow er Poland, his patriotism w as a state patriotism as well as a "national" patriotism. A lthough Dlugosz sometimes concedes the "Polishness" of the Polish-speaking peasantry, Gawlas points out that w h a t m attered to him the m ost (as w as typical 74 Gawlas, "5wiadomo£c," 37-46. 329 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. in his day) w as the "Polishness" of the political strata o f these territories; for the identity of only these h a d any relevance to the affairs of sta te d Gawlas also d ra w s attention to certain m anifestations of regional patriotism that he occasionally finds in D lugosz's w orks. These include a tendency to occasionally attribute better behavior to those from Little P oland than those from G reater Poland, his persistently stated belief that the bishops of K rakow by rights o u g h t to be archbishops just like those of Gniezno in G reat Poland, as well as the alm ost unthinking assum ption th at Krakow and the Cracovians had a n a tu ra l position of leadership in the Polish state. G aw las sees also evidence of his knightly background in his contem pt for cowardice, treason, and the use of m ercenary troops (this last bo th because it is the nobility w h o o ught to defend the realm , an d because of the tendency of m ercenaries to plunder and rape).7 ^ 75 Ibid., 46,56. In her later article on Jan Dtugosz's conception of state, Krzyzaniakowa comes to similar conclusions but points out also that the Polish state (regnum Polcmiae) in the broader sense, necessarily encompassed two other nationes, the Lithuanians and the Ruthenians. See her "Poj^de paristwa i narodu w 'Rocznikach' Jana Dhigosza," in Dlugossiana, 2:73-82, esp. 78ff.. Gawlas, "£wiadomo§d," 57-58. On regional patriotism, cf. Borkowska, Tresci, 78-79. 330 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. D raw ing on the w ork of U rszula Borkowska, Gawlas also notes that D tugosz's patriotism was very m u ch tied up w ith his identity as a churchman.?? D lugosz sees the ideal territorial extent of the state to be fundam entally sim ilar to (even if n o t quite coterm inus w ith) the ideal extent of the Polish church. In other w ords, the Polish church h as analogous claim s to jurisdiction o ver the ecclesiastical institutions in outlying regions to that the state has in the secular sphere. It is only w hen w riting a w ork intended solely for ecclesiastical use, catalogue of benefices for the K rakow diocese, th at he explicitly spells o u t the principle found implicitly in his Annales concerning the maximal Polish territorial claims. There, w hen justifying the broad borders of the Polish D om inican Province, he argues that it o u g h t to be pattern ed on "the body of the K ingdom of Poland as it w as established a n d confirm ed by Boleslaus the Brave." Since Boleslaus, along w ith Mieszko, w as the founder of the Polish church, an d in canon law a founder's bequest w as inviolable, D lugosz seems to have reasoned, the church of all lands in Boleslaus's realm ought to retain the form it h a d then. D lugosz im agines the whole Polish ecclesiastical structure existing in later history to have existed from the earliest days of its establishm ent, the days of M ieszko 77 Gawlas, "Swiadomo&f," 40-41,46, cf. Borkowska, Tresci, 67-68, 71-74. This section of Borkowska's book is translated into English in a slightly expanded form as "The Polish Church in the Writings of Jan Dlugosz," in The Christian Community of Medieval Poland, Jerzy Kloczowski, ed. (Wroclaw, 1981), 183-216. The cathedral clergy of Krakdw were, as Jerzy Wolny has shown in his preliminary study of their preaching, characterized in general by a fervent patriotism (see his "Krakowskie £rodwisko," esp. 100-105). It would doubtless be valuable to have a study that would compare in depth their views on the role of the church in state and "nation" with those of Dlugosz. 331 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and Boleslaus, w hich in his view, com prised the "golden age" of the Polish church.78 The m ost recent scholarship on the subject of Dlugosz's national consciousness has tended to stress the novelty of Dlugosz's com plex an d m ulti leveled views. Paul Knoll has argued that the union of Poland w ith Lithuania and Poland's experience as p a rt of the Jagiellonian dynastic assem blage w as "the crucial historical event that shaped Jan Dlugosz's conception of his task," w hich forced him (along w ith the m ilieu for w hich h e w rote) to reassess the m eaning of Polish national consciousness in its light.7 9 It was, furtherm ore, precisely this problem w hich encouraged him to w rite such a massive and com pendious w ork as his Annales, an d to include in it large am ounts of m aterial on neighboring peoples and states. Jadw iga Krzyzaniakowa, in her study of D lugosz's conception of state published in 1985, also stresses the im portance of the 'Jagiellonian predicam ent" in understanding Dlugosz's nation consciousness. She also points o u t som ething that seems to indicate an aw areness on his p a rt th at he was living in a different era from those of previous Polish historians. O nly in describing the fifteenth century does Dlugosz consistently use the term Regnum Poloniae, w hereas "in the description of older history there appear [other] term s besides regnum: monarchia, imperium, principatum, Corona, respublica, patria, all of 78 Borkowska, Tresci, 68-71. 79 Paul W. Knoll, "National Consciousness in Medieval Poland," Ethnic Studies 10 (1993): 76 (emphasis mine). 332 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. w hich in his record of contem porary times are rarely encountered and [only] in precisely defined circum stances."8 0 The significance of som e of the m em bers of this list shall be ap p aren t w h en Dlugosz's treatm ent of th e legends themselves is described in the next chapter. The m ost lively discussion concerning Jan D lugosz in recent decades has b een the debate about th e degree to which D lugosz w as w illing to invent som e of the m aterial w hich fo u n d its w ay into his works, especially the Annales. Indeed, his accounts are often lengthy and detailed, even for events in earlier history. Fairly often this detail does n o t appear in sources contem porary to the event, and often enough it is n o t to be found any other m edieval source know n to us. All historians accept th a t Dlugosz both h ad access to sources that have been lost since, and that h e som etim es amplified and invented things to suit the general needs of his narrative and his larger historiographical purposes.8 1 In their appraisal of the relative balance of these two phenom ena, how ever, historians are very far apart. O ne school, w hose "dean" is G erard L abuda and includes the editors of the ongoing re-editon of the Annales, argues fo r D lugosz's use of extensive sources u nknow n today, including a putative lost Chronicle or Annals of the K rakow Dom inicans. The other, represented in particular by Jozef 80 Krzyzaniakowa, "Poj§de Paristwa," 76. 81 For summaries of scholarship on the "reliability" of Dlugosz with special reference to the Mongol Campaign of 1241, see A. Semkowicz, Krytyczny Rozbi& r, v-xv; J6zef Matuszewski, Relacja Dtugosza o mjezdzie tatarskim w 1241 roku: Polskie zdania legnickie. (L6dz, 1980), 30-63; Gerard Labuda, Zaginiona kronika w Rocznikach Jam Dhigosza: Proba rekonsiracji (Poznari, 1983), 5-19. 333 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. M atuszewski, stresses the tendentiousness of Dlugosz, a n d portray him as a m an w ho often and freely a d d e d his ow n fantasies to w hat h e found in his sources. At the center o f this debate is D lugosz's account o f the M ongol invasion of Poland in 1241. As h a s already been said, the earlier sources at o u r disposal today give only general (and occasionally hard to reconcile) accounts of this cam paign. They are as a w hole extrem ely vague about the course o f the battles it occasioned, especially the m ost im portant am ong them the Battle of Legnica in Silesia, w here the m o st pow erful Polish prince of the day, H enry the Pious, w as killed. Dlugosz, by co n trast is quite expansive about m an y of these episodes. "N ew " inform ation a p p ea rin g for the first tim e in the Annales include some specifics on the route of the M ongol arm ies in Poland. A m ong the m ost im portant of these b its of historical lore are: tw o retu rn s to Rus by the M ongol arm ies early in the cam paign (instead of the one attested elsewhere), an attack on the city of Lublin, a certain "road . . . to this day called p a th of Batu" near the tow n of Eza in Little P o lan d along w hich the m ain M ongol arm y is supposed to have passed, burning, looting, and killing, an d a certain forest called Strzem ech (whose location is to d ay unknow n), w here the M ongols are supposed to have sheltered after the exhausting battle of Tursko.^2 In addition, Dlugosz m entions tw o attacks of the to w n of R adborz near th e M oravian G ate, an d reports a m iracle by w hich the Blessed Czeslaw, a Dom inican friar, w as able to call dow n a pillar of fire from h eav en an d thus deter the M ongols fro m attacking W roclaw, 82 Jan Dhigosz, Annales, 4:12-14. 334 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. incidents attested independently (perhaps) only from eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Silesian sources.8 3 Perhaps m ost interestingly, Dhigosz reports specifics of various battles and atrocities com m itted at various stages in the cam paign, including the m assacre of the inhabitants of Sandomierz, the sack of Krakow, and the specific course of battles a t Tursko and Chmielnik (including a list of som e prom inent knights killed at the latter). Dlugosz provides the m o st "novel" details about the battle of Legnica itself. H e describes in gripping narrative the events leading up to the battle: H enry Pious seeks the blessing of h is m other, Saint Jadw iga (Hedwig), b u t , in an ill portent, he is alm ost crushed by a stone falling from the roof of the church w here he and his m en h ad ju st taken the viaticum. D lugosz describes the Polish o rd er of battle in detail, placing som e persons there w hose presence is u n attested by other sources (m ost notably Duke M ieszko of Opole), and likewise som e groups (e.g. the gold m iners of ZJotoryja).8* The course of the itself battle is also described in even greater detail. The Poles and their allies w ere gaining the up p er h an d for the first time w h en an enemy, either M ongol or Ruthenia, began to yell "Biegajcie, Biegajde" in Polish ("run away, ru n aw ay"), inducing one of the Polish leaders and his troops to S3 Ibid., 17-18. The use of ultraviolet light has shown that the original version of this section in Dlugosz's "autograph" did not include the Bl. Czeslaw incident indicating that Dlugosz found out about this tradition later than the mid 1460s. See Tomasz Jasiiiski, "Strategia i taktyka wojsk polskich i mongolskich pod Legnica w Swietle nowo odczytanych zapisek Jana Dtugosza," in Bitwa legnicka: Historia i tradyqa, Wadaw Korta, ed. (Wroclaw, 1994), 109-11. 84 Jan Dlugosz, Annales, 4:19-21. 335 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. flight. H enry then exclaim s to his m en "G orze s^ n a m stalo" or (Dhigosz explains) "a g reat m isfortune has happened to us." N evertheless, Henry, undeterred, com m its him self and his ow n division to battle, and once again is about to carry the day, w hen the M ongols resort (as D higosz tells us) to witchcraft: a stan d ard w ith an ugly, d ark bearded head atop it, gives forth a choking sm oke, w hich billow s out over the Polish arm y, robbing them of their strength. The Poles are m ostly slaughtered. Dhigosz describes in m inute detail the attem pted escape of Prince Henry, nam ing all four of his last companions. The Mongols attack him furiously, and repeatedly, b u t succeed only on the th ird attem pt, due to his valiant defense and th at of his m en. H enry, m ortally w ounded and u nhorsed, is beheaded. O ne of his last com panions, how ever, the knight Jan Iw anow ic, although w ounded twelve times, escapes and finds his retainers along w ith another knight, w ho together slay eight of the nine Mongols pursuing him , taking the last into captivity. This Jan Iwanowic, D higosz inform s us, later joined th e Dominican order. The head of the prince is b rought to the castle of Legnica on a spear, and the M ongols dem and the capitulation of the garrison, b u t th ey refuse, an d the M ongols soon m ove on. Anna, the w ife of H enry the Pious m anaged to find and recognize the headless body of the prince only after several d ay s of searching, and only because he h a d six toes on his left foot.® 85 Ibid., 21-25. 336 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Dhigosz describes the rest of the M ongol cam paign in alm ost as m uch detail as before, including the heroic refusal of the castle garrison in Legnica to surrender to the invaders, and the further cam paigns of the M ongols in M oravia an d H ungary (Dhigosz, incorrectly, and p erh ap s m isunderstanding his sources thinks the m ain M ongol arm y cam e through Poland, and only then proceeded to H ungary, w hereas in fact the whole Polish cam paign w as in effect a diversionary strike for the m ain assault on H ungary). A lthough he relies rather closely on his foreign sources for his account of the rem ainder of the M ongol activities in this year, even here som e particulars n o t attested elsew here m ake their w ay into his text. Most notably, h e tells a heraldic legend ab o u t a M oravian soldier w ho m anaged to capture a M ongol leader d u rin g the siege of Olomouc, and fo r his efforts received a coat-of-arm s w ith a star an d the castle Sternberg, w hereas other sources know of a M ongol leader killed d u rin g the siege, and n oth ing m ore.8 6 Alexander Semkowicz, w riting his great critical analysis of D lugosz's Annales in the late nineteenth century attributed a large percentage of these particulars to u n k n o w n sources (but w ithout v ery m uch attem pting to specify their nature). M any historians of his ow n day, a n d of the early tw entieth century concurred.8 7 O nly G erard Labuda, how ever h a s taken as his task the 86 ibid., 24-26ff. 87 See Semkowicz, Krytyczny rozbi& r, 239-59, Wactaw Korta, "Problemy bitwy legnickiej i stan badari," in Bitwa legnicka, 7-8. 337 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. reconstruction of the postulated lost source m aterial. In his 1959 article, "W ojna z Tartaram i w roku 1241," he hypothesized that m uch of the m aterial of u n know n provenance in D lugosz account of 1241 came from a single lost source, som e "A nnals of the K rakow Dominicans" dating from the m iddle of the thirteenth century, or a little later. This account w as probably, he further concludes, based on the experiences of the knight Jan Iwanowic, w ho, as Dhigosz know s from som ewhere, becam e a Dom inican in thanks to G od for his preservation. Since it w as based on an a n eyew itness account of a survivor, Labuda concludes that D lugosz's version of events at the battle of Legnica w as substantially accurate, including the Polish phrases placed on the lips of b oth the taunting enem y and Prince H enry him self (w hich w ould m ake them the earliest know n Polish phrases, apart from names).® Labuda greatly expands and defends his thesis about the hypothesized Annals of the Krakow Dominicans in his 1983 m onograph Zaginiona kronika w Rocznikach Jana Dtugosza. Proba rekonstnikcji. A nalyzing the whole section of Dlugosz's Annales from 1182 to 1260 and com paring its content w ith all know n sources, he concludes th at m uch of the m aterial seem ing to come from u n know n sources in this tim e span shows several m arked an d distinctive tendencies and are disproportionately grouped around certain topics. These topics and tendencies, he argues, indicate the existence and interests of a lost source of 88 G. Labuda, "Wojna z Tartarami w roku 1241," Przeglqd historyczny 50 (1959): 189-224. Stefan Krakowski, however, did in passing advance a thesis about a lost Rus annal. See his Polska w walce z najazdami tatarskimi w X Z Z T zvieku (L6dz, 1956), 144. 338 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. substantial size. These interests include: a close following of the affairs of the O drow ^z clan of nobles, and an active attention to Polish-Hungarian an d Polish- Rus relations, as w ell as to M ongol affairs and those of the Dom inicans.8 9 Labuda further argues that this pattern of interests adm irably fits w hat one w ould expect of his hypothetical A nnals o f the Krakau? Dominicans. These annals, he notes, m ay have even been a chronicle in annal form, continuing the Chronica Polonomm of M aster Vincent, and advances the hagiographer Vincent of Kielcza as its probable author. If this latter Vincent w as in fact from Kielcza in Silesia (near Opole) and not Kielce in little Poland (as scholarship up to the time of his m onograph surm ised), L abuda reasons th at this could further explain several of the characteristics of the putative chronicle. That Vincent was clearly associated w ith the tw o O drow ^z bishops of K rakow w e know from docum ents of the period, and, furtherm ore, his presum ed place of origin in exactly in the region in w hich the O drow gz fam ily originated. A s one of the posts held by Vincent w as prior of the Dom inican house at Radborz, Labuda maintains, this could explain the inclusion of the m inor episodes in the M ongol w ar concerning the tow n in his purported account.9 0 To strengthen his case, Labuda searches for possible traces of his Dom inican chronicle in other sources. In D higosz's ow n Registrum ecclesie cracoviensis the author w rites dow n several pieces of inform ation on the m argins 89 Labuda, Zaginiona kronika, 19-164. 90 Ibid., 164-71. 339 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of a certain page about D om inicans operating in the m id-thirteenth century, w hich come from no sources know n to us today, an d w hich Dhigosz him self tells us are found in "qnedam annalia" or "alia annalia." L abuda, furtherm ore, argues th at certain com m on bits o f inform ation found in the Great Poland Chronicle and the Chronicle ofDzierzzua o n som e thirteenth-century events m ay be d raw n from the lost Dom inican chronicle, and also argues th at traces of it can be found in a few late m edieval annals, a n d one of the fifteenth-century catalogues of K rakow bishops (no. 5).9 1 M ost interestingly, Labuda discusses parallels betw een D lugosz's account and the Germ an-language version of the Legend o f S t. Jadzoiga in w hich Prince H enry seeks the blessing of his m other (as in Dlugosz), an d as in D lugosz's account the p rince is attacked three tim e by the M ongols while trying to escape, before being killed. H is head, in this account also, is brought to Legnica b y the M ongols o n a spear, a scene th at often appeared in the illum inations to the Latin version of the legend (the earliest dating from the fourteenth century), w hich, how ever, do not contain these incidents in the text itself. In addition, L abuda finds evidence of his lost Dom inican Chronicle in the w ork of an early nineteenth-century antiquarian, w ho gives, in a vein sim ilar to Dlugosz, b u t with m uch m ore detail, an account of tw o M ongol appearances a t R ad b o rz in 1241, referring the inform ation to "ein alte Nachricht" or "ein altes Blatt." L abuda judges that au th o r Karl G rom ann knew m edieval sources well, 91 Ibid., 174-200. 340 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. an d that som e of the detail in his account of the M ongols is of such a nature that a nineteenth century antiquarian w ould be unlikely to have invented it.9 2 Jozef M atuszew ski has polem idzed repeatedly against L abuda's views, often in bitterly ironic terms. H is flood of publication o n the "Legnica question" an d the "D lugosz question" m ore generally began in the late 1970s and have continued th ro u g h the 1980s, encom passing tw o concise m onographs (Relacja Dhigosza o najezdzie tartarskim w 1241 roku, published in 1980 and "Annales seu chronicae" Jana Dtugosza zv oczach Alexandra Semkowicza, published in 1987). M atuszewski accuses Polish scholars generally, and L abuda in particular, of trying too h a rd too salvage the reputation of Dlugosz. H e him self w ishes to retu rn to the opinion prevalent in older G erm an historiography in particular, w hich saw tendentious fantasy as a recurring vice in D lugosz's w orks.9 3 He argues, historians in general in the fifteenth century did n o t have m odem critical sense, and so they should not in general be believed unless w hat they relate is subject to cross-checking. This is all the m ore true in the case of a historian w ho is w riting his account of of an event som e tw o h u n d red years after 92 Ibid., 251-86. 93 Cf. Matuszewski, Relacja, 30-38; idem, "Annales seu cronicae" Jana Dtugosza w oczach Aleksandra Semkowicza (Wroclaw, 1987), 76-77. Matuszewski's German reviewer, Winfried Irgang, is also favorable to his thesis. See Zeitschrift fiir Ostforschung, 31 (1982): 277-78. Cf. Irgang's later article "Die Schlacht von Wahlstatt in der Darstellung des Jan Dhigosz," in Wahlstatt 1241: Beitrdge zur Mongolenschlacht bei Liegnitz und zu ihren Nachwirkungen, Ulrich Schmilewski, ed. (Wurzburg, 1991), 111-13. In this article, Irgang allows that Dhigosz may have used lost sources, but of doubtful reliability. In this, he more or less follows the position of Marek Cetwihski, as expressed in Cetwiriski's "Co wiemy o bitwie pod Legnic^?" Acta universitatis wratislaviensis: Historia. 50 (1985): 75-94. 341 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the fact, like Dhigosz is in the case of the Battle of Legnica. Dhigosz should be regarded as especially suspect, according to M atuszewski, since he show s him self willing to distort his sources to fit his tendentiousness (such as his apparent willingness to invent fictional retaliations by the Poles in cases w here the hated Czechs w on victories over them ), and to invent particulars about long d ead persons. Where else b u t his ow n im agination, M atuszewski asks, does he get all the particulars on family ties and coats-of-arm s of early prelates found in his catalogues of bishops, and m any other such things besides scattered th ro u g h his AnnalesT 9 * Even A lexander Semkowicz, according to M atuszewski, another "apologist for Dhigosz," h as to adm it D higosz amplifies things (such as num bers of m en fighting in a battle), or w rites as fact w hat he thought probably happened. It is how ever, M atuszew ski w arns, only "a short step from am plification to invention." O n the legendary pre-history of Poland, M atuszew ski points out, even Sem kowicz saw the new elem ents as being "guesses" or "inventions." If Dhigosz operated thus w ith pre-history, w h y n o t w ith later history, if it suited his purposes to do so?9 5 Regarding Dlugosz's account of the Legnica campaign specifically, M atuszew ski argues that D higosz clearly regarded the M ongol invasion of 1241 as a m ajor turning point in Polish history (as evidenced by his starting a new book in his Annales w ith it). Yet Dhigosz found disappointingly little in his 94 Matuszewski, "Annales," 44— 45, 51-56. 95 Ibid., 41, 45-49, 53-54; cf. Semkowicz, Krytyczny rozbior, 67ff. 342 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. sources about it. In o rd e r n o t to have a blank spot at such an im portant and possibly instructive juncture, he w rote a kind of rom ance on th e heroism of Prince Henry, and the punishm ent of Poland for its sins a t the hands of the Mongols. This "rom ance" character of the account is ev id en t in the personal tone and concrete detail th at Labuda an d others find so rem arkable, and w hich they suppose m ust come from a lost source. M atuszewski believes th at he has fo u n d an authorial h int as to the true nature of the Legnica account in the nam e of th at hero who plays a prom inent role w ithin it, Jan Iwanowic. A s Dhigosz him self w as a 'John, son of John" M atuszew ski interprets the n am e of this character as D lugosz's form of "self-signing" his "rom ance."9 ^ M atuszewski rejects L abuda's "A nnals of the K rakow Dom inicans" thesis, arguing that Labuda m erely asserts the unity of various types of m aterial fo u n d in com m on betw een a num ber of sources, and ascribes it, rath er arbitrarily to his A nnals of the Krakow Dominicans. M atuszew ski dismisses the Silesian historian G rom ann as a dilettante, noting th an G erm an historiography from the later nineteenth century on h a d a rather low opinion of him , a n d , furtherm ore, w ho is to say that he did not base the M ongol incidents contained in his history on D higosz (who w as already in p rin t twice by the end of the eighteenth century)?9 7 Accordingly, M atuszew ski mocks L abuda's attem pt to characterize the 96 Matuszewski, Relacja, passim, esp.104-108. 97 Ibid., 78ff.; Matuszewski, "Sp6r o zagniona kronikf," Czasopismo praumo-historyczne 37, no. 1 (1985): 121-43. 343 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. authorship or style of th e hypothesized source as a bu ild in g of speculations on speculation, packaged w ishfully as certainties or probabilities. Besides, even if D higosz did d raw off som e kind of sources, w ritten o r oral, M atuszewski point o u t that there is no w ay of know ing h ow old or accurate they are, a question h e charges Labuda of ignoring, especially w hen it com es to such things as the authenticity of the Polish sentences supposedly spoken a t Legnica in 1241.98 Scholarly literature since the early 1980s h as taken w idely varied view points on the controversy betw een M atuszew ski an d Labuda. One of M atuszew ski's supporters, Jerzy M ularczyk, has tak en his skepticism even a step further than he him self did, arguing that there is no evidence that the "Battle of Legnica" was any m ore than a m inor s k ir m is h .9 9 A m ong Polish scholars, how ever, the m ajority have ten d ed to support L ab u d a's side of the argum ent, although som etim es less than unequivocally, wo M uch of the w ork of this cam p has been devoted to checking details about the M ongol cam paign in Dhigosz a n d other Polish sources against the typical strategy and tactics of the M ongols. Some have stressed the consistency of the described tactics of the M ongols as in 98 Matuszewski, "Sp6r," 129-40; idem, “ Annales," 59-74. 99 Jerzy Mularczyk, "Mongoiowie pod Legnic^ w 1241 r.," Kwartalnik histcrryczny 96 no. 1 /2 (1989): 3-25. 100 c f. for example Wtadyslaw SobocMski, “ Roczniki czyli kroniki Dtugosza jako zr6dio do dziej6w Polski w pierwszej potowie X E H wieku," Czasopismo prawno-historyczne 36, no. 1 (1984): 199-218; Wadaw Korta, "Najazd Mongot6w na Polske w 1241 i jego legnidd epilog," Acta universitatis wratislaviensis: historia 50 (1985): 3-73. Tomasz Jasrrtski, "Strategia i taktyka," 105-12, esp. 111-12, is topically similar, but non-committal as to the value of Dhigosz as a source for the battle. 344 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. D higosz's account w ith w h at is know n to have been their operating procedure, such as the use of auxiliaries (i.e. Ruthenians) for the first attack, or the use of trickery to induce to flight an enem y that stood its ground bravely.1 0 1 M ost controversial has been the issue of w hether o r n o t the M ongols could have successfully used som e sort of smoke or gas a t Legnica. Slawomir Szulc has dem onstrated that sm oky gunpow ders m ixed w ith irritants that w ould carried along w ith the sm oke p roduced were in fact u sed in east Asian warfare even before the thirteenth century, including by the nom adic peoples of the region. A lthough Szulc adm its, there is no positive evidence that the M ongols used such w eapons in their w estern cam paigns, he notes th a t Dhigosz's account appears entirely consistent w ith w h at there effects w ould be. O thers scholars have rem ained unconvinced of the practicality of such w eapons, w hereas another (Miroslaw Przyl^cki) believes th at although som e sort of gas w eapon m ay have b een used, it w ould h ave h ad to have had to have been considerably m ore 101 For example, Henryk Kotarski, "Zagadnienie wiarygodno^d informaqi o Mongotach w "Historii Polski" Jana Dtugosza," in Jan Dhigosz: W pigcsetnq rocznicg, 153-190; Jacek K. Kubanek “Perimmane vexiliam Thartororum: Chrzeidjanie w wojskach mongolskich w bitvvie pod Legnica 1241 roku," in Mente et Litteris, 167-74; Jasiriski, "Strategia i taktyka," 105-12. Of course, a general knowledge of some Mongol tactics still used by the Golden Horde yet in the fifteenth century could still have been accessable to Dhigosz by way of living contemporaries, as well as older sources of various types. 345 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. dram atic in its toxic effects than a m ere irritant, for it to have had any real effect on the battle field.1 0 2 A n interesting, although problem atic, thesis about the Legnica story in Dhigosz and others as a sacral legend has recently been advanced by M arek Cetwinski. Cetw inski points out the tendency o n the p a rt of various Polish chroniclers and annalists to link the events of the Mongol invasion to m ajor events in the Easter cycle (i.e. Lent an d H oly Week). Dhigosz, for exam ple, puts the beginning of the M ongol invasion—the sack of Sandom ierz on A sh W ednesday, as also (despite the obvious contradiction) the M ongol sack of Krakow. As Lent is a tim e of repentance an d satisfaction for sin, this adm irably fits the "scourge of G od" theory, w hich circulated so w idely to explain the M ongol calamity. A ccording to the Silesian Chronica principum Polonomm, Prince H enry dies as a sacrifice to God for the sins of his people, a sentim ent which implicitly or explicitly, anim ates the legend of Legnica in m ost its later versions, including that of Dhigosz, w ho m entions the sins of the Poles as a general cause of the Mongol incursion, and who, as C etw inski points o u t, paints the death of H enry as a m artyrdom , in term s that w ere partially symbolic, but w ere clear enough to his readers. This m artyrdom an d the eternal life it entails w as 102 Stawomir Szulc, "Czy Mongotowie uzyli prochu w bitwie pod Legnicq?" in Bitwa legnicka, 176-98; Mirostaw Przyt^cki, "Wurden in der Schlacht bei Liegnitz Kampfgase benutzt?" in Bitwa legnicka, 239-40; Roscislaw Zerelik, ed., "Om6wienie dyskusji," (summary of discussion at conference in Legnica on the 750th anniversary of the Battle of Legnica, including comments by Przylfcki, Szulc, J. Maron, Jerzy Sfxzelczyk, J. Wrabec) in Bitwa legnicka, 430, 431-33, 436-37. 346 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. therefore quite logically linked to Easter and the resurrection, by the dating of the battle of Legnica in term s of the octave of Easter. 1 0 3 Various objections could raised to m any of Cetw inski's specific interpretations in this m atter (e.g. his attem pt to see the portentous stone that alm ost crushes H enry the Pious as a reference to the cornerstone in Psalm 118, sung at Easter, which, h o w ev er appealing, seem s unlikely).1 0 4 N evertheless, he raises the valuable question of popular and non-textual traditions concerning the battle, still too little considered in the m ost recent literature. Indeed, although there has been som e w o rk on specific G erm an language traditions, such as the G erm an life of St. Jadw iga, a m ore general consideration of the possibility 103 Marek Cetwinski, "Post octavam Pasche. Najazd 'Tartardw' z 1241 roku a kalendarz liturgiczny," in Bitwa legnicka, 200-19. Cf. also idem, "'Najokrutniejszy miesicjc'—czas i przestrzeh w legendzie legnickiej," Acta universitatis wratislaviensis: historia 98 (1993): 77ff. This article discusses the Legnica legend against the background of legends about the Mongols more generally. Dhigosz twice explicitly refers to the death of Christians at Legnica as matyrdom: "magna baronum et nobilium Polonie multitudo in prelio huiusmodi pro fideet defensione religionis Chris tiane felici martirio consnmata," (Annales, 4:23f.) and in the mouth of S t Jadwiga of her son: “ glorior et exulto, quod per eius sanguine Te et Tua religione effusum," (ibid., 25). The latter passage, however, is closely based on the Latin Vita of S t Jadwiga (MPH, o.s., 4:526). 104 See also Janusz Bieniak's comments in Zerelik, "Om6wienie," 426, and Cetwiilski's response on the same page. 347 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Dhigosz, in particular, d rew on oral traditions in shaping his m aterial is called for.1 ® A lexander Sem kowicz attributes the bit of lore ab o u t the "trail of Batu" to a local tradition.1 0 6 The inform ation about the forest of Strzem ech as a resting p o in t of the M ongol arm y w ould also be a good candidate to be derived from som e kind of local topographical legend. Where D higosz picked up the legend of the knight of O lom ouc is im possible to know for certain, b u t m ost likely on one of his visits to the K ingdom of Bohemia. Given D higosz's keen interest in heraldic lore, it w ould n o t be surprising if he had an e ar eager for such tales even o n his foreign trips.1 0 7 P erhaps the m ost interesting possibility that Dhigosz used 105 i have not yet been able to consult the original study on the question of oral traditions surrounding the 1241 campaign: J. Klapper, "Die Tatarensage der Schlesier," Mitteilungen der schelesischen Gesellschaft fur Volkskunde 31/32 (1931): 178-81. Recent studies dealing mainly with the comparatively well-documented German-language traditions include Stanislaw Solicki, "Geneza legendy tartarskiej na fSlqsku," in Bitwa legnicka, 125-49; Benedykt Zientara, "Cezarowa tatarska na £lgsku—geneza i funqonowanie legendy," in Knltura elitama a kidtura masowa w Polsce poznego sredniowiecza, Bronislaw Geremek, ed. (Wroclaw, 1988), 173-79; Halina Manikowska, "Legenda £w. Jadwigi—obieg i transformaq'a," in Kultura elitama a kultura masowa, 168-70. Wirtfried Irgang is of the opinion that Dlugosz may have had access to a different version of the life of St. Jadwiga than we currently dispose, but seems to think of this hypothetical version as a textual, rather than oral entity. See "Die Schlacht," 112-13. 106 a . Semkowicz, Krytyczny rozbior, 243. 1°7 Sternberg is a castle in the vicinity of Olomouc. See Handbuch der Geschichte der Boemischen Laender, ed. Karl Bosl (Stuttgart, 1967), 1:181,445. (I am indebted to Professor Paul Knoll for this reference.) Dlugosz was in Olomouc in December 1460 while negotiating some minor affairs with the envoys of George of Pod£brady, and thus could have picked the legend then. See Agnieszka Perzanowska, "Wiadom^d zr6dtowe o zyciu i Dzialalno&S Jana Dtugosza," in Dlugossiana, 1:330; cf. ibid., 1:340. Stanislaw Solicki points out that he also had personal contacts with one Zdenek of Sternberg, burgrave of Prague, whom he met in Bytom earlier that same year, and who could have also been the source. See Stanislaw Solicki, "Kontakty osobiste Jana Dlugosz z Czechami," Acta universitatis wratislaviensis: historia. 70 (1968): 154; idem, Zrodlla Jana Dtugosza do problematyki czeskiej (Wroclaw, 1973), 53-54. 348 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. oral traditions in his account of the M ongol invasion, though, w ould be in his description of the Battle of Legnica itself. The often noted "personal tone" of the account, the rom ance-like three attacks of the M ongols against the beleaguered Prince H enry, the p u rp o rted rem arks of the Prince an d the enem y soldiers, and the further adventures of the knight Jan Iw anow ic, w ould be consistent w ith some sort of historical song or epic. Given th at D higosz did n o t have good com m and of G erm an, it w ould seem probable th at if he d id use such a song for a source, it w ould have to have been in Polish, in w hich case the Polish phrases in his account could be taken directly from it, or from his m em ory of the same. 1 0 8 Both phrases have a length consistent w ith th at of a poetic line, being six syllables each (and anyway, m u ch of popular Polish language m edieval poetry is irregular in m eter and line length).1 0 9 Obviously, this is m erely one possibility am ong a num ber of others, an d extant Polish language historical songs from the m edieval period are practically u n h eard of. Nevertheless, w e do know th at some such songs existed, and given the great saliency of the e v e n t, and the lively traditions nurtured by Silesian populations, it is m ore likely than n o t th at som e sort of 108 In 1464 when Dhigosz needed to consult the vernacular, Prussian chronicles of Jeroschin and Wigand of Marburg to help prepare the Polish brief for the Hanseatic mediators, he had to commission translations into Latin in order to use them. See Biskup, "DziatalnoSd dyplomatyczna," 147-48. ” 109 On the irregularity of line length of popular Polish poetry, see Teresa Michaiowska, Sredniowiecze, 352, 373-74, 470; idem, "Mi§dzy slowem mowionym a pisanym (o poezji polskiej poznego Sredniowiecza)," in Literahira i kultura poznego sredniowiecza w Polsce, Teresa Michaiowska, ed. (Warsaw, 1993), 100-101. See also examples in Wiesfaw Wydra and Wojdech Rzepka, Chrestomatia staropolska. Teksty do roku 1543.2nd ed. (Wroclaw, 1995). 349 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. substantial body of oral lore about the cam paign of 1241 existed in various Polish-speaking milieux, even in D lugosz's day.uQ M ost historians, even in their ow n way, social historians, like to give an account of past events, an d only w ith reluctance give u p this project to grade various probabilities abou t them . A t issue here are a few different stories: the story of Battle of Legnica itself, and that of ho w D lugosz the author cam e to assem ble his text about it. A lthough w e know th at D lugosz w as capable of both amplification and invention, w e also know he w as a careful, and (usually) conscientious collector of any and all historical m aterials he could get his hands on. M ost likely, therefore, D lugosz did not invent o u t of w hole cloth m ost the "new " elements in his account of the year 1241. It is likely, however, h e w as w illing to turn to alm ost any sources he could find of such a great event, including (especially on points w here the w ritten record w as silent) a num ber of oral traditions, w hose value as sources for the events n ear Legnica in th at fateful year is very difficult for u s to determ ine. 110 w hen Dtugosz used a popular song (publico et vulgari carmine. . . cantari, Annales, 4:292) in his account of the death of princess Ludgard, he referred to the fact explicitly, but he had a special, moralistic purpose in doing so (i.e. to show how God allows the memory of evil deeds to be preserved in order to shame the memory of their perpetrators), and, besides, such prosaic asides as mentioning his sources would have been out of place in the carefully built drama with which he surrounds his account of the Battle of Legnica. 350 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. BIN DING THE NEW TOGETHER WITH THE OLD: FIFTEENTH CENTURY WRITERS O N THE O RIG IN S OF THE POLISH STATE A N D PEOPLE IN THE FACE OF EARLIER TRADITIO N C opyright 2000 by P au l Jerom e Radzilowski Volum e Two A D issertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA in Partial Fulfillment of the R equirem ents of the D egree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (History) May, 2000 Paul Jerom e Radzilowski Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter Five: The L egen ds o f O rigin o f Poland in the "A nnales "of Jan D higosz. I. The D edicatory Letter Jan Dhigosz dedicated his history to his long deceased m entor, Zbigniew Olesnicki, in a long, ram bling, stylistically elaborate, introduction in letter form, clearly the product of his ow n last years. This contains several references to his m ethods and guiding principles, as well as his reflections on the im portance and nature of the past to his o w n day, including som e reflections on Poland's distant past. On one occasion in h is dedicatory letter, D higosz refers explicitly to one of the legends of origin, as it hap p en s the notion th at the Poles and Slavs derive from the Biblical Ham . The passage, placed in the m iddle of a long reflection on the difficulties of w riting history, reads: Even if I would seem to be endowed with the greatest of minds and of knowledge, and if I could believe that my duty as a writer seemed easy for me to fulfill, still I could not approach such a work without seriously considering the difficulties, and without fear of the malicious calumny of some, and their envious slander, for, if given nations are characterized by given natures and faults [sigulariis ut ingeniis sic et vidis abundent], so the Poles are considered more prone to envy and calumny than any other. Whether this is as a result of inheritance from their forbears, or the harshness of their location and climate [celi], the minds of Poles are considered as those most prone to crimes stemming from envy than any other people. This is the reason some judge that Ham was 351 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the father of the Poles and all the Slavs, since mocking the loins of his father Noah, he transmitted this offense to his offspring as well.1 In this passage D higosz rejects the legend, but also attem pts to explain ho w it came about. H e derives it from a collective fault of the Poles, for which in turn he attem pts to offer explanations: one "biological" the o th er geographic. Dhigosz rarely goes so deeply into his rationale for a view he adopts, b u t the tendency to m ention the Poles an d "all the Slavs" together in one b rea th is som ething that repeats itself in his w ork. The dedicatory letter also includes several long reflections by Dhigosz on m ethod, and the principles that guided him in his w ork, including this passage on the difficulty of w riting the history of eras before his ow n: I have described the times of previous ages with the help of others, and those [things] that happened in our own age, as they say, by m y own authority [Marte, utaivnt, nostro]. But some things, which due to antiquity have lost their certainty [vetustas tidem certam abrograverat], or which have not been transmitted by writing, that only true sentinel of time, I have described as scrupulously and as truly as I could by oral account [ex fama], which alone has survived, and that which was scattered among various churches, cellars, and places, I endeavored to collect, and having collected it, to place it somehow in the present work. Many things, though, which were not very elegant or, in fact, baseless [parum concinne, parum vere inserta], or too modest in deed or word, I 1 Annales, 1:54-55. The editors of the Annales (Krystyna Pieradzka and Bozena Strzelecka) suggest that Dhigosz found about the "Ham theory" from the fourteenth-century Czech chronicle of the Italian John of Marignola (see note 1 for p. 55 on p. 330), although neither Alexander Semkowicz or Stanislaw Solicki (the contemporary researcher of Dtugosz's Czech sources) have ever found any evidence that Dhigosz drew any information about Czech history proper from this chronicle (see Semkowicz, Rozbidr, 60-64; Solicki, Zrddta). This being the case, it is more likely that Dhigosz found out about this theory from the Chronicon Pontificum et Imperatomm. 352 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. omitted, extracting old deeds from the darkness into the light, that they may not be deprived of [due] commendation.2 Dhigosz w as n o t exaggerating his ow n diligence in collecting as m any historical m aterials as he could. M ost interesting, how ever, is his reference to the use of oral traditions (fam a) w hen describing events ab o u t w hich no w ritten record h as survived. D higosz m akes clear, how ever, th at h e regards oral tradition as a p o o r second to w ritten record as far as its accuracy as a source for early history. Yet, w ritten records for early Polish history are poor, as h e lam ents a bit later in the letter: Polish history [Polonorum res] seems to have been entirely different from Athenian: narrow, thin, small, and effaced [obsolete], yet it was greater than writings tell; by carelessness and lack of effort of writers it was brought from wondrous clarity to blindness and narrowness, and it was not celebrated as it deserved: justly, and in whole, such that even Vincent, Bishop of Krak6w, the great writer of his time, could not glorify it by his splendid mind, and such that so many of the most praiseworthy deeds of kings, priests, princes, and other heros of Poland were buried in eternal forgetfulness and made inaccessible to our examination by a shortage of writers, or by the lazy, simple and little educated minds of the same: none of their glory could remain for their descendants, and since they were not immortalized in a written work, they were as quickly dispersed as a light mist.3 H is com plim ent to M aster Vincent is a tem pered one: the bishop h ad a "splendid m ind" (preclarum in g en iu m ), b u t not even he alw ays succeeded in discovering the tru th about the Polish past. W hether or n o t this m ight be a very courteous criticism of his predecessor, Dhigosz, for all his stated pessim ism about the state 2 Annales, 1:56. 3 Ibid., 56-57. 353 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of preservation of Polish history rem ains quite confident in its value and greatness, and by extension the value and greatness of his o w n enterprise. Dhigosz7 s m ost lengthy a n d detailed reflection on m ethod comes tow ard the en d of die letter, w here h e takes u p the topic of the historian's duty to the truth: Binding the old together with the new, things true rather than beautiful, writing the truth about the truth, or something dose to the truth, seemed to me useful as a warning, as well as for the remembrance and fame of [past] deeds. Since it falls to the writer to place the truth before everything else, I cut out and rejected much that is contained in various Polish histories and annals [which is] inelegant, immodest and loathsome, hating the foolish odor of fables [fabularum inepdam redolenda perosus], more suitable for poetic fictions than fit for the sincere recounting of histories, in order that a dean and faithful vessel may not be ruined and soiled by lack of some solvent (as the old proverb says, "a work, like oil, will [in time] go bad"): since neither antiquity nor the authority of authors can legitimately defend against obvious invention among those expert in history and affairs. Other things, though they seem true or probable, I do not dare affirm, in order not to take upon my own head the danger of their falsehood, or the weight of asserting them from my own faith, for a thing obscured by antiquity does not give itself to illumination by conjectures and opinions, and too many things worth writing about are obscured by age, so that it is not possible to discover after a long stretch of time what one ought to accept, and what one ought to reject, because at that time there rarely or hardly ever existed records [literej among the Poles, the only method of assuring [memory of] deeds and human actions. And if they were on public or private monuments, these often burned down, since Poles at that time built almost all their houses of worship and fortresses [edes etarces] of wood. That, however, which was transmitted with more diligent care to our own times remained so little and so obscure and disfigured, that we could not derive a clear picture of the past from it. Therefore, clearly grasping historical truth [historie veritatem complecti ad solidum] seems extremely hard and laborious, since it is not possible to be the witness of all events, which in the accounts of others are often 354 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. distorted or destroyed by partisanship or hatred [grade aut odio], and the tellers, instead of establishing the truth, obscure it.4 Dhigosz spells o u t a very scrupulous vision of the historian's task here, and, echoing a phrase in Livy's o w n introduction, lays the g ro u n d w o rk for critidsm of "foolish fables" in the Polish historiographical trad itio n .5 H e also portrays him self as erring on the side of caution in repeating things that seem m erely probable, a high standard of tru th indeed. As in the previous passage, aw areness of the relative poverty of Polish historiography before h is ow n d ay is very m uch on the author's m ind. A lthough the author of C io n ice e tg e s ta m ore than three and the half centuries before d rew attention to the fact in his o w n way, this heightened aw areness w as n o d o u b t engendered by his foreign travels, and fam iliarity w ith various m onum ents of foreign historiography. It also serves notice that Dhigosz is in som e respects a less parochial a n d m ore sophisticated historian than m any of his predecessors, for all his fierce patriotism . 4 Ibid., 61-62. Dhigosz is basically correct in his observation about building materials, in that wood remained in use in various types of architecture longer in Poland than in the West, or even Eastern Germany and Bohemia. See Adam Mitob§dzki, "From the Iron Age Tradition to the Decline of Late Gothic the Building Coverage in Central Europe," in Niedzica Seminars VII: Gothic Architectures in Poland, Bohemia, Slovakia, and Hungary (Krak6w, 1992), 15-20). 5 Cf. Livy, Ab urbe condita, praefatio, "Quae ante conditam condendamque urbem poetids magis decora fabulis quam incorruptis rerum gestarum monumentis traduntur"; Dhigosz "fabularum... redolenda... poetids magis figmentis decora, quam sincere historiarum tradidoni consentanea," Annales, 1:61. The Roman, however, takes the point in a slightly different direction, since unlike Dhigosz's stated desire to expunge them all as falsehood, he goes on to say that he will neither affirm or deny such fabula: "ea nec adfirmare nec refellere in animo est." 355 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A little further on, how ever, in a rem ark squeezed into the end of a section w ith a different p e n b y the m ain copyist, a n d therefore later, as an afterthought, D higosz spells o u t a m ore realistic policy for treating difficult or poorly docum ented events th an is contained in the previous passage (i.e. om itting everything o p e n to question): "D iscouraged [o ffen su s] by the lack of agreem ent of authors, a n d the carelessness a n d frivolity of m any of them, I follow ed in m y accounts [of events] and points of d o u b t w herever I was draw n b y probability [sim ilitude) rerum ], the au th o rity of w riters, or opinion of a m ore popular nature [opinio . . . wlgacior]."6 It is n o t altogether clear h ow Dhigosz ranked these three possibilities, since he m erely lists them beside each other, b u t presum ably the "au th o rity of w riters" w as w eighted above the opinion of the vulgus. Nevertheless, th a t the latter was listed a t all is another testim ony to D higosz's interest in oral traditions, and his w illingness to take them seriously, at least if other sources of inform ation failed him . In his dedicatory letter, Dhigosz also spells out at length his view of the general purposes of history, an d his ow n reasons for taking u p the pen. These are above all the desire to im m ortalize the h ero s of P oland's p ast o u t of love for his patria, and to thereby provide m aterial by w hich people, especially the y o u n g m ay be taught to im itate virtue an d shim vice, an d learning "of great deeds, arts, counsels, w ars, an d of the fates of the greatest countries and states" 6 Annales, 1:61; cf. Ms. Czart. 1306, p. 9. 356 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. an d th u s gain know ledge of these things by vicarious experience.7 These sentim ents are com m onplace enough, although som e have seen his concern to instruct the inexperienced about the a rt of statecraft, a n influence of Livy's "pragm atism " w hich saw in history a vehicle for instructing up and com ing m em bers of the political strata. This is also a m ark of D higosz's experience as a tu to r of the royal princes.8 II. B iblical G enealogy Dhigosz begins his A n n a les proper w ith the creation of m an. A fter a brief account of m an's prim ordial dignity and the fall, he describes the deluge and its consequences, and then tu rn s his attention to the offspring of N oah and the genealogies of peoples, especially Europeans, and, eventually, the Slavs. The fram ew ork for the scholarly study of this first p a rt of D higosz's great w ork was sketched by Krystyna Pieradzka in a 1958 article, "Genealogia biblijna i rodow od Slowian w pierwszej ksi§dze 'A nnales' Jana Dhigosza," and by Bozena Strzelecka 7 "regionum et tivitatum, res gestas, artes, consilia, bella, fortunam," ibid., 53. For the whole of his longest exposition on his own purposes, see ibid., 52-54. 8 It is interesting in this context to note Dhigosz's view of the educational role of history as opposed to philosophy: both are equally useful, since, while philosophy inspires and motivates to imitate virtue, history shows by example how to put this desire into practice, while avoiding vice. See ibid., 52. This is an interesting contrast to the didactic approach of Jan of D^browka who used a historical work as a springboard to teach the general principles of moral philosophy. 357 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. in the notes to the new edition of the A nn a les, first published in in 1961, but it has received surprisingly little scholarly attention otherwise.9 A . C ontent Dtugosz"s account of the Tower of Babel begins w ith a han d fu l of unusual features: he asserts th at the tow er w as b u ilt 201 years after the deluge in Babylon betw een Egypt and N ubia, and that the g ian t N em rod, the prim e m over behind the tow er, w as son of Thanan, son of H am , rather than son of K ush, Thanan's brother, as in Genesis. In a vein m ore standard, Dhigosz then proceeds to tell us th at to punish hum an pride, and to assure th at the sin of trying to build the tow er to compete w ith H im w ould not spread, G od divided the one H ebrew language used from the tim e of A dam into seventy-two languages.10 Dhigosz then turns to the post-diluvian repopulation of the w orld by the descendants of Noah. They inhabited Chaldea, Damascene Syria, an d greater A rm enia, "or Assyria, in w hich Niniveh is located," while the rest of the world 9 Krystyna Pieradzka, "Genealogia biblijna i rodowod Stowian w pierwszej ksi§dze 'Annales' Jana Dhigosza," Nasza Przeszto££8 (1958): 83-116. Bozena Strzelecka's commentary appears in the notes of the Polish-Ianguage translation of the Annales {Roczniki czyli Kroniki stawnego krdlestwa polskiego, trans. Stanistaw Gaw^da, et al. [Warsaw, 1961], 81-95), and in somewhat abbreviated form, in the notes to the appropriate section of the 1964 Latin edition of the Annales, books 1-2 (i.e. volume 1), p.331-38. 10 Annales, 1:65-66. On the influence of Jan of Marignola see Strzelecka's notes 2 and 3 Roczniki, 1:82. She suggests also that Dhigosz might have found the derivation of Nemrod from Thanaan also in the Chronicle of Jan of Marignola. Nevertheless, the Gesta Hunnomm et Hungarorum of Simon of K£za could have supplied him the (mistaken) information as well. Cf. Am o Borst, Der Turmbau, 2:part 2, 917-18. 358 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. rem ained em pty of h u m an habitation. H ow ever the division of h u m an language bro u g h t as a consequence different developm ent in "custom , style of life, m ind, behavior, laws, justice, cerem onies, and rites" (in m o rib u s, convictibus, anim is, gestibus, legibus, iu d id is, cerim oniis, ritibus). The peoples, therefore, began to disperse to find new lands to live in, m ore because of division d ue to m utual hatred, than due to language. The sons of Sem divided into 22 languages, those of H am into 33, w hile those of Japhet, 17.1 1 In die original version, D higosz seems to have th en proceeded to the first descendant of Japhet to en ter Europe, and this is the form w hich the autograph m aintains, but w ith a note in the m argin in the a u th o r's o w n hand: E uiopa U niveisa. Vide in carte ("for 'A ll E urope ...' see the sheet"). U nfortunately the apparendy loose, inserted sheet is lost, and we m ust fill in die interpolated passage from later m anuscript copies of the A nnales. The sheet in fact contained a collection of assorted lore about the nations descended from the sons of Japhet an d European geography12 The geographical description of the boundaries of Europe, w hich the sons of Japhet "took as a p erm an en t heritage," comes first. O n the east, E urope in bounded by the river Thanai, w hich, Dhigosz tells u s (going beyond his source) "the Poles call 'D on' in their ow n language, and Tatars 'E dil.'" O n the south, it is 11 Annales, 1:66. 12 The 1964 edition uses the Swi^tokrzyski MS (Codex Calvimontanus s. Crucis) for the text of this interpolation, one of the earliest copies. 359 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. bound by the T yrrhenian Sea, and on his other side b y the N orthern and G aditanean Oceans. D higosz then describes briefly the course of the Don from its origin in the R hiphaei (the m ythical m ountains of the north), noting that it alone of the rivers of the region, and unlike even the M aeotes (Sea of Azov) and Bosphorus, is n ev er covered over by "Scythian frosts."13 The Gaditinean (Gibraltar) straight is placed (incorrectly) next to Spanish Galicia, b u t more interesting is the characterization of the "N orthern Ocean" w hich "once tow ard [its] N orth [versu s sep tem trio n e m ] was know n as the Sarm atian Sea, since on its shores Sarm atians, or Poles, h ad countries and tow ns, of w hich tw o were the m ost im portant [of all] inhabited by Poles: Lubeck, called Bukowiec in Polish, and Gdansk." D higosz's text then proceeds to m ention the islands found in various seas surrounding Europe: Scandinavia, Frisia (i.e. the Frisian Islands), Scotland, Hibernia, and m any o thers to the North, and in the "Tyrrhenian" u p to the M aeotian Lake: M ajorca, M inorca, Euica (Ibiza), Form entaria, Corsica, Sardinia, Sicilia, Mitiline (Lesbos), Venice, and Crete. In addition, Dhigosz inform s us, Byzantium, that is Constantinople, lies in Europe, and th at the sons of Jafet 13 Bozena Strzelecka has found Dhigosz's apparent main source for his discourse on the Don: the geographical tract De situ orbis of Pomponius Mela. See Roczniki, l:84n5. However, as we shall see shortly, this information comes from this source only indirectly, through the work of a much later Spaniard. The Tartar name could be Dhigosz's own original addition from some informant See Roczniki, l:83n6. He could have found similar information in the Gesta Hungarorum of Simon of K<§za), where we learn that the Hungarians use that name for the riven"Fluvius siquidem Don in Scitia oritur, qui ab Hungaris Etui nominatur." See SSRH, Emericus Szentp£tery, ed., 1:146 360 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. occupied not only these aforem entioned (European) territories, b u t all the area up to Decapolis (in Jordan).14 A t the end of the excursus on the boundaries of Europe, D higosz's text then m oves on to the longer p a rt of the interpolation, the discussion of the seven sons of Jafet (Gomer, M agog, M adaj, Jawan, Thubal, M osoch, and Thyras/Thorias) and their descendants.15 Gom er h ad three sons. The first was Ascenas, from w hom the Saurom athi, or Sarmatians, w hom the G reeks call Regines are descended, and from them in turn the Calabrians, Siculians, Apulians, "and the Latins, dw elling in Latium ."16 The second son of Gom er, R yphat gave rise to the Paflagonians, w ho lived next to Galatia, and w ho m oved to Italy and became know n as Eneti, and the Venetians, Ligurians, and Emilians descend from them . The third, Thogor, gave rise to the Phrygians.17 Javan had four sons, Elisa, forefather of the Greeks; Carsis, progenitor of the people of Cicilia; Cethim , w hose descendants, rather th an those of Sem, 14 Annales, 1:66-67. 15 Pieradzka (along with Strzelecka) points out that Isidore of Seville's Etymologie is the source of the information appearing here on the sons of Japhet See Pieradzka, "Genealogia," 101-109. These data made there way to Dhigosz's text by the second hand. 16 Pieradzka, taking this to be an original combination by Dhigosz, argues that he must have assumed the Sarmatian "Regines" in his source (apparently Isidore of Seville) to be associated with Reggio in southern Italy, and accordingly added the list of southern Italian place names. See "Genealogia," 102. This may stand as an explanation of how this combination came about, but Dhigosz took this in ready made from his source for this whole section, and is thus not its originator. 17 Annales, 1:67. 361 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. inhabited Cyprus; and D odanim , w ho gave rise to the Rhodians. The Galatians, know n in L atin as the G allogreeks (G alogred) are descended from Gomer, for the Senones of Gaul invaded the p a rt of Greece called Galatia.18 the M edes are descended from M aday, son o f Japhet. From Javan comes the nam e 'Jones" (i.e. Ionians), an d that of the Ionian Sea. The Ionians are Greeks, w ho settled Troy, an d the area around it (Throiam e t fin e s eiu s habitaveiant). A fter this follows a version of the legend of Trojan origins of the peoples of w estern Europe. After the destruction of Troy, Priam a n d A ntenor w ent by ship to Venice. A fter the death of A ntenor and burial of Paris in Padua, Priam w ith his com panions occupied Germany, nam ed after him and his brother(germ ano), A ntenor. Today, though, it is called Teutonia, from Theutos, otherwise know n as M ercury. It is also called Alemania by the Latins from the river Leman, and encom passes Lotharingia, or Brabant, W estphalia, Frisia, Thuringia, Saxony, Sw abia (Sveuia), Bavaria, and Franconia. From the last m entioned the Trojans invaded Gaul, and from the dissolution of their hom eland, and their fierceness, it w as called France 18 A link between the Gaullic tribe, the Sennones, and the Galatians is not uncommonly made in medieval chronicles, an error made easy by the fact that a man of the same name led both groups: the Sennones were the main tribe lead by a Brennus to Rome in the 3rd century B. C ., while another Brennus is recorded in some ancient sources as the leader of the Galatians in their invasion of Asia minor. See Livy 38,16). The two Brenni were different men, living a century apart. Cf. Strzelecka, Roczniki, l:88n5). 362 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (Franca).1 9 In like m anner, B rutus cam e from Troy to the lan d no w called England, and called it after his ow n nam e "Britania," although it w as earlier called Silvonia, now th e n am e of Little Britain (Minor Britannia, Le. Brittany) across the sea.20 After this Trojan excursus, D higosz7 s text returns to its m ain line of discourse, the sons of Japhet. M osoch is the forbear of the C appadocians, w hose capital was Mazaca, w hich Tiberius C aesar renam ed C aesarea. Thyras gave rise to the Thracians. Tubal, counted here as the sixth son of Japhet, is granted m ore attention. From him th e H iberians (H iberes) descend, th at is to say, the Spanish (H ispani), who first w ere called Cetubelians (C etubeles), as th o u g h the "group of Tubal" (coetus Tubal). They, seeing the star which there is obvious after the setting of the sun, called it the evening star (H esperiam , i.e. < Vesper, evening, evening star), and n am ed their hom eland Hesperia after it. H aving built 19 Annales, 1:68. As Krystyna Pieradzka points out that the text of this passage almost exactly corresponds to a passage in the fourteenth century chronicle of Peter of Bishop of Puzzoli (Puteolanus), of which Dhigosz owned a copy, now found in the Jagiellonian (University of Krak6w) Library under the signature 445 ("Genealogia,” 105). Actually, however, Puteolanus is not his source for this passage, since the whole section of Dhigosz's text (including the passage in question) is drawn from another source earlier than the Italian chronicler, from which he himself apparently copied. Pieradzka does not notice or neglects to mention that the ultimate source of the idea of deriving the Trojans from the Greeks comes from Isidore, ix, 2, 67, although as with other use of Isidore in this section, Dhigosz took them from his source over from the second hand. 20 Pieradzka and Strzelecka both postulate that Dhigosz could have run accross Brutus as a forerunner of the Britons in the Historia Britonum. However, nothing resembling the toponym "Silvonia," appears in known versions, and regardless of the ultimate origin of this name, Dhigosz took this also over second hand from his main source for this section. Dhigosz did know the Historia Britonum. Cf. Strzelecka, Roczniki, l:90nl-2; Pieradzka, "Genealogia," 106-107. 363 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. settlem ents on the river now called H iberus (i.e. Ebro), how ever, their self- appellation became corrupted to Celtiberians (C eltiberos) u n d e r the influence of the fluvial nam e. They took possession of the land betw een the Ocean, the Tyrrhenian Sea, the river Iberus, and the Pyrenees, calling the lan d Celtiberia, w hich afterw ard received the nam e H ispania after its ruler, H ispan. Magog, typically listed (as in Isidore) as the second son of Japhet, here is dem oted to the seventh, and receives only m uch m ore cursory notice. H e is the forbear of the Scyths, w ho are also called the M assagetae, the Goths the Suevi (Sw eui), the Alans, and the Huns. A t this point the interpolation on the original loose sheet ended, and the autograph, w hich turns out to treat overlapping subject m atter, continues. It tells of the "first m an of the house of Japhet to enter Europe," that is A lanus, who arrived w ith his three sons Isicion, A rm enon, and Negno. Iscion's sons were Francus, Rom anus, M om aurus, and Britto, from w hom Britain w as first nam ed and inhabited. A rm enon's sons w ere called Sochus, W algothus, Cebidus, B urgundus, and Longobardus. N egno, the third son of Alanus, h a d four sons. D higosz then (echoing D zierzw a alm ost exactly) treats the first of N egno's sons, V andalus, from whom the V andals, now know n as the Poles, take their name, and he resolved to nam e his river the Vandalus, now com m only called the Wysla [Pol.] or Vistula. The second son of N egno w as Thargus, the third Saxo, and the 364 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. fourth Bogorus. From Isidores firstborn Alanus the Franks, Rom ans, an d other Latins and Alem anni descend.21 Dhigosz continues in m ore detail about the "m any E uropean nations" w hich descend from Negno: the w hole of Rus to the East, Poland, the greatest of territory (Polonia m axim a terrarum ), Pom erania, Kaszubia, Sweden, Sarnia [Sorbia] called Saxony, and N orw ay. From the third son of N egno, Saxo, come Bohemia and M oravia, Styria, C arinthia, Camolia, w hich today is also called Dalmatia, Lizna, Croatia, Serbia (Servia), Pannonia, Bulgaria and Elisza. Dhigosz then turns to the origin of the Slavs: a son of the sons (or descendants) of Japhet (natus filiorum Japhet) and forefather of the Slavs (o m n iu m S la w o ru m p a ren s) left the plain of Sennar, and set off across Chaldea and Greece, an d around the Pontus [Black Sea] crossed the river Hister, which is today called the Danube. This river cuts across the w hole the Europe, and from its G erm an slopes at the m ountain called Rauricos in the land of the Celts, it takes in forty tributaries, alm ost all of them navigable. It reaches the Euxinian Sea (as som e think, nam ed from the river Euxinos, w hich flow s into it), com m only called the Pontus, b u t once called the A uxenos . The D anube flows into it by seven m ouths, fo u r of them spread very wide, such th a t u p to 60,000 paces into the sea, the w ater rem ains fresh.22 He, w ith his sons, associates, and relatives settled first in 21 Annales, 1:69. 22 This description of the Danube is based on Collectanea rerum memorabilium of the ancient geographer Solinus. Pieradzka, "Genealogia,”112; Strzelecka, Roczniki, l:94n3). 365 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Pannonia, the first and oldest seat of the Slavs, their parent an d nurse (parentem e t a lum pnam ), which, after the Slavs w ere expelled b y the Longobards and then b y the H uns. By w ay of later generations, they populated Bulgaria (or Messia), D alm atia, Serbia, Croatia (C arvatia), Bosnia, Rascia, Carinthia, Ulyricum, and fu rth er shores and seas a n d shores: the A driatic, Ionian and A egean areas and islands, lim ited on the east an d south by Greeks, an d o n the w est by Latins, Italians, and Teutons. Dhigosz concludes h is table of nations w ith reflection o n the fate of the Slavs. Fortune favored them , since they obtained such excellent land (i.e. Pannonia) that only India produces m ore gold, silver, salt, copper, iron, bronze, an d other m etals valued m o st by the hum an race. Yet on account of their sins, G od took this land aw ay from them and gave it to H uns an d Turks, and allow ed the Slavs to suffer the cruelty of these barbarians. They, by divine m ercy h a d so great a gift, and w ould h av e k ep t it, if they h a d observed divine com m andm ents an d law s, but they did not, a n d lost it.23 Squeezed in at the bottom of this section, D higosz fits one last geographical observation: of the provinces to the M editerranean Sea w hich the D anube divides from barbarians, the first is called M issia o r Mesia from the abundance of its harvests (a m essium proventu), and hence the ancients called it the "granary of C eres." C ontem poraries call it 23 Annales, 1:69-70. 366 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Bulgaria. It borders on the southeast w ith Thratia, on the south w ith M acedonia, an d o n the w est w ith Istria.24 B. Sources According to Pieradzka's study, Dhigosz's basic sources for the Biblical G enealogy in d u d ed (besides the Book of Genesis) the Etym ologie of Isidore of Seville, Saint Jerom e's Q u estio n u m hebraicarum in G enesim liber, and, perhaps m ore surprisingly, the strange early W elsh chronide com pilation know n as the H istoria B rittonum . A p art from this she points out his use of the C hronicle o f D zierzw a and the G reat P oland C hronicle, and some other ch ro n id es of east central Europe as welL The perfunctory Biblical genealogies found in Dhigosz7 s ordinary sources for universal history, M artin of Troppau, an d the ecdesiastical history of Ptolem y of Lucca, are notable for their absence. T here are also a n u m b er of elements and bits of curious lore in Dhigosz's "table of nations" for w hich neither Pieradzka n o r Strzelecka w as able to determ ine a source.25 Pieradzka, for exam ple, w as unable to find the source of Dhigosz's placem ent of the Tower of Babylon in E gypt 201 years after th e Deluge, and she notes only that the C zech C hronicle of John of M arignola m entions an attem pt 24 This last geographical observation is drawn from Isidore of Seville. See Pieradzka, "Genealogia/113; Strzelecka, Roczniki, l:95nl-2. 25 On Dhigosz's sources for the genealogy in general see the summary in Pieradzka, "Genealogia," esp. 85-96. 367 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. to re-build die tow er in E gyptian Babylon, located near p resen t day Cairo. All the peculiarities of this data, how ever, m atch perfectly w ith a n H ungarian historiographical tradition, com ing o u t of the thirteenth-century Gesta H ungarorum of Sim on of Keza, including the location of the tow er, the time fram e betw een the flood an d its building, as well as the m isattribution of the origin of N em rod, and so w e m ay postulate this w ork (or th e fourteenth century Buda Chronicle based on it) as D higosz's real source. D higosz's assertion that to punish hum an pride, and to assure that the sin of trying to b u ild the tow er to com pete w ith H im w ould n o t spread, God divided the one H ebrew language used from the time of A dam into seventy-two languages is apparently taken directly from no other source. M uch of the inform ation in Dhigosz's disquisition on the boundaries appears to be draw n, as P ieradzka noticed, from the E tym o lo g ie of Isidore, with several details of his ow n added. These include the Polish an d T artar nam es of the Thanais/D on, and the identification of Poles w ith the ancient Sarmatians. The references to L ubeck/B ukow iec and Gdansk are draw n from the interpolation to the G reat P oland C hronicle. In truth, the vast m ajority of this whole section after th e description of the tow er of Babel including the w hole listing of the descendants of N oah and the lands they occupied (from N o e siq u id em generatio to A lani, H u n n i, including all the m aterial on the lost inserted page, b u t not lim ited to it) is d raw n alm ost w ord 368 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. for w o rd from the H istoria d e rebus H isp a n ie sive gothica of Roderic Ximenez de R ada (1170-1247), A rchbishop of Toledo (see A ppendix A for comparison of texts).26 It w as this Spanish chronicler w h o com piled the inform ation from Isidore (with the exception of the final b it on Messia), as w ell as from the geographical and other sources. Of his ow n Dhigosz ad d ed only the following: the Polish and T artar nam es of the Don, the brief digression on the "Sarmatian Sea" an d the S arm atian/Poles, and the explicit num bering of the seven sons of Japhet. It is interesting to note that D higosz apparently saw no need to change his source's account of th e sons of Javan, thus slighting D zierzw a's theory of the ultim ate descent of the Slavs from Iav a n /"Iv an ".27 As the G erm an scholar A m o Borst noticed, the exact p a ttern of the subdivision into 72 of the descendants o f the various sons o f N oah (22 of Sem, 33 of H am , and 17 of Japhet) is taken by D higosz from the chronicle of Simon of Keza (or the Buda C hronicle based on it), although he replaces the term tribus (tribe) found in his source w ith lingua (tongue), thus stressing the linguistic 26 Roderici Ximenii de Rada, Historia de Rebus Hispanie sive Historia Gothica, Juan Fernandez Valverde, ed. Corpus Christianorum: Continuatio Mediaeualis, vol. 72 (Turholt, 1988), 9-14,17. Dhigosz also draws from this chronicle under the year 1330, where he compares the misdeeds of the Visigothic King Roderick to that of Casimir the Great in Hungary, and gives an account of Roderick's defeat by the Muslim amir Musa, the particulars of which coincide with that of Ximenez de Rada. Cf. Annales, vol. 5,152; Historia de Rebus, 100-105. Dhigosz's use of this work explains the Spanish-like character of his Biblical genealogy noticed by Am o Borst (3:part 1,1043). 27 The Great Poland Chronicle's equivalent to Dzierzwa's Iavan, Janus, however, does seem to appear later in Dhigosz's account of Polish origins in a somewhat different guise. 369 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. rather than the "racial" significance of the division.28 This is dro p p ed into the m idst of the extend passage copied from de Rada. D higosz's authorial h an d is also found in the om ission of a few elements found in de Rada. These include a som ew hat arbitrary sim plification of the lists of islands found in the original (England is o m itted from the northern list, and Patm os, Pontus [the D ardenelles] and C urphus [Corfu] from the southern one), as well as the om ission of all references to sources (rather scrupulously noted by de Rada). M uch of de R ada's lengthy treatm ent of the Spaniards an d Tubal is excised also, leaving only a tight abstract of the original exposition. Perhaps the m o st interesting om ission is of certain m em bers of the list of territories belonging to G erm any according the A rchbishop of Toledo: C arinthia and Austria, of w hich the form er certainly (and probably the latter as well) Dhigosz w ould have regarded as originally Slavic. In a sim ilar vein, he rem oves the V andals from the list of peoples descended from M agog, no d o u b t because he intended to follow D zierzw a in placing the V andals in a different grouping, and besides, is opposed to associating the Poles w ith the Scyths. Dhigosz also reorders the place of the descendants of M agog on the list, for they are discussed rig h t after the Galatians in the original, are they are 28 Cf. SSRH, 1:143 (Simon of K&za) and 243 (Buda Chronicle, the text of which is there represented under the siglurn "S"). Cf. also Borst, 2:part 2, 917 on Simon, and Borst, 3:part 1, 1043, which contains his discussion of Dtugosz. Pieradzka fails to realize this, apparently because she did not have access to the Chronicle of Simon of Kdza and mistook the text of the (often very similar) Vienna Illustrated Chronicle with that of the Buda Chronicle (see Chronici hungarid compositio saeculi XTV. SSRH 1:217-237 and 243, where the text of the former appears under the sigilum "V"; cf. Pieradzka, "Genealogia," 90n25, 94-96). 370 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. treated only at the very en d of the discussion of the sons a n d grandsons of Japhet in Dhigosz's version. M agog is num bered as the seventh son of Japhet, instead of the second, as in the initial listing, which follows the original ordering in the Book of Genesis an d Isidore of Seville. Likewise D higosz calls T ubal the sixth son of Japhet, instead of the fifth (as explicitly noted in de Rada, as w ell as im plicitly in Genesis and the early commentaries). As Pieradzka noticed (w ithout even know ing his proxim ate source), this lends an air of disorder or even carelessness to D higosz's attem p t at num bering them .29 The next section of D higosz's text, on the "first m an of the house of Japhet to enter Europe," (Alanus) and his sons is also in m ain derivative. Pieradzka points o u t that m uch of the paragraph o r so that follows is very close both in content, and even in w ording, to the ninth-century W elsh com pilation H istoria B rittonum .30 Dhigosz probably disposed the version (or fragm ent) of the H istoria B ritto n u m on which D zierzw a seem s to have based his Biblical genealogy, given th at histories of British origin w ere rarities in medieval Poland an d that it is unlikely two different m anuscript traditions or versions of this w ork w ere 29 Cf. Pieradzka, "Genealogia," 97,101-102. 30 The autograph text resumes after the insert on the phrase "Hii sunt filii Japhet, filii Noe, fxlii Lantech" which is the formula with which the parallel passage in the older versions of the Historia Brittonum ends, but which in either omitted or placed off to the side of the text in a globe in the margins to another chapter in the Nennius or Gildas traditions Dhigosz's source in general seems closest to (see Mommsen's edition of the Historia Brittonum in MGH AA vol. 13, 161). 371 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. circulating in late m edieval K rakow .31 The form s of nam es and certain verbal form ulae found in D higosz's text seem considerably closer to certain m anuscripts belonging to traditions th at attribute the H isto ria B rittonum to "N ennius" or "G ildas/' both traditions originating in the eleventh century. The form er is alm ost entirely English, b u t the latter is also found in continental copies, above all French (see com parison of textual variants in A ppendix B).32 Some u n iq u e nam e form s ("Sochus" and "M om aurus") found only in Dhigosz's version of this passage can be accounted for paleographically as m isread distortions of the originals, but in the latter case only if w e assum e he w as w orking from a 31 As I argued at more length in my paper "Fragmenta Anglicana in Polonia" presented at the International Medieval Congress, Leeds, July, 1999. 32 On MSS traditions of the Historia Brittonum, see Mommsen's introduction to the Historia Brittonum in MGH AA vol. 13, pp 119-126. 372 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. m anuscript of the H istoria B ritto n u m d ra w n from one of these tw o later traditions.33 In the passage of text on A lanus, th e first m an to en ter E urope, his sons Iscion, A rm enon Negno, and their descendants, Dhigosz d re w com pletely from the H istoria B rittonum , u p through (but n o t including) his listing of die descendants of N egno.34 Dhigosz w ould h av e found nothing in Dzierzw a about the sons of N egno other than V an d alu s, a n d so for this D higosz h a d no option open to him , b u t to rely on the British com pilation. The tw o lists of territory attributed to V andalus and Saxo are derived from Dzierzwa rath er than the British source, except that the m ore southerly nations D higosz attributes here to 33 Pieradzka, "Genealogia," 110-11, suggests Dhigosz himself is the source of the variations, as does Strzelecka (Roczniki, 1:92 nn. 6-8), who states that he invented or confused them. As concerns the name "Momaurus" we may say the following: various extant versions of the Historia Brittonum have in place of this "Albanus" listed as the fourth son of Isidon (the older MSS traditions) or alternately "Alemannus" or "Alamannus" listed as the third son (most MSS of the Nennius and Gildas traditions have this or something very close—cf. Appendix B). Dhigosz (or someone before him in the specific manuscript tradition he was using) could have read a capital 'A' plus T as a capital M. Often the letter 'a' (and sometimes 'e') can in Gothic hands can be mis-read as o. 'Momaurus/ is the reading of Dhigosz's form done the most recent editors of the Annales, but a careful inspection of Dhigosz's autograph (B. Czart 1306, p. 11, line 14) reveals that the name in his version can be just as w ell be interpreted as reading "Momanrus," which would only require the second n in Alemannus have been read as an r (also an easy mistake in sloppier Gothic hands) for us to have complete accounted for this name starting from the Nennius/Gildas form of the name (Alemannus). There is also the issue of why in Dhigosz's version the first son of Armenon is Sochus instead of Gothus, as in all versions of the Historia Brittonum, but misreading by Dhigosz or miscopying earlier in the manuscript tradition of his source could very easily account for it given the similarity of the capital letter "S" and "G" in many Gothic hands (and the practical identity of "c" and "t"). 34 See Mommsen's edition, 159-160, or Faral, La tegende arthurienne (Paris, 1927), 3:14-15 for the relevant passage of the Historia Brittonum. 373 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Saxo (a nam e he found in the H istoria B rittonum ), in the earlier Polish source w ere all listed descendants of Wandalus. Dhigosz also a d d s the tw o enigmatic (but sim ilar sounding) place nam es "Lizna" and "Elisza," w hich neither Pieradzka no r Strzelecka have m anaged to explicate. M ost likely they are rem em brances of places D higosz heard about on his various southern travels, possibly the islands of Lesina an d Lissa (Hvar an d Vis) off the Dalm atian coast.35 The discourse on the origin of the Slavs seem s to be the m ost original p a rt of D higosz's exposition of the genealogy of peoples. D higosz's account of the forefather of the Slavs' crossing Greece into the Balkans is sim ilar to that fo u n d in the chronicle of Pribik of R adenin (Pulkava), except this latter speaks w ithout apology of the travellers from Babel already being "Slavs" themselves, while D higosz m akes it their ancestor (parens). The list of countries inhabited by the descendants of the Slavic forbear seems to be lifted from this Czech source (w ith som e reordering of the elem ents).36 The inclusion of the D anube in the lands crossed by the Slavic forbear allows Dhigosz the opportunity to include the description of the D anube taken from the ancient geographer Solinus, on w hom D higosz relied m ore than once. Dhigosz found the notion th at the original hom eland of the Slavs w as in Pannonia in the G reat P oland Chronicle. M ost the 35 Cf. Pieradzka, "Genealogia," 111-112, Strzelecka, Roczniki, 1:93, nn. 12 and 14. 36 On these borrowings see Pieradzka, ("Genealogia," 112-113). 374 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. description of Pannonia and its abundance, the Slavs early history in it, a n d their loss of this w onderful land due to their sins seem s to be Dhigosz's ow n idea, although of course the notion that the H uns an d their seizure of territory acted as the m eans of divine punishm ent w as w idespread in medieval historiography.37 C. Interpretation D higosz's biblical genealogy an d table of nations is a compilation of a significant am o u n t of information: geographic lore, as w ell as inform ation from w orks of universal history. Some of this w as little u sed or unused in the rest of the A nnales, w hich m ay m erely testify to the fact th a t they were one of the last rew orked parts of his history (and in the case of the inserted page of text d raw n m ainly from de R ada, perhaps one of the last w ritten). Nevertheless, this suggests that to the very end of his life Dhigosz a n d his collaborators w ere still collecting historical m aterials wherever they could find them , even those pertaining to the history of places beyond Poland. This is testim ony to the breadth of D higosz's interests in universal history, as well as the im portance he saw in geography, even beyond the areas in w hich Polish history per se took place. His interest in universal history, an d his desire to situate Polish history 37 Dhigosz's description of the mineral richness of Pannonia does bear a certain resemblence to the praise of Bohemia's in a certain variant text of Pribik's chronicle, although the two are different enough that this may be coincidence (cf. Annales, vol.l, 69, FRB, 5:3-4) 375 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. w ithin it, is also to be encountered in other p arts of his treatm ent of the origins of Poland a n d is characteristic of other parts of his A nnales as well. There w as no particularly strong tradition of Biblical genealogy in Polish letters before Dhigosz, the only full exam ple being that in the C hronicle o f D zierzw a , w ith some m ore im plicit references in the G reat P oland C hronicle in the form of the Slavic N em rod or the brothers Janus and Kusz. D higosz seem s to have regarded both as inadequate, since he u sed D zierzw a's attem pt only sparingly (m ainly on V andalus/V andals), an d the G reat Poland C hronicle's interpretation of N em rod does n o t appear a t all. Perhaps the latter, in particular, seem ed provincial and redolent of the "odor o f foolish fables," especially after D higosz encountered a m ass of alternate (and perhaps more plausible) genealogies of peoples in foreign chronicles. Nevertheless, his reasons for favoring the three foreign chronicles he did (Sim on of Keza, XimefLez de Rada, an d the H istoria B rittonum ), is less clear, given that he had several others available to him to choose from . Perhaps his predilection for them d ep en d ed m erely on the fact their version of the descent of European peoples w as unusually rich in detail. Lists of detailed inform ation were som ething that D higosz loved, as show n both in his chorography to the A nnales (see below ) an d his m onum ental list of benefices of the K rakow diocese, and well as a t other points in his oeuvre. These detailed listings also helped contextualize the Poles 376 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and Slavs on the the larger E uropean stage better than could have been done w ith accounts found in any of D higosz Polish sources.38 It is also possible the H istoria bohem ica of A eneas Sylvius Piccolomini influenced Dhigosz to reject m any of the specifics of D zierzw a and the G reat P oland Chronicle. A eneas derides the idea found in Czech chronicles (such as Dalimil) that Slavic w as spoken on the plain of Sennar as an "em pty an d ridiculous boast" (vana la u s ac rid en d a), w hich m ight have predisposed his readers to be skeptical of other claim s of die existence of Slavs so soon after the D eluge.39 This does n o t lead D higosz to totally reject the v ariant of the "Slavic Babel" story of an o th er Czech chronicler, Pribik of R adenin, w ho seem s to have the Slavs be at least am ong the peoples appearing a t the confusion of the tongues. Dhigosz does re-interpret it so th at it is only a m an w hose descendants later becom e Slavs w ho travels from Babel, perhaps u n d e r the influence of the Italian hum anist. A t very least, it is certain Dhigosz knew A eneas's w ork, and 38 See also Plezia, "Pisarstwo," on Dfugosz's love of long lists. The possibility that Dhigosz preferred these texts for their potential to contextualize the origins of the Poles among those of a broad set of European peoples was suggested to me by Marco Mostert. 39 Aeneae Sylvii historia bohemica in Aenaae Sylvii Piccolominei opera omnia (Basel, 1553), reprint Frankfurt a. M., 1967, 84. 377 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. given D higosz's express adm iration for his learning, he w o u ld n o t have dism issed the opinion lightly.40 Dhigosz, how ever, obtained, tw o ideas from the G reat P oland Chronicle for w hich he found useful. The first w as the idea of Pannonia as the original seat of the Slavs.41 The second w as the w idespread settlem ent of Poles on the Baltic coast in earliest times. To this D higosz added one of his m ore significant and original combinations: that the Poles are the ancient Sarm atians. This equation is n o t w holly n ew w ith Dhigosz; as Tadeusz Ulewicz pointed o u t in his study on the origins of the Sarm atian legend, identification of Slavs w ith Sarm atians or the lands of Poland w ith Sarm atia can be found in various w estern m edieval sources, historiographical, belletristic, geographical, and cartographical.42 It also occurs, Ulewicz noted, in the w orks of tw o contem porary Italian hum anists, know n both personally and by their w ritings to Dhigosz, Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini and Philip Callimachus.43 D higosz's great idea seems to h ave been the 40 He wrote of Aeneas to an associate in May 1450 after meeting him in Vienna: "Aderat. . . magnae prudentiae et excelsi ingenii vir pontifex Tergistinus dominus Eneas, homo inter primores aevi nostri scriptores numerandus, qui aulam caesarem latiali eloquentia reddit celebrem . ..," Dtugosz, Opera omnia, vol. 1, 614. 41 The Panonnian legend Dhigosz doubtless drew mainly from the Great Poland Chronicle, where Panonnia is the "mother and origin" ("mater et origio," Chronica Polordae maioris, p. 4) of the Slavs. 42 See Tadeusz Ulewicz, Sarmacja, 1-30. On Dfugosz's use of Sarmatia and Sarmatians, see ibid., 30-34. 43 Ibid., 17-29. 378 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. naturalization of this association into the Polish tradition. A lthough Dhigosz develops this idea only in sketch, in the follow ing centuries it was to becom e die basis of the favorite leg en d of origin of the Poles.44 The issue of the Sarm atians, how ever, raised another problem of interpretation of this Biblical genealogy, that is, of contradictions in D higosz's table of nations. O n one hand, (following de Rada) die Sarm atians are said to be descended from A scenas, son of Gomer, son of Japhet, an d from them the south Italians spring, including the Latins; Elsewhere w e learn, in accordance w ith the H istoria B rittonum , th a t the Romans and the other L atins come from Isid n n 's son Romanus, w ith no Sarm atians in sight. W hat relationship these all are supposed to have w ith D higosz's Polish Sarm atians the au th o r did n o t m ake clear. In any case, he clearly sees the Latins as different from the Slavs, since he says their lands define one of the borders of Slavdom . The Franks a nd Britons are each given tw o different positions in the table of nations, again w ith one d raw n from de Rada, a n d the other from the H istoria B rittonum . O n one han d , b o th stem from the T rojans (Priam, b y w ay of the G erm ans, and Brutus, respectively). O n the o th er h an d they stem from the tw o brothers Francus an d Britto, sons of Isicion, son of Alanus. Finally, the Czechs (along with the South Slavs) are descendants of Saxo, son of Negno, and the Poles of Vandalus, Saxo's 44 The Italian humanist living in Poland, Phillip Callimachus, also used the name "Sarmatians" for the Poles already in the 1470s, which makes it possible that he inspired Dhigosz to use the term. 379 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. brother. Yet w e also learn th at Poles an d Czechs respectively stem from the brothers Lech an d C zech, m igrants from southern Pannonia, w ho are, in turn, descended from the "so n of the descendants of Japhet," the forbear of the Slavs. A lthough it is possible th at D higosz allowed for the polygenesis of peoples, it is clear th a t D higosz w as engaged here in a characteristic behavior pointed out by stu d en ts of o th er p arts of the A nn a les. W here his authorities disagreed and he could find no criterion to accept one w hile rejecting the other, h e w ould sim ply record both variants, usually w ith o u t com m ent, hi this case the problem w as particularly acute, for Dhigosz w as aw are of the difficulty of determ ining the tru th of events in the distant past, w hile at the same tim e the tables of nations of h is sources w ere particularly divergent. The H istoria B rittonum , for exam ple, a loose com pilation, reports b o th the Brutus an d Britto theories of the origin o f the Britons.45 This is perhaps p a rt of the reason w h y he d id n o t use m ore of th e standard sources available to h im for the ultim ate origins of peoples, since they w ould have further com plicated the picture. Dhigosz seem s to have at least once created a contradiction him self b y adding his ow n changes to inform ations gleaned elsew here. Dhigosz has the Czechs, contra D zierzw a, be the descendants of Saxo instead of Vandalus. If w e assum e that D higosz th o u g h t the pair Lech and Czech to be identical w ith V andalus and Saxo, th en the problem w ould resolve itself (although the 45 Mommsen, ed., Historia Brittonum, 147,149-53,160; or, the edition in Faral, La LGgende, 3:6-7,10-11,14-15. 380 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. difference in the list of peoples descended from Saxo an d Czech w ould then have to be dism issed as insignificant). Nevertheless, it is m ore likely Dhigosz kept the two episodes discrete from each other, and deliberately kept vague the exact identity of the "son of the descendants of Japhet" / forefather of the Slavs, from which Lech and C zech descend through their equally shadow y father, Janus. H e w ould have done this precisely because he w as aw are of the potential for contradiction betw een them , and yet did n o t w ant to dispense w ith either story line.46 Given his prejudices against the Czechs, it is possible that attributing them a som ew hat m ore d istan t relationship to the Poles than his source, Dzierzwa, w as m erely m ore congenial to his m ind. There is also an interesting question as to why, given D higosz's enthusiasm for equation of the Sarm atians w ith the Poles that he did n o t m odify or delete the south Italian connections of the Sarm atians he found in the H istoria d e rebus H ispam e of de Rada, especially since he portrays Italy as a land bordering w ith Slavdom, b u t n o t part of it. O n one hand this m ight be explained if he intended a further m ajor rew orking of the Biblical genealogy in a later version of the text that w ould rem ove the contradiction, or, o n the other hand, if he found the Italian connection to be w orthy of inclusion as an interesting curiosity, perhaps because of its implicit 46 The Polish translators of the Annales understand the "natus filiorum Japhet" here to be Negno (Roczniki, 1:94), which, of course, is an entirely possible (but not necessary) interpretation. On Janus see n.58, below. 381 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. linking of the Sarm atians—w ho are Poles in his v iew —w ith the Latins, and hence the Romans. Pieradzka a d d s an interesting angle to the problem of contradictions b y suggesting th at the table of nations m ay have been com piled by one of Dhigosz's collaborators, rather than the author him self.47 This m ight explain the fact that some of the sources used in it are rarely u se d or unknow n in the rest of the A nnales. O ne m ig h t even attribute some the contradictions in the text to this hypothesized "dual authorship." Even if it w as the case, however, that all or p a rt of this section w as d ra w n u p by one of his m any assistants, it is certain that Dhigosz as auctor supervised him reasonably closely and fully approved of the content that m ade it into his work, and indeed corrections in his ow n hand can be found throughout the section. Pieradzka also concludes that m any of the form ulations found in D higosz's table of nations are original, and that the conscientiousness and seriousness w ith w hich Dhigosz seems to take Biblical genealogy "in no w ay entitles one to count D higosz in the ranks of the first Polish hum anists," since hum anists treated "th e m ythical beginning of peoples superficially and, rather, as a literary motif."48 O n the first of these conclusions, although Dhigosz does include some original ideas in his Biblical genealogy, w e have also found 47 Pieradzka, "Genealogia," 89,114. 48 Ibid., 115-16. 382 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. evidence th at m an y of the sections Pieradzka thought to be original are d raw n from the chronicles of Sim on of Keza and d e Rada, which m ust cause us to view Dhigosz's total efforts in this sphere as som ew hat m ore derivative. Pieradzka's second conclusion is also in need of revision, b o th because of revision of the first, and because it rests on a conceptual prem ise th at m ay n o t be adequate. A lthough it is no doubt true that hum anists did tend to treat this subject m atter less as a cause for conscientious reconstruction, enum eration, and com pilation, and m ore as an opportunity to exercise their literary talents, this is to a large extent true of the hum anist approach to history in general. It cannot be necessarily assum ed that they therefore d id not, in their ow n w ay, take such exercises seriously.49 In any case, the issue of hum anist aspects in D higosz's corpus are n o t to be decided by any one section of his w orks, taken o u t of the context of the whole. The fact w e have this section of D higosz's w ork only in a third redaction brings u p an interesting question concerning the developm ent of the first p a rt of Dhigosz's A nnales: did this section exist at all in earlier versions? The rather disorganized n atu re of the genealogy, seem ing to indicate that Dhigosz d id n o t find enough tim e to m ore substantially rew ork it, and the fact D higosz brings in sources little used elsew here m ay indicate a negative answ er to this question. Possibly the original opening of the chronicle w as lost, or began im m ediately w ith the legend of Lech, b u t it should also be pointed out that if all the text after 49 On humanist attitudes toward legends of origins of peoples, see Frank Borchart, German Antiquity in Renaissance M yth (Baltimore, 1971), llff., 98-176,302ff. 383 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the description of the division of languages u p to the forbear of the Slavs w as om itted, the narrative w ould have a coherence lacking in the received version. The inform ation taken from Simon of Keza a b o u t N em roth and the d atatio n of the Tower of Babel could also be om itted w ith o u t harm ing the coherence of the text, as well as (at the other end of the p resent genealogy) the passage taken from Solinus on the Danube. If this w as the original version of the beginning, o r close to the original version, this w ould still leave in the second redaction the discourse on h u m an sinfulness at Babel and its punishm ent, die forbear of the Slavs, the Slavs in bountiful Pannonia, and the story of their loss of Pannonia d u e to sin. This vision of cycles of sin and redem ption, as w e shall see, are to be found elsewhere in D higosz, even in other parts of his account of Polish origins, som etim es as such, an d som etim es in less explicitly theological form s of cycles of progress and regress. III. The C horography M uch of the first book of the A rm ales is a lengthy and detailed geographical description of the Kingdom of P oland, an d all other lands in any w ay appertaining to it, com m only know n as the "C horographia Regni Poloniae," a title given it by M adej M iechowita, a Polish physician, historian an d 384 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. geographer of the early sixteenth century.50 It is possible that the w ork existed in an (probably earlier) form that was separate from the A im ales, as the Polish antiquarian of the early nineteenth century, Jan Janocki, described a m anuscript containing a n apparently discrete "Joannis Dlugossi, alias Longjni canonic! cracoviensis civitatum et castrarum , m ontium , flum inum que ac lacum Regni Poloniae descriptio/'51 This title does n o t m ention any narrative m aterial, w hich certainly exists in the version in the A im ales, in the form of a num ber of episodes o n the earliest history of the Poles w hich are placed h ere and there am ongst the geographical discussion. This is curious enough a n d w orthy of remark, b u t even certain aspects of the geographical descriptions them selves contain m aterial on the origins of places th at are directly relevant to the topic of this study, as they show evidence of w h a t Banaszkiewicz has described as the "affabulation of space," viz. the tendency to drape the fam iliar landscape w ith a great hum an (or even cosmic) m eaning, often accomplished by linking b y m eans of legends to the 50 On various sources that seemed to have influenced Dhigosz as geographer, see Wadawa Szeliriska, Chorographia regni Poloniae Jana Dtugosza (Krak6w: 1980), 13-17; Ignacy Zar§bski, "Chorographia regni Poloniae Jana Dtugosza a Giovanni Boccaccio," St. £r. 18 (1973): 181-89. Among humanistic sources these scholars find to have influenced Dtugosz are Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini's De Europa, and the geographical appendix to Boccaccio's De genealogia deorum gentilium, although Szeliriska convincingly argues that Zargbski overestimates the influence of Boccaccio on Dtugosz. 51 On titles and the possibility an independent version existed cf. Zar§bski "Chorographia," 182-83; Wadawa Szeliriska, "Jan Dtugosz i opis mafopolski w jego 'Chorographia regni Poloniae'" in Dlugossiana, 1:224-226; idem, Chorographia regni Poloniae Jana Dtugosza, 10-12; Dariusz Rott, Staropolskie Chorografie (Katowice, 1995), 115-117. 385 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. authoritative or sacred past.52 This in tu rn raises th e general q uestion as to why Dtugosz thought such a lengthy and detailed account of geography suitable to introducing the history of Poland. W here the chorography begins and ends is n o t self-evident. M ost scholars have included the initial p a rt of the legend of Lech in it, no d o u b t because: first, the later installm ent of the legend is m ixed into the chorography7 s m iddle; second, the legend tu rn s aw ay from the universal history of the Biblical genealogy to things Polish an d is on th at score m ore similar to the chorography; and third, there is a strong elem ent of geographical description in D higosz's version of the legend itself. Accordingly, I shall follow this scholarly convention and include the legend of Lech, even though the a u th o r of the m o st recent major study of Dtugosz7 s chorography, W aciawa Szeliriska, defined her topic in such a w ay as to exclude it.53 Likewise, there are problem s delineating the end of the chorography. A fter the end of the system atic p art of the geographical description there is an account of the m ode of existence of the earliest Poles, followed b y a description of som e natural w onders Dhigosz considered particular to Poland. Since such 52 Jacek Banaszkiewicz, "L'affabulation de I'espace. L'exemple m£di£val des frontteres," Acta Poloniae historica 45 (1982): 5-28. Such cultural phenomena are near human universals, found in societies as simple as those of traditional Austalian Aborigenes (see, for example, Nancy Munn "The Transformation of Subjects into Objects in Walbiri and Pitjantjatyara Myth" in Religion in Aboriginal Australia, Max Charlesworth, et al., eds. [St. Lucia, Queensland, 1984]). 53 Szelihska, Chorographia, 11. 386 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. descriptions of w o n d ers an d hum an inhabitants are often included in the p u rv ey of geographical w orks as classically defined, and since D tugosz definitely includes even "historical episodes" such as the form er in his chorography, while the passage in question is clearly descriptive and n o t p a rt o f a continuous narrative of events, for m y o w n purp o ses I will consider b o th as the final and concluding p art of the chorography. A. Lech and C zech in Pannonia and Bohem ia, Lech's Journey to Poland, and a G eneral D escrip tion o f that Land 1. S u m m a ry Dhigosz begins his account of the legend of Lech an d Czech as follows. No sooner had the P annonian kingdom s been set u p (P axm oniorum regnis. .. coalescentibus), a n d tow ns an d colonies grow n on the land than dissension a n d hatred began to tear the people apart. This eventually broke o u t into open, fratricidal w arfare am ong the descendants of Japhet (Ja p h et n ep o tes). Soon th ey had grow n so g reat in num bers, that the kingdom s th ey possessed seem ed too small, so that tw o sons of Janus, descendant of Jafet (n e p o tis Japheth), Lech an d Czech, possessors of Syrm ian Dalmatia, Slavonia, C roatia, an d Bosnia, w ishing to avoid the strife, decided to seek and populate a new land. They therefore abandoned their oth er b rothers and the lands of Pannonia, Slavonia, Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia, taking along w ith them all the settlers, families, and possessions subject to them (cum om nibus coloniis fa m iliisq u e e t substandis), 387 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. an d departed from the castle Psary (built on the v ery high bank of the river H uy, which divides Slavonia from Croatia), the ruins o f w hich still can be seen, and w hich attest to its p a st glory (cuius e tin hactenus n o n n u lle a sp d u n tu r priscam m agnificendam , testa n tes ruine). The castle received its old nam e horn the village of Pszary, located beneath it, and Lech and Czech had given the law to their subjects there. Lech an d C zech set out west, know ing the east to already be populated, and came u p o n the the land w atered by the M orava, O hre (Egre), Elbe (A lba), and Vltava (M oldava). They pronounced the soil of this land to be fertile and well-watered, an d ab u n d an t in pasture, although there was as yet no cultivated land there. Czech, th e younger brother, received the land from his elder brother as a hereditary and perpetual holding, after repeated pleas. So, after they h ad cam ped som e tim e o n the m ountain know n in their language as Rip (R zip), located betw een the O hre, Vltava, and Elbe, prince Czech entranced by the fertility of the land an d rolling beauty of the countryside, renounced other lands for it. After prince L ech h ad given in to his entreaties, Czech founded tw o towns, one on the banks of the Vltava (Prague) and one o n the M orava (W elehrad), dividing the land am ong his subjects, and building m any villages and settlem ents. Dhigosz, true to his love of geographical lists, then digresses a bit into the geography of Bohemia: It w as called Czechia after Czech, b u t since the nam e is 388 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. unpronounceable in Latin, it is called Bohemia after th e Slavic nam e for God (Boch i.e. Boh, Czech, Pol. Bog,). The p art through w hich the river M orava flow s received a different nam e, Moravia, from the term for a w oods w ith a field in the m iddle. Bohemia, it is said, is equal in length and breath, and in shaped like a crow n surrounded by the forest called H ercynia by ancient w riters in Latin an d Greek. It is w atered b y a num ber of rivers, am ong th em is the Elbe, or Labya (Laba, Pol.). Beginning from the m ountains dividing Bohemia and M oravia, it flow s through the center of the country. It also constitutes the border of P o la n d , or European Sarm atia, w ith Germany, and together w ith the M orava it is considered am ong the greatest river of Bohemia. The V ltava flows around the capital, Prague, an d in its center is a stone bridge of fourteen spans (i.e. the Charles Bridge). The river R uda flows through the to w n of Brno (Brunna).54 Lech took his leave of his younger brother and w en t further w ith his colonists, relatives, packs, and possessions, crossing the m ountains that separate Bohemia and Poland, called of old the Hercynian, an d found a vast land, abounding in forests a n d w ilds of seemingly eternal depths. It was w atered b y great rivers, stream s a n d lakes, and had good soil, w hich, however, did not m aintain its fertility long unless heavily m anured. It w as, however, a cold country, num bed by frosts and snows, on the line b etw een the seventh and eighth climatic zone (regionem . . . extra se p tim u m e t u ltim a clima sitam 54 Aimales, 1:70-71. 389 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. reperiens). H e settled there, and as the first settler, he established it as his possession and heritage for his descendants, since all anim als and plants are able to w ithstand the deepest cold b etter th an the greatest heat. For E urope is m ore cultivated and settled, although constricted by w inter frosts, than is Africa, scorched by the heat of the sun, since n atu re here fills m ore expanse, a n d desert less, d u e to the m ildness of the w eather and the fortitude of the inhabitants (incolarum que providencia), w ho shelter them selves from frosts b y fires and hearths. The Polish land is grassy and ab u n d an t in grain, fruits, fish, dairy products, cattle an d herds, honey, poultry, iron, lead, and wax. It is fam ous for its hunting an d w ell suited for horses, although there are more cut fruits (i.e. grain) than plucked. The soils are poor a n d by nature sterile in m any places, since covered w ith forest and various species of trees, b u t these are suitable to bee keeping and pasture, and thus no land is w asted. Oil (i.e. olives) and vines are n o t found d u e to the northern frosts, b u t grain and barley beers are m ade instead. In som e places, the soils are thick, in som e places rocky, w ooded, infertile. Salt is so ab u n d an t th at Poles extract m ore salt th an they can use (u t sa le s. . . m a g is extra h a n t q u a m decoquant). The cold clim ate is good for the health, earthquakes are unknow n, and floods rare. G rains keep w ell in all seasons for years, w hereas in neighboring region of Pannonia they keep only for one season, b efore w orm s an d flies destroy them . Poland also h as sulfur m ines (although n o t very productive), is rich in Alum, b u t has no h o t springs (balnea naturalia). 390 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Dhigosz ad d s a set of miscellaneous com m ents about Poland and the Poles in his ow n h a n d a t the end of this section. H e tells u s that public offices are for life rather than for a single year am ong the Poles, an d a d d s the editorial com m ent: I believe no-one sensible would very much approve of their practice [illorum observanciam neminem sensation satis probare crediderim]. For to change magistrates and office holders annually is the common good, and like a tendon to the republic, in which the will of the prince is most obviously limited (he is chastened if he is capable of changing them, and is rendered contemptuous if the ability of change is taken away), and whereby one obeys him more compliantly and respectfully, since he who ought to be removed on account of arrogance is not allowed to remain longer to the harm of others, and even his more modest successor fears similar deposition.55 A fter this comes a description of the location of Poland. Poland is the north p a rt of Slavonia, bordering on the south w ith H ungary, a subsolano w ith M oravia an d Bohemia, on the w est w ith Danes and Saxony.56 The Kingdom of Poland borders on the n o rth w ith the Sarm atians w ho are called G etae (G ethe), up to D enm ark (D ada) an d Saxony. It is separated from Thracia by H ungary, or rather, Pannonia, going through Carinthia and Bavaria (hinc descendendo p e r K arinthiam in Baw ariam ). From the south, one travels from near the M editerranean Sea, from Epirus (iuxta M are M ed itereu m ab Epiro) through 55 Annales, 1:73 56 Here Dhigosz makes an infelicitous attempt at classicism, i.e. giving directions based on the names of the winds, only subsolanus is the East wind, not the South. See Strzelecka, Roczniki, l:99nl). 391 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. D alm atia C roatia an d Istria, along the shore of the Adriatic Sea, w here Venice and Aquilia (A quilegia) are located.57 2. Sources a n d C lose R eading D higosz's Janus, father of Lech an d Czech, is, no doubt, Janus, brother of K usz found in the G reat Poland C hronicle. Strzelecka points o u t the connection of Janus to the Biblical Javan, b u t Dhigosz does n o t m ention this identification im plied in his source.58 N or does he m ention w hat the relationship is betw een Janus a n d the nam eless "natus filiorum Japhet, om nium Slaw orum parens" m entioned a t the end of the table of nations. I think these w ere, again, m ost probably deliberate omissions on his part, as he w anted to rem ain as true as possible to his sources, y et at the sam e tim e, he portrays Pannonia as quite populous, having cities, and the like in the tim e of Lech and Czech (who have subjects after all, as w ell as relatives). This im plies that m any generations had already passed from the plain of Sennar to allow the population to increase. A dding this large population allows him to say that Lech and Czech w ere princes w ho m igrated w ith their subjects, w hich could be a kind of response to Aeneas Sylvius's H istoria bohem ica (well know n to Dhigosz), which postulates that 57 Annales, 1:72-73. 58 Roczniki, l:96nl. 392 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Czech (and Lech) w ere foreign exiles that found an indigenous G erm an pastoral population and tau g h t them agriculture.59 The m ain shape of D higosz's account of Lech a n d Czech's departure and journey north he took from the chronicle of Pfibik of R adenin, w hereas the description of Bohem ia is taken over m ostly from A eneas Sylvius.60 Yet, there are a whole range of details in the Pole's account th at are found in neither of them . One of these involves an explanation of Lech a n d C zech's motive for going in the direction they did (i.e. they knew the east to be already populated), a kind of interpolation D higosz frequently m akes. M ost striking, how ever, are the geographical particulars of the two brothers' ancestral seat: the castle Psary on the river H u y separating Croatia a n d Slavonia, above the village of Pszary. The ruins of the castle, Dhigosz also know s, can be still seen. From whence did D higosz derive these particulars? The editors of the m ost recent edition of the A nnales suggest (w ithout giving reasons) that behind th e m ysterious "Psary" and the riv er "H uy" m ight be the C roatian fortress of K rapina on the bank of the river of the sam e name. K rapina is, however, in n o rth ern Slavonia, far from the fifteenth-century Croatian border. Furtherm ore, D higosz tells us that ruins of the "castle Psary" could still 59 Aeneae Sylvii Piccolominei historia bohemica, 84. 60 A. Semkowicz, Rozbi6r, 67; Solicki, Zrddia, 112, Zar§bski, Stosunki, 132. The derivation of Bohemia from "Boh" is also to be found in Pfibik of Radenin. Strzelecka has been able to find no river Ruda near the area Dhigosz places it (Roczniki, l:97n5), information about which mysterious river he did not get from Aeneas Sylvius. 393 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. be seen in his day, w hereas K rapina w as still m ost definitely still inhabited in the fifteenth century. The K rapina localization, to be sure, is attested in a South Slavic literary tradition d atin g from the sixteenth century, b u t this tradition is late an d m ight well be derivative from Czech or Polish historiographical w orks.61 Psary, on the other hand, is a quite com m on Polish place nam e, indicating a village w hose inhabitants o w ed the prince service as h u n tsm en under early Polish "ducal" law, so perhaps w e should start from Poland in trying to explain this peculiar bit of geographical lo re.62 The follow ing tentative hypothesis m ight be offered: w ithin fifteen kilom eters of ty s a G ora / C alvary there is b o th a village of Psary and village of Lechow, both existing in D higosz's day.63 ty s a G ora / Calvary is a very special place to Dhigosz, reg ard ed as the m ost first an d forem ost m ountain of Poland, an d w e know he definitely h ad dealings w ith m onks of the Benedictine house 61 Cf. Roczniki, l:96n4; Gjuro Szabo, Sredovje&ni gradovi u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji (Zagreb, 1920), 76. For the information on sixteenth-century South Slavic versions of this legend, I am indebted to Prof. John Fine of the University of Michigan, Arm Arbor. 62 Karol Modzelewski, "La division autarchique du travail a l'£chelle d'un £tat: l'organisation ’ Ministeriale’ en Pologne m£di£vale," Aimales: Economies, Societes, Civilisations 19 no. 6 (1964): 1137. 63 Derwich, Benedyktytiski Klasztor, 306-307,310, 313. 394 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. located on it.64 Furtherm ore, D higosz som etim es referred to all the peaks of the Lysiec m assif collectively (not just Lysa Gora proper, o n w hich the fam ous Benedictine m onastery w ith its relic of the True Cross sits) as a unit, together u n d e r the term "Calvary."65 The village of Psary is only about 6 km. from the n o rth ern edge of the m assif (14 km. from the m onastery), w hereas that of Lechow is about 8 km . to the south (about 9 km. from the m onastery, and abutting som e of its estates). D higosz (or perhaps the the m onks of Lysa Gora acting as his inform ants) m ay have assum ed that the legendary Lech founded the village of Lechow. If so, it w ould have been only a sh o rt step to im agining th a t Lech founded som e of the surrounding sites as well, w hich (it m ay have b een assum ed by another leap of imagination) Lech w ould have given nam es fam iliar to him from his C roatian hom eland. A n opportunity to thus associate Lech (the first founder of Poland) w ith ty s a G ora (the land's "first m ountain") m ight have been quite appealing to Dhigosz, accounting for his close interest in the tale. There are, several place 64 For example, as one of Ole£nicki's executors, Dtugosz would have finished the work he endowed on new cloister walks for this monastery, for which he left provision in his will. Cf. Piotr Dymmel, "Pi§tnastowieczna dekoracja heraldyczna w kruzgankach klasztoru lysogorskiego," in Klasztor w spoteczenstwie Sredniowiecznym i nowozytnym , Marek Derwich, ed. (Opole, 1996), 271, 273. He also must have visited the monastery many times with the bishop as his right-hand man, since it was one of the two most important Benedictine houses of the Krakdw diocese, and his detailed knowlege of the monastery is shown in his description of the countryside around it in his Registrum Ecclesie Cracoviensis. The section devoted to the monastery and its appertainencies comes to some 31 pages in the nineteenth-century edition of this work. See Dlugosz, Opera omnia, 9:227-57. 65 As in his second retelling of the legend of tysa G6ra in book of the Aimales (l:p. 255) under the year 1006: "in iugum alpium que Calwarie vocatur." 395 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. nam es within tw o or three kilom eters that begin w ith the sounds H u-, like our still unexplained "river H uy." The H ucka Pass lies im m ediately u n d e r the m onastery peak. The n am e of the pass seem s to derive, how ever, from the village H udsko (or perhaps, after its earliest docum ented form, H usisko—[H u szysko ]), w hich in tu rn derives from H ut, the Polish w ord for "foundry" (as iron ore w as extracted and sm elted there, probably already in m edieval times).66 I h av e b een unable to date uncover any bo d y of w ater in the area bearing this or an y derivative nam e. So w hy this river? A closer study of hydrography of the area m ay p rovide the answ er.67 Reflecting further o n on a hypothetical oral tale, Dhigosz could w ell have begun looking for m eans to associate nam es of places around t y s a G ora w ith those of the Balkan region in w hich (as he knew from Pfibik of R adenin) Lech w as supposed to have originated, review ing similar sounding place nam es of proven antiquity he read about in som e South Slavic or H ungarian sources, or heard about on one of h is stays in H ungary, w here nam es m ight b e found that could have suggested the H ucka pass (or the village of Psary) in the H oly Cross 66 Derwich, Benedyktyfiski klasztor, 313, 429-30. 67 I have not, however, been able to find a map that includes the names of bodies of water smaller than rivers. It is also true the hydrography of the immediate area has shifted considerably in recorded history, and some sort of small river or stream bearing a name passingly similar to "Huy" could possibly once have existed (or a still existing one may have once been called this), but this remains mere speculation. 396 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. M ountains b y sim ilarity of so u n d (perhaps, Psary an d th e old region of Pset in W estern Bosnia?). There is one South Slavic source that D higosz definitely knew: the thirteenth-century chronicle of Thomas, A rchdeacon of Split (Spalato). Thomas, how ever, sees the forbears o f the Slavs as G oths, w ho m ig rated so u th from the area of Poland into the Balkans u n d e r the leadership of A ttila the Him .68 This seem s uncongenial ground to be a contributor to the d ev elo p m en t D tugosz's exactly opposite conception. Thom as does tell us, how ever, th at old walls of the d ty of Delmis, from w hich D alm atia took its nam e, m ay still (according to som e w ritings) be seen in the hills o f U pper Dalmatia. D alm atia, h e also adds, w as once regarded as p a rt of Croatia.69 The northern p a rt of U p p er D alm atia w ould correspond to the border of Slavonia and Croatia in D higosz's day. Given D higosz's interesting in geography, he m ight have realized this. Perhaps, therefore, this passage provided the stim ulus for D higosz's localization of the "Castle of Psary." H ere w e h ave a ruin on a hill in roughly the right region. It is h ard to suppose that "D elm is" w ould have suggested th e nam e "Psary," how ever, and Thomas m entions no river in conjunction w ith this location. In H ungarian sources know n to Dhigosz., there is a passage am ong those devoted to the legendary origins of the H ungarians in th e G esta H urtgarorum of 68 Grabski, Polska w opiniach obcych, 160. 69 Thomae Archidiaconi Historia Salonitana, Vladimir Rismondo, ed., trans. Editiones Musei Urbis Aspalathi, vol. 8 (Split, 1960), 11. 397 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Sim on of Keza th at seem s rem iniscent of the river nam e a n d ruined castle of D higosz's tale. This passage certainly caught D higosz's attention, for, as will shall see, he m akes use of it elsew here in his chorography, in his description of the b o rd ers of Poland. The passage reads: There arose at length Sviatopolk [Zwantoplug], son of Morot, a certain prince in Poland, who having subjected Bracta, ruled the Bulgarians and the Messians, and at the same time began to rule in Pannonia after the driving out of the the Huns. Certain Hungarians from the river Hung [de fluvio Hung] having allured him with various gifts, investigated him with envoys, and saw the carelessness of his encampment [considerate militia illius immunita]. With a sudden ambush, they slew Svatopolk with his whole army next to the river Racus by Banhida, in a certain castle, whose ruins are visible to this day [in quodam oppido, cuius interrupta adhuc eminent].70 The river "H ung" in Slavic is know n as the "U h" or "U zh" phonologically close to our "H uy" or the first syllable of the village n am e of H uszysko, which it m ight have suggest to Dhigosz's m ind. The castle at Banhida, how ever, is not on the river H ung / U zh, even in Simon of Keza's text, an d neither are on the b o rd er of Slavonia an d Croatia, yet all these locations w ere in lands subject to the H ungarian kingdom in D higosz7 s day, and this m ay have been enough for D higosz to associate this early southern "Polish" prince, the ruined castle, and the river, if their nam es w ere in som e w ay rem iniscent of the landscape of ty s a Gora, and if he w as predisposed (by o u r hypothetical oral tale) to associate that landscape w ith Lech and his w anderings from Croatia. If selected features of 70 Dhigosz's specific wording, though, is not lifted from this source. 398 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Thom as of Spalato's ruined city of Delmis w as added to the mix, it w ould account for all the particulars of D higosz's story. Psary was (and is) n o t the nearest village to Lechow, n o r to the H ucka pass, so w hy w ould it have been chosen to be the nam esake of the original seat of Lech? In this connection, it m ight be noted that D higosz stayed at least once in the castle of the K rakow bishops at Bodzentyn, in easy w alking distance of village Psary, and located on a river of the same nam e (Psarska).71 H is reason for picking Psary to ad d to o u r hypothetical goulash from am ong the villages n e ar the Lysiec chain could therefore also reflect some k ind of personal predilection based on his ow n experience of the place. If this is correct abou t the origin of this unexpected bit of inform ation (and, again, I suggest it as a m ere hypothesis), then it is probable that it w as a kind of tongue-in-cheek w ay of com m unicating a m essage of some significance to readers w ith an "inside" know ledge of the legends surrounding Lysa Gora, no d o u b t including the m onks there themselves.72 Dhigosz him self records som e other local legends a b o u t this place elsewhere in his chorography, one of w hich is alm ost certainly one of the rare places is in his w hole o e u vre w hen he lapses 71 Bohdan Guerquin, Zamki wPolsce (Warsaw, 1974), 94-95. Dhigosz was in Bodzentyn in December 1447. See Perzanowska, "Wiadomo£d," 308, 335; letter of Dhigosz to Michael Goczna, Opera omnia, 1:600. 72 Dhigosz probably would have known the approximate real location of the river Hung /U zh and Banhild from own experience, since he did travel a fair amount in Hungary, especially the northern part. In that case, it would strengthen the idea that he made the hypothesized association from this passage of Simon of K£za as part of a kind of exercize in levity on his part 399 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. from seriousness into jest, just as h e m ay have done in this instance. It is, of course, still possible that Dhigosz d id n o t invent these particulars a t all, b u t derived them from som e source lost to us. A t the end of this p art of the legend of Lech is Dhigosz's m ost general description of the Polish lands. M ost of this seem s to be his ow n original com position, although his reference to Poland's frigid climate in the eighth climatic zone is based on C laudius Ptolem y's theory of climate and latitude, the first of several tim e Dhigosz used this author's G eo g ra p h y in his chorography.73 As is typical for this type of discourse, it praises the positive characteristics of the land the original forbear occupies, praising its fertility, wealth, and healthiness, although Dhigosz lavishes yet m ore praise on the specific site chosen by Lech. D higosz based the description of the location of Poland, and the lands that surround it ap pended to the general description of Poland, very closely on the sim ilar passage in the Cronice e tg e sta . Typical of Dhigosz's willingness to record m ultiple conflicting versions he found in various sources is reflected here in D higosz's follow ing his source to such an extent that w ith it he im plies a fundam ental separation of the Poles a n d Sarm atians in this passage, w here previously he has identified the tw o rath er strongly. 73 As Strzelecka pointed out, Roczniki, l:98nl. The chapter she cites is (1,23) is mistaken, probably misprinted. Read instead I, 24. 400 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8 . P oland's R iver S ystem and Borders Dhigosz digresses from the legend of Lech in o rd e r to proceed w ith a description of the riv er system s of Poland th at fills eight closely w ritten pages of the autograph.74 It first discusses the seven greatest rivers of Poland, that is, in D higosz's estim ation, th e Vistula, Oder, W arta, D niester, Bug, Niemen, and D nieper, of w hich the first holds the place of preem inence. Of these only the Vistula, W arta, D niester, an d Bug flowed in his d ay th ro u g h Poland proper for all or som e of their course. The O der flows through Silesia an d Pom erania, w hile the N iem en and D nieper w ere found on the territory o f the Lithuanian state. A fter describing each o f these rivers, he proceeds to discuss their tributaries in seven different sections (one for each), giving the location of the source and m o u th of each of them . For the Vistula, D higosz m entions no less than forty tributaries, some of th em quite small, and w ith general accuracy as to location. For the N iem en a n d D nieper, b y contrast, he m entions ju st a few, and often to a significant degree displaces their sources or m ouths, a n d som etim es leaves them blank. The description of the rivers of the Polish K ingdom ends w ith a brief b it of praise for the N iem en as the quietest of Polish rivers. References to th e origins of nam es o r som e b ro ad e r legend are n o t very frequent in this section of the chorography. Once, in passing, Poland is identified as "Lechia." A bout the V istula w e read: 74 For a detailed assessment of the extent and accuracy of his description of rivers, see Szeliriska, Chrographia, 34— 111. 401 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The Wisla [Pol.] was called the Vistula by andent authors and historians. Many call it Vandalus from Wandalus, son of Negno, the first bom son of Alan, son of Jafet, son of Noah, whereas many derive it from Wanda, Queen of the Poles, who sacrificed herself [se devovens] to the gods for victory she received over the Germans, throwing herself into the Vistula [ Wisla]. To those neighboring the Poles on tire east it is called "The White Water" [Alba Aqua] on account of the brightness of its waters [aque candore]. Although the river is thus endowed with four names, it is most suitably called Wisla, as though "hanging" [pendens—i.e. Polish wisad, zwisad, "to hang, droop, sag," zwista, f. adj. form].75 The term "Vistula" he doubtless encountered in Ptolem y G eographia or Pliny Elder's H istoria N aturalis. The first derivation of the nam e "W andalus" is a som ew hat simplified version of th at found in the C hronicle o fD zierzw a , while the second is clearly th a t of the G reat P oland Chronicle. "W hite W ater" as a nam e for the Vistula am ong the East Slavs is som ething D higosz probably ad d ed 75 Ibid., 73-74. 402 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. on the strength of som e inform ant, w hereas the etym ology of Wisla could just as well be his ow n invention, as som e found tradition.76 There are also several interesting instances w h en D higosz enters into b o rd er disputes explicitly or implicitly in his description of hydrography. H e p u ts the b oundary of Prussia and Poland p ro p er at the river Osa, thus consigning it to the original borders of the lands granted the Teutonic O rd e r by Conrad of M azovia, w ho brought them to the Baltic.77 In this he m akes a point about the illegality of the Knights' claim to Chefanno further u p the Vistula valley (one of the lands at issue in the Thirteen Years' W ar), and a t the sam e tim e shows him self to be, as Urszula Borkowska noticed, a canon law legitim ist who 76 On the "Vistula," cf. Ptolemy, Geographia, n, 11, 2; Pliny Elder, IV, 14. Only at this point does Dhigosz make dear what he regards as the exact relationship between Alan and Jafet, although, as it happens, against the Historia Britonum and Dzierzwa, both of which postulated several intermediate generations. Cf. various versions of the Historia Britonum in MGH AA 13:149,160-61; MPH o.s., 2:163. This sentence (after "Vandalus") is added in Dtugosz's hand in the margin, and thus was added only after the main frame of the third redaction was complete, in his very last years. This lateness of his commitment to say something definite on the matter may underscore his confusion in the matter, and the difficulty he had in consistently ordering his Biblical geneology. On the significance of "white" in connection with geographical names see Jacek Banaszkiewicz, "L'unite de Tordre spatial et sodal ainsi que la tradition d'origio gentis (remarques sur la communautes tribales chez les Slaves)," Acta Poloniae historica 62 (1990): 17-20,38-41 (where the older literature is discussed). The color white seems to be assoaated with water generally in Slavic cultures, or in more general Indo-European terms with centrality, maternity, sacrality, and royalness. Yet, tt is hard to image such an interpretation of the Vistula would arise among the Eastern Slavs, as Dhigosz here reports. The upper Vistula seems to have been once the center of the White Croats, an early Slavic tribe, among whom the phrase could condevably have originated, as an assonance of their territory with their ethnonym, and then spread east. Most likely, however, the anaent assodation of White with the direction of West or North is in play here, would which allow the phrase to have originated with the East Slavs. 77 Annales, 1:77. 403 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. regarded the will of a n ecclesiastical founder to be urunodifiable.78 H e could have discovered this in the G reat P oland C hronicle, chapter 66, b u t he a d d s a detail: th at Boleslaus the Brave placed iron posts in the riv er to m ark the bo rd er for posterity. This seem s to echo the description of the borders of Boleslaus's state found in the C ronice e tg e s ta , b u t there the iron posts are placed in the river Saale on his w estern border, w hereas only vague conquests are m entioned in regard to Prussia.79 P erhaps Dhigosz surm ised th a t Boleslaus m ust have so m arked all his borders, an d th at the Prussian b o rd er in Boleslaus's tim e m ust have been the traditional one found in the G reat P oland C hronicle. If this w as D higosz's ow n com bination, it w ould have served to em phasize the solidity an d im portance of this b o rd er, w hich m ay yet have been on his m ind after so m any diplom atic efforts on his part, even though after the partial incorporation of Prussia in 1466 the controversy over it w as no longer such a current issue. Also interesting is his placem ent of the b o rd er in the district of Luck. Recalling that Dhigosz took p a rt in a m ission of K ing Casim ir from C ardinal Olesnicki to plead the Polish case for this region o ver Lithuanian claims, it is not surprising, therefore, D higosz includes Luck in Poland proper: "Berezhanka [Brzesznicza], the river dividing the district of Luck from Lithuania [terram 78 Borkowska, Trefd, 82-83, 91-92. 79 Cf. Great Poland Chronicle (Chronica Poloniae Maioris), 85; Cronice etgesta, 16-17. The legend of the Prussian posts in repeated at greater length in book 2 of the Annales under the year 1015 (1:275). 404 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Luczensem d istm g u e n s a Lithw anis], and the true b o rd er of the Kingdom of Poland [e tille e s t v eru s lim es R egni Polonie]."80 Dhigosz also show s an occasional tendency to classicize his names. The C arpathian M ountains taken as a whole appear in this section u n d e r the nam e "Sarm atian M ountains" or "Sarm atian Alps" (M ontes Sarm atice, A lp es Sarm atice)81 The Baltic Sea is the Sarmatian Sea, Sarm atian Ocean, or sometimes just the O cean (M areSarm aticum , O ceanusSarm aticus, O cea n u s)82 Specifically, this follows the convention of Ptolemy. Also interesting is D higosz's attem pt to m atch nam es of rivers about w hich he read in his classical geographers to those of his o w n day. W e have already seen his (correct) identification of the Vistula. H e identifies the ancient G uttalus with the O der, thus follow ing Solinus' description of its location (between the Elbe and Vistula) rath er than Ptolem y's which w ould place it further north along the Baltic coast.83 The N iem en he associates w ith the Turuntius, a name he found in Ptolem y, w hile the Dnieper is "called D rinus or Boristenes (B orzisthenes) b y the Latins, b u t Erzesze by the Tartars."84 Finally, at the end of his description of rivers, h e lists the four river 80 Annales, 1:86. 81 For example, ibid., 74-76, 80, 83. 82 For example, ibid., 73-74. 83 See Strzelecka, Roczniki, l:101n3. 84 Annales, 1:85. 405 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. nam es he found in Ptolem y as lying in Sarmatia, w ith m ouths in th e "Sarm atian Ocean" beyond the Vistula: Cronos, Rubon, T urundus, K yerszynius.85 That he does so w ithout even b eing able to identify m ost of them w ith contem porary nam es is certainly testim ony to the im portance he laid on placing Polish lands in the context of ancient geography, as it were, for its ow n sake. C. Lech and the Rivers o f Poland 1. S u m m a ry After describing th e river system, Dhigosz returns to the settling of Lech. H e informs us that Lech, prince and forefather of the Lechites, o r Poles, took as his own the w hole land (U niversam itaque regionem . . . earn su i iu ris fecit) through w hich the seven rivers run, from their sources to the sea. There he and his descendants (n ep o tes) w ere, by Divine providence, to exercise hereditary rule over m any peoples.86 They h ad as yet n o neighbors to the east except the Greeks o n the Black Sea (M are L eoninum ), from w hom they w ere separated by a belt of forests tw o hundred m iles w ide or m ore, w oods filled w ith rivers, m any unknow n even to Lech. This Eastern territory took the nam e Russia (i.e. Ruthenia) from Rus 85 Ibid., 87; cf. Strzelecka, Roczniki, l:133n5; Ptolemy, Geographia, HI, 5. This is an addition in the hand of one of Dhigosz's copyists (see textual note 'a' to p.87), but it was carried out almost certainly with his knowlege and probably at his direction. 86 Annales, 1:87. 406 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (R ussz), one of the descendants of Lech. In tim e his descendants filled the vast land w ith towns, enriched by the fine furs of anim als in the surrounding w ilderness. To this day, inhabitants of these lands w ear fine furs, even though their m anner of life is m o d est and poor. The g reat m ountains dividing Poland from H ungary, and w hich ru n to the Black Sea w ere for m any generations u n d e r the rule of Polish princes, as attested by m any w riters of old. Indeed, Dhigosz continues, Puteolanus, the scrupulous historian, w rites that in the third year of the reign of the E m peror M ardanus the Third (w ho ruled around year 458 of the Incarnation) a Polish prince arose who ruled the Bulgarians and Messians, and also intended to subject Pannonia. The H ungarians, how ever, after paying him tribute, suddenly am bushed his army, and elim inated both it and the prince. O n the w est the land of Lech borders on Germ any, w hich is divided from Poland by the Labya, or Alba (Elbe) river, while on the n o rth it b orders on the Ocean, w hich allows contact by sea w ith Denm ark (D ada), Sw eden, Norway, and the furthest lands not at th at tim e accessible to hum ans (ultim a terrarum , ip sis e d a m incolis tu n c inaccessibilia).87 W ithout leaving any space in the autograph text to indicate a section break, Dhigosz briefly digresses back to the subject of rivers. The prom inence of the Vistula is com pared w ith the Oder, W arta, and D neiper on the basis of the tow ns they each passes through. H e concludes, once again, that the Vistula is th e 87 Ibid., 1:87-88. 407 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. greatest of them , ru n n in g as does through tw elve tow ns, and passing three cathedrals, w hereas the others each pass only th ro u g h a few prom inent tow ns, a n d have at m ost one cathedral on their banks. D higosz here also describes Polish m aritim e exports through the Vistula, and n o tes that all that he has said about the Vistula (or W andalus) and the O der (or G uttalus) is confirmed by Solinus, and quotes in proof and passage from this R om an polyhistor on the "origins of G erm any." The quotation speaks in a general w ay of the rivers of G erm any (Alba, G uttalus, Wysla, Renum , D anubium ), and derives the nam e G erm anicum from the tribe of the Iuga Eones [recte Ingevones], "the first beside the Scyths to be called by that nam e" (a q u ib u s p rim is p o s t S d ta s n o m en G erm anicum consurgit). Again w ith o u t leaving any kind of break in th e text, Dhigosz takes u p the topic of the origin of nam es, both of the Poles a n d of neighboring peoples. A lthough the country w as first called Lechia and its inhabitants Lechite after Lech its first settler and ruler, soon from its m any fields (both naturally occurring and cleared for agriculture by the industry of the plow m an, such that they appeared natural), the Lechites cam e to be know n as Polanye, th at is, field dwellers, by neighboring peoples, and by their forest dw elling relatives. This nam e becam e so w idespread, th at they lost the original, and so the country too became know n as Poland (Polonia), even to some w riters. But neighboring peoples, above all the Ruthenians, w ho boast in their chronicles that they descend from Prince Lech, to 408 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. this day persist in calling the Poles (and their country) LechicL The Slavs (Slaves), Bulgarians, Croats, and H ungarians (H unes) also use this older nam e, although in m any places som e w riters also call the Poles Vandals (V andalite) from the river Vandalus, o r Vistula, w hich confirms the ran k of this river. A m ong the ancient authors and historians it is called European Sarmatia, and both R uthenians and Poles are called Sarm atians. "Therefore," D higosz continues, 'T consider it true an d proper that Poles and Ruthenians w ere given this name in antiquity" (Idque re o riu stu m e t v e m m quod P olonis e tR u th e n is in d id it antiquitas vocabulum ). Hence the m ountains dividing Poland and Ruthenia from Pannonia are called the "Sarm atian" by all writers. M any call the Poles by the n o t v ery suitable nam e "Scyths," w hile some call them "G erm ans," since w riters once called "Scythia" the w hole land betw een the Don, Vistula, and Elbe, which in tim e the Poles and Ruthenians entered and populated. Since the Vistula, constituting the b order of Scythia and Germ any, flows th ro u g h the very center of Poland, from source to m outh, and to the river's east and w est no people b u t the Polish people (g e n s. . . Polonica) inhabit and cultivate the land, the Poles are for this reason som etim es called G erm ans.88 Dhigosz then turns back to the issue of R us and the R uthenians. Some, he tells us, w ish to m aintain that Rus w as n o t a descendant of Lech, b u t a brother, and that he left C roatia w ith Lech and Czech. H e then settled the vast kingdom s 88 Ibid., 89. 409 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of the R uthenians w hich have Kiev as their capital and are w atered by the very significant rivers Dniester, Dneiper, N iem en, Prut, Sluch (Slucz), Styr, Z bruch (Szbruch), Sm otrych (Sm otricz), and Seret.89 H is lands included N ovgorod (the tow n in R uthenia richest in gold, silver, an d furs, and lying am ong sw am ps and lakes) and stretched beyond even it, alm ost up to the ends of the earth. Such differences in opinion on the beginnings of the R uthenian people, D higosz lam ents, obscure it m ore than they explain it (p lu s o b n u b ila t eorum o rig in em quam declaiat). Dhigosz then retells a legend (found by him in M artin of Troppau) of the R uthenian origin of O doacer, the G erm anic cheiftian w ho conquered Rome: from the line of Rus cam e O doacer, the R uthenian w ho conquered Rom e and ruled all of Italy in the tim e of Pope Leo I and E m peror Leo I, th at is to say in the year of the N ativity of C hrist 509, for fourteen peaceful years, until he w as deposed and killed b y Theodoric, King of the Goths, w ho transferred rule over Italy from the R uthenians to his ow n people.90 2. Sources and C lose Reading, w ith a D iscourse on th e Scythian L egend o f P hilip C allim achus. This p a rt of Dtugosz's text m akes clear his reasons for including the legend of Lech in the chorography. A lthough his purposes in this are n ev er explicitly stated, even here, they are easily enough derived from the a u th o r's 89 These are mostly rivers of western Ruthenia, in today's Ukraine and Belarus. 90 Annales, 1:89-90; cf. Semkowicz, Rozbidr, 68. 410 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. com m ent on ending his description of the rivers: Lech, h e tells u s in no uncertain terms, claim ed the w hole lan d through w hich the seven rivers run. These, of course, include the O der, ru n n in g through Silesia a n d W estern Pom erania, the Niemen running thro u g h Lithuania, and Dniester an d D nieper running in m uch of their course th ro u g h present-day Ukraine. The Polish claim to these, spelled o u t by Dhigosz in the description of rivers, is n o t a m erely a m atter of the vicissitudes of the present, b u t reach to the very origins of the Polish people. Since Lech is no longer m erely a "first parent" of the Poles, b u t a "prince" in Dhigosz7 s version of the legend of Lech, this strengthens the political aspect of the claim. W hatever else it m ay be the precision and care of h is geographical description in its association w ith the original (and thus proper) boundaries of the Polish state u n d e r Lech becom es a detailed list of Polish territorial claims. Related to this is the issue of Rus, forbear of the R uthenians, w hom Dhigosz prefers to m ake a later descendant of Lech follow ing the Czech tradition of Pfibik of R adenin an d A eneas Sylvius Piccolomini7 s H istoria Bohemica,9 1 rather than that of the G reat Poland Chronicle., w hich h ad th em as brothers. Dhigosz also reasserts Lech7 s claim to Ruthenia at this point b y stressing that all other peoples a t th at tim e lived far away, separated by vast w ilds. H e also asserting the vastness a n d prim itive nature of the R uthenian lan d itself. H is claim 91 Aeneae Sylvii Picolominei historia bohemica, 84. The Vincentian and Dzierzvvian traditions of Polish domination of the Slavs in prehistory (including the far West Slavic lands and Rus) doubtless also had some effect on him in this regard. 411 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. that Ruthenians boast in their chronicles of descending from Lech is som ething of a distortion (unless D higosz possessed a very different version of these th an has survived for us). As w e recall, these say th at only certain beastly and ill- m annered Ruthenians tribes descend from Lyakhs, b u t Dhigosz finds a w ay to tu rn this to his ow n, entirely opposite, m eaning. It is a m easure of his respect for his sources, how ever, that he m entions, albeit grudgingly, the existence of the other theory of R us's relationship to Lech and Czech, and that R us w as the first to take possession of the river basins of R uthenia (even w estern R uthenia, w here Polish interests w ere most intensive). Dhigosz uses the ancient geographer Solinus twice in this section, citing him by name. As Strzelecka points out, D higosz has rendered one of the R om an's passage partially incom prehensible by m isreading the name of the tribe "Ingevones" from w hich the term "G erm ans" w as to be derived from as "Iuga Eones," thus ruining the folk etymology found in the original text.92 C uriously, as Strzelecka points out concerning the passage on the supposed Polish prince ruling Bulgaria, D higosz's cited source, the chronicle of Puteolanus (Peter the M inorite, Bishop of Puzzoli) does not have any passage like this 93 She did n o t attem pt to find the actual source, but the alert read er m ight have noticed that it is 92 Ibid., 88. As Barbara Strzelecka points out, Solinus himself took this passage from Pliny Elder. That Dhigosz cites it from Solinus may indicate a deeper knowlege of, or preference for this more concise work than the voluminous one of Pliny. The river Vistula appears as "Visda" Solinus. Roczniki, l:136nl. 93 Strzelecka, Roczniki, 134n2. 412 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. a passage from the G esta H u n g a ro m m of Simon of Keza 94 N o d o u b t Dhigosz w as delighted to discover this apparently early evidence of the rule of a Polish prince reached to the Black Sea, given the extent of fifteenth century Polish political, trade, and m ilitary interests in M oldavia, for w hich it w ould have been a precedent from the tim e of origins. D higosz's discourse on the nam es of the Poles is a com pilation of various ideas found in his sources, w ith Dhigosz m aking one particularly interesting statem ent: namely, th at the Poles w ere originally called "Lechites" an d only later cam e to be called Poles, a nam e w hich Dhigosz seems to regard as a m ere vernacular term , used a t first m ostly by foreigners, w hich w as in tim e accepted into proper w ritten discourse. To be sure, in Vincent and other subsequent chronicles relying on him , the term Lechite was m ost used as an alternate for Poles in legendary prehistory from w hich Dhigosz m ight have deduced that it 94 Cf. Simon of K£za, SRH, l:Emericus Szentp6tery, ed. ppl63f. "Surrexit tandem Zvantaplug filius Morot, princeps quidam in Polonia, qui Bracta subiugando Bulgaris Messianisque imperabat, indpiens similiter in Pannonia post Hunnorum exterminium et dominari. Hunc quidem Hungari de fluvio Hung variis muneribus allectum et nundis explorantes, considerata militia illius immunita, ipsum Zvantaplug irruptione subita prope fluvius Racus iuxta Banhida, in quod am oppido, cuius interrupta adhuc eminent cum tota militia peremerunt." And Dhigosz: "[S]urrexit in Polonia princeps, qui Bulgaris Mesianisque imperabat, volens edam in Pannonia dominari. Hunc Hungarii variis muneribus allectum, explorata illius diminuta potenda, improvisum aggressi cum tota m ilida peremerunt" The emperor Mardanus is mentioned several sections earlier in Simon of Kdza's chronicle (p.148), but Dhigosz obtained the date of the emperor's reign (actually the date of his death) from a different source, probably the Chronicon Pontificum et Imperatorum of Martin of Troppau (Martini Oppaviensis Chronicon, MGH SS 22:454), or possibly Puteolanus, which I have been unable to consult The misattribution could have come about by confusing the source for the dates of Mardanus with the main source of the passage, or the text passage could have been written down on the margins of an earlier redaction, and the attribution to the source added mistakenly some years later, after Dhigosz had forgotten the actual origin. 413 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. w as the older form, b u t a t n o p o in t do Dhigosz's sources fail to use the term "Poles" just as m uch or m ore, even in their first chapters. D higosz reuses the derivation of the nam e "Lechites" from "Lech" found in th e G reat P oland Chronicle.r if anything m aking it m ore explicit than in his source. Therefore, D higosz probably em phasized the original correctness of th e term "Lechite" to stress the derivation of the Poles from Lech, whose im portance to Dhigosz and his view s of Polish territorial claim s he has just m ade clear. H ere Dhigosz m akes explicit his reasons for adopting the Sarm atian legend. It is by the nam e "Sarm atians" that the Poles and the R uthenians w ere called by ancient writers, just as their land is called Sarm atia. Therefore, Dhigosz seem s to conclude, this term is even m ore proper than th a t of "Lechites." W e notice two notions o r to p o i at play in this passage on nam es: th at of w ritten authority show ing p ro p e r usage, and that of ancient w riters in particular having the m ost authority in such m atters. This latter is probably attributable to hum anist influences on D higosz, b u t it is hard n ot to notice th at this conception in the circumstances dovetails neatly w ith Dhigosz's ow n preferred idea about the relationship of R uthenian origins to Poland: that the tw o w ere one at the earliest stages of their histories (as Dhigosz no doubt happily found), covered u n d e r the nam e "Sarm atia." H ere ancient geographical w orks an d Dhigosz's ow n conceptions seem to be su p p o rtin g each other m arvelously. It is only too b ad th at due to the loss of the second redaction version of this section of the 414 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Annales it is h ard to k n o w for certain the developm ent of D higosz7 s ideas in this realm. The legend of the R uthenian Odoacer and his conquest of Rom e (given Dhigosz7 s polonization of this people in early times, an d the like the legend of the early Polish prince ruling H ungarian and South Slavic lands) is no doubt recopied by D higosz as a curiosity w hich happened also to show the greatness of the early "Sarm atian" peoples. In the interests of his o w n Sarm atian theory, D higosz is dism issive of the notion that Slavs are G erm ans or Scyths. Poland is often described as being part of "Germ ania" in sources going back into the eleventh century (as in one of the lives of St. A dalbert), a practice, that, Dhigosz correctly realizes, m erely reperpetuates the geographical divisions of Europe of m any ancient geographers. The Poles an d Slavs are n o t uncom m only called V andals in m edieval G erm an an d w estern sources. Examples of different attem pts to link Slavs and G erm ans m ay be found, even in fifteenth century sources: the Slavs are associated w ith the V andals b u t the Slavic language w ith the Gothic, by the G erm an author G obelinus Persona (ca. 1358-ca. 1421) in his p o p u lar universal history, the C o sm o d ro m iu m .95 D higosz7 s exact contem porary, W erner 95 Printed in Rerum germarticarum tomi m , vol. 1 (Helmstadt, 1688). The derivations of the Slavs from Vandals, but there language from the Goths occur in reasonably close proximity, but not in the same passage. Ibid., 67. 415 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Rolevinck lists Poles am ong the peoples of Germ any.96 These are m ore likely to have excited D higosz7 s com m ents than sources asserting m ere link to the Vandals. To som eone steeped in the Polish historiographical tradition, the legend of Vandal descent w o u ld n o t necessarily seem to be claim ing Poles descend from the Germans, given the alm ost total Slavitizafion of the V andals by w ay of the eponym ous hero V andalus. Linking the Vandal / Slavs to the Goths, though, as Gobelinus does, w ould have obviously underlined their G erm anness, as in the treatm ent of the V andals by Dietrich of Nieheim, w ho explicitly links the Slavic Vandals with the V andals w ho invaded Spain and N orth Africa, in the context of an explanation of the origins of various Germanic tribes.97 Dietrich of Nieheim and W em er Rolevinck are particularly interesting since w e know D higosz knew and used one w ork b y each of them (but, unfortunately, n o t the ones containing these bits of inform ation).98 There w as also a tradition of historiography am ong the South Slavs that linked the Slavs and Goths, w hich Dhigosz could have run across during his H ungarian travels, although it is m ore likely Dhigosz w ould 96 In his De laude ardtiquae Saxoniae nunc Wesphaliae dictae, about which see Borchart, German Antiquity, 71 (and ff.), on whom I rely for knowledge of its contents. 97 In his Privilegia autiura imperii, described in Borchart, German Antiquity, 291-92. 98 There is evidence from his text that he had Rolvinck's Fasciculus termporum on hand (although excerpts from this work are added late to the text as inserts—see Wanda Semkowicz- Zarembina, Powstanie, 44). On his use of Dietrich of Nieheim's De Schismate, see Ignacy Zar§bski, "Teodoryk de Niem jako ±r6dio dhigoszwych ’ Dziejow polskich’ (uwagi wst^pne)" in Mediaevalia w 50 rocznice pracy naukowej Jana Dqbrowskiego (Warsaw, 1960), 255-262. 416 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. have found the G othic theory of the Slavs in a Latin language source of Germ an origin, given ordinary patterns of cultural diffusion.99 The Scythian legend is yet m ore interesting. There are no exam ples of direct linkage of the Slavs or Poles w ith the Scyths in m edieval sources know n to this author, although the Vandals som etim es are, m ost notably for o u r purposes, in the chronicle of d e Rada, on which D lugosz relied so heavily on in his Biblical genealogy. G iven th e alm ost total identification of the Vandals w ith the Slavs in the Polish tradition, this m ay have b een enough for D higosz to assum e de Rada m ust have also h a d the Slavs in m ind. A nother source are the views of fire Italian hum anist Filippo Buonaccorsi (Callimachus Experiens), who took refuge in Poland after being im plicated in a plot to assassinate Pope Paul II associated w ith Pom ponius L eto's academ y in Rome. H e stayed u n d e r the protection of the Bishop of Lwow, G regory of Sanok, and then m o v ed to Krakow in 1472.100 Besides being a possible author of the sole L ife o f D higosz w e possess, Callim achus seems to have cultivated the Krakow C anon in h is declining years, w riting a verse in m em ory of the Pole's deceased brother, a n d attaching an addendum , in which D higosz is praised as 99 Grabski, Polska w opiniach obcych, 153-54. 100 On Callimachus's life, settlement, and activities in Poland, see, for example, J6zef Skoczek, Legenda Kallimacha w Polsce (Lw6w, 1939); Harold B. Segel, Renaissance Culture in Poland (Ithaca, N.Y., 1989), 36-82; Jadvviga Kotarska, "Poeta i historyk—Filip Kallimach" in Pisarzy Staropolscy, Stanistaw Grzeszczuk, ed. (Warsaw, 1991), 1:174-205. 417 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. "th e forem ost poet [sic] of Sarm atia."101 A p art from this reference to Poland as Sarm atia, Callimachus in his L ife of Zbigniew Olesnicki (w hich h e w as in the process of w riting in 1479, an d probably finished the n ex t year), spells out a theory of the Scythian origin of die Polish noble clan, D gbrow a (to which Olesnicki belonged). The forbear of this clan is, according to Callimachus, D eom brotes, a Scythian notable, who settled am ong the Poles as their king and gave them various Scythian customs, which, Callim achus is at pains to m ake clear, w ere not as barbaric as w as usually portrayed by hostile G reek authors, since they ultim ately d eriv ed from the Persian m agi.102 G iven D tugosz's contact w ith Callimachus, it is possible Callim achus's Scythian idea w as a catalyst for D higosz's refutation, although this interpretation w ould require u s to assum e th at Callim achus already h a d the idea and shared it w ith D higosz before he 101 The best recent account of the relationship of Callimachus to Dhigosz is in Urszula Borkowska, "LTtalie dans L'oevre de Jean Dfugosz," in Italie Venezia e Polonia tra medio evo e eta m odem a, Vittore Branca and Sante Gradotti, eds. (Florence, 1990), 521-22. The verse in question is published in Kaziemierz Kumaniecki's Tw6rczo££,poetycka Filipa Kallimacha (Warsaw, 1953), 303. On Callimachus as the author of the Life of Dtugosz, see M. Brozek, Vita, 9-11, and cf. Maria Koczerska, "Kto jest autorem Zywotu Diugosza?" in Venerabiles, Nobilies, e t Honesti, Andrzej Radzimiriski, ed. (Toruh, 1997), 507-20. 102 Vita e t mores Sbignei Cardinalis in MPH, o.s., 6:229-31. 418 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. w rote the L ife of Olesnicki, since Dhigosz's passage in question w as already part of the original third redaction text, set in the m id 1470s.103 D . Poland's Lakes and on the Rivers of R uthenia A t this point D higosz's text turns back to geographical description, this tim e of Poland's lakes. This p a rt of the chorography starts: "H aving finished the description of Polish rivers, in the m easure of possibility, taking into account the difficulty of the task (that is [describing] their origin from w hence they flow and w here they em pty o u t and end), I have proceeded to describing the m ost fam ous lakes existing in the Polish land and subject provinces."104 This introductory sentence m ay be an artifact of the presum ed original version of the chorography, as it seem s to assum e a text proceeding directly from the rivers to the lakes w ithout the interpolations of the current version. Regardless, the section on lakes is structured in a w ay broadly sim ilar to that on rivers: first the 103 Dhigosz ,in his letter of 1449 to Thaddeus of Treviso in Rome, thanking him for his gifts and favors during his stay in Rome arranging Zbigniew Oleinicki's cardinal's cap, notes that Olesnicki has sent the messenger carrying his letter to him "in such a condition that you and the Supreme Pontiff, and all of Rome, may see and marvel at that unique garment of garments [unica ilia veste vestitum], and believe that some barbarian from Scythia has arrived" (Opera omnia, 1:605). This may be an off-hand witticism thought up by Dtugosz, but it may also refer some tendency of learned Romans to see Poles as Scyths, if only in jest (and,as we know, two decades later during Jan Ostror6g's embassy, Poles were likened at the Papal Curia to another form of eastern Barbarian, the Getans). 104 "Fluviorum Polonicalium descriptione expedita, utcumque pro qualitate laboris assumpri poterant a me, tarn ubi oriuntur et emergunt, quam ubi exonerantur et decidunt, describi: ad describendum lacus famosos, qui in Polonica regione et providis sibi subiectis consistunt, animum inflexi," ibid., 90. 419 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. m ost im portant lakes are described separately, and th en the lesser ones by region. Unlike his description of rivers, how ever, D higosz feels the need to define his subject m atter before actually starting his description, and explain th at according to both Polish and Ruthenian usage, the term s for lake and sw am p are used interchangeably. D higosz typically describes the dim ensions of the lake an d sometimes special qualities or its waters, or events associated with them .105 For example, he tells of h o w the lakes of Melno and Lubno are hated by the Teutonic Knights and other G erm ans on account of the battle of G riinw ald fought near them .106 His descriptions of the lakes of specific regions do n o t cover the w hole country, but only lake districts, but including, again, Prussia, and territories found in the Lithuanian state. He also occasionally finds space to record miscelania, like a local tradition that linked the ruins on the O strow Lednicki w ith a putative original archcathedral of Gniezno ("as elders recount, rather than transm it in w riting" [a veterib u s m em oratur m a gis q u a m scribitur]).107 A nother example is his discussion of the rivers of Ruthenia, including the various ancient nam es of the Volga (draw n from Ptolemy), and the o th er nam e of the Sarm atian M ountains (i.e. C arpathians — Carped). A t this point he also adds a digression on the origins of the G erm ans: 105 On the nature and accuracy of Dtugosz's description of lakes see Szeliriska, Chorographia, 111-33, 218-22. 106 Annales, 1:98-99. 107 Ibid., 93. 420 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. From the above mentioned Sarmatia come those nations, who possessed Scandinavia and N ew Dacia [i.e. Denmark], and who gave their beginnings to the Teutons, Vandals, Goths, Longobards, Rugians, and Gepids, who are also called Cymbriani, and whom today we call the Pomeranians [Theutunis, Wandalis, Gottis, Llongobardis, Rugiis etjepidis, quos vocantaliqui Czimbros, quos hodie vocamus Pomeranos]. This Western Sarmatia takes its origin from Eastern Sarmatia, which is beyond the Caspian Sea, as Habraam had his beginning from Sarut [Saruth], the fourth descendant of Sem before Abraham.108 The attribution here of a G erm an origin to the Pom eranians seem s to underline their distinction from Poles in Dtugosz's eyes, in contrast to his usual practice of naturalizing them as Poles. I have n o t yet found the source from w hich he obtained this inform ation on the G epids and Cim brii in Pom erania, b u t m ost likely Dtugosz copied it as seem ingly authoritative inform ation about antiquity from a reliable source th at he did n o t have time to w ork into consistency w ith his other passages on the subject. E. The M ountains o f Poland 1. S u m m a ry O ne of the m ost curious pieces of geographical description to be found in Dtugosz's chorography is his account of the m ountains of Poland. H ere the choice seem s to have little to do w ith the size of m ountains o r any other feature of physical geography (except that isolated heights seem to be favored over 108 Ibid., 100. This whole section is again added to the original text in a blank spot (at the end of the description of the lakes of Lithuania). 421 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. peaks in chains). O n the contrary, the vast m ajority seem to have b een chosen on the basis of criteria w e to d ay call cultural, m any of them d u e to connection to various historical or legendary events. The forem ost of the m ountains of Poland, for example, is said to be C alvary M ount, th at is the m ountain on w hich the m onastery of the H oly C ross is located (i.e. ty s a G ora in the £w i§tokrzyskie range), w ith its relic of the T rue Cross. Dhigosz records a curious story about this locale: "if old folk tales are to be believed" (si veteri e t w lgate a sserd o n i sta n d u m est) the m ountain w as once fam ous for its Cyclopes, w ho built a castle (arx) there, although it is u ncertain w hen, or w hich of the Cyclopes p u t in place the giant stones still to be fo u n d there. (In book tw o of the A nn a les, D higosz returns to the subject of the m onastery, and the m ysterious ruins, this time specifically dating the destruction of the Cyclopes' castle to the tim e of the universal Deluge.) Dhigosz also records the legend of the founding of the Benedictine m onastery, and how it obtained its fam ous relic, i.e. how it w as given to its founder, Saint Emeryk, son of Saint Stephen, King of H ungary, b y his father. H e also records som e other associated legends. For exam ple, how once after they captured the relic, the still-pagan Lithuanians found their beasts of b u rd en unable to carry it, and how they suffered from plague until they returned it.109 109 Annales, 1:101-102; cf. ibid., 255 under the year 1006 for the second version of the Cyclops legend. Dtugosz includes a longer version of the legend of St. Emeryk in both the Annales, book 2 under the year 1006 (p.254-56) and his Regestmm Ecclesie Cracoviensis (i.e. Liber benefidorum), the second of which, however, only mentions the Cydopses in passing. See LB, 3:227-28). 422 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The second m ountain of Poland is the W aw el hill. It is rocky, and w ashed by the sw ift current of the Vistula. O n it is the cathedral dedicated to the celebrated St. Stanislaw, and the forem ost of K rakow castles: the royal seat, and the one m ost respected b y the Poles. M any caverns can be seen to this day in the hill, in which, according to both letters and popular repute, a dragon and beast of extraordinary size dw elt. Fam ous in w ritten a n d oral legends, it caused great m isfortune to the local inhabitants (in qu ib u s draconem e t beluam m ire m a g n itu d in is habitasse e t incolas loci m agnis in co m m o n d is a ffe d sse literis e t fam a w lg a tu m est). The third is the hill Jasna G ora (C lam s M o ns) in Czestochowa, on account of the m onastery there, an d the picture of the V irgin M ary displayed there, painted by St. Luke the Evangelist, or m odeled on other pictures he painted. The fourth m ountian is K oniusza (K onyusza—Pol. "kon" or horse), or in Latin, Equirea, on w hich there is a parish church, built in com m em oration of a m iraculous circum stance. A noblem an, Przybislaus of the 3rzeniaw a clan (de d o m o e tfa m ilia S rzen yew ita ru m ), w ho once h ad his hom e there, sold a stallion to a H ungarian noblem an as a stud, b u t one night three years later it returned to its form er m aster's house, leading a herd of m ares back from H u n g ary w ith it.no 110 Annales, 1:102-103. Dhigosz is the first to record the legend of St Luke as the creator of the Black Madonna. In his Liber Benefidorum he states the tradition unequivocally. (See. LB, 3:123; Krystyna Pieradzka, Fundacja klasztoru jasnogorskiego w Czestochowie w 1382 (Krak6w, 1939), 44-45. The legend of Equirea is known only from Dhigosz. Strzelecka, Roczniki, l:158n5. 423 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. D escriptions of m ore than tw o d o zen o th er m ountains follow, m ost distinguished b y som e structure built atop it, b u t even fu rth er d o w n the list there are som e to w hich narrative m aterial is attached. One of these is M t. Turza in Great Poland, w here the arm y of G reat P oland lay in w ait before intercepting the crow n sent b y the K ing of the Rom ans an d H ungarians Sigism und of Luxem bourg to W itold, G rand Prince of Lithuania, to the d etrim en t of the of the Polish K ingdom .111 2. Sources a n d C lose R ea d in g D tugosz's account of the m ountains of Poland again illustrates the eagerness w ith w hich he seem s to have listened to, and recorded various oral historical an d legendary traditions in his day.112 A lthough the classical Cyclopes m entioned in the tale surrounding the ruins o n Lysa Gora seem quite unlikely to be of popular origin as claimed, it is reasonably likely that D higosz heard the tale from the m onks of Lysa Gora, who could h av e already d o n e som e learned interpreting of figures found in some kind of original folk legend. It is also quite 111 Annales,, 1:104-105. 112 The legend of St. Emeryk Dtugosz found in the Annales Mansionorum Cracoviensium (Rocznik £wiqtokrzyski) dating from the turn of the fourteenth and fifteenth century. MPH, n.s., 12:6-7. The legend attached to the stone circle (i.e. "ruins") on the hill appears in Dtugosz for the first time, although another version contained in a Narratio fundationis monasterii Montis Calvi published in the 1530s includes a version in which the same feature is linked to the goddess Diana. On the development of this and other legends associated with Lysa G6ra see the exhaustive treatment of Marek Derwich, Benedyktyiiski klasztor Sw. K rzyza na Lysej Gorze w fredniowieczu (Warsaw, 1992), 238-60. 424 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. possible Dhigosz did such interpretation himself, o r th a t the tale w as of clerical origin and m erely p resen ted by D higosz or his inform ants as being of p o p u la r origin.113 An early sixteenth-century account of the foundation legend of the Benedictine house m entions the goddess D iana as the builder of the "castle", w hich was destroyed by a lightning bolt b y G od's w ill. This version do es seem to reflect a folklore m otif com m on in Poland: the evil spirit punished b y lightning, an d the topos of explaining m ysterious ruins as a giants' castles, is com m on throughout Europe.114 Even the Cyclops, despite its presum ed origin in G reek o r surrounding M editerranean cultures, is n o t u n k n o w n in the m edieval literature and m o d e m folklore of n o rth ern E urope.115 Because of these factors therefore, it cannot b e entirely ruled o u t th at a folk tradition existed encom passing a substantial proportion of w hat D tugosz recorded. Regardless of his source, Dhigosz clearly expressed his d o u b ts ab o u t the tale, and perhaps is even having som e fun w ith the Cyclops story in bringing up the question of the exact identity of the Cyclops involved. If so this w o u ld be a relatively rare lapse from earnestness on his part, although the h ypothesized 113 Derwich envisions Dhigosz deriving the story from the stones, only possibly with the aid of local legends. See Benedyktyfiski klasztor, 253. 114 K. Moszyrtski, Kultura Ludowa Siowian, vol.2, pt. 1, 2nd ed. (Warsaw, 1967), cited in Gieysztor, Mitologia, 217. See also David MacRitchie, "Giants," in The Encyclopedia o f Religion and Ethics, James Hastings, ed. (New York, n.d.), 6:191. 115 See "Kyklopen" in Paulys Real-Encyclopadie der classischen A1 tertumswissenschaft. vol. 11, p t 2 (Stuttgart 1922), 2346-47. 425 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. implicit reference to Lysa G ora in the legend o f Lech already discussed above m ight also seem to be him playing games w ith readers familiar w ith the legend surrounding Lysa Gora. Philip Callimachus in his Life of Zbigniew Olesnicki expounds a theory that has the Poles descend from the Cyclops an d G alatea through their son Polyphem ous, whose descendants lived around D alm atia and Illyricum. These w ere pressured b y wars w ith the Illyrians and m oved to the area of the river San (in southeastern M alopolska), u p to the Vistula (Hystulam).116 This tale m ay be testim ony to th e circulation of further versions of a Cyclops "learned legend" in fifteenth-century Poland, although the contribution of C allim achus' ow n im agination to the version of the tale he recounts m ight have been considerable.117 The legend of Equirea, by contrast seem s to be reported by D higosz w ith full seriousness, and no source is m entioned. The tale itself no d o ubt draw s heavily from the folk m otif of the faithful anim al (quite often a horse) w ho rem ains loyal to its m aster despite some adversity, and specifically the subtype 116 MPH, o.s„ 6:226. 117 Callimachus discusses it as though it was the idea of others, and given the localization to the river San (on which the town of Sanok is built), one might speculate that this particular version of the Cyclops legend originated with Callimachus's friend and protector, Gregory of Sanok, linking the original seat of the Poles with his home town. Callimachus does go on in the life of Olesnicki, however, to lay out a theory of the Venetian origin of the Poles, again, as though it were someone else's, while in his earlier Life of Gregory (Vita et mores Gregorii Sanocei), he himself seemingly expounds it, putting the theory in Gregory's mouth (MPH, o.s., 6:193-94). Gregory could have come up with the Venetian theory himself (although Callimachus does on place some criticism of the Polish historiographical traditions in Gregory's mouth which are so harsh it seems unlikely a Pole would have come up with them). It is also possible that Gregory and Callimachus concocted both ideas mutually. 426 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of the motif in w hich a sold anim al returns hom e to its m aster. 118 The faithful horse in various guises is know n in Polish heraldic legends of the sixteenth century, which is certainly no surprise given the centrality of the horse to noble culture.119 The story also bears resem blance to an e x e m p lu m circulated w idely throughout Europe. In it a poor m an, having heard from the pulpit that G od w ill repay anything given in his nam e a hundred tim es over, donates to a rich priest his only cow, w hich brings back one hundred of the p riest's cows to its m aster, the m otif herd unexpectedly given by God, led by an anim al returning to its m aster appears here, although in this case (unlike the legend of Equirea) the tone of the tale is hum o ro u s a n d centered on the m oral testing of the clergym an .120 Careless citing of som e single parallel as m agic key for understanding the underlying m eaning of a tale can be dangerous as a m ethodological proposition, b u t it is interesting to also note, beside these folkloric parallels, a sim ilarity to Baltic m ythology, in w hich the sky god, Dievs, appears as the founder of the husbandm an's fortune. The god rides a horse or chariot dow n from a m ountain, telling him w hen, w here, and how to plant successfully, accompanying the 118 Tale types A-T F 301 and K 366.1.3. See Stith Thompson, M otif Index of Folk Literature, 2nd ed., (Bloomington, 1955), 1:423, 4:284). 119 As in the legend of dan Starykoh. See Mariusz Kazaftczuk, Staropolskie legendy herbowe (Wrodaw, 1990), 45,190-91. 120 Thompson, M otif Index of Folk Literature, 4:283. For a full summary of the tale and its sources see Albert Wesselski, Monchslatein: Erzahlungen aus geistlichen Schriften des XUI Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1909), 167-68,245. 427 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. farm er's horses out into the field an d protecting these essential anim als from harm . The association of this kin d of diety w ith the horse a n d a m ountain, according to H arald Biezais, preserves "m otifs of very ancient Indo-European m yths," w hich would probably m ean the Slavs, not only fellow Indo-Europeans b u t related to the Balts rather closely, could have know n it. 121 In any case, w e have the connection betw een the follow ing elements occuring b o th in the m y th and in o u r tale: horse/protection of horses (i.e. the h e rd of m ares b y the stallion) / foundation of fortune / thanksgiving to the divine / a m ountain or hill. W hether or not this Indo-E uropean association is a t the root of the m otifs in the legend of Equirea, one cannot quite agree w ith the view of tw o contem porary scholars w ho w rite th at "the legend of Equirea breaths archaicness [pierw otnosdq], and despite the founding of a ch in ch at the end, it is h a rd to regard it as suitable to C hristian ethics." 122 To D higosz's m ind at least, this as n o t the case, for h e seem s to u n d erstan d the curious occurrence he records as a miracle of the C hristian God and sign of H is favor, for which the knight gave due thanks by building a church. Dhigosz gives no sign w hatsoever of apologizing for it. 121 Harald Biezais, "Baltic Religion," in The Encylopedia of Religion, Mircea Eliade, ed., 2:50. 122 Cetwidski and Derwich, Herby, legendy, dawne m ity (Wroclaw, 1987), 145. These scholars are no doubt on firmer ground in their claim that the horse in this legend is a giver of wealth and a guardian, and perhaps also in their linking the legend to the knightly practice of building up wealth by taking horses as booty in battle, but they give no adequate reason why they think this figure is associated with a moon goddess. Ibid., 145-46. 428 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. W hether the nam e of the hill preceded the legend, and caused this set of m otifs to b e associated w ith it (perhaps even rather late), o r w h eth er the hill took its nam e originally from the legend is difficult to tell. N evertheless, the tale has the air of a local legend, for besides its relation to this local landm ark there is its interesting association w ith a m em ber of £rzeniawa knight clan, a clan which m ight have taken its nam e from the nearby Szreniawa river. G iven this topographical coincidence w e m ight w ell be dealing w ith a legend that h ad its origin in the circle of this clan. 123 The W awel ranks second am ong Dhigosz's m ountains o f Poland, which given its role as the p rim ary seat of Polish royal authority and as the location of Dhigosz's beloved K rakow C athedral, as well as the place of St. Stanislaus's m ain relics, is hardly surprising, except perhaps in that it ranked only second and not first. This, as w e know , D higosz gives to the symbolic Polish equivalent of the m ountain of salvation in Jerusalem , Calvary, which, according to good theology outranks the m ore exclusively Polish sacredness of the K rakow m ount. Very im portant for our purposes is is the casual m ention in the p arag rap h on the W aw el that the W aw el D ragon w as know n from in oral as w ell as w ritten tales, an d that it w as firm ly linked to the caverns in the side of the hill. 123 Whether this dan took its name from the river is a matter of dispute in the scholarly literature. See Jdzef Szymariski, H erbarz Sredniowiecznego rycerstwa polskiego (Warsaw, 1993), 272nl for references. A casual folk etymology would have been quite sufficient to make the link, even if not actually true. 429 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. F. The Founding o f G niezno b y Lech and the O rigins of Polish Society 1. S u m m a ry H aving finished his account of the m ountains of Poland, D higosz turns back to the legend of Lech. A leader of the Lechites (Lech Lechitarum ), a prince (although n o t by birth), a m an full of wisdom , industry, and of blam eless life, Lech, after searching for a new land for his fam ily and tribe for som e tim e, very often consulted w ith his ow n as to w here it w ould be best to settle d o w n and establish the seat of a principality (quisnam lo cu s p ro sua h a b ita d o n e e t p ro fundanda p rin d p a tu s su i sed e esse t apdor). H e a t last found an even plain w ith fertile soil and m ild climate, full of independently existing lakes (lacus su a p te nati) from which, as from a com m on w om b (e x . . . general! utero), rivers flow ed, full of healthy fish. Prince Lech himself, and all the elders w ho were u n d er his rule (sub d u s . . . im p erio ) decided that the place w as suitable. It was thus selected as the site of the first city an d seat of the kingdom , an d from this fact (ab even tu ), the place w as given the Lechite (or Polish) nam e Gniezno (G nyeszno) w hich in the vernacular m eans "nest." H ere Lech, the prince and and parent of the Poles for the first time fixed his dw elling, gave u p w andering and resolved w ith his elders that there h e w ould fix his nesting (nidiBcatio) and perm anent princely seat (sedem ducalem ). There, too, he found that eagles had nested o n high and prom inent trees. A ccording to the ancient rite he said prayers to the paternal gods (diispatris) th at they w ould favor the prince an d his descendants, 430 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. strengthen his kingdom , a n d be propitious to his people in their labors, w ar leaders, and counselors. In this intention he offered m any anim al sacrifices. H e also spread grain on the virgin soil, which, n o t previously having been touched by iron im plem ents, w as rap ed for the first tim e b y the ploughshare. A fter the founding of a new city a n d populating it w ith the m ost im portant families, an d building a dtadel (arx) for the prince (so that h is authority [im perium ] w ould already be differentiated b y the prom inence of his place of dwelling, and w ould be held in greater honor), the rest of the people w as divided by o rd er of the prince into settlem ents placed in locales having the m ost fertile soil and advantageous location. H a d the land n o t been so, n ew cultivators w ould have been constrained to h ave spread far and w ide, on account of the disadvantageous land distribution (propter terra ru m . . . d iffu sio n em infecun d a m ).124 Dtugosz then digresses a bit into the question of dating. H e com plains that there is little to be fo u n d in w riters on w hat y e ar after the confusion of tongues Lech left Slavonia and C roatia, or on w hat year o r in w hat time he, as the first, began to populate the Polish lands (terras P o lo n o ru m ). But the author M artinus Gallicus writes that the Sarm atians w arred w ith their neighbors, and som e further peoples, an d th a t R om an emperors, n am ely Tiberius and V alentinian, and others w aged w ar against them. It even h ap p en ed that w hen Sarm atians 124 Annales, 1:105-106. 431 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. broke into Sarm atia (then subject to the Rom ans), and laid it to waste, Valentinian then p rep ared a w ar against them , b u t died of loss of blood a t Strigonium (Esztergom ). H e also records th at C harles the Great, too, w aged w ar against the Poles, an d overcam e their leader, Lech. 2. Sources a n d C lose R ea d in g D lugosz's only m ajor recorded source fo r the act of settlem ent of Lech w as a brief p arag rap h the G reat Poland C hronicle. D higosz's account seem to be based only rather loosely on it, m entioning w ith it the pleasantness fertility and abundance of fish of the plains Lech chose to settle, an d om itting for som e reason to m ention abundance of wild game. T he derivation of G niezno from the act of "nesting" is also taken in slightly changed form from this source. M uch the rest of the particulars are peculiar to Dhigosz, fo r exam ple, the praise of the stream s and lakes of the location, the failure to m en tio n vast w oods as p a rt of the landscape of early P oland (although this p a rt of the landscape w as m entioned in a previous installm ent of D higosz's version), a n d the whole set of specifics about how G niezno w as founded (the G reat P o la n d C hronicle only m entions the origin of the nam e of the d ty in passing). A s w ith the legend of Lech's leaving Pannonia, he also postulated the existence of a hig h ly stratified society in even the earliest days, w ith strata segregated spatially in an d around the n ew city. T hat Lech discussed h is decision to settle there w ith his leading advisors is also a 432 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. new addition, analogous to the discussion of Father Czech w ith his advisors in Bohem ian chronicles. A s Jacek Banaszkiewicz has pointed out, several aspects of the legend of Lech fit com m on patterns in ethnogenetic legends: the beauty of the place of the very first settler on the land, and also that this place (i.e. Gniezno) becom es the capital and center of the land. In his m ost recent study, Banaszkiewicz has pointed out the connection of rhetoric of description of such prim al centers of settlem ent and princely rule w ith the Indian sense of the "H oly Place" a beautiful location which sum s u p creation in including all m ajor topographical elem ents in close relation to one another: plain, m ountain, and rivers, elem ents w hich recur in European ethnogenetic legends.125 In the region of G reat Poland w ith w hich this legend is linked, of course, there are few great heights of any significance, and none figure in either the G reat P oland C hronicle's or Dfugosz's legend of Lech. Dhigosz, unlike h is source, seem s to be closer to this com m on culture schem a, however, in th at he strongly em phasizes the abundance an d goodness of the rivers and lakes as well as the ubiquitous plains in the place w here Lech and his peoples settle, thus reflecting clearly two of the three elements. A nineteenth-century folk tradition of G reat Poland, that speaks of a hill of Lech on w hich the Gniezno castle is built, seem s to add the third elem ent.126 125 Banaszkiewicz, Polskie Dzieje Bajeczne, 354-55. 126 Oskar Kolberg, Lud, series XI, Wielkie Ksigstwo Poznafiskie, part 3 (Krak6w, 1877), 4, 217. 433 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A nother of Dhigosz's interesting additions to the legend are the eagles' nests on the spot where Gniezno w as to be founded. Given D higosz's interest in heraldry an d heraldic sym bolism , som e scholars have suggested th at these eagles w ere inserted into the story as a foreshadow ing of the eagle as the coat- of-arm s of the Polish kingdom .1 2 7 If m y hypothesized link betw een the topography surrounding Lysa G ora and the ultim ate hom eland of Lech is correct, D higosz was n o t above the use of such subtle allusions, in this case reinforcing the link betw een Lech an d the sym bols of future form s of the Polish kingdom . 128 It is im portant to keep in m in d th at birds of some so rt are often associated w ith the founding of cities in num erous ancient sources, as w ell as som e m edieval ones.129 As has already been noted in C hapter Tw o above, this seem s to be a kind of sym pathetic m agic, w hich foretells the gathering of people in the gathering of the birds. This "bird topos" is quite w idespread enough th at it could have existed either in oral versions of the legend of Lech u sed by Dlugosz, 127 For example Ryszard Kiersnowski, "Symbol ptaka," in Imagines potestatis: rytuafy, sym bole i konteksty fabulame w iadzy zwierzchniej. Polska X XV w., Jacek Banaszkiewicz, ed. (Warsaw, 1994), 107; Jan Malicki, M ity narodowe, 47-48. In sixteenth-century sources, Lech explicitly is said to choose the eagle as his emblem. 128 But the fact Dhigosz speaks of eagles in the plural would seem to somewhat weaken the association with the single eagle on the coat-of-arms of the Polish Kingdom. 129 Leszek Pawet Stupecki is of the opinion that the eagles' nests do actually reflect an old myth implicitly present in earlier chroniclers in the etymology of Gniezno. See Shipecki "Wawel," 16-17. If Dhigosz did record some old tradition, however, it is hard to know whether it originated in a "genuine" pre-Christian myth, or from some "mythic thinking" in the broader sense, or even whether a mythic form was preserved in it was vestigial and by a certain point in time little understood by those transmitting i t All three are possible. 434 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. or have been a d d ed by D higosz as a literary m easure, since he k n e w several chronicles containing it, as w ell as (perhaps) having know n it from folklore as well. 130 Dhigosz, or the tradition on w hich he relied, seem s to h ere contrive a new particular application for the venerable topos, underlining the link betw een the nests of the birds, the "nesting" or settling dow n of Lech and h is people, and the nam e of the city, G niezno. Dhigosz's inclusion of Lech's sacrificial rites also accords w ith certain general cultural pattern s concerning w h at m ust happen for a city to be properly founded. Sacrificial offerings are required to assure the success of build in g or other such enterprises, as is probably reflected in the com m on legend of fratricide associated w ith city foundings. Again, as w ith the birds, it is h ard to determ ine the exact stim ulus that induced Dhigosz to include this event, b u t he w as quite interested in the learned reconstruction of old Polish paganism on the basis of parallels w ith the w orld of Classical Antiquity, and his reference to "ancient rites" here m ight therefore n o t be a m ere thoughtless throw -aw ay phrase, but indicate his general intentions for including his passage, even if he m ight have obtained the basic notion equally well from cultural form s transm itted indigenously and locally. 131 130 For example, Livy's account of Remus and Romulus in the founding of Rome, and maybe also the birds flocking to the Czech Premsyl in John of Marignola's version (which, however, it is not entirely certain whether Dtugosz knew). 131 On sacrificial offerings found buried next to the foundations of buildings in Polish and Pomeranian early medieval archaeological sites, see Gieysztor, Mitologia, 237-38. 435 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In this section D higosz continues to develop the n o tio n that Sarmatians are Poles, in this case naturalizing the ancient Iranian people's defeats of Rom an em perors. We see the first of several of D higosz's attem pts to introduce a new datation into Polish prehistory, in this case by hy in g to identify the obscure ninth-century Czech leader Lecho, w ho appears in various W estern historiographical sources, w ith the Polish Lech. Strzelecka w as unable to find the "M artinus Gallicus" th at w as D fugosz's proxim ate source. She concludes it m ight be som e unknow n m inor com pilation, although she points o u t the ultim ate source for this bit of inform ation, the A n n a les R eg n i F rancorum attributed to Einhard, w hich attributes a cam paign to C harlem agne's son against Bohemia in 805, in w hich Lecho is killed . 132 G. D tugosz on Pre-Christian G ods of the Poles 1. S u m m a ry D higosz then proceeds, w ithout any break in the text of the autograph, to discuss the gods purportedly w orshipped by the early Poles. H e w rites that the Poles from their beginnings fell into the same error as o th er tribes and nations, an d w ere idolaters, believing an d w orshiping m any gods and goddesses, that is Jupiter, M ars, Venus, Pluto, Diana, and Ceres. Jupiter they called Yesza, believing 132 See Roczniki, l:164n2. These annals attributed to Einhard have been published many times. For the text of this entry and others pertaining to the Slavs, see, for example, Magnae Moraviae fontes his tori d, Radislav HoSek, ed. (Prague, 1966), 1:43. 436 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. him the greatest o f tire gods, from w hom cam e all tem poral goods and all events, b o th good an d bad. They gave him greater honor th a t the other gods, and often w orshipped him w ith offerings. They called M ars Lyada, and the im agination of the poets m ade him a w ar leader and god of w ar. They prayed to him for victory o v er enem ies and for courage for them selves, giving him honor in wild cerem onies. Venus they called Dzydzilelya and considered her the goddess of m arriage, and so they asked h er for offspring a n d a m ultitude of sons and daughters. They called Pluto Nya, considering him as the god of the underw orld and g u ardian of departed souls. They prayed to him to lead them after death to the b etter places in hell. They built the m ost im portant temple to these spirits in Gniezno, to w hich pilgrims came from all directions. Diana, how ever, w ho w as regarded as w om an and girl, virgin and m atron a t once, w as show n honor by placing w reaths before her statues. Farm ers w orshipped Ceres, offering her grain at games. T hey considered the w eather to also be a god, calling it "Pogoda" [Pol. "w eather"], or the giver of good w eather. There w as also the god of life, called "Zywie." There were m any forests in the state of the Lechites, and it w as believed in antiquity that Diana lived in and ruled over them , w hereas Ceres w as regarded as the m other and goddess of fruits, w hose abundance was needed by the land. Therefore, two goddesses (Diana w as called Dzew anna and Ceres, M arzyanna) enjoyed particular cult an d reverence. Poles established tem ples a n d statues for these 437 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. gods and goddesses, as w ell as priests an d sacrifices. They declared groves sacred, and in the m ore frequented places they h eld cerem onies, prayers, and solem nities d uring w hich all the m en, w om en, and children gathered. H ere they offered sacrifices a n d holocausts of livestock, and occasionally of prisoners, believing that offerings placated a h o st of m inor deities. La their honor gam es w ere also established at various tim es of the year, a n d crow ds of persons from the villages w ere req u ired to gather in tow ns to take p a rt in them. There they perform ed sham eless and lustful ditties, acts, and clapping of hands, while calling o n the gods a nd goddesses. Remains of these rites exist am ong the Poles even in o u r ow n time, D higosz says, despite the fact they h av e professed C hristianity for 500 years. They are repeated each year a t Pentecost, an d recall the old pagan superstition of yearly gam es, called "Stado" in Polish, w hich m eans "crow d," w h en the crow ds of the people gather. H aving divided into smaller crow ds, and w ith incitem ent and agitation of m ind they celebrate the games, inclined to debauchery, sloth, a n d drunkenness .133 It is im portant also to note th at in D higosz's account of M ieszko's conversion u n d e r th e y ear 965 it is rep o rted th at M ieszko ordered the destruction and drow ning of the idols of the seventh of M arch, and that every Laetere Sunday in Lent: "the destruction of drow ning of the false gods and goddesses is p resented and renew ed .. .on this day in m any Polish villages they 133 Annales, 1:106-108. On the folk festival Stado see Karol Potkahski, "Wiadomo^d Dtugosza o polskiej mitologji," in Pisma Posmiertelne (Krak6w, 1924), 2:3 42. 438 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. carry on high poles im ages of D zew anna and M arzyanna an d th ro w them into bogs and d ro w n them . This very o ld tradition has not yet p erished am ong the Poles" 134 In another of D higosz's w orks (Clenodia), a different theory about L ada is m entioned: this figure is a goddess w ho was w orshipped in M azovia at a settlem ent of th at sam e nam e, an d from which the identically nam ed Polish knight clan takes its origin . 135 2. Sources, H isto rio g ra p h y, a n d C lose R eading This is n o t only the sole listing of the full Polish pre-C hristian pantheon to com e from a m edieval w riter, it is also one of the few m edieval sources to include any nam es of such deities a t all (all of them date only from the fifteenth century). D higosz ap p en d s it to the founding of Gniezno apparently apropos of the rites carried o u t by Lech u p o n this event. There is been little d o u b t in the scholarly literature th a t D higosz's account of pre-Christian religion is by and large an im position of the pattern s of classical M editerranean polytheism on Polish history. O pinions differ, how ever, as to w hether it is entirely a n learned concoction, o r w h eth er it m ight contain a few m orsels of "legitim ate" 134 Annales, 1:178. 135 Clenodia, in Opera omnia, 1:566. 439 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. inform ation o n the religion of early P oland .136 The scholarly consensus is th a t at least som e of the nam es probably are derived from the form ulaic refrains of various O ld Slavic folk songs. Sixteenth-century sources seem to confirm the currency of som e of them in Poland at th at time,, although in m ore recent tim es they are alm ost all know n from exam ples com ing exclusively from the folklore of other Slavic peoples. The nam es Yesza, Lyada, and m aybe Dzydzilelyi (as a corruption of the comm on refrain phrase "illeli" or some com pound thereof) can be explained in this fashion. A s the term "Lada" seems to have occurred in such stock refrain phrases w ith the w ord "gardzina" (i.e. "hero" in older Polish usage) Dhigosz m ay have d ed u ced therefrom that "Lyada" w as the god of w ar, an d hence M ars. Karol Potkanski, alm ost alone of m odem Polish scholars, allows th at Lada m ay have been a divine figure in the beliefs of the early Poles of w hom m em ory w as preserved to D higosz's day only in the sung form ulas, but m ost others since his day have not taken u p his suggestion. G ieysztor suggests a parallel betw een the Balkan Slavic m ythological figure Dodola / D idiula and Dhigosz's "Dzydzilelyi." 137 Several scholars, including the usually skeptical Bruckner do 136 Among older scholars, for example Alexander Bruckner (Mitologia slowiafiska i polska [reprint Warsaw, 1985], 222 35) is wholly skeptical, whereas Karol Potkahski ("Wiadomo^d," 62-93) allowed for at least some useful infomation to be contained in it; among more recent scholars Henryk Lowmiaiiski (Religia Slowian ijej upadek [Warsaw, 1986], 214-18) is wholly skeptical, whereas Alexander Gieysztor (Mitologia Slowian, 145-50) is somewhat more favorable. 137 Potkahski, "Wiadomo&n," 75-82, Gieysztor, Mitologia, 149 440 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. take seriously on linguistic grounds that the nam e "N ya" m ay be d eriv ed from "N iva," the probable early Slavic term for the w orld of die d ead .138 Zywie (Siva) a n d Pogoda seem to be confirm ed am ong the Polabian Slavs by the tw elfth-century chronicler Helm old, which Dhigosz seem s n o t to have know n. A lthough the accuracy of Helm old on the existence of these two divinities am ong the Slavs is controversial, alm ost all scholars accept that D higosz took the tw o from som e interm ediate source based on H elm old, rather than any kind of ethnographic observation .139 The drow ning of a straw figure nam ed M arzanna or "w inter" on Laetere Sunday (or M idsum m er's N ight Eve am ong the East Slavs) is n o t a m ere invention of Dhigosz, for it is w ell know n in m any Slavic folk cultures (under the nam e M arenia or M orenia), a n d survived in som e parts of Poland u p until m odem times. W here Dhigosz m ight have obtained of the nam e "D zew ana" is less clear. Some scholars see in it an invention of Dhigosz o n the basis of a Polish plant nam e that D higosz chose m erely for its closeness to the Latin nam e "Diana." O thers accept th a t the 138 Cf. Bruckner, Mitologia, 42; S. Urbartczyk "Dhigoszowe b6stwa" in SSS 1:347-48; Stanistaw Bylina, Cziowiek i Za£wiaty: Wizja kar pogmiertnych w Polsce £redniowiecznej (Warsaw, 1992), 15; Gieysztor, Mitologia, 149-50. Only the last mentioned allows that Nya may have actually have been the name of a Polish god of the dead. 139 Cf. for example Gieysztor, Mitologia, 150; Potkahski, "Wiadomo^d" 84-86; Bruckner, Mitologia, 232-33. 441 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. association of the nam e w ith M arzanna found in Dhigosz h a d som e preexistence in folklore allow ing Dhigosz to find and distort it into the classical D iana .140 D higosz's view s of the religion of the pre-C hristian Poles in som e regards seems to be based on the standard opinion o f the Polish clergy of his era. Lado, Yleli, Yassa, N ya appear in other fifteenth-century ecclesiastical sources as pagan gods of the Poles, still w orshipped superstitiously b y the com m on people. Callimachus in his L ife of Olesnicki, furtherm ore, lays out his o w n version of the Polish pantheon, w hich he attem pts to derive from Scythian sources, so that it can be said to h av e been introduced to the Poles by D eom brotes, the supposed Scythian ancestor of the bishop. H e m entions "Iesse" (supposedly a corruption of "Iasde," the Scythian Jove), "M iia" (derived from Apia, the Scythian Ceres), Lada (from "Labiti" the Scythian Vesta) .141 C allim achus's interpretation of the names, therefore, is n o t very close of those of Dhigosz, either in spelling or substance. To D higosz, Miia (=Nya?) is not Ceres, b u t Pluto, an d , according to the Pole, Lada is n o t Vesta, b u t M ars. Accordingly, Callimachus certainly did not draw his view s directly from his acquaintance, Dhigosz, b u t cam e u p w ith his ow n speculations based on inform ation given h im from som e Polish clerical inform ant or ecclesiastical source. 140 Cf. Potkariski "WiadomoSd," 42-62, 86-89; Bruckner, Mitologia, 227; LowmiafLski, Religia, 215 16, 235; Gieysztor, Mitologia, 149, 204 205. 141 MPH, o.s., 6:230. 442 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In sum , w hether Dhigosz him self derived the nam es in question directly from form ulas in folksongs (or som e other kind of folklore), or w hether he picked them u p from his colleagues, or som e com bination of the tw o, is impossible to determ ine w ith any certainty. It is clear, however, th at Dhigosz provides a m uch m ore extended p an th eo n than any other fifteenth-century source, and th at som e aspects of his interpretation diverge from these others. His interpretation of th e folk cerem ony of the drow ning of M arzanna as a com m em oration of M ieszko's destruction of idols is isolated and a t odds w ith that of the statutes of A ndrew ta sk a rz , Bishop of Poznan (ca. 1420), which sees this rite as clearly p ag an and superstitious. 142 M ost likely, therefore, Dhigosz drew on som e pre-existing clerical interpretations of folk culture, b u t added some of his ow n ideas based on his o w n personal observations. Characteristic o f Dtugosz7 s intellectual efforts is his use of the classical m odel to reconstruct Polish pre-Christian beliefs. By applying the m odel of "other nations" D higosz is able to deduce n o t only the shape of the pantheon, but also the specifics of cult, i.e. that the pre-C hristian Poles h ad regular priesthoods as w ell as temples, including a central one at Gniezno, etc., inform ation w hich it is unlikely the folklore of his day could tell him , and which, 142 On other sources and Dhigosz's relation to them see, for example, Urszula tydkowska- Sowina, "Ludowe obrz^dy i zwyczaje 3wi£tteczne w £wietle Sredniowiecznych kazad i statutdw synodalnych," Etnografia polska 24, no. 2 (1980): 159ff.; Stanistaw Bylina, "The Church and Folk Culture in Late Medieval Poland," Acta Poloniae historica 68 (1993): 31-32; Potkaiiski, "Wiadomo£d," 43, 69, 73ff. Marzanna in the folk rite probably symbolized death and winter and was drowned to represent the return of spring. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. to the m inds of m ost m odem scholars, is often n o t accurate .143 Shoehom ing northern E uropean religions into a classical m old w as a venerable tradition am ong the learned .144 In the case of Dhigosz, how ever, w e should take it in the context of the surrounding chorography in w hich he places it, and of other attem pts to classicize the putative ancient Poles and their lands found in this p art of the A im ales. These are all, doubtless, p a rt of general plan of w riting the Poles into antiquity. H. D higosz on the General Character of Polish Nobles and Commoners I. S u m m a ry A fter describing the Polish pantheon, and again w ithout any break in the autograph text, D higosz proceeds to discuss the characteristics of the Polish nobility an d com m oners. The nobility is desirous of glory an d prone to plunder (rapinas), contem ptuous of death and danger, inconstant in its prom ises, hard on those of low er station (su b d itis etin lerio rib u s gravis), ill considered in speech (lingua preceps), spend-thrift, loyal to their prince, given to agriculture and livestock raising, and loving of hospitality above all other peoples (gentes). The 143 Cf. Lowmiariski, Religia, 228-36; Gieysztor, Mitologia, 159-86. The latter of which reviews the evidence that there were at least some sort of stuctures of cultic significance in pre-Christian Poland. Dhigosz's reference to Gniezno is almost certainly, however, his own supposition on analogy with the archcathedral of Gniezno. 144 There is, however, only one other specifically Polish example before Dhigosz's effort, that is in one of the sermons of the learned theologian Stanistaw of Skarbimierz (d. 1431), which postulates remenants of a cult of "Venus and Proserpine" in certain noctural folk rituals in which women danced and sang. See Bylina, "The Church and Folk Culture," 32. 444 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. peasantry (plebs ru stid a n a ) is prone to drunkenness, quarrels, slander a nd m urder, and one cannot find another people (gentem ) so stained b y dom estic hom icide an d assault (to t d o m e stid s h o m id d iis e td a d ib u s contam inatum ). They are adverse to no w o rk or burden, capable of enduring cold and h unger, superstitious of m ind, given to robbery (rapinas), malicious, eager for novelty, violent and rapacious tow ard others. T hey are careless in building, contenting them selves w ith m iserable huts, and characterized by boldness and foolhardiness. They are quick of m ind b u t n o t very well tem pered (p a ru m fadlis), beautiful of body, graceful, and surpassing others in physical strength. They are tall and healthy of body and h av e h air of various colors, b o th light and dark. By w ay of explanation of these n o t altogether positive characteristics, Dhigosz adds that th e harshness and coldness of the climate "form s the n ature an d m inds of the Poles" (naturam ca usa n t etin g en ia ). Dhigosz ends this section w ith a brief lam ent o n the Poles' u n w illin g n ess to accept foreigners, allow ing them no offices unless they have lived in the land for a long time, usually for at least a generation. T hey ought to follow the example of the Spaniards w ho allow converts from am ong the Jews and Saracens into even high offices a n d the episcopacy, and w hose republic therefore is m ade stronger. The Poles are rather m ore like the Czechs, w ho regard it as im p ro p er if all the offices of the kingdom do n o t rem ain in the sam e family, even if their holders turn out dishonest and incom petent, and disgrace their offices. If an office is transferred to another 445 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. fam ily, they contend for it, each regarding it as their divine right, an d thereby obscure o r usu rp the grace of G od's gifts. Their h ab it is to give the office in the en d to he w ho gives o u t the m ost largess, and th u s it passes to one unv irtu o u s an d dishonorable, w ho, although perhaps contem ptuous of death, is a p t to kill oth ers . 145 2. C lose R ea d in g Dhigosz seems to have placed this characterization here in reference to the establishm ent of Polish society by the settling of nobles and com m oners in their ow n separate abodes in the previous installm ent of the legend of Lech, just as D higosz appended th e pan th eo n to the sam e section because the first m ention of the ancestral religion w as there. The description of Polish character is clearly m ean t to apply to D higosz7 s p resen t as m uch as o r m ore than to the d istan t past, again dem onstrating the link in his conception betw een the age of the founder a n d the present state of the Polish people. From the age of Lech on, Poles have h a d an essential character, D higosz implies, w hich m ay be sum m arily expounded. The use of the term g e n s or "people" for both the nobles an d peasants, as w ell as the m arked distinction in the characteristics ascribed to both serves to stress the difference of b o th these estates in Polish society, im plying th a t they w ere separate a n d distinct groups already from the very beginning- h i 145 Annales, 1:108-109. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. this notion, D higosz seem s to foreshadow the "Sarmatian" ideology of the early m o d em Polish nobility. Dhigosz's inform ation on Spain here was becom ing d ated around the tim e he wrote it, w hereas his inform ation on the Czech situation mav reflect som e incident or incidents he knew from his various sojourns in Bohemia. (It w ould be characteristic if Dhigosz rem em bered only negative things about the Czechs). In any case, w h a t is m ost interesting here is the overall negativity of his portrayal of the Poles' character. A lthough in the case of th e nobility Dhigosz's assessm ent is roughly equally balanced betw een positive a n d negative characteristics, in the case of the com m on people the negative clearly outw eighs the positive and neutral. W e can doubtless postulate a certain class prejudice in this characterization of the peasantry (especially their tendency to rapaciousness) .146 H is com parison of the Poles' customs of public office holding w ith those of the Czech confirm s the overall critical tone of this passage, even if his earlier criticism of lifetim e tenure of office appended to the arrival of Lech in Poland has m ade his further criticism of the customs of Polish public life less surprising. 146 Dtugosz himself had a dispute as a young man with a group of peasants who refused to pay him his tithe, which may have contributed to his view of peasants as quarrelsome and rapacious of others' rights, although, the general attitudes found both in his knightly milieu of his early childhood, as well as his mature one among the clerical elite would probably enough to supply him with such attittudes. The case in question came before the Krak6w cathedral chapter in May 1438, and Bobrzyhski and Smolka print the summary of the case from the Acta of the Krak6w chapter (Jan Dtugosz, 222-223.) 447 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. I. Cities of the P olish Kingdom H aving already described Lech's founding of Gniezno, the first Polish city, Dhigosz introduces his general discussion o f the cities of the Poles and those "subject to the Polish K ingdom " (et su b R eg n o P olonie co n sisten d a ) w hich constitutes the last system atic p art of his geographical description. The cities are n o t presented in any system atic way by region, b u t rather by their ran k in the Polish ecclesiastical hierarchy. First the cities w ith bishoprics are listed, after th at the cities w hich have churches of collegiate status, and finally a h an d fu l of other cities (Gdansk, T oruh, Elbl^g) regarded by D higosz as w orthy of m ention, even though they possess neither a cathedral or a collegiate church. P erhaps n o t surprisingly, however, it is n o t the archepiscopal cities of Gniezno and L w ow that head the list of Polish cities, but Krakow, about w hich he w rites:147 Krakdw, founded by Graccus at Stenna above the fords of the river Vistula [aput Stermam ad vada fluminis Vistule condita], and from Graccus, the "g" having changed into a "c," is called Krak6w [Cracouia]. Here the birth, childish games [crepundia], baptism into Christ and youth of kings and princes take place, and here the ashes of all their forbears are laid to rest in sumptuous and magnificent tombs. Its citadel is indisputably preeminent to all the Poles in convenience of location and pleasantness, and is [their] capital [opportunitate etgrada lode preeminens, omnium Polonorum fadle arx e t metropolis], honored seat of both king and bishop. It is divided into three cities [urbes]. The central part is called Krakow, in which rises the citadel [arx] built on a very high and rocky hill washed by the Vistula and of old called the Wawel [a veteribus Wavel nuncupantus], [protected by] slopes steep in many places, walls, palaces, towers 147 Here, though, w e might call to mind Dhigosz's belief in the legend that Krak6w had also been the seat of an archbishopric at the origins of the Polish church. Indeed, Lw6w is described by Dhigosz as "the third metropolitan see of the Poles" (terda Polonorum metropolitica sedes), confirming his intents in this regard. Annales, 1:110. 448 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and other fortifications in the shape of a crown. This is the royal seat, the burial place of the sacred body of S t Stanislaus, bishop and martyr, and here is the basillica built of cut stone, [endowed] with the bones, bodies and venerable relics of many saints.. . . On the south side is Kazimierz, founded by Casimir II, King of the Poles, and given his name. It was ennobled by the by the martyrdom of the same Blessed Martyr Stanislaus, and has more houses of the religious than of laymen. It rarely stands out by reason of its buildings, and churches hold the pride of place [infrequens enim extat edificiis, templaque superiorem aliquem tenant locum]. Its third part is Florence [i.e. Kleparz], from the church of the Blessed Florian within i t built even before the town was founded by the same Casimir II.148 D tugosz then proceeds to praise K rakow for other things, such as the presence of the river Vistula, its fo u r collegiate churches, its equidistance from neighboring countries such as H ungary, Bohemia, M oravia, R uthenia, Podolia, and Lithuania w ho all send goods of various types and envoys to it, the presence of the university and royal cerem onial, and a few other things besides. Scholarly opinion differs as to the m eaning of the Sterm a th a t m arks the location of Krakow. M ost plausible is the school that postulates th at D tugosz m erely superim posed the location of the Czech Krok's obscure "C rocavia" unto the Polish Krak and K rakow . D tugosz's w ording is m ost sim ilar to th a t of A eneas Sylvius Piccolomini, who w rites in his H istoria bohem ica of the (he Czech K rok (Crocus) that "H e founded a citadel at Stemna, w hich h e called Crocavia after his ow n nam e" (hie arcem a p u d Stem na condidit, quam d e su o n o m in e C rocavia n o m in a u it).149 Stem na is apparently his version of the "Stebna" that 148 Ibid., 1:109. 149 Aeneae Sylvii Piccolominei historia bohemica, 85. 449 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. appears in the chronicle of Pribik of R adenin in die analogous place, o r the "Stybeczne" in C osm as. Ignacy Zar^bski, how ever, holds out for the possibility th a t "under the n am e" w as some local toponym related to K rakow (perhaps the nam e of an ancient settlem ent) th at encouraged D higosz to m ake the identification betw een the two cities, an d points o u t that the "Crocavia" of Czech legend m ay be the Polish Krakow, especially given the fact this city w as in the Czech state for at least p art of the tenth century. Strzelecka m akes a philological argum ent th at Stenna refers to the caves u n d e r the W awel hill, although it his been challenged b y the linguist W itold Taszycki. These m ore elaborate interpretations, are n o t very likely given th at there is no independent Polish record of a place Stenna a t or near K rakow , and the closeness of his form ulation to th at of Aeneas. The difference in the form of the nam es used by D higosz and A eneas is not necessarily significant, especially given that we do n o t hav e the m anuscript copy of the H istoria bohem ica used by Dhigosz, n o r know h o w the nam e was spelled therein .150 Gniezno, listed as the second d ty , gets m uch shorter shrift: Gniezno, the second metropole of the Poles [altera Polonorum metropolis], is famous for its name rather than actual state, for old splendor rather than new brilliance, and if were not gladdened by the primatial church, it would be forgotten by many. It is the mother of all Polish cities, and is called Nest, having been founded by the first Prince of Poles, Lech, for here he first settled with his family and relatives, and established both dty and royal seat It was called "nest" in the course of time, and from this very fact turned out not very 150 Cf. Ignacy Zarqbski and Witold Taszycki, "Cracovia apud Stennam condita (dtugoszowa relaq'a o Krakowie)," Onomastica 3 no. 2 (1957): 281-91; Strzelecka, Roczniki, l:168nl. 450 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. fortunate, since as it gave birth to many Polish cities, it itself grew sterile, abundant in empty plots [lacimiis ferax]. It is fortunate, however, in the translation of the remains of the Martyr, S t Adalbert from Prussia to its great church.151 Dhigosz here adds a second interpretation of the nam e Gniezno / Nest, th a t is, it w as given to the d ty since it w as the origin of all other Polish dties, and developed "through the course of time," w hich he m akes no attem pt to reconcile w ith his earlier (and m ore standard) version in w hich Lech him self gives the nam e to the d ty at its founding. O ther d ties are then listed in order determ ined by their ecdesiastical im portance, w ith D higosz variously rem arking o n their foundation, location, physical appearance, buildings of note, econom y, and the like, and once in a while adding some editorial com m ents as to their relative w orth. Those w ith descriptions inducting reference to pre-Christian origins in d u d e Kiev, Wislica, Kalisz, and Kruszwica. 152 Kiev, w e learn, w as founded "by one Polish p ag an prince, Kiy" (ab u n o P olo no ru m etgentdlium p r in d p u m K yg) and takes its nam e 151 Annales, 1:110. Dhigosz was a great proponent of the common Polish view that major relics of St. Wojdech/Adalbert remain in Gniezno, although probably most were removed to Prague by the Czech Prince Bretyslav in 1038. See Jadwiga Karwasihska, "Wojdech—Adalbert," in Hagiographia Polska, ed. O. Romuald-Gustaw [Poznah, 1972], 2:585-586). 152 There is one foundation legend that is indeterminate as to time. Dhigosz refers in passing to a "Przemyslaus" who is suppossed to be the founder of PrzemySl, but gives no other information about this eponymous hero. Probably, this is a local legend Dhigosz summarily recorded, but since we know it only from Dhigosz's account, it is unreconstrudable. Cf. Annales, 1:111; Strzelecka, Roczniki, l:171n7. 451 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. from him . 153 H ere D higosz is obviously polem izing the legend of Kiy h e found in som e version of the Tale o f B y-g o n e Years. A bout W islica w e find the following: Wislica was founded in times still pagan by Count Wislaus, Polish hero of distant times [heroe pervestusto Poloniae], who gave his name to the town, located in the midst of the waters of the river Nida, and surrounded on all sides by swamps, about which it is told that when the croaking of frogs in them disrupted the Divine Service, a certain priest commanded their silence, and because of his holiness, the frogs there from that time forth ceased croaking.154 Dhigosz found the legend of W islaus in the G reat P oland Chronicle; although it appears here in only highly abbreviated form, w ith D higosz adding th at the d ty w as nam ed after W islaus, w hich w as never m ade explicit in the original. The legend of the frogs m erely show s to w hat extent D higosz w as willing to collect an d record local legends, in this case m ost probably h eard from the churchm en of Wislica, w here D higosz him self endow ed a house for clergy, and w here he held the custodianship of the collegiate church. Kalisz is m entioned as "a very old city, w hose nam e alone is recognizable from all the Polish cities recorded by Ptolemy in his C osm ographia," w hereas Dhigosz refers in passing to the G reat P oland C hronicle's version of Polish prehistory in his description of Kruszwica as "an old city, once a royal seat." 155 153 Annales, 1:111-12. 154 Ibid., 112. 155 Ibid., 113-14. 452 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A t the end of his account of the Polish cities D higosz returns again to Ptolem y's great geographical work, and the lists of cities found therein: "Beside these in the C o sm o g ia ph ia of Ptolemy there are nam es and location given an d recorded of other Polish cities, such as Calissya, Sethidaba, L uthidunum , B udorigum , Leucaristus, Szczurgum, Limosalcum, Ascaucalis, Rugjum , Virunum , Viricium and A rszonium , from which nam es I have been unable to recognize any besides Kalisz." 156 These are taken from the sections in Ptolem y (II. 11. 12-13) containing list of cities for "Germania M agna." Dhigosz includes m ost the cities in these lists w ith longitudes on the ancient system ranging betw een 40° 30' and 44° and latitudes betw een 54° 15' and 55° 40' (a northerly g ro u p —perhaps corresponding in D higosz's m ind to Lithuania proper) or betw een 39° 30' and 44° longitude / 52° 20' a n d 53° 30' latitude (the latitudes of this second group correspond roughly w ith those of present day P oland ) . 157 M odem students of Ptolem y7 s w ork have n o t done m uch b etter than D higosz in recognizing m odem places in Ptolem y's nam es, since while various hypotheses have been advanced, 156 Ibid., 114. 157 Ptolemy lists no cities in "Greater Germany" at these latitudes east of 44° longitude, which why the northern group is more restricted on this parameter. Furthermore, all the cities Ptolemy lists for "European Sarmatia" are much further to the south, so this part (HI, 5) also had nothing to add for Dhigosz's purposes. 453 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. only the identification of Calisia w ith m odem Kalisz rem ains reasonably certain . 158 J. The Lechite Golden Age The last parts of the chorography are devoted to com pleting the legend of Lech, and som e final geographic observations. The first of these is devoted to one of D higosz's m ore original additions to the legends of origin of Poland, that is his legend of the golden age. 1. S u m m a ry In the age of Lech, the first ruler and founder of the Poles, and also during the reigns of his sons and descendants (sub filio ru m su o ru m e tn e p o tu m ), w ho all took the nam e Lech, the Polish land experienced m any generations of peace and tranquility. It was rarely necessary to repel m ilitary incursions, and even rarer th at they m ounted their ow n, since they w ere divided from other peoples b y sea or vast tracts of land, and experienced little hostility (or even neighborly relations) w ith them. They carried on neither trade n o r m arriage w ith them , either, since they were content w ith the simple nourishm ent their own land could provide, and rough and m odest clothing m ade a t hom e. Foreign to all 158 I have used the Paris edition of Ptolomy's Geography (ed. Carolus Mullerus [Paris, 1883]). See Strzelecka, Roczniki, l:173n9,175n6 on the literature and attempts to identify these cities. Strzelecka argues that Dtugosz tooks these from a map based on Ptolemy. 454 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. softness and delicacy (o m n iu m m o lliu m e t delica to m m expers), th ey d ran k w ater for their thirst and ate grain, m eat, fish, honey, milk, and vegetables, having no goods w hich w ould allure them to settle in or visit other lands. They w ere ignorant of any h u m an law (legu m a u tem hum a n aru m ru d is etig n a ra ), instead observing the decisions of the princes, which they carried o u t hum bly an d obediently, sum m arily and harshly punishing the contem ptuous and rebellious. As the com m and of the prince (im perium p rin d p i) w as considered as though legal norm and the final w o rd on w h a t was an d w as n o t perm issible, no one w as allowed to do anything reckless o r disturbing (nichil tem ere, n ich il tu m u ltu o se agi licebat). A t established times, all p aid the prince services, gifts, an d d u es in grain, m eat of domestic and w ild anim als, fish, honey, and other victuals as the prince com m anded, as well as forest furs like m arten, beaver, erm ine, a n d fox w hich abounded in Poland at th at time. The use of gold, silver, and copper ("those greatest of plagues" — m a x im a n im p e stiu m ) w ere unknow n, as w ere all other m etals except iron, used for spears, plow shares, and other tools. T hey covered their huts with thatch and slept on the h ard earth, disliked all unnecessary possessions, and having grain an d m eat in abundance, they knew n o quarrels, disagreem ents, or courts (litiu m , discordiarum e t iu d id o m m ignari). N o one visited from abroad, no one b ro u g h t any w ine, textiles, spices, or an y o th er pleasures of the hum an race, w hich relax an d weaken the severe a n d hum ane 455 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. m ind (h u m a n u s e tfe io x a nim u s), since all k n ew the Poles w ere accustom ed to a m odest life, and held such things in contem pt. There w as nothing licentious or excessive in Poland a t th a t tim e, and there w as not only n o foreign trade, there w as no dom estic trade for cash, an d if any m oney w as ever im ported, in w as throw n o u t a n d despised. If som eone needed some essential thing, it w as obtained by b arter exchange. T here w as then no enemy, no h a tre d or w ar, breaking of agreem ents, violence com m itted on subjects (d v iu m vio la d o ). Everyw here w as peace and quiet, happiness, and security, such th a t the age u n d e r the rule of L ech and his descendants ought to be called the golden age rather th an the Lechite age (u t etas ilia su b p rin d p e Lech filiisque su is e tn e p o tib u s traducta, aurea veriu s qu a m Lechitica p a ss it vodtari). Even m inor and trivial offenses w ere punished, so that indulgence d id not lead to w orse ones; crim e w as sm othered in its infancy so that there w ere n o bad examples. The kings an d princes them selves w ere a greater deterrence than the law (E rantque P o lo n is tu n c reg es e t p x in d p e s m a g is quam le g e s tern b iles).1 5 9 2. Sources and C lose R ea d in g D higosz's account of the golden age has received a m o d est am ount of attention in the scholarly literature, b u t few hav e taken u p th e question of Dhigosz's m odel o r stim ulus. This is strange, given that there w as little precedent *59 Annales, 1:114— 16. 456 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. for it in the Polish tradition. To the author of the C ronice e tg e sta , the age of Boleslaus the Brave w as the golden age, b ut no Polish source before D higosz explicitly posits a golden age at the origin of the Polish people, although M aster Vincent does postulate a kind of age of prim ordial virtuousness for the Poles. Bobrzyhski an d Smolka point o u t the gifts in kind supposedly given by the Poles of the golden age to their prince correspond to a great degree w ith the actual fiscal dues of peasants to the state up until the tw elfth and thirteenth centuries, and postulate that Dhigosz m ay have called on a kind of obscure social m em ory of this earlier form of state rents, transferring it back to prehistory. So too w ith strong princely pow er. 160 Leaving aside the vexed question of the actual extent of princely pow er in early Poland, this interpretation is in the realm of possibility, b u t it is hard to dem onstrate w ith an y certainty. Besides, it concerns only som e of the details of this passage, an d sheds little light on w hy Dhigosz placed this golden age at the very beginnings of Polish history. In Sem kow icz's point of view, Dhigosz sketched the outlines the Polish golden age u n d e r Lech on the basis of the Czech chronicler Cosm as' portrayal of the Czech golden age in the era of Boemus (i.e. Czech), w ho like Lech is the eponym ous fo u n d er of the nation .161 A lthough a n influence of Cosm as is quite possible in the form of the stimulus th at gave D higosz the idea of a Polish golden 160 Bobrzyiiski and Smolka, fan Dhigosz, 151. 161 A. Semkowicz, Rozbidr, 68-69. 457 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. age at the beginning of national history, the specific characteristics of each differs in some im p o rtan t w ays .162 In Cosm as's golden age, agriculture and grain are unknow n a n d people live off acorns and w ild game, w hereas Dhigosz stresses the abundance of grain, and the existence of plow s in his. Cosm as postulates com m unal m arriage and sexual freedom in his Czech golden age, while in Dhigosz this feature is now here to be found. Cosm as also has the Czechs ignorant of an y kind of personal possession, w hereas D higosz states that there w as barter exchange am ongst the Poles, an d hence, im plicitly, some sort of personal ow nership. Dhigosz's account also contains som e elem ents missing in Cosmas', m ost notable being the existence of a hierarchical society, on the top of which w ere autocratic, b u t beneficent rulers, w hereas C osm as's golden age seems to be egalitarian and pacifist, since w eapons o th er than the bow w ere unknow n .163 162 As Czeslaw Deptula has noticed. Cf. Calla Anomina mit, 360. 163 Cf. Annales, loc. cit. and Cosmas (FRB, 2:6-7). Phillip Callimachus in his Vita of Zbigniew Ole&ucki (MPH, o.s., 6:230-31) has the early Poles under the rule of their first ruler, the Scyth, Deombrotes, not know money, and use instead (at the king's instigation) a system of barter. Callimachus also makes Deombrotes ordain all thefts be capital offenses, rather analogously to the regime which according to Dhigosz was applied to all crimes in the Lechite Golden Age. Other than these two things, however, Callimachus's account of the customs suppossedly given by Deombrotes to the Poles has few specifics in common with Dhigosz's Lechite age, being derived mainly from Herodotus's account of the Scyths. It is possible, however, that in some general way he was influenced by Dhigosz's views of early Polish history. Influence the other way (Callimachus influencing Dhigosz) by some informal contacts is considerably less likely, given that Callimachus's Scythian theory appears only in the Ole^nicki Vita, written around the time of Dhigosz's death, while the earlier Vita of Gregory of Sanok knows only his other, Venetian theory. 458 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Banaszkiewicz an d others have show n the universal availability to early cultures of the notion th a t in the tim e of the beginning ordinary rules of life and society did n o t yet ap p ly (w hether for good or ill or both). N evertheless, specifically m edieval accounts of the golden age a t the beginning w ere often influenced strongly b y classical literary models, and, indeed, the specifics of Cosm as' golden age is close in m ost respects to that found in the M eta m o rp h o ses of O vid, quite popular in the m edieval period. D higosz's golden age is unlike that of C osm as and Ovid, for the "Vannic," socially chaotic and sexually am oral elem ents are n o t to be found. D higosz's m ore hierarchical version is close to the vision articulated in one of Seneca's letters o n m oral topics, according to w hich in the golden age those w iser by nature ru led over the less wise, and people com m itted them selves freely "to the ju d g m en t of the best m an, w ho was regarded as ruler and law [eu n d em h a b eb a n t e t d u c e m e t legem , com m issi m elio ris arbitrio]." Such kings (reges) ruled beneficently so long as the golden age lasted, protecting the w eak from the strong, and treating their office as a public duty. O nly after its end d id kings becam e tyrants. Seneca's view of the golden age differs from D higosz's, how ever, in that he sees agriculture as superfluous and foreign to its idyllic prim itiveness.164 164 Seneca, A d Ludlium Epistola 90, esp. 4-19, partial English translation in Arthur O. Lovejoy, et al., eds. A Documentary H istory o f Primitivism and Related Ideas (Baltimore, 1935), 268-74. Cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses, I, lines 89ff. 459 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. It is quite possible th at D higosz knew the letter of Seneca in question, given that the letters of Seneca w ere know n in fifteenth-century C racovian learned circles, and given D higosz's interest in moralistic literature of classical antiquity .165 There is circum stantial evidence that Dhigosz m ay h av e ow ned a codex containing som e other w o rk s of m oral philosophy by Seneca.166 If Dhigosz did know this letter, h is golden age was doubtless his ow n im provem ent on Seneca's vision, in w hich an additional "concession" to civilization is m ade b y including agriculture, as well as iron im plem ents and tools, the invention of w hich Seneca held to be beneath philosophical virtue. As Stanislaw G rzybow ski points o u t D higosz in general seem s to believe th at nations (e.g. the H ungarians a n d to som e extent the Lithuanians) d u rin g their sim ple and prim itive beginnings w ere little concerned w ith possessions an d thus happy, even though benighted by paganism . He also associates such a prim itive state w ith m orality an d virtue in general, and he seems to find it u n u su a l that the M ongols indulged them selves in fleshly desires, given their w ild a n d nom adic 165 On surviving copies of Seneca's letters owned by fifteenth-century Cracovians, see Maria Homowska and Halina ^dzitowiecka-Jasiefiska, ZbioTy r§kopi£mienne w Polsce Gredniowiecznej (Warsaw, 1947), 322; Edward Potkowski, Ksiqzka r$kopi£mienna w kulturze Polski iredniowiecznej (Warsaw, 1984), 131n32. 166 This codex, BJ 3245, has on its cover the coat-of-anns of Dhigosz's own clan, Wieniawa, just as does the codex BJ 445, (containing, among other things, the chronicle of "Puteolanus"), which contains a note to the effect that it deposited by Dhigosz in 1471 in the House of Artists of the Krak6w University. See Wladyslaw Wislocki, Katalog r$kopis6w Biblioteki Uniwersytetu Jagiellofiskiego, pt. 1 (Krak6w, 1877), 712-13; Catalogus codicum man usdptorum m edii aevi latinonxm qui in biblioteca jagellonica Cracoviae asservantur, Maria Kowalczyk, et al. eds. (Wroclaw, 1984), 3:3-5; Homowska and Zdzitowiecka-Jasiefiska, 225-26. 460 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. lifestyle.167 This general, and seemingly philosophical belief in a positive prim itivism goes quite som e w ay in explaining w hy Dhigosz assum ed a prim ordial golden age for the Poles in the first place. K. Som e Natural W onders o f Poland Before he finishes his version of the account of the age Lech, Dhigosz takes a final excursion o r tw o into geographical description. T he first treats two "w ondrous and prodigious things of the Polish kingdom ," ab o u t w hich even Solinus, "the very assiduous investigator of the other w onders of the w orld" missed (D uabus re b u s P o lo no ru m regio prodigiosa e tm ira n d a est, q u a sS o lin m n cetera orbis m irabilia scru p u lo u siu s investigata disserentem . . . tacuisse), but which are in no w ay inferior to those he described, due to their rarity. The first w onder is that in the fields n ear the village of Nochowa (N o ch o w ) n ear 3rem (Srzem ) in the diocese of Poznan, and also a t Kozielsko (K o szye lsko ) near tek n o , pots are b o m from the earth, "entirely by the art of n a tu re " (sola arte nature), w hich although soft and fragile in their native earth, can be hardened by the sun or w ind w hen rem oved. They are of all sizes and shapes, just as those created by the potter's art, and w hat is m ore am azing yet, "their fertility and natural m ultiplication never lessens, although the earth, if not disturbed, decreases in productivity [gleba e d a m n on dehiscente, decrevisse]." 167 Grzybowski, "Natura,” 102,106. Roczniki 3:62; 9:162; 7:15. 461 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The other w o n d e r is th a t in forests aro u n d Potylicze (Pothilicze)r Hrabienie and Prosnie (P ro szn ye) in lands of Chefan and Beiz there are pines such that w hen som e p a rt is cut off (or even the whole cut dow n), w h at w as w ood w hen alive (su b anim a vegetativa h ie ra t) turns to flint over a few years, and produces a spark (ig n em ) like any other flint (silex), b u t retaining th e size and shape of the w ood, even though having the qualities and natu re of the stone .168 The first w onder, in G reat Poland is a p a ir of archaeological sites, w hereas the second, just to the east of the present day Polish-U krainian b o rder refers to the several petrified forests, from Miocene T ertiary deposits, located in th at region . 169 Beside dem onstrating Dhigosz's penchant for collecting various m aterials of a geographical o r historical n a tu re th at had never before m ad e their way into w riting in Poland, this passage again show s him interested in applying the m odel of ancient geographical and n atu ral historical w orks to the Polish context. This time D higosz explicitly portrays him self as supplem enting o r com pleting the w ork of Solinus, a hint about his reasons for supplying assorted details from ancient w orks in the other sections of the chorography, w h ere they seem to be added ab ru p tly and w ithout explanation. Dhigosz intended his chorography, at least in the final version, as a kind of rem edial attem p t to 168 Annales, 1:116-17. 169 On these sites see Strzelecka's commentary. Roczniki, l:178nn. 462 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. incorporate Poland in to the corpus of ancient geography . 170 O r, to link Polish geography as strongly as possible to the ancient geographic sources th at were available to him in the w ay th at seem ed to him m ost plausible. If this is so, it provides further evidence for the relative 'hum anization' of D tugosz's interests in the last decade of his life. L. Lech's R ule over th e Far W est Slavs The next section of text sum m arily treats som e far W est Slavic lands that Dhigosz found listed in the "Slavic Interpolation" to the G reat P o la n d C hronicle. By w ay of introduction D higosz tells us in their blossom ing p eriod of m odest peacefulness, the state of the Poles expanded until they occupied som e Sea Islands and settled u p to A lem ania (A lm ania), w hich today is called M eissen (M yszna). As they en tered these em pty and desolate places, they took their nam es from m any of them . The Drewanianie, Trw anianie, K aszubs, Sorbs (Sarbs in the Great P oland C hronicle), and Pom eranians are all m entioned along w ith the supposed origins of their nam es an d the cities a n d settlem ents of Bukowiec (Bukowyecz) / Lubeck (Lubyk), H am / H am burg, Brem en, Slesznik, Ciesnina (Czesznyna). D higosz's account substantively varies from the G reat P oland C hronicle only in his differentiation of the Drewanianie an d the Trw anianie (identified w ith each o th er in the earlier source), and his derivation of the latter 170 As we recall, many of the excerpts from Ptolomy are added even sifter the replacement and re-writing of the pages in the first part of the autograph in the mid 1470s. 463 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. from "the abundance of grass in the place w here they settled" (i.e. from the Slavic w ord for grass—Pol. fraw a) . 171 Lest h e create the im pression that these peoples grew independent of the Poles, how ever, Dhigosz adds: Although they are called with this or that name from places or the names of leaders, they all speak the same Lechite, or Polish, language [unum tamen Lechitaricum seu Polonicum singuli sonant Iinguarium], although, it is true, having mixed with the teutonic Saxons, they now pronounce some words improperly and corruptly, due to the blend of languages [confusione ydiomatum], The remainder of the Poles who turned to populating the remaining lands, did not change the universal name, and are still called Poles, although there are divisions between some of the lands where they dwell, which have taken their current names from towns which grew up in them in the course of time. All of them, however, both near and far, sent dues [positi tributa constituta] to Prince Lech, his sons, and descendants [nepotibusj, without . any resistance or opposition [nulla interposita renitenda et contradicdone], giving them honor by extraordinary gifts [singularibus. . . largidonibus] from their lands.172 T hat all these W est Slavs territories here listed by D higosz w ere tributaries of the Lechites Dhigosz found both in the G reat Poland C hronicle and the C hronicle o fD zierzw a , adding only his ow n theory as to w hy their languages differ at all from Polish. Dhigosz states explicitly that Lech and his descendants, as rulers, specifically received this tribute, w hereas the G reat P oland Chronicle m erely m entioned that "all Polish rulers" u p to Casimir I the Restorer received it, w ithout m aking it clear w hether or not Lech qualified as a ruler at all. He also stresses th at there w as never any protest o n the part of these peoples and 171 Annales, 1:117. 172 Ibid. 464 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. territories to the tribute-paying arrangem ent in the early days. A lthough D higosz's innovations are sm all enough in term s of the total m ass of inform ation in the section, they nevertheless serve to strengthen his statem ent of Polish claim s to this region by incorporating it into the integral and original Polish state from its very beginnings, em bodied in the freely accepted rule of Lech. M . The D escendants o f Lech, and the End of the G olden A ge I. S u m m a ry Dhigosz th en concludes the legend of the age of Lech in yet another discrete section in the autograph text. The sons and descendants (n ep o tes) of the the first ruler and founder of the Poles, Lech followed one after the other on the d eath of the previous ruler, a n d there w as never any disagreem ent or division am ong them , since the oldest son, designated ahead of tim e by his father and the com m on will (co m m u n i o m n iu m deliberadone), succeeded to the princedom (prindpatum ). O ver the course of centuries this rule of succession lasted in a direct line. N evertheless, the deeds, the offensive and defensive w ars (b ella. . . M ata autrepulsa), the events and successes of Lech and his descendants, although fine and w orthy of com m em oration, w ere forgotten, along w ith w hen and for how long they ruled (gessere im p eria ) and w hat kind of offenses an d crimes they com m itted against Poles or foreigners (in p ro p rio s e t exteros). This was due to the length of tim e and lack of writing, then unknow n to the Poles. Even their 465 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. nam es seem very uncertain an d effaced by time (illo m m n o m e n o b scu ru m p ro rsu s s it e t o b so letu m ), since Polish princes of that age did n o t care to transm it to their descendants a picture of their birth (inida), deeds, or w ars. This negligence lasts u p to the present day, as no Polish princes, kings, or heroes understood their obligation to commission som eone to describe their deeds and times, w hile am ong the Rom ans, Greeks, Jews, Spaniards, Persians, M edes, Gauls, G erm ans, an d all other nations such leaders w ere careful to rew ard w riters w ho recorded their deeds for posterity. The custom of w riting annals is not a trivial affair, b u t very useful and necessary to the h u m an race, in o rd er that future generations m ay have an image of good princes a n d heroes, in ord er to im itate their virtues, an d also so that they m ight know th e evil people are hated by both G od an d m en, and disgrace and condem nation (sugiU adonem e t execradonem ) p u rsu e them beyond the grave. Indeed, no virtue, m ilitary or dom estic (aut bellica a u t dom estica), is so great and fam ous th at w ith o u t w riting it can long m aintain itself in h u m an m em ory, and in fact heroic deeds and virtue seem w eak and m alleable unless bro u g h t to light by w riters.173 2. C lose R eading Dhigosz returns in this passage to a them e that recurs several tim es in his dedicatory letter, that is, the negligence of Poles in recording their ow n history. 173 Ibid., 118-19. 466 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. H ere he directs his lam ent to the age of Lech, about w hich his sources told him nothing, and about w hich those living in the age could scarcely have written, having no know ledge of letters. This section creates certain difficulties for the interpretation of the legend of the Lechite golden age, since D tugosz bem oans the fact that the offensive a nd defensive w ars of this age (which w e have been previously conditioned to think of as so unw arlike) are forgotten, along with th at the crim es of Lech an d his descendants against their ow n o r foreigners, although previously w e w ere told th at they never w ronged their subjects. W hereas Dhigosz has previously told us that all the princes of this area were nam ed Lech, he now adm its th at their nam es are q uite uncertain because they w ere never recorded. T aken in the context of his lam ent, how ever, these apparent inconsistencies are probably his w ay of adm itting to the reader that he has engaged here in m ere educated guessing to p a in t a fuller picture of this period so little treated by his sources. W hy w as this era so unknow n, given th at first age in Polish history, like all beginnings, w as so im portant? The answer, Dhigosz seem ed to have felt w as there was no w riting then an d the tim e period separating it from the ages w hen w riting existed w as so long th a t alm ost everything w as forgotten. N o d o u b t also his allusion to the crim es an d vices of rulers of the "golden age" are also a kind of h in t to his reader th a t he has been idealizing the period, and he him self is aware of the fact that hum ans after the 467 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. fall cannot quite be so perfect. This adm ission (if it is that) does n o t m ean th at he postulated this golden age for no purpose. A t this point the chorography m ay be regarded as com plete, for the legend of Lech and his age is over, and historical narrative continues m ore or less unbroken from this p oint on, w ith very little b y w ay of geographical data added. For the sake of interpreting th e legend of the golden age, how ever, w e should anticipate som ew hat the content of the next discrete section of the autograph text, w hich begins by telling u s of the golden age's end. A fter the house of Lech died o u t finally and com pletely, Dhigosz tells us, the leading elem ents of the Poles abolished the m onarchy, and w ith it perished hum ility and selflessness, as the rulers of the land plunged them selves into debauchery, crime, and license.174 N . Sum m ation and C on clusion on the Chorography and L egend o f Lech D higosz's chorography is the only extensive geographical w ork devoted to the Polish kingdom w ritten before the sixteenth century, and although n o t unprecedented, it is uncom m on in its scope and detail as a geography attached to a m edieval historical w ork, even in a w ider, E uropean context. T he fourteenth and fifteenth centuries w ere, how ever, a tim e of gathering strength in geographical w riting in Europe, an d D higosz's chorography m ay be understood as an exam ple of this general tendency. This is reflected in the content as well as 174 Ibid., 119-20. 468 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the scope of the effort, such as its inclusion of characterization of the inhabitants of the lands described, som ething still relatively rare in m edieval geographical descriptions, although it w as a strong elem ent of certain ancient traditions of geographical w riting . 175 W e have h ad cause to com m ent several tim es on D higosz's use of ancient geographers and natural historians, especially Ptolem y an d Solinus, and the possibility (at least once stated explicitly) th at in the chorography's final form , Dhigosz recorded his inform ation w ith a conscious view tow ard "com pleting" the ancient geographers rather vague accounts of the lands Dhigosz knew as the Polish K ingdom . Dhigosz's equation of the Poles with the ancient Sarm atians and the territories of the Jagiellonian state w ith Sarmatia can be partially un d ersto o d in the tight of this aim, although m edieval and hum anist sources also w ere available to influence him in this regard, especially the works of A eneas Sylvius Piccolom ini. 176 Dhigosz's em phasis on hydrography in defining the outlines of the land h e wished to describe is n o t unknow n in ancient and m edieval geographical w orks .177 Dhigosz w as exceptional only in the usual detail w ith w hich he applied the schema, especially as concerns the Vistula and its u p p er tributaries, w hich he 175 On the place of geographical description in medieval chronicles, especially those treating universal history see Patrick Gautier-Dalch£, "L'espace de 1'histoire: le role de la gdographie dans les chroniques universelles" in L'historiographie m£di&vale en Europe, Jean-Philippe Genet, ed. (Paris, 1991), 287-300. 176 Ulewicz, Sarmaqa, 17-29. 177 Dariusz Rott, Staropolskie diorografie, 105. 469 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. knew the b est of the rivers of Poland. M ost interesting, how ever, is the co n trast betw een the attem p ted physical precision (to the point of trying to quantify certain of their features in miles) in his accounts of rivers an d lakes and the com parative lack of any attem pt to rank m ountains b y their physical size o r attributes, or, often, even to describe them in physical term s. Indeed, one m ig h t even say th at the criteria for choosing an d ranking them are no t only cultural an d historical rath er than physical, b u t predom inantly sacral, especially for those m ountains a t the top of his ranking. P oland here becom es a kind of m icrocosm reflecting the m acrocosm : ju st as (according to the ancient topos in C hristian literature) Jerusalem along w ith Calvary w ere said to be at the center of the w orld, so the Polish Calvary, w ith its m onastery a n d relic of the True Cross is the forem ost prom inence in Poland. The criteria for tow ns have a strong elem ent of the sacral in them , given th at the prim ary criterion for their selection and ranking is their ecclesiastical im portance. This leads to a som e anom alies from the p o in t of view of population, econom ics, and political im portance, such as the inclusion of Kielce and the exclusion of Lublin, even though the latter was politically and econom ically m ore im portant. D higosz does, though, redress a few of the anom alies thus created by ad d in g to the end of his list four cities w ithout any particular ecclesiastic significance, b u t of 470 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. great econom ic im portance .178 The predom inance of ecclesiastical criteria of his account of towns, how ever, is underlined also b y D higosz7 s stress on the relics held by the m ajor centers. Perhaps the m ost notable thing about D higosz's chorography overall is its singular interw eaving of sections of the legend of Lech w ith geographical description. As m uch previous scholarship has pointed out, the original version of the chorography m ay not have included these narrative interludes. N evertheless, they are definitely integral to Dhigosz7 s final version, and indicate quite d early w hy he thought this geography so im portant as to place at the beginning his chronide. Dhigosz is daim ing thereby (at times expliddy, at others im plidtly) that Lech took possession of all the lands so described, w hich therefore are to be taken as integral to Poland in its pure, first form , ind u d in g Silesia, Pom erania, Lithuania, Ruthenia, and the lands of the far W est Slavs, who w ere Lech's tributaries from earliest times. The precision and care of his geographical description in its assodation w ith the original and thus proper boundaries of the Polish state u n d e r Lech thus becom es a detailed list of Polish territorial daim s, w hatever else it m ay be. Such is D higosz's allegiance to Olesnicki's policy of incorporation of the G rand D uchy of Lithuania into the Polish C row n, that he writes it into prehistory, transposing w h at m ight be 178 Cf., for example, Dhigosz's ranking with the ranking of economic importance of towns in the Polish crown circa 1500 found in Maria Bogucka and Henryk Samsonowicz, Dzieje miast i mieszczaiistwa wPolsce przedrozbiorowej (Wroclaw, 1986), 114-18 471 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. term ed the em erging Polish im perial sensibility of the fifteenth century on to Poland's very beginnings. This can also be seen in D higosz's decision to follow the Czech historiographical tradition in seeing Rus as a later descendant, rather than as a brother (and therefore) equal of Lech and Czech. Dhigosz's application of the Sarm atian legend to support the postulated early u n ity of the Poles and Ruthenians in the age of Lech only reinforces the point. In a lesser w ay the needs of the fifteenth-century Jagiellonian state are also p resen t in D higosz's reversal of seniority am ong the tw o brothers, Lech and Czech, although here his ow n aversion to the Czechs, as m uch as Jagiellonian claim s to the Czech throne w ere no doubt in play as well. The role of Lech in Dhigosz's view of Polish historical destiny is also revealed by the only reference of to him in the rest of the A rm ales beyond the first book: as Boleslaus the Brave lies on his death bed, his advisors, nobles, and knights all proclaim h im "n o t only the father of his fatherland, b u t also its liberator, restorer, an d another founder and peaceful victor, such as Lech." 179 In this Dhigosz is no d o u b t referring to the tradition of the C ronice e tg esta , in w hich the golden age of Poland was placed in Boleslaus's reign, and thereby reconciling his ow n vision of the Lechite golden age w ith it. But since Boleslaus's reign is also the territorial high-w ater m ark of early historical Poland, there is 179 "vox e{ - a consiliaris proceribusque et a militibus Polonorum sublata, non patrem eum tantummodo patrie, sed et liberatorem, instauratorem et alterum a Lechone conditorem triumphatoremque padficum sucdamavit" Annales, 1:293-94. 472 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. probably also a territorial subtext here as w ell.180 As Jadw iga K rzyzanow ska adm irably p u t it: In the chorography Dtugosz described all the land entering into the framework of the Jagiellonian state and the lands of the old, fabled empire of the Lechites. He gave a picture of a state reaching from the Elbe to the Dnieper and Dvina. The first book of the Annales thus constitutes a bridge between the brilliant past of the Poles and their state, whose golden age was the monarchy of Lech, and the political reality contemporary to the author.181 Given Dhigosz7 s ap parent willingness to im pose the political views and preferences of his cam p on the legendary past, his choice of a strictly m onarchical golden age in the tradition of Seneca, rather than the m ore egalitarian visions available to him, m ay seem at first glace surprising and a little opaque. In his account of the politics of his ow n day he n o t only favors the independence of the C hurch from the m onarchy, he is also reasonably sym pathetic to the privileges of the rising noble estate, and regards it im proper for the king to avoid due consultation w ith the leading m en of the kingdom on affairs of state .182 W hy w ere these attitudes n o t reflected in the golden age? A closer examination, how ever, reveals the com plexity of D higosz's view s on the subject. As we know from his account of the golden age, citizens w ere oppressed only after the end of 180 Cf. Borkowska, TreSd, 70-72; Malicki, Mity, 47-48. 181 Jadwiga Krzyzanowska, "Poj§de paristwa," 81-82. 182 Gawlas, "SwiadomoSd," 58, and nn. 269-70. 473 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the golden age an d the en d of m onarchical beneficence. Likewise, the Piast m onarchy had a kind of golden age in the reign of Boleslaus the Brave, w hich becam e corrupted by the killing of St. Stanislaus. This cycle w as repeated again, this tim e on a som ew hat low er level, un til the Piast d y n asty 's rule over Poland w as brought to en d d u e to the sins of C asim ir the G reat, and the kingdom delivered to a foreign dynasty. In other w ords, in D higosz's view the institution of m onarch (although som etim es partially restored) is a n institution that has fallen several tim es o v er.183 Only in the ideal golden age w as pow er so righteously concentrated, an d the society so unified u n d e r it. Dhigosz is n o t clear o n w hether the unitariness of political pow er in this age caused the unanim ity of society o r vice versa, fo r the underlying issue seem s to b e lack of selfishness on the p a rt of both m onarchy and society a t large in th at ideal age. Nevertheless it is the abrogation of the m onarchy on the p a rt of self-w illed nobles that m arked the first fall from the golden age. Only the later "falls" in Polish history w ould be initiated by the m onarchs themselves. The legend of Lech itself is retold by Dhigosz, to paraphrase Banaszkiewicz, in "m onum entalized" form , perhaps to m atch the vast scale of his geographical description . 184 Dhigosz does this, as w e h ave seen, by enriching the rath er sketchy legend of Lech found in the G reat P o la n d C hronicle w ith 183 Borkowska, Tre£d, 103ff; much of this interpretative framework for Polish history Dhigosz obtained from his predecessors. See also Czesiaw Deptuia, Galla Anomina w it, 337 53. 184 Banaszkiewicz, "L'Unit6," 36. 474 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. elem ents from the C zech tradition, m ainly, the Chronicle of Pribik of Radenin. H e also adds several details to the story unattested elsewhere, such as the village and castle of Psary o n the high banks of the river H u y on the b o rd er of Croatia and Slavonia from w hich Lech and Czech left, as w ell as the eagles that nested near the spot w here the city of Gniezno was built. W as D higosz m erely pulling these details out of his h a t to enrich his narrative or are they m ore attem pts to reconstruct the vanished p ast by w hatever kind of inform ation the author could find? We have review ed evidence already that the first m ay be an attem pt to link Lech and his C roatian hom eland w ith his first m ountain, Lysa Gora, and that the later m ay be an attem p t to foreshadow the coat-of-arm s of the Polish crown. These elem ents m ay also preserve som e com m on topoi, linked w ith similar legends: the bond of the founder to the m ountain central to his land in the case of the first, and m ore certainly in the case of the second the flocking of birds to the site of a d ty right before its founding. The "archaicness" of these topoi make it likely that D higosz h a d som e kind of conservative oral sources or sources for them , perhaps even a n epic of Lech, although the geographical distance betw een the Great Polish G niezno localization and the hypothesized Little Polish Lysa G ora one m ight seem to indicate two separate traditions com bined by Dhigosz. It is also not o u t of the question that Dhigosz him self invented som e of this on the basis of plot elem ents and functional assem blages he knew from oral culture. Given D higosz's com pilatory tendencies, and the fact that in his dedicatory letter 475 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (and elsewhere) he explicitly states he used oral traditions to supplem ent obscurities concerning the d istan t past, it is likely these additions are not entirely his ow n concoction. Two other things ab o u t D higosz's version of the legend of Lech deserve note. First of all, b y his retelling of the legend, he m oves the legendary p ast of Poland from a vague antiquity that could interact w ith Julius Caesar and A lexander the G reat to the C arolingian age by m aking one of the Lechs battle Charlem agne. In a rather subtle way, alm ost in passing, D higosz has m ade a step tow ard a chronology of Polish prehistory th at perhaps w as m ore plausible to an age in w hich, due to hum anism , m ore detailed (and even som ew hat historidst) exam inations of the Classical past w ere grow ing in popularity am ong the learned. Jan M alidd has seen p red sely this "m odernization" of the earlier Polish tradition, while keeping its m ain outlines intact, as the source of the enduring popularity of Dhigosz's version of Polish ethnogenetic legends in the coming centuries. It m ade the tradition m ore plausible, and thereby allow ed it to be defended from m ore far-reaching criticism . 185 D higosz's friend S^dziwoj of Czechel in his m arginal com m ents on the G reat P oland C hronicle also d id this in a m uch m ore m odest way. It is also interesting and im portant to note the opinions of Philip Callim achus at this juncture, and their possible influence on Dhigosz. Callimachus m akes G regory of 185 Jan Malicki, Legat wieku rycerskiego: Studia staropolskie. (Wroclaw, 1989), 58-59. 476 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Sanok say the following ab o u t the origin of his ow n people in his L ife o f th a t bishop w ritten around 1476: What Vincent wrote in his histories about our origin reeks not so much of fable, as of prophecy [non fabulas m odo sed portenta redolent]. Indeed, he pretends [fabulatur] that our antiquity begins with the flood and asserts us to be Scythians, against whom Alexander waged war, and that the Roman Gracchus was the founder of our kingdom and city. He [also] dreams of a tie [affmitatem] with the divine Julius. This is consistent neither in place, nor in time, nor with die deeds of the Romans and Alexander, but it is rather like tire tales of old women [anilibus fabellis]. Furthermore, I don't know how he brings in queen Vanda, known only to himself, and from her the river and name of the Vandals, and [why] he claims us to be that people, as though the nation of the Vandals is not indigenous, or was not among the oldest and first inhabitants of Germany, or he would stand against other writers, [claiming] that they once lived where we do [au tillic ubi nos sumtis, aliquando habitasse constet inter scriptores],. . . He writes the rest [also] in this fashion, careless to such an extent that it would seem he never read the histories of any people. Thus he who professes to explain our antiquity to us, very much obscures it with the vanity of an affected oldness, for when he wants to report all things long [past], he contributes nothing certain and probable [verisimile/.18 6 This (at least in the particulars ab o u t the flood and the Scythians) is no t entirely fair criticism, and in Callim achus's slightly later Life of Olesnicki, he tones d o w n his attack on M aster Vincent7s legends of origin, but points out again the impossibility of his Polish A lexandrine legend .187 Dhigosz obviously d id n o t accept all of Callim achus's ideas a nd w e do n o t know if Dhigosz read the L ife of Gregory, and if he did not, to w h a t extent Callimachus m ight have privately 186 m ph, o.s., 6:193. This is a classic example of the human topos of anasceua, or critical rejection. 187 Ibid., 6:226-27. 477 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. expressed his doubts to him about Vincent's C hronica P olonorum . As w e shall see, how ever, Julius C aesar is already gone from the legend of Lestek III b y the second redaction text of the Arm ales, dating to the 1460s, before Dhigosz knew Callimachus. (For the other legends in question, of course, only die third redaction text survives to the present) It is also clear th a t Dhigosz accepted w ithout great difficulty the legend of W anda and the V andal legend, so if he did know Callim achus's view on these, he clearly rejected them . Callimachus, therefore, m ay have further pushed D higosz in the direction of criticism of Vincentian legend in his third redaction, b u t it seem s he h ad already gone dow n this p ath to a significant degree on his ow n. Lastly, w e m ay note that Dhigosz m akes Lech an d Czech into princes w ith large trains of relatives, retinues of nobles, and crow ds of subjects (enough to fill the m any settlem ents set u p by Lech around Gniezno), rather than depicting them as prim itive post-diluvian refugees m igrating w ith a sm all family group, as they seem to have b een previously im agined. This is one of Dhigosz's characteristic anachronism s, w hereby he im posed the fam iliar social structure of his ow n d ay on the distant past. It m ay also be interpreted as a response to Aeneas Sylvius Piccolom ini's version of the legend of Czech, w hich criticized and rejected the older idea that Czech found Bohemia an em pty land, arriving there soon after the flood. N o such people, except the H ebrew s, are so ancient. Instead, according to Aeneas, w hen Czech, the Croat, arrived in Bohemia, he 478 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. found a G erm anic pastoral people already living there, w hich he an d his men subjected to his rule and taught agriculture.188 Dhigosz, as w e recall, keeps vague the n um ber of generations betw een the arrival of the "forbear of the Slavs" in Pannonia, an d the departure of Lech and Czech, b u t rath er implies it w as a large num ber, as cities and principalities h ad already come to exist, along w ith a large population th at could supply the princes w ith their subjects. There is, however, a third possibility as to the origin of this elem ent of the legend of Lech in Dhigosz's rendition, b u t in order consider it, w e m ust discuss another extant version of the legend of Lech, possibly from his pen. III. O n the A uthorship o f the Legend of Lech A ppearing in the "M em orial" o f 1464 In 1464 representatives of the King of Poland, including Jan of Dqbrowka and Dhigosz p rep ared a set of legal and historical argum ents for the Polish claim to Pom erania and other lands held by the Teutonic Knights. The docum ent was read by Jan of D qbrow ka July 3rd of that year to the m ediators sen t b y the Hanseatic League to T oruh to arrange a truce in the Thirteen Y ears' W ar. This is the "Toruh M em orial." The ’ M em orial" begins by setting out to dem onstrate the rig h t of Casimir of Poland to "the lands of Pom erania, Chehnno, M ichalowo, and Prussia" by a num ber of debating points. The first asserts th at the lands in question, from their 188 Cf. Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, Historia bohemica, 84. 479 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. beginnings in ancient tim es and long before the existence of the Teutonic O rder, w ere founded and possessed by the Polish people an d language (per g e n u s e t lingw agium P olonicum ). It w as the Polish people and n atio n (gens q u o d q u e e t n a d o Polonica) w ho first settled and cultivated them . T he Poles founded there cities, towns, and villages (tam urbes, quam opida e t villa s co n stitu it), giving boundaries, borders, a n d nam es according to Polish usage to the castles, cities (castris d vita tib u sq ue), tow ns, villages, rivers, m ountains, places, and forests, all of w hich rem ained to the contem porary period. The Polish people, race, and language (nado, g en u s, e t lingw agium P olonicum ) inhabit and cultivate these lands. The second p o in t th en proceeds to recount a version of the legend of Lech, which is w orth quoting: Likewise we allege and assert that the first parent and prince of the Poles, or Lechites, was called Lech, and he left Pannonia, Dalmatia and Croatia with a multitude of Poles when those lands were no longer capable of containing them, departing and coming to the region which now constitutes the Kingdom of Poland. He took eternal possession, both for himself and his sons and successors, of all the lands subject to the Polish kingdom (especially the lands of Pomerania, Chehnno and Michatowo) through which the river Vistula flowed beginning from the mountains that divide Pannonia from Poland, from the origin and source of that river, up to where it vanishes into the s e a , along with all the bays and islands coterminous with that ocean. [This land was] in fact then empty and never had been possessed by anyone before, [and Lech took it] in order that it might be populated on both banks of the aforesaid river by the Polish people and nation. The aforementioned regions were and are the natural and hereditary lands of the Poles, possessed, populated, and cultivated by their own sweat and labor, by their own peril and expense. The monarchy of the Poles, begun and founded by Lech, the prince and parent of the Poles, in the said borders and regions, was continued by just and legitimate succession without any interruption by the princes and monarchs of the Poles, first pagan, and then Christian, up until the creation of the Polish kingdom and the 480 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. conversion of the Polish monarchy from ducal law to royal, and from then until the time of the obstruction and theft described below.189 The third article, to avoid any am biguity as to the appropriate conclusions, reasserts th at Pom erania, Prussia, Chehrmo, and M ichaiowo are w ithin the borders of the Polish kingdom . The fourth point details the political implications of this, that the appointm ent of offices, granting of charters, an d other functions of state in the d isputed areas were in the hands of the Polish king, and the lands p aid him tributes "according to the observance an d rite of the P olish Kingdom ." The fourth m entions the conversion of Poland, an d the establishm ent of church institutions (dated to 966) before the arrival of the Teutonic K nights, after which the "Memorial" continues w ith further argum ents (in twelve m ore points) for Poland's right of direct possession of Pom erania, Chehnno, M ichaiowo, and indirect, tributary rights to Prussia. The response to the 'M em orial" w as given b y Josta, Bishop of Osilia, a m em ber of the T eutonic Knights' delegation. It d id n o t bother to set out its ow n theory on the first settlem ent of the disputed lands, b u t m erely noted: First of all we say that the whole world from its beginning was empty of men, and populated by successive extensions of the human race. But who first inhabited this clime, we consider it difficult to discover, and rather remote and irrelevant to the present case. Next, the giving of Polish names to castles and villages does not prove that Poles founded them, since indeed castles and cities 189 Acten der Standetage preussens, 5:136-37. The Latin is given in n. 192 of this chapter, below. 481 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. are called alike, even when they were obviously founded by other [peoples] [que tamen manifestum est ab aliis edificata].190 The response then continues w ith a great m any m ore points, som ew hat m ore purely legal in nature, that is, w ithout as m uch historical adm ixture as the Polish brief. Jan of D qbrow ka gave a rebuttal to the response, b u t unfortunately, it has n o t survived. Bobrzyhski an d Sm olka suggested the m em orial w as w ritten by Jan of D ^brow ka rather th an by Dhigosz, b u t provide little by w ay of argum entation to su p p o rt their p o in t of view . Most other scholars have favored at least the partial authorship of D higosz, m ost recent and m ost careful am ong them , the editors of the new critical analysis of the latter parts of the A nnales, w ho see D higosz as the author of the first two articles. 191 There are several striking sim ilarities in the content of legend of Lech in the "Memorial" and that of Dhigosz's. hi both, Lech leaves from the lands of the South Slavs w ith a large num ber of subjects, rath er than with just his fam ily m em bers, or a small band, as w as the case in earlier versions of the legend. "Pannonia, Dalmatia, and Croatia" are m entioned as the places from which Lech left, w hereas Dhigosz m entions, 190 Ibid., 5:143. 191 On the authorship of the memorial and the circumstances surrounding it see Bobrzyhski and Smolka, fan Dtugosz, 115-16; J. D^browski, et al., Rozbidr krytyczny Aimalium Jana Dtugosza (Wroctaw, 1967), 2:175; Bolestaw Przybyszewski, "Kapitula," 68; Marian Biskup, "DziaialnoSd," 156-57. The latter reviews the literature in full. The most important argument for Dhigosz's authorship seems to have been advanced in J. Caro, Geschichte Polens 5:(Gotha, 1886), 204, which I have been unable to consult. 482 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. besides Pannonia, "S m ym ian Dalmatia," Slavonia, Serbia, C roatia, and Bosnia; a longer list b u t one th a t considerably overlaps. Lech is given a sim ilar title in both accounts, w hich is u n attested elsewhere, that is "prince a n d p a re n t of the Poles." Finally, the stress on the im portance of the Vistula, and the insistence that Lech an d his descendants took possession of the land around it from its source to its m ou th are very m uch like D higosz's A nnales, except that, as w e have seen, the latter makes it clear th a t Lech took possession of the lands along all seven of the rivers of Poland. We find none of these features in the legend of Lech appearing in the C o m m en ta ry of Jan of Dqbrowka, w hich is m erely a paraphrase of the form of the legend ap p earin g in the G reat P oland C hronicle. If the legend of Lech in the "Memorial" is substantially sim ilar to the version in the A rm ales in m uch of its content, the specific w ording of the tw o is for the m ost p a rt n o t particularly close, so there can be n o question of one 483 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. having been copied in e x te n so from the other.192 U nfortunately, the earlier redactions of legend of Lech in the A nnales, which m ig h t have help clarify this issue, are lost, although it is com m only supposed th a t D higosz already h ad a version of the legends o f origin of Poland already com posed a t this time. It is possible th at the "M emorial" w as som e kind of expansion o r paraphrase of the first redaction version of the legend of Lech (or the second redaction, w hich w ould have been taking shape right around this tim e). If this is the case, it w ould not even require u s to assum e th at Dhigosz carried h is au to g rap h w ith him to Toruh, since he probably could have produced such a paraphrase from m em ory. It is unlikely, how ever, given D higosz's w orking m ethods, that it is an actual copy of some section of text from the autograph, since this w ould have to 192 Cf. the memorial and the passage from the chorography that contains the most similarity of wording: Memorial: 'Item allegamus et asserimus, quod primus parens etprinceps Polonorum sive Lechitarum dictus Lech ex Pannonia, Dalmada et Croada cum multitudine Polonorum, dum eos ille provinde capere non possent discendens venit ad regionem in qua nunc regnum Polonie consistit Et omnes terras regno Polonie subjectas et presertim terras Pomeranie, Colmensis et Michalowiensis tunc quidem desertas et a nullo ante unquam possessas, p er quas Wissla decurrit indpiendo ab Alpibus, qui Pannoniam a Polonia disterm inant et ab ortu atque fonte fluvii p re d id t usque quo in m ire occeanum cadat, et omnes sinus atque insulas eidem occeano conterminatas et vindnas in possessionem sempitemam sibi et filliis cuis atque successoribus primus accepit, in utraque rippa fluvii predicti terras per genus et nadonem Polonicam populando, fueruntque et sunt regiones predicto Polonorum terre naturales et hereditarie, eorum sudoribus et labore, periculo et impensa possesse, populate et culte; monarchia quoque Polonorum tunc per Lech prindpem et parentem Polonicum in prefatis oris et regionibus cepta et fundata successione justa et legitima et iterrupdonem aliquam non habente, continuabatur per prindpes et monarches Polonorum .. Annales, 1: 87: "Universam itaque regionem, quam septem flu vii predicti etceteri omnes, qui in eos decurrunt et dilabuntur ab eorum ortu usque in pelagum Occeani, Lech, Lechitarum seu Polonorum parens et princeps complexus, earn sui iuris fedt, et in ilia per se et suos nepotes frequentibus populis hereditat et propida Divinitate hereditabit. . . A meridie Alpes, que Pannoniam perpetuis iugis disterm inant et usque in Mare Leoninum porriguntur, et in multa spada porrecte magnam longitudinem et latitudinem confidunL" 484 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. assum e too for-reaching revision of w ording betw een the redactions, w hereas D higosz tended m ore to revise by m erely touching-up, or the addition of n ew m aterial. It rem ains possible that the w hole "Memorial" w as com posed "by com m ittee" and that som e of the ideas contained in the legend of Lech found therein cam e from Jan of D ^brow ka (or even som e other m em ber of the Polish delegation). Perhaps som e elem ents of D higosz's legend of Lech are even derived from the speculations of this other m an or m en (or oral traditions they h a d heard from others yet), and m ade their w ay from the "Memorial" into D higosz's second redaction of the A nnales. Given, however, that D higosz w as the only historian am ong h is com patriots w ith a know n penchant for speculative elaborations, it is m ost likely that he is the sole author of the Lech article in the 'M emorial." W e have already n o ted a possibility the large num ber of subjects and follow ers that appear in the A n n a les' version of the legend of Lech, as well as the greater apparent tim e rem ove from the Plain of Sennar w ere in som e w ay responses to the H istoria bohem ica of A eneas Sylvius (which Dhigosz at an rate, he seem s to have obtained right around the tim e this m em orial w as w ritten in the m id 1460s). We m ight also understand it as a response to the needs of Polish diplom acy against the Teutonic O rder, for the tight linkage of Lech to the land (and the territorial claims of the Polish kingdom ) characteristic of the 'M em orial," is found developed at even greater length in the chorography of the A nnales. 485 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Perhaps even the necessities of arguing for Polish territorial claim s in 1464 gave him the idea of ad d in g the chorography to the legend of Lech in the first place. W e shall probably n ever know for certain, b u t it is clear D higosz had m uch invested in the plausibility of the legend of Lech against the doubts of Aeneas Sylvius, or the outright skepticism of the Bishop of Osilia. Such interested skepticism, or anasceua, tow ard unwelcom e claims found in various ethnogenetic legends w as n o t a rarity in fifteenth and sixteenth century, as Frank Borchart has dem onstrated, and w e have already m et it in another diplom atic context in the response of the anonym ous Rom an to the oration of Jan O strorog.193 Perhaps this is w hy Dhigosz lavished such attention in elaborating on it, in order to m ake it seem m ore plausible, and to endow it w ith such details that w ould give it the ring of truth. IV . T he Legend o f Krak A. Summary Dhigosz begins his account of the legend of K rak as follows: on the d eath of Lech's line, the leading m agnates and nobility of the Poles (p rim is P olonorum p roceribus e tn o b ilita te ) m et together in Gniezno, and it seem ed to them best th at they free them selves from the princely yoke. R em em bering their previous state (cum a n tiq u e recordationis g ra vita te tenerentur), th ey resolved never to 193 Borchart, German A ntiquity 44-45. 486 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. allow them selves to be subject to such a yoke again. A t this point Dhigosz has w ritten in a passage on the m argin (and therefore in his last years) m aking clear the m otives of the body politic for doing this: They abolished the monarchical constitution [monarchie statum], which it seemed to them allowed kings and tyrants to do anything they desired with impunity. Since opulent wealth, arrogance, envy, and perversity of nature led them to it, they scorned their own people [utpopvlaribus suis fastidiosi sint], and looked enviously on the most noble [optimis]. They were friends of the wicked, kind to the perverse, and prone to give ear to all kind of [slanderous] incrimination [in singulas cnminadones admittendas proni]. They broke the laws of their fathers, allowed their borders to be compromised, raped women, deprived [people] of life and possessions without a sentence, and not contenting themselves with the affairs of Venus in a permissible way, they polluted themselves with the illicit, and substituted their own will for reason.194 The text continues w ith a description of the replacem ent constitution: in order th at such a large state (respublica) w ould n o t be w ith o u t governance, they established such laws as seem ed necessary to a sim ple a n d w ild age, and then elected tw elve m en from am ong the m agnates know n for their uprightness of life and sharpness of mind, nobility and wealth, and entrusted to them the highest authority of the land (illisque sum m am adm inistran.de reipublice), along w ith the right to resolve all disputes and to punish injustices. These m en appointed deputies for them selves w hen it w as necessary to d o so. A lthough these m en behaved w ith justice a nd did w h a t they could, the people grew accustomed to equality and freedom s (paritas tam en e tlib erta tis 194 Annales, 1:119. 487 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. u su s) n o t know n before and so began to hate them. The old discipline and severity perished am ong the Poles, an d , drunk w ith freedom , they refused to obey the o rders of the twelve m en if there seem ed to th em no advantage or necessity to do so, since they knew n o one would punish their rebellion. They also often accused the twelve leaders of breaking law s a n d ruling for their ow n p riv ate benefit. Betw een the leaders an d the people, therefore, there broke out frequent quarrels and hatred, w hich threatened to bury such a once w ell ruled republic. For the n ature of the com m on people (m u ltitu d in is) resem bles the sea, w hich w hen w h ip p ed up, is h ard to calm back dow n again. Dhigosz then adds som e explanation and interpretation of these events. W hen by the w ill of God the kings a n d princes died out, the Poles quite suitably resolved to base their constitution (im p eriu m su u m ) o n freedom and laws, thinking that their republic w ould g ro w in fortune if freedom w as preserved and guarded. W ith the exception of a few , how ever, m ost tu rn ed out w anton, quarrelsom e, a n d arrogant (w hether from nature or from the vastness of the land). They tolerated all kind of law lessness, and n o t only com m itted public and private crime o n their fellow countrym en, b u t began to transfer their quarrels to neighboring nations. These, in response, attacked P oland in num erous and savage wars, a n d since no one in P oland w as prepared to resist them , they laid w aste to the lan d at will. So it w as th a t the sweet nam e of freedom intended to help the realm (ad salubiium im p e rii), w h en abused by the Poles, bro u g h t their 488 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. republic great dam age an d loss. Furtherm ore, the w eaker, oppressed by the strong, too late attem p ted to gain help from the tw elve leaders, since all w ere preoccupied w ith their ow n affairs and desires. D lugosz then finishes up the section w ith one last conclusion that can be derived from this sorry turn of events: This goes to show that the rule of many [multorum imperio] cannot be long- lasting or profitable for the realm, and those that publicly behave with virtue, privately evoke the most violent hatred, since they have obtained predominance [partes prim as sibi vendicante], and know how to excel in giving advice and in all public affairs of this kind. Recognizing [versi ad] the great hatred, sedition, and killing, [the Poles] concluded to return to monarchy.195 Dhigosz's text a t this point takes one of its characteristic digressions, and discusses the origins of the Rus' state: When the Poles waged civil war amongst themselves, the Ruthenian state [prindpatus] arose, and grew in strength. Their land reached up to that land which today is encompassed by the name Podolia.. . . There were amongst them three men, bom of one mother and one father: Kiy [Kyg], Shchek [Szczyek], Koriv [Korew], and a fourth, a sister Lybed [Libed]. These three erected the three chief cities in Rus, which take there names from them, since Kij built a city on the river Dnieper, and named it Kiev [Kyow] after himself; Shchek: Sczyekawycza; and Korew: Korewycza.. . . There were also other leaders of the Poles [Polonorum Duces], namely, Radim and Vyatko [Wyathko]. . . and from their names lands and tribes are called, from Radim (Radzym) the Radimichians [Radziniczanye], and from Vyatko, the Vyatichains [W yathyczanye].. .The Ruthenian peoples descended from the Poles [nationes 195 Ibid., 120. Again much of this editorial comment was added to the original third redaction text by Dhigosz's own hand. 489 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Ruthenorum ex Polonis descendentes] used discernment in marriage and avoided contracting matrimony with sisters and close relatives.196 Dhigosz goes o n to include in his account the animal-like and unclean habits of the peoples ruled by Radzim and Viatko contained in the Tale o f B y-gone Years. D higosz begins his account of th e legend of Graccus / K rak w ith an explanation o f the m otives of the people in returning to m onarchy, expanding on the end of th e section on the tw elve leaders: With Polish affairs proceeding in this manner, debilitated and afflicted for a long time with civil discord and strife, as well as external hostility, all the nobility and people began once again to desire a single prince and monarch. Although the experience of liberty had grown sweet to them, sweet and pleasant and desirable above all else, they were constrained by the decline of the republic under many rulers to give up liberty and return to monarchy in order to avoid foreign servitude: they would raise up one prince and ruler to reign over so many peoples and lands, and obey him who by one law (equo iure) would restrain the powerful and the weak [alike].197 O n K rak's election itself Dhigosz writes: After careful and dilligent consideration [they struck upon] a certain man whose lands stretched from the streams of the Vistula up to the Pannonia mountains, courageous, valiant, industrious, and capable, Grak or Graccus by name, who exceeded others in intelligence, and whose probity had been demonstrated on many occasions. In common deliberation, all inclined toward him [universi sua vota concordi deliberadone convertuntj, and by common approbation and decree, he was elected prince and governor of the whole kingdom and 196 Annales, 1:121. 197 Ibid., 1:123. The last phrase of this block quote is derived from Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini's description of the election of the Czech Krok (Historia bohemica, 85). See Zar§bski, Stosunki, 132-33. 490 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. entreated [to take on] the affairs of state [in prindpem deligunt ac sibi todns regni gubemacula et summam rerum demandant]. He for a long time temporized undecided, refusing the purple and symbols of authority [fasces et purpuram], and remained silent in great perplexity, deliberating as to whether they were really sane, or whether they were proposing some [mere] appearance of majesty. At length, though, with his doubts answered, and unable to resist their importuning, he took up the princehood of the Poles, and began to administer public affairs with modesty" and foresight, such that he was revered as none other than a father by the Poles. For he did not rule the Poles in the tyrannical manner of old princes [priscorum prindpum more tirannide] or in pride, but governed quietly for the good of his subjects [pro utilitate subditorum et quiete singula admnistrans],l98 uniting in good faith a rude and fierce people more by benevolence than coercion, beloved by both the nobility and the people [plebiJ.199 Krak, he says, is th o u g h t by som e to be R om an, from the G racchus fam ily, who in the years 622 a n d 627 after the fo u n d in g of the city excessively agitated for an agrarian law. H e fled Rome after Tiberius an d G aius Gracchus w ere killed by the aristocratic faction, and took refuge in Poland, an d afterw ard w as given charge of the state am ongst the Poles. H e realized th a t at that time there w ere m any w ars and plots against Poland, and th at h e d id n o t have the m en to resist all the enemies, so he concluded peaces or arm istices w ith some, and attacked others. These w ars he conducted w ith good fortune and great foresight, so th at after every victory, knightly spirit, dam aged b y previous defeats, recovered am ong the Poles, and fear grew am ong their enem ies. 198 Here again Dtugosz is echoing Aeneas Sylvius's characterization of the Czech Krok: pro subditorum utilitate ac quiete prouidam rexit (Historia bohemica, 85). See Zar^bski, Stosunki, 133. 199 Annales, 1:123-24. 491 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A lready having experienced veterans. Prince Krak defeated the Gauls, w h en they tried to enter Poland after they h ad penetrated other countries and destroyed Pannonia. A fter this great victory, he gained even m ore renow n and affection, and w as obeyed w ith even m ore alacrity and devotion. So great w as K rak's fame and nobility, that all of Bohem ia subm itted itself to him , and to the e n d of his life, it rem ained beneath his rule and authority. Some estim ate and claim th at he began to rule am ong the Poles around the year 400 before the incarnation of Christ.200 The legend of the dragon slaying an d founding of K rakow ap p ear in the next discrete section of D higosz's autograph text. We hear that after his defeat of foreign enemies did K rak turn his attention to internal affairs of h is state: Therefore first he built a royal dtadel [arcem regiam] on a high hilltop with a broad pleasant flatland at its summit, which was washed by the waters of the Vistula, and called Wawel by the local inhabitants. Next for its greater defensibility [subsistenda], dignity, and decoration, he founded a dty [tube] not far from the castle, on that same broad river Vistula, and gave it his own name, naming it Krak6w. In this very castle and town he placed the throne of his kingdom [regni], and and there gave laws to the Poles and Czechs. He designated it as the center of his princely governance [metropolitim et primariam sui prindpatus], believing that the town would grow significantly on account of its exceptionally advantageous and convenient location. He was not mistaken in this, since the dty of Krak6w, up to then flourishing [only] due to the good health of Krak, began to ascend in many ways and with quick growth, and to increase its status and fortune so much that the neighboring regions and a ties began to envy its fortune and prosperity. The dty of Gniezno most envied and competed with it [Vehemendori autem emuladone etlivore Gneznensis 200 Ibid., 124. 492 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. a vitas ei infesta esse cepitj, since it deprived it of its foremost authority and appearance of predominant dignity, and eclipsed its old glory.201 N ot all w as w ell w ith the new ly prosperous city, for: In a cavern underneath the Wawel hill, on which Krak built his castle, a beast of huge size, having the appearance a dragon or holophage [draconis aut olopagi spedern habeas], took up its lair and began to devour as many carcasses of herd and domestic animals as presented themselves [before the cave], in order to satiate its hunger. It was not driven away by [the presence of] humans, but if it was unable to find (or was not given) enough herd animals to satiate its ravenous hunger, it emerged from its lair in broad daylight with horrible roarings, and sought to fill its gluttonous belly, suffocating and devouring many beasts of burden or oxen attached to wagons or ploughs. If people did not flee to a safe place, it filled its belly with them too, slaughtering them horribly. Its disgusting gluttony [execranda ingluviei rabies] so terrified and afflicted the inhabitants of Krak6w that they thought rather of abandoning the dty than of living there further, in the face of such a dangerous destroyer. By the order and decree of Krak, who grieved that the prosperity of the town he founded was suffering due to an outmigration of atizens [avium discessu], three animal carcasses were thrown to it each day in order to insure the safety of not only people, but of other living things, by satiating i t But since this was more burdensome for the prince than the atizens, and fearing that after his death the whole town would be abandoned, he ordered that the carcasses for the holophage be filled with sulfur, wax, pitch, covered with smoldering accelerant [caumateparum igne contecta] and thrown to the beast which swallowed them with its natural and accustomed avidness, and quickly fell over and died from from the burning heat and flames spreading in its interior.202 This action preserves th e city of Krakow: After the killing of the beast and great monster [belua etim m ani monstro], which certain writers call an holophage, the dty of Krakdw, saved better than could be hoped from a great danger, started to be built up more and more, and easily reached predominance among Polish a ties. The prince Krak himself. 201 Ibid., 125. 202 Ibid., 125-26. 493 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. whose skill and cleverness killed the great monster, was named tire father and liberator of his fatherland [parens et liberator patrie]-203 Only after the m o n ster is slain does K rak give the law to the Poles, w hich D higosz again changes an d elaborates som ew hat from the Vincentian tradition: He then first promulgated the law, established judges, and gave commands and decrees such as he thought suitable to regulate that still rude age [rudem adhac illam etatemj. The Poles used them for a long time afterwards, while the land blossomed in peace, quiet and wealth [opibus]. Whatever he established the Poles observed as the most just, throughout the course of many generations and centuries [per multas successiones et etates], as though they were revealed by a divine oracle, since besides the suitability of the laws and their inherent justness [naturalem iustidam], love and honor (as well as fear) for the legislator gave them weight and respectability.204 Since he defeated all the Poles' enemies, the peace he established lasted long. D uring this time, n ew buildings were built in old cities, and new settlem ents w ere founded in vast w ildernesses. After a long reign, K rak died in old age, an d w as buried: All the foremost Polish lords [primi Polonorum proceresJ and the varied crowd [ceterumque wlgus permiscuum] hurried to honor him with burial, and according to the custom of the time they buried him with the appropriate respect and approval [comprobatione] on the hill of Lasoty [Lyasszotino], which faces Krakdw. The tw o sons of Krak, in accordance with a special order given them by their father when he was still alive, and in order that his barrow would be more durable and eternal, and thus his descendants would not forget about him, artificially and deliberately raised the elevation of the hill, pouring sand on it so that its the summit towered over all the surrounding heights. The tomb [sarthophagum] erected with such hard work and difficulty attests up to 203 Ibid., 126. 204 Ibid., 126. 494 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. today they great reverence the Poles felt for such a great man, and their inclination to transmit memory of his name to his descendants, and to give him immortality. The form of the tomb attests to the fact that he was a Roman, since Romulus, the founder of Rome [Urbis] had a grave in the form of a hill built by men [pro viribusj in the same manner, from stone.205 In the n ex t section of his text, D tugosz gives an brief account of Bohemia after K rak's death: The Czechs (among whom, as was mentioned, Krak held rule on account of his courage and prudence) took LibuSa [Libusza], one of the three daughters that he left in Bohemia, as lady and ruler [dominam etprindpem ]. She, however, in order to soothe the aversion of the people, which was bearing female rule [imperium muliebre] poorly, compelled [coactum] a certain rustic by the name of Premysl [Przemisl] (who had occupied himself with tilling the soil) to forsake oxen and plow, and summoned him to be her husband and co-ruler [coniugium et in regnum accersit].206 Dlugosz goes on to note th at from Prem ysl descended all Czech rulers u p to the tim e of John of Luxem bourg, b u t that first Prem ysl had to overcom e the am azons, w hich he succeed in doing m ore "by trick and cleverness th an by m ight" (dolo m a g is e t astu . . . quam viribus). B. Sources and Interpretation Dhigosz begins his account of the the events leading up to the election of Graccus w ith a tale about the end of Lech's dynasty, derived in p art from the 205 Ibid., 127. 206 Ibid.,127. Premysl’ s name also appears as "Przemislaus" in this section of text. 495 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. regim e of twelve elected rulers th a t the G reat P oland C hronicle rather laconically postulated before the accession of K rak / Graccus. D higosz goes w ell beyond his source in turning this episode into a cautionary tale and exposition on hum an n atu re and a disquisition on the p ro p er w ay to organize political society. A lthough the m onarchy m ay seem oppressive, the lack of clear authority and indulgence in self-will that come about w ithout it leads to the developm ent of a society plagued by envy, arrogance, and licentiousness. D higosz7 s account also harkens back to the com m on topos of a period of chaos th at precedes the establishm ent of regular society. In this case, how ever, the period of chaotic, im m oral and violent (one m ight say Vannic) social relations actually com es after a period of prim itive m onarchy a n d highly disciplined virtue. The negative aspects of the prim itive are consigned by Dhigosz to this age of attem pted com m unal rule, w hereas the positive aspects of the prim itive are ascribed solely to the golden age of Lechite m onarchy. The K rakow canon has based his account of the origins of Rus on some version or versions of the Tale o f B y-gone Years; that is to say, on som e R uthenian chronicle or chronicles. Exactly which has been a m atter of ongoing discussion in both Polish- and Russian-language historiography. Those scholars w ho see Dhigosz using a single source generally argue that he w as using a now lost w estern Rus version, as D higosz7 s text seems to have som e particular variants in it that no other preserved version contains, and m ost of w hich seem 496 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. to have little to do w ith w hat D higosz w ould have concocted on his ow n.207 Som e scholars see him translating w hatever version he h a d in front of him . O thers noting the conciseness of D higosz's version as opposed to the long- w indedness of m ost surviving original versions, argue strongly th at he at least m u st have abbreviated it. A nother school of thought sees D higosz collecting several versions (including som e n o w lost), and m aking a concise com posite account o ut of w hat he found, although the apparent lack of any of his usual agenda in m ost of the peculiarities h e included m ight som ew hat w eaken this position.208 The one elem ent of this text w hich in all probability cam e from D higosz is the identification of the Polanie of P oland w ith the Polanie of the Dnieper, for this w ould support his contention (appearing already in the chorography) that the 207 Among the minor variants not found in other traditions I have had access to are: Dhigosz's version makes the hills named after Kiy's brothers into separate cities, he includes a paean to the fertility of Podolia, the main tribe observing evil customs is listed as the Dulebianie rather than the Drevlianie, an eponymous hero o f the Dulebianie is listed, where there is none in the others, and several other such details. Cf. Annales, vol. 1,121-123; Cross, ed., Russian Primary Chronicle 54-61; Zenkovsky, ed. The Nikonian Chronicle, vol. 1, 6-25. Dlugosz's version seem on balance closer to the latter (Muscovite) redaction of the Tale, as in his making the figures Askold and Dir princes, whereas in the former (older) Laurentian version of the Tale, they are clearly commoners. 208 Cf. for example Alexander Semkowicz, 52-53, Agnieszka Winiarska, "Historia radziecka o Janie Dhigoszu," in fan Dhigosz: Wpi§dsetnq rocznicq jego Smierd (Olsztyn, 1983), 191-96; Artur Kijas, "Nowogrod Wielki w 'Rocznikach' Jana Dhigosza," in Europa Orientalis: Polska i jej wschodni sqsiedzi od Sredniowiecza p o wsp6tczesno£d, Zbigniew Karpus, et al., eds. (Toruh, 1996), 25-27 (who summarize the older and more recent literature respectively, particularly the Russian language scholarship). Julia Radziszewska, "W Sprawie korzystania przez Dhigosza z T ow ieid Minonych Lat'," Ziemia cz§stochowska 14 (1984): 57ff. argues the case for Dhigosz's use of several different versions of the Tale. 4 97 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Ruthenians descend from the Poles. Since D higosz sees the good R uthenians in particular as an offshoot of the Poles; the anim al-like and unclean habits of the peoples ruled by the "Lechites" R adzim and Viatko in the Tale o f B y-gone Y ears loses any possibility of being interpreted in an anti-Polish way in his version. It is im portant to the interpretation of D higosz's Ruthenian digression to consider w hy he placed it w here h e did. By placing the rise of an independent Ruthenian state in the period of civil w ar and d isorder in Poland, h e h as provided him self with a perfectly suitable explanation as to w hy the Ruthenians, if they w ere originally Poles, came to fo u n d a separate state. H is implicit answ er w ould seem to be that they d id so to av o id the chaos g ripping the land after the dying o u t of Lech's lineage. Due to the n a tu re of things, m onarchy had to retu rn to the land, b u t already by th at tim e the R uthenian m onarchy had em erged as separate from that of the m ain branch of th e Poles. The territorial contraction of Poland therefore seem to be the final consequence of th e problem s that ensued at the end of the Lechite golden age. Dhigosz's account of the leg en d of K rak p ro p er is an interesting blend of elem ents taken over from his v arious sources, especially the G reat P oland C hronicle. These are seen th ro u g h the lens of h is ow n interpretation and blended w ith a few new elem ents, w hile th eir order is som etim es also rearranged. The m ark of the G reat P oland C hronicle o n this account is strong and obvious: the location of Graccus / K rak near th e Vistula, the preference (found in m ost of the 498 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. sections devoted to this legend) for the vernacular sounding "G rak" over the Latinate "G raccus," and K rak's being elected a prince rather than a king (although in the G reat Poland Chronicle, unlike Dhigosz’ s version, h e later becomes king). The far m ore flow ery version of Vincent, w ith its fam ous imprecision in detail seems to have little influence on the passage, although the "new " b it of inform ation that K rak's lands stretched "to the P annonian M ountains" (i.e. Carpathians) m ay be an unsuccessful attem pt b y D higosz to m ake sense of th e vague statem ent by M aster Vincent that he w as elected "returning from Pannonia." Just as D higosz borrow ed from his predecessors, he also changed and elaborated. The Vincentian tradition stresses the equity and justice of K rak's rule, the G reat P oland Chronicle the unanim ity of his election, and b oth of them inform D higosz's longer account. Yet the specifics such as his fit a n d careful deliberation before taking up the purple (against Vincent, w ho h as him recom m ending himself), and his avoidance of the "tyranny" of the princes of old, as well as the chaos in the country caused by the rule of m any m en leading to his election in the first place, are particular to Dhigosz. For good m easure, Dhigosz also increases and fills in the list of virtues exhibited by Krak, w hich incline his com patriots to elect him. It is curious to ponder w hy the m onarchy of the Lechite "golden" age is now described b y Dhigosz as "tyranny" (both here and in his explanation as to 499 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. w hy the notables of the kingdom w an ted to abolish the old m onarchy in the first place), and Krak seem ingly com m ended for avoiding it, and ruling by "benevolence." This again seem s to underline the complexity of D higosz's political ideals, for it im plies that D higosz h ad a sense of progress, as w ell as of regress, from the prim ordial "g

Asset Metadata

Creator Radzilowski, Paul Jerome (author)

Core Title Binding the new together with the old: Fifteenth -century writers on the origins of the Polish state and people in the face of earlier tradition

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

School Graduate School

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program History

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag history, European,History, Medieval,Literature, Slavic and East European,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Advisor [illegible] (committee chair), [illegible] (committee member), Simic, Andrei (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-67103

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Identifier 3018029.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-67103 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 3018029.pdf

Dmrecord 67103

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Radzilowski, Paul Jerome

Type texts

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