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The Hapa Student Community: The creation of a multiracial student organization and its impact on identity

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The Hapa Student Community: The creation of a multiracial student organization and its impact on identity

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Content THE HAPA STUDENT COMMUNITY: THE CREATION OF A MULTIRACIAL
STUDENT ORGANIZATION AND ITS IMPACT ON IDENTITY
by
Carolyn Kyoko Ozaki
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF EDUCATION
May 2004
Copyright 2004 Carolyn Kyoko Ozaki
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UMI Number: 1421786
Copyright 2004 by
Ozaki, Carolyn Kyoko
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DEDICATION
First, I would like to thank my parents and Daniel Tauss for your support and
confidence through this process. I also want to thank my chair, Dr. Melora Sundt.
Your guidance through my thesis has helped me to develop and pursue the next steps
in my academic pursuit.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION.................................................................................................................. ii
LIST OF TABLES.............................................................................................................v
ABSTRACT..................................................................................................................... vi
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION...................................................................................1
Background and Overview................................................................................................1
Statement of Problem....................................................................................................... 4
Significance of Study........................................................................................................7
Purpose of Study...............................................................................................................7
Research Questions...........................................................................................................8
Limitations..........................................................................................................................8
Definitions..........................................................................................................................9
Summary...........................................................................................................................10
CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE...................................................... 11
Ethnicity and Race........................................................................................................... 11
Acculturation Among Asian Americans........................................................................ 14
Race and Ethnic Identity Development Theories..........................................................18
Biracial/Multiracial Identity Development Theories....................................................23
The Role of Public Space and Student Organizations in Identity Development 28
Conclusion....................................................................................................................... 32
CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY......................................................... 34
Research Questions..........................................................................................................34
The Researcher................................................................................................................ 34
Participants...................................................................................................................... 35
Design...............................................................................................................................38
Procedures.........................................................................................................................39
CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS.............................................................................................41
The Group....................................................................................................................... 41
Sense of Self and Identity.............................................................................................. 49
Shifting lfom High School to USC and the USC Experience..................................... 53
Peer and Friendship Groups............................................................................................57
Development of the Hapa Student Community................................................57
Participation in the Hapa Student Community.................................................58
Involvement..................................................................................................................... 59
Activities.............................................................................................................59
Ethnic Groups and Campus Culture..................................................................60
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Development of and Involvement in the Hapa Student Community..............64
Themes..............................................................................................................................67
Identity................................................................................................................. 68
Socialization........................................................................................................69
Conclusion....................................................................................................................... 70
CHAPTER 5: ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION........................................................ 71
A Congruency and Incongruency...................................................................................71
Application to Racial Identification Theories................................................................72
Conditions for Formations.............................................................................................. 73
Significance of Study...................................................................................................... 75
Implications for Practice................................................................................................. 76
Recommendations for Further Research.......................................................................77
Conclusion....................................................................................................................... 78
REFERENCE.................................................................................................................. 80
APPENDIX A .................................................................................................................. 86
APPENDIX B.................................................................................................................. 91
APPENDIX C..................................................................................................................92
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V
LIST OF TABLES
Tablet: Bicultural Identity............................................................................................22
Table 2: Description of Participants............................................................................. 42
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ABSTRACT
In this study I examined the conditions and experiences of multiracial college
students that led to the development and participation of a mixed race student
organization, the Hapa Student Community, and how involvement in this group
impacted one’s sense of self and identity. Interviewed were fifteen multiracial
students who both participated in this organization and who chose not to. Using a
qualitative research approach I found two major themes that flowed through the data.
First, socialization and friendship groups were foundational to the establishment of
the student’s identity as well as the development, interest, and membership in the
Hapa Student Community. Second, all the students expressed a biracial heritage and
identity, but many also claimed that the ways they culturally identified did not fit
with the existing groups on campus. The concept of a cultural fit shaped the
student’s perception of peer groups and influenced their choices for involvement.
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Background and Overview
The 2000 U.S. Census marked a milestone in race self-identification. For the
first time a person could choose to identify with more than one of the six race
categories. Results indicate that the overall national population is approximately
2.4% multiracial. This percentage appears small, but what is significant is that
within that grouping, 42% are under the age of 18 (U.S. Census, 2001). Almost half
of the multiracial population will be heading to college in the next 20 years. The
current population of multiracial students is also thought to comprise one to two
percent of all students and is expected to grow (Schmidt, 1997). Due to its relatively
small size, this group often goes without much notice and it is assumed that they do
not have unique developmental needs that require exploration and attention (Thorton,
1992). The significance of this population is growing both on the national level, as
evidenced by the inclusion of a multiracial identification option in the U.S. Census,
and on college campuses.
For most traditionally aged (18-22) students, the college experience results in
a period of growth. Specifically, their sense of identity and self-concept often
undergo significant transformation (Erickson, 1968). Racial and ethnic identity
development models are well-established in the literature (Atkinson & Sue, 1993;
Helms, 1995; Cross, 1995), but multiracial identity development lacks the same
research. The limited literature that is available relies primarily on previous
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ethnic/racial stage progression identity models (Kewin & Ponterotto, 1995; Kich,
1992; Poston, 1990). These models presume that identity development moves
sequentially through stages. The person must resolve all issues of identity in one
stage before shifting to the next. These final stages suggest the person has come to a
deeper understanding and appreciation of their ethnicity—they have achieved a
healthy internalized ethnic identity (Phinney, 1990). There is an acceptance and
integration of both ethnicities as part of the person’s identity; concurrently, the
person ceases to rely on the expectations or ascribed race of others (Kerwin &
Ponterotto, 1995; Kich, 1992; Poston, 1990). There is an implied judgment that
some cultural resolutions are healthier then others (Sue & Sue, 1990).
More recently, Maria Root (1996) created a biracial identity model that
allows for lateral and flexible identification across racial categories. This model no
longer assumes a dichotomy of choices, rather it suggests that the individual can hold
and merge multiple perspectives in different ways. She relies on Anzaldua’s (1987)
concept of borderlands and border crossings to allow for comfortable identification
to, in, and across categories. As opposed to the previous linear models, Root’s
theory considers any mode or combination of modes to be a healthy resolution to
multiracial/ethnic identity (Renn, 2003).
The topic of multiracial identity amongst college students begs for inquiry
into how the individual negotiates a sense of self amongst peers in a diverse and
unique environment, such as a college campus, during a period of growth and change.
Erikson (1968) identified eight stages of identity development over an individual’s
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lifetime. One of the most critical phases is the transition from childhood to
adulthood and the process of defining themselves independent of their parents and
other models. This generally occurs in the late teens into early adulthood. Part of
this process is establishing their racial/ethnic identity amongst their peers. How
these students create a space for belonging in the public sphere of their lives is
important to this process. Finding this space within existing ethnic and racial groups
is one way these students resolve this conflict, but for others their search leads to the
development of a separate multiracial student organization (Renn, 1998).
According to the 2000 U.S. Census the percentage of Asians who self-
identify more than one race is 13.9%. This is in comparison to 2.5% of the White
population who claim more than one race and 4.8% of the Black population who
report a combination of races (Census, 2001). The 1990 U.S. Census found that
there were 39% more Japanese/white births than monoracial Japanese American
births that year. This trend was also true, although not as high, for other Asian and
Pacific Islander American groups. Therefore, it is reasonable to believe that a
significant number of multiethnic students are partially of Asian heritage.
In general, there are not many multiracial student organizations on college
campuses in Southern California; those that do exist primarily identify as being for
Asian Americans of mixed heritage. At the University of Southern California (USC)
in Los Angeles a small group of students have formed a new multiracial Asian
American student organization, the Hapa Student Community. USC is a large
private research university of approximately 30,000 students, 16,000 of which are
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undergraduates. American minorities represent 37% of the population (USC
Division of Student Affairs, 2002).
USC began to count the number of students on their campus who self-identity
as multiethnic in 1998. A freshmen survey revealed that 11.4% of that year’s
incoming class identified with more than one ethnicity (Pavelchak, 1999).
Subsequent surveys of the 2000-2002 freshmen classes averaged 9.8% multiethnic;
of this percentage 20.7% were Asian American (USC Division of Enrollment
Services, 2002). There are a significant number of students at USC that identifies as
being multiethnic with an Asian heritage. In this study I explored why some of these
students chose to form a separate public space on campus for Asian mixed-race
students—why they felt the need to create the Hapa Student Community (HSC)
organization. Concurrently, I also explored the reasons that other mixed-race
students opted to not join the HSC.
Statement of Problem
The college campus environment and its various elements is the primary
setting for an individual’s ethnic/racial identity development and internal growth; the
academic classroom, living environment, student organizations, and peer interactions
provide opportunities to explore different aspects of one’s identity (Austin, 1984;
Chickering & Reisser, 1993; Stephan, 1992, Renn, 1998). These forms of
involvement on campus also influence how that student make meaning of their
identity (Root, 2000). In the campus environment the individuals and groups in
authority influence the student’s sense of self. How a student chooses to identify
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themselves within this environment is directly influenced by the personal and
political responses and ramifications (Helms, 1993: Helms, 1995; Renn, 2000;
Stephen, 1992).
Race/ethnic and student identification theories support the importance for
students to have a group of like-others with whom to affiliate (Chickering &
Associates, 1981; Daniel, 1996; Renn, 2000; Root, 1990; Weisman, 1996).
Researchers have proposed an array of models that describe the process of
racial/ethnic identification for individuals of minority groups in terms of progressive
stages (Atkinson et al., 1989; Cross, 1971; Helms, 1993; Sue and Sue; 1990). The
most difficult and unsettling period of this development often occurs during late
adolescence and early adulthood (Chickering & Associates, 1981; Erikson, 1968;
Kerwin and Ponterotto, 1995; Kich, 1992; Poston, 1990). A significant stage for a
majority of the monoracial/ethnic models involves the ability of the individual to
immerse themselves in the ethnic culture with their peers. They are able to explore
what it means to be part of their ethnic/racial group and establish their identity and
commitment to their ethnic/racial group (Atkinson et ah, 1989; Cross, 1971; Cross,
1995; Helms, 1993; Sue and Sue, 1990).
Identity development models for multiracial/ethnic individuals suggest that
the multiracial person will experience a need or pressure to make a choice between
their multiple heritages. They will enmesh themselves in one group, while rejecting
or denying the other. The monoracial ethnic groups provide a forum to explore the
one ethnic group on a deeper level, but they must set aside their other ethnic heritage
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in order to do so (Kerwin and Ponterotto, 1995; Kich, 1992; Poston, 1990).
Researchers suggest that there are also individuals who chose to identify with groups
that do not involve race or ethnicity in order to avoid the struggle of having to
choose between their ethnic groups (Kerwin and Ponterotto, 1995; Kich, 1992). In
addition, it is not unusual for the monoracial groups to reject the individual if they
express their multiraciality (Daniel, 1996; Renn, 2000). For the person who attempts
to adhere to and explore a multiracial identity these models are problematic. These
models do not include stages of immersion because there generally lacks a true peer
group for a multiracial person to relate and involve themselves with (Renn, 2000;
Root, 1990).
One way in which colleges and universities have encouraged students of
various races to address their identity has been through the support and development
of ethnic/race based student groups on campus. Renn (2000) demonstrated that this
type of group rarely exists for the multiethnic student, yet may be needed to support
them in their identity formation. She suggested that students will form these groups
if there is a critical mass of multiracial students on campus, they are unsatisfied with
current ethnic based groups, and they feel that identity based public space is
important to them. Furthermore, little is known about the impact that participation in
a mixed heritage identity based organization has on a student’s ethnic identity
development. It is important to explore the development of multiracial/ethnic groups
and their effectiveness in providing support to this population.
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Significance of Study
The limited amount of research on multiethnic/racial college students focuses
on the process of identity development. Studies have yet to significantly explore
how identity is shaped by the various elements of the campus environment. This
study’s insight into the creation of and involvement in an identity-based student
organization widens our understanding of how mixed heritage students are
developmentally impacted by publicly aligning themselves with other
multiethnic/racial students. Understanding why mixed ethnic/race students choose to
form these student organizations and how their involvement affects them allows
researchers and administrators to better address the need of this growing population
on their campuses. Multiethnic/racial students recognize that race is an ever present
issue and experience difficulty in developing a multiracial identity (Nishimura, 1998).
Therefore, it is important for administrators to know how to support students as they
explore their identities in college environments.
Purpose of Study
Student development theories defend the involvement of students on
campuses and underscore the need for them to feel connected to their peers and
environment. It is important for multiethnic/race students to feel that they have both
peers who share their experiences and space within the campus culture to explore
and express their multiethnic/racial identity. This case study focused on how the
development of and participation in one multiracial student organization facilitates
exploration of ethnic identity and influences identity development for the member.
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Research Questions
1. What conditions or experiences prompt multiethnic/racial students to
create and participate in an identity-based public space and why do
some students choose not to participate at all?
2. How does participation in an identity-based multiethnic student
organization affect one’s identity and sense of self?
Limitations
A limitation of the study was the expectation that the students involved
already identify themselves as multiethnic/racial. Therefore, while participation in
the Hapa Student Community was likely to impact students’ sense of self in some
way, a major shift in ethnic identity was not probable.
A second limitation was the impact that my own racial identity may have had
on the participants. Being biracial, Asian and White, may have made the participants
feel more comfortable and help them to understand my own interest in this topic, but
the participant may have assumed that I had a similar or more intimate understanding
of their experience than was true. Therefore, their descriptions may not have been as
full or in depth in comparison to a situation where the researcher is presumed to be
personally unfamiliar with the topic.
Finally, the short timeline and moderate number of students willing to
participate in this student limited its breadth and depth. Therefore, it is an
exploratory study that provides a platform from which further research can jump
from.
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Definitions
Acculturation—The degree to which immigrants and minority members adopt the
culture, customs, and language of the mainstream or host society; this also reflects
the degree to which the immigrant and minority members have integrated into the
organizations, institutions, and clubs on a social level (Min, 1999).
Ethnicity—“A group classification of individuals who share a unique social and
cultural heritage (customs, language, religion, and so on) passed on from generation
to generation” (Casas, 1984, p. 787).
Ethnic/racial identity—“The dimension of a person’s overall self-concept, or sense
of self, that develops out of an understanding of their membership within a particular
ethnic group, and the meaning that this membership conveys; ethnic identity does not
simply mean one’s ethnicity, or ethnic group of heritage” (Wallace, 2001, p.xi).
Hapa— A term, Hawaiian in origin, commonly used to describe an Asian Pacific
Islander of mixed heritage (Root, 1996).
Identity based space— A psychological or physical area within the public or private
arena formed around a group or person’s self-concept. Within this space the students
explore the meanings of their identities (Renn, 2000; Root, 1997). This study will
discuss ethnic/racial identity based space.
Mixed heritage—Having two or more ethnic or racial heritage (Wallace, 2001).
Monoethnic/racial—Having ancestry or identity rooted in one ethnic/racial heritage
(Root, 1996; Wallace, 2001).
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Multiethnic/racial—A person who is of two or more ethnic/racial heritage and/or
identifies as such (Root, 1996; Wallace, 2001).
Public space—The symbolic or physical space in the campus environment where
peer culture was enacted (Renn, 2000).
Race—A system of classification based on phenotypical characteristics; this
biological description does not have any inherent meaning or implications. Yet, a
sociopolitical classification attributed by society creates meaning (Helms, 1993;
Wallace, 2001).
Summary
In this first chapter I reviewed the basic status of multiracial college students
and established the need, both in the research literature and for practitioners, to
investigate how students make meaning of their multiethnic identity through identity
based student organizations. In chapter two I will review student and identity
development theories, specifically as they relate to multiracial students; examine the
concepts of ethnicity, race, and assimilation in relationship to Asian American
multiethnic/racial students; and review the concepts that underlie the need for
identity based student organizations. In chapter three I share my research methods.
My findings will explore the influence that participation in a multiethnic/racial
student organization has on the ethnic identity of its members and explore the
reasons it was formed in chapter four. Finally, chapter five will provide implications,
limitations, and further areas of research.
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CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
This chapter reviews literature related to the concepts of ethnicity and race,
research on ethnic/race development and multiethnic/racial identity development,
and related student development theories. I then review research as it pertains to the
college campus environment and the function that identity-based student run
organizations serves for the college students.
Ethnicity and Race
One of the difficulties in studying ethnicity and race is the lack of a broad and
agreed upon definition for either concept. The two ideas are clearly related to one
another and share issues surrounding self and group identification, but ethnicity and
race are separate constructs, each with different relationships to the individual and
ethnic/racial group.
Wallace (2001) describes ethnic identity as a “person’s overall self-concept
that develops out of an understanding of one’s membership within a particular ethnic
group and its meaning” (p.31). The ethnic group that a person identifies with is
defined by a sharing of cultural heritage, practices, values, and beliefs held by a
group of people (Sodowsky et al., 1995). These cultural bonds symbolically and
socially relate individuals together.
Ethnic identity is based on more than the physical features and cultural
elements shared by a group. It requires the individual’s self-identification with the
group, sense of belonging and attachment, ethnic pride or positive attitude toward the
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group, and participation in the group’s ethnic practices (Phinney, 1990; Rowe et al.,
1995; Sodowsky et al., 1995; and Wallace, 2001). Phinney (1990) defines ethnic
identity within the context of the larger society. She describes acculturation as
changes in “cultural attitudes, values, and behaviors as a result from contact between
two cultures” (p. 501). In the United States, ethnic groups operate as subcultures
within a larger dominant culture. One element of ethnic identity is the degree of
acculturation of the individual into the dominant culture. For individuals who have
multiple ethnic backgrounds, the task of developing one’s ethnic self-concept and
negotiate membership amongst multiple groups and cultures becomes complex
(Nishimura, 1998).
Race as the categorization of groups according to common physical features
is, typically, associated with specific ethnic and cultural markers but is not based on
them. Rather, literature suggests that race is a concept built on the varying
conditions of domination and oppression found politically in society throughout U.S.
history (Helms, 1995; Root, 1992; Sodowsky et al., 1995; Thorton, 1996). Degrees
of economic, political, and social power have historically been associated with racial
domination and oppression (Helms, 1995; Sodowsky et al, 1995). Therefore, the
concept of race is socially constructed around sociopolitical models of oppression
(Helms, 1995; Root, 1992; Sodowsky et al., 1995; Thorton, 1996). White groups
traditionally are considered to be devoid of ethnic elements and markers and have
held the socially dominant positions within U.S. society. Therefore, ethnic
minorities, who cannot avoid racial labeling, are usually found to be less politically
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and economically mobile; they are the oppressed members of a racialized society
like the U.S (Wallace, 2001). ). If oppression is being considered in relation to
ethnic identity then ethnicity is being addressed at the racial level (Sodowsky et al.,
1995).
Helms (1995) asserts that race defining characteristics (i.e. skin color) are
determined by the dominant group. Racial labels are proscribed by this group and
people are socialized according to the race they are assumed to be. The social
position associated with the minority group is also proscribed. Racial identity,
however, does not always match ethnic identity. The dominant culture generally
expects that one’s self-identification will correspond with the racial group that is
attributed by the public based on one’s physical appearance (Thorton, 1996). But
often the racial label ascribed differs from the person’s private self concept (Phinney,
1990; Helms, 1993; Sodowsky et al., 1995).
This study chooses to address the issue of mixed heritage from both the
ethnic and racial perspectives. As mixed race marriages and coupling have
historically been legally and socially unacceptable, in the last 20 years interracial
marriage has become more customary. As these marriages have become more
conventional their mixed race children have experienced increased acceptance. Yet,
oppression that accompanies minority groups is still felt by persons of mixed
heritage (Nishimura, 1998). Lack of belonging to either racial group as a result of
racial uniform, the conceptualization of a new race, and the negotiation of multiple
racial identities (particularly when one race is white and the others is a traditionally
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14
underrepresented group) are racial themes commonly heard in studies of multiracial
identity (Renn, 1998; Renn, 2000; Wallace, 2001).
Research has not identified a mixed-race culture at this point. In fact, there
are so many variations and ethnic blends that create the multiracial population, the
existence of a common culture is difficult to imagine. Yet, it is important to
recognize a mutual sense of culture among similar ethnic groups that even those who
are multiracial could share in. The Hapa Student Community assumes that there is
more of a cultural bond amongst mixed race students with one Asian parent than
with other students who may be half black and half white. The ethnicity of the Asian
parent may vary, but there is the possibility of recognizing shared Asian values, a
family history of immigration, and even Asian foods.
Acculturation Among Asian Americans
When specifically addressing issues of race and ethnicity among Asian
Americans it is important to explore the concept of acculturation. As different Asian
ethnic groups have immigrated to the U.S. over the past 150 years they have had a
profound influence on the existing White dominant culture. Reciprocally, as these
ethnic groups have established themselves they, too, experience changes in their
collective values and behaviors (Gordon, 1964; Min, 1999; Phinney & Kohatsu,
1997; Sodowsky et al., 1995). These phenomena are what are referred to as
acculturation.
The U.S. began to experience its first Asian immigrants in 1848, during the
gold rush, with the significant movement of Chinese sojourners. Soon to follow
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were the Japanese, Filipinos, and Koreans. The gold rush eventually slowed to a
trickle but immigrants continued to come, fleeing turmoil in their native homes and
seeking economic prosperity in unknown lands. While anti-immigration laws
regularly curbed Asian migration, the Immigration Act of 1965 expanded the ability
for individuals to move to the U.S. beyond what was seen before. This began the
second wave of immigration and was followed by an influx of refugees from
Southeast Asia after the Vietnam War (Fong, 2002).
Once here, immigrants begin the process of adjusting to their new culture and
responding to environmental pressures to conform to the dominant culture’s
behaviors and values. Gordon (1964) referred to this process as cultural and social
acculturation. The first level, cultural acculturation, refers to the extent that the
immigrant or minority group takes on the language, customs, and behaviors of the
dominant society. Taking it a step further requires social acculturation; the
accessibility and ability of the immigrant and minority groups to participate in the
institutions and clubs of the dominant culture.
Traditionally it was believed that as an individual’s level of acculturation
increased the ties to the culture of origin would be replaced by acceptance of the new
culture (Cole & Cole, 1954; Gordon, 1964; Park, 1940). This model has not been
found to reflect the ethnic identity and attachment experiences of immigrating
individuals (Hurh & Kim, 1984; Min & Kim, 1999). Rather, literature supports the
notion that a person can hold strong dominant culture identities and retain solid ties
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to their ethnic culture and identity (Berry, 1980; Hurh & Kim, 1984; Phinney &
Kohatsu, 1997; Sodowsky et al., 1995).
While empirical studies are scarce, this bidirectional concept is proposed by a
number of theorists. Berry (1980) first suggested a bidirectional model in an effort
to reflect the true complexity of acculturation. A level of identification with one’s
ethnic group will not necessarily impact the level of commitment or identification
with the dominant society. The two can be mutually exclusive. Gim Chung (1996)
applied this orthogonal model to Korean Americans. She noted that the strength of
the model lies in its flexibility and recognition of the impact that context has on
behavior. She also cautions that this situational adaptability can cause a lack of
integration within one’s self. Finally, Sodowsky et al. (1995) adapted Berry’s model
to Asian Americans in the form of yes/no responses to two questions, one measuring
the level of ethnic identity and the other measuring the commitment to dominant
society. This model is examined more closely later in this paper. Biculturality is
believed to provide a better basis for psychological functioning than cultural
reference point because of the person’s ability to positively interact with members of
one’s own group, other groups, and dominant society (Phinney & Kohatsu, 1997).
In addition, variation in the degree of acculturation may be found among
individuals from the same group (Berry, 1980; Gim, Atkinson, & Whiteley, 1990;
Sodowsky et al., 1995; Min & Kim 1999) and is influenced by their generation (i.e.
length of residence in the U.S.) and region they live in (Kitano, Fujino, & Sato, 1998;
Lee & Yamanaka, 1990).
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In an empirical study, Lee and Yamanaka (1990) found that marriage outside
of one’s race was influenced by both region and generation. There was a higher
incidence of out-marriage among male and female Asian Americans outside the
states with the highest Asian American population, Hawaii and California. The
authors suggest that the lack of Asian Americans in these areas can account for the
high numbers of out-marriage. In addition, younger Asian American adults of later
generations (2n d and 3rd ) had a higher rate of out-marriage. Also, Kitano et al.’s
(1998) examination of Los Angeles city marriage license also found generation to be
the strongest indicator of out-marriage. The longer the generational residence in the
U.S. the more likely they were to out-marry. Both studies looked at a number of
Asian American ethnicities including Japanese, Chinese, Korean, and Vietnamese.
Interracial marriage is often considered an indicator of a high level of
acculturation, however the previous discussion on bidirectional identity indicates that
it is possible for the Asian partner to retain a strong bicultural or ethnic identity
within an interracial marriage. The participants in this study are the result of these
unions. While this study does not directly look at issues of acculturation among
multiethnic people, I suspect the degree to which their families’ have acculturated,
both in cultural practice and values, affects their sense attachment to their Asian and
White (or other ethnic heritage) heritages.
These theories attempt to explain acculturation of ethnic individuals in the
U.S., but they over simplify the actual experiences and only allow a glimpse into the
phenomena. In addition, the multiethnic person’s position is different from that of a
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monoethnic person, particularly when an individual’s multiethnic background is
partially White. The multiethnic person who is part White can face varying degrees
of acculturation (depending on family demographics) through one parent, but also
identify with the dominant culture through the other parent. Finally, the race and
acculturation experiences of Japanese, Korean, Chinese, and Vietnamese Americans
are varied and difficult to generalize; between the monoethnic Asian American
groups there is wide variation in acculturation levels (Atkinson & Gim, 1989; Gim,
Atkinson, & Whitely, 1990; Gim Chung, 2001). The addition of another heritage
creates a more complex condition. Overall, there is not a significant amount of
literature on the ways that a biracial person experiences acculturation. This study
does not intend to tackle this issue, but it does investigate how student organizations
might assist multiethnic college students when grappling with these personal topics.
Multiethnic students wade through issues of ethnicity, race, and acculturation
as they are forming their sense of self and identities. Following is a discussion of the
ethnic/racial identity theories that have shaped thought about this topic over the last
30 years. I will discuss what authors have suggested and also how these theories are
applicable to multiracial population.
Race and Ethnic Identity Development Theories
Multiple race and ethnic identity development theories describe the
exploration of identity within minority group members. These models vary from
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ethnic specific experiences (Cross, 1971 and Casa & Pytluk, 1995) to describing a
common experience of minority development (Atkinson et al., 1989, Phinney, 1989,
and Sodowsky et al., 1995).
In 1971, W.E. Cross Jr. proposed the Psychology of Nigrescence model.
With revisions, this theory sequentially presents Nigrescense as a re-socializing
process that moves identity from a non-Afrocentric identity to an Afrocentric one.
Cross’s (1995) model has five stages: 1) Pre-Encounter—a preexisting identity that
views physical blackness as having low importance in everyday life; 2) Encounter—
experiencing and personalizing events that challenge the current identity; 3)
Immersion-Emersion—one immerses him/herself in Black issues, groups, politics,
and culture and then emerges from this period and experiences a “leveling o ff’; 4)
Internalization—the new identity is internalized and the person is more content with
him/herself and able to address other issues of identity; 5) Internalization-
Commitment—the person makes a long-term commitment to involvement and
interest in Black affairs.
Since its original introduction, numerous other theories have used the
structure of Cross’ model in an attempt to explain development from alternate
perspectives. In an effort to generalize Cross’ developmental theory beyond the
experience of Black people, Atkinson et al. (1989) suggested the Minority Identity
Development Model (MID). Based on the Nigrescence model, MID also has five
stages: conformity, dissonance, resistance and immersion, introspection, and
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synergistic. The final stage results in the achievement of self-fulfillment and cultural
identity within one’s minority ethnicity.
Sue and Sue (1990) adapted Atkinson et al’s model to the Racial/Cultural
Identity development Model (R/CID). The authors frame this theory in terms of a
racial perspective— the development of the minority person “as they struggle to
understand themselves in terms of their own culture, the dominant culture, and the
oppressive relationship between the two cultures” (p.96). Similar to the R/CID,
Helms’ (1993) Racial Identity Model is based on the sociopolitical construction of
race and racism in the U.S. Her racial identity model for people of color focuses on
the person’s ability to overcome internalized racism (Helms, 1995).
These models have contributed a great amount to our understanding of the
individual’s ethnic/racial development, yet a challenge arises when these models are
applied to a multiracial person. All the models include some form of
immersion/emersion stage where the individual is expected to immerse themselves
within their ethnic/racial culture and simultaneously reject the dominant culture. For
the multiracial individual this stage suggests that the person would immerse
themselves in one part of their heritage and reject the other (Poston, 1990; Root,
1990). This process results in an internalized oppression of their racial heritage and
a possible rejection of one parent (Root, 1990). Furthermore, the
immersion/emersion stage expects a public space for the individual to explore his/her
culture in; for the multiracial person these groups or spaces are rare (Renn, 2000).
Finally, the monoracial/ethnic stage models do not provide for the integration of
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several group identities. They are based on the integration and acceptance of one
ethnic/racial identity in the presence of a dominant group (Poston, 1990).
These previous models also fall short when attempting to capture the process
of and impact that acculturation has on the individual. Acculturation models
concentrated on ethnic identity are concerned “with individuals, and the focus is on
how they relate to their own group as a subgroup of the larger society” (Phinney,
1990, p. 501). Racial and ethnic identity refers to the sense of self that results from
“an understanding of their membership within a particular ethnic (racial) group, and
the meaning that this membership conveys...” (Wallace, 2001, p. xi). It focuses on
the individuals relationship to their racial and ethnic group; their sense of belonging
to that group and the meaning that their membership takes on. In contrast,
acculturation is concerned with the individual’s relationship to their own
ethnic/racial group in light of their additional membership in larger society.
Acculturation questions the individual’s identification with their ethnic/racial group
and with the dominant group in relationship to one another. This study straddled
both issues. It examined the student’s identification with their multiple races and
with their identification as biracial. In addition, the questions that investigated the
student’s relationship to monoracial groups on campus explored the relationship
between their racial heritage and cultural identity, a matter of acculturation.
As mentioned earlier, the bicultural linear models propose that if ethnic ties
are strong at one end of the spectrum then there will be a weakening of ties to the
dominant culture, with the opposite also being true (Cole & Cole, 1954; Gordon,
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1964; Park, 1940; Phinney 1990). Berry (1980) developed a two dimensional model
where ties to the traditional culture and to the dominant culture are considered
independent and strong identification with one does not necessarily mean that there
will be low involvement or identification with the other. Sodowsky et al.’s (1995)
has applied this model to the examination of Asian American ethnic identity. They
modified the model to asses the ethnic identity based on two questions: Is my ethnic
identity of value and to be retained? And is the White identity of the U.S. dominant
society to be sought? A yes/yes answer indicates a bicultural identity; yes/no a
strong ethnic identity; no/no reflects cultural marginalization; and no/yes is a person
who has a strong U.S. White identity (Table 1).
The four orientations are as such:
Table 1
Bicultural Identity
Identification with ethnic group
(Is my ethnic identity of value
and to be retained?)_________
Strong/Y es Weak/No
Identification with majority group
(Is the White identity of the U.S.
dominant society to be sought?)
Strong/Yes Acculturated/ Assimilated
Bicultural
Weak/No
Ethnically
identified Marginal
Note. From “Ethnic identity of Asians in the United States,” by G.R. Sodowsky, K.K. Kwan, and R.
Pannu, 1995, Handbook o f multicultural counseling, p. 123-154. Copyright 1995 by Sage
Publications, Inc.
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These mutually exclusive categories provide a framework to understand the
individual’s sense of identity as he/she adjusts to the host culture and negotiate
his/her sense of ethnic identity within that culture. It also suggests a model that can
address a situation in which one’s physical or racial appearance does not match the
person’s ethnic or cultural identity. For later immigrant generations or biracial
people their “external” identity and “internal” identity may differ. This model
contends that the individual can be healthy, even if s/he does not strongly identify
with his/her traditional ethnic group, as long as s/he has a reference group to which
s/he belongs (Sodowsky et al., 1995).
This acculturation model does not and is not meant to provide a schematic
for understanding the unique process of racial and ethnic identity development for
multiracial/ethnic individuals, but it does present a model that allows for bimodal
conception. The ability of an individual to identify with more than one ethnic culture
and to examine how they intersect allows for a multidimensional and an increasingly
complex approach to ethnic identity that may more accurately reflect
multiracial/ethnic identity.
Biracial/Multiracial Identity Development Theories
In 1937, Stonequist suggested that a person with more then one ethnic
heritage was a “marginal man.” The person is associated with both worlds but does
not fully belong to either, therefore placing him on the fringe. This deficit model
assumes that mixed heritage identity is problematic and exacerbates problems
associated with typical identity development. It places the source of identity
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problems within the individual and ignores environmental and societal factors
associated with prejudice, oppression, and power dynamics (Poston, 1990). Since
Stonequist’s seminal biracial model of identity development was published, there
have been multiple alternative models that attempt to explore multiethnic identity in
light of racial power structures and the multiple factors that influence identity. Each
of these models makes the assumption that resolution occurs when the multiracial
person accepts the different sides of their racial heritage (Root, 1990).
Poston (1990) first presented a stage model based on Cross’s Model of
Nigrescence. The five progressive stages are as follows: 1) Personal Identity—
identity is salient; 2) Choice o f Group Categorization—person feels forced to
choose one identity; 3) Enmeshment/Denial—there is confusion and guilt for having
to choose one identity; 4) Appreciation—person appreciates multiple identities and a
broadened reference group; 5) Integration—there is wholeness and integration of
multiple identities, all identities are valued. This model is helpful in conceptualizing
the different factors that affect identity choice, but it assumes that all multiracial
individuals will undergo confusion with negative results (Kerwin & Ponterotto,
1995). This theory was tested by Hall (1980) in this study over two-third of the
multiracial adults interviewed have overcome their confusion and reached a healthy
stage of integration. There appeared to be a lack of significant lasting negative
affects on identity, suggesting less maladaptive results than proposed by Poston.
Jacobs (1992) proposed three stages of development for biracial identity
formation in children. During stage one, Pre-Color Constancy: Play and
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Experimentation With Color, the child recognizes color as an ongoing characteristic;
stage two, Post-Color Constancy: Biracial Label and Racial Ambivalence, finds the
child becoming ambivalent and vacillating between racial groups; the third stage,
Biracial Identity, the child identifies as biracial based on the social group each parent
belongs to. Kich (1992) developed a similar model for adults that recognizes the
awareness of differentness and dissonance, a struggle for acceptance, and, finally,
self-acceptance and ascertainment of an interracial identity. These models view
development as a lifetime process (Kerwin and Ponterotto, 1995).
Kerwin’s and Ponterotto’s (1995) empirically based model attempts to
synthesize the findings of other studies. This theory is age-based and moves from
preschool through adulthood culminating in a biracial identity. First, the Preschool
Stage research supports the emergence of racial awareness during this time. Next,
with Children’ s Entry to School begins the use of descriptive racial labels and terms.
Third, during Pre-adolescence there is an increased recognition of one’s physical
appearance as representative of group membership. During Adolescence the
intersection of normal development and social pressures lead adolescents to identify
with a specific racial group. For the biracial individual this can be very challenging
due to the perceived pressure to have to choose one racial group over another.
College/Young Adulthood is likely to result in movement toward identification as
biracial and recognize both advantages and disadvantages to this position. Finally,
throughout Adulthood it is expected that there will be continuing integration and
exploration of one’s racial identity. The authors integrated the research on biracial
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identity into a developmental stage process that examines identity development as it
occurs within the typical attitudes and transitions associated with life stages
(Aldarondo, 2001).
The above models all present sequential stages that can be problematic when
addressing multiethnic/racial identity, because from these perspectives identity
progresses along defined and linear paths. Stages require the completion of one step
before movement to another. These models are modernist and orderly in nature and
do not account for movement in and across boarders that can also be healthy (Renn,
2000) In addition, these models do not reflect political movements that support the
creation of new multiracial identities (Anzaldua, 1987; Nakashima, 1996; Weisman,
1996).
As an alternative to a stage mode, Root (1996) adapted the concept of
borderlands and border crossings from Anzaldua’s (1987) research. Instead of
relying on a linear stage progression of development, Root’s model is lateral in
nature. It presumes that one’s self-identification can shift between equally
appropriate categories and remain healthy. For the multiethnic/racial student, the
stigma of being “marginal” or “other” is resolved through the ability to cross ethnic
identity borders or categories. Root (1996) suggests these “border crossings” happen
in one of four ways: 1) Both Feet in Both Groups—person can hold and merge
multiple perspectives simultaneously; 2) Situational Ethnicity—consciously shift
racial foreground and background depending on situation; 3) Sitting on the Border—
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claiming a multiracial reference point; 4) Creating a home base in one identity—
claiming one ethnic identity but occasionally venturing into others. This framework
avoids the inherent value judgment within linear progression models. It treats the
presence of different ways to construct multiple ethnic identities as healthy and valid,
versus having the appearance of an unresolved identity that occurs in linear or
monoracial models as applied to this population (Renn, 2000; Renn 2003).
Wallace (2001) applied this model to 15 high school and college students.
By interviewing them about their multiracial heritage she found students who
identified with all four “border crossing” patterns and supports Roots theory. In
addition, Renn (2000) suggests that college students may also fall into an additional
category which allows students to opt out of race altogether by deconstructing these
categories. This final model of biracial identity development was used in this study
as a framework to examine the effects of involvement in an identity-based student
organization on the student’s identity development and the rationale other students
used in deciding not participate in ethnic/racial student groups.
As demonstrated in previous studies, the development of identity for the
multiracial individual is unique when compared to their monoracial counterparts.
Biracial identity theories describe the process of accepting one’s multiple heritages.
Root’s model recognizes the different constructions and combinations of multiple
ethnic heritages that occur and can be considered a healthy resolution. What is
problematic is the lack of community support and public space for those who
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identify as multiracial/ethnic to connect with other like-minded individuals and
explore their sense of self (Williams et al., 1996; Renn, 2000).
The Role of Public Space and Student Organizations in Identity Development
Student organizations (specifically identity-based) have emerged on college
campuses as an important space for students to get involved and interact with their
peers. Beyond the opportunity to have informal and fun exchanges, the identity-
based organizations also provide a public arena for students to explore their culture
and ethnicity. This section examines the literature on the role of public space,
specifically student organizations, on college campuses and their role in identity
development.
Student development literature discusses the importance of involvement,
based on the precept that as students participate in quality involvement opportunities
on their campuses they will develop and grow, resulting in a more successful and
healthy college experience (Astin, 1984). The positive connection between
involvement and a successful college experience is underscored by Chickering’s
(1981) conclusion from his work on college students. His research determined that
in addition to academic involvement, participation in extracurricular activities has an
impact on the emotional, social, mental, and physical development of the student.
Renn and Arnold (2003) expand on the concept of involvement by addressing
peer culture using Urie Bronfenbrenner’s human ecology theory. This model
attempts to examine the person-environment intersection and illuminates “how peer
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culture influences student learning and development” (p. 262). Bronfenbrenner’s
axioms become foundational to the developmental process:
Underlying Bronfenbrenner's (1993) theory is the axiom that ‘development is
an evolving function of person-environment interaction’ (p. 10). His second
axiom is that ‘ultimately, this interaction must take place in the immediate,
face-to-face setting in which the person exists’ (p. 10), and this is precisely
the reason—theoretically as well as practically— that peer culture is
important to studying college students (Renn & Arnold, 2003, p. 267-268).
Based on these principles Renn and Arnold apply the human ecology model to
aspects of the college peer culture and specifically focus on the “web of
involvements” referred to as the mesosystem. The student’s academic, family,
friendships, and work life reflect interacting systems and “the effects within and
across systems may reinforce one another or they may act against one another,
drawing attention to discrepancies and causing the student to confront contradictory
processes and messages between individual microsystems” (p. 270-271). The
authors conclude that by examining these interactions we become better equipped to
understanding how peer culture shapes the identities of individuals. This study did
not focus on the affect that peer culture has on the multiracial person’s identity, but I
must recognize that the identity development process discussed in relation to
friendship groups and student organizations reflect the impact that the environment
has on the individual’s development.
In addition, the research on racial identity development supports the need for
people to fit in and have space to explore their sense of self (Atkinson et al., 1993;
Cross, 1995; Daniel, 1996; Helms, 1993; Renn, 2000; Root, 1990; Williams et. al,
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1996; Weisman, 1996). The monoethnic/racial identity models discussed earlier
emphasize in their immersion/emersion phases the importance of having a public
space for the individual to explore their ethnicity/race and the cultural elements that
often accompany it. The person uses this opportunity to investigate the meaning of
their race, the symbols and outward markers of their new identity, and how this new
sense of self now fits with their life (Atkinson et al., 1993; Cross, 1995; Helms,
1993). One of the primary problems with applying monoracial/ethnic identity
theories to multiracial/ethnic individuals is that immersion/emersion stages have
little room for the multiracial identity experience because there is generally no public
space for the person to immerse themselves within (Renn, 2000). In addition, they
are designed for the exploration of one ethnic identity and therefore force the
multiracial person to choose between his/her multiple heritages (Poston, 1990; Root,
1992). As a result multiracial identity development remains primarily private.
While biracial identity models are reflective of the multiracial developmental
experience the lack of a public space for multiracial students on college campuses
continues to be an issue. Renn (2000) conducted a study of 24 college age
multiracial students at three different schools using Root’s (1992) model of biracial
identity development. The findings not only revealed the construction of private and
public spaces for students, but the importance of that public space in order to fit in
and make meaning of identity. The study underscored the need for public spaces in
which to belong and the importance of understanding the conditions that lead to the
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creation of separate multiracial student communities. This study attempted to
address those experiences and situations that lead to this creation.
The multiethnic literature on identity development establishes the presence of
multiple ethnic identities or a multiracial reference point as healthy and even
necessary (Daniel, 1996; Root, 1990; Weisman, 1996). By identifying as “other” the
person creates a new psychological space and challenges the traditional notion of
dichotomization (Daniel, 1996; Weisman, 1996). At the same time a multiracial
reference point can challenge the multiracial person’s comfort in both backgrounds
(Daniel, 1996) and arouses the desire for a new space to belong (Renn, 2000; Root,
1990). Yet most colleges lack a public space for students to explore their identities
from a multiracial reference point. Does this lack of opportunity/physical space
matter? If a group/space existed would multiracial students use it to assist with their
identity questions?
As administrators who are partially responsible for shaping the college
community and responding to student needs it is incumbent that we explore the
desire and necessity of a mixed-race student organization. Kristen Renn (2000) has
proposed a theoretical model that suggests three conditions must exist for the
formation of a multiracial public identity-based space on campus to occur: The
students must feel that identity-based space is important, that they cannot belong to
existing monoracial groups, and there must be a critical mass of multiracial students
willing to participate. This study used the conditions of this theory to examine the
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experiences of and reasons that some students join and form mixed-race groups
while others did not.
Conclusion
Race and ethnicity are a primary part of the individual’s identity and sense of
self. To understand the identity development process for the multiracial individual is
a particular challenge. The variety of mixed heritage combinations makes it difficult
to generalize ethnic identity theories, especially in the context of racial power
structures and issues of immigration and acculturation. Yet, research has identified
common progressions and patterns that mixed-race individuals experience during
ethnic/racial identity development (Jacobs, 1992; Kerwin & Ponterotto, 1995; Kich,
1992; Poston, 1990; Root, 1996). The implications of these models require a
community of mixed-race people to explore their identity within. In particular,
Root’s (1996) theory allows for the creation of a new multiracial category of
identification, but there are very few environments that provide a space for this form
of identity.
For the college student these issues are often at the forefront of their internal
and psychological growth. The need to fit in and have a feeling of belonging is
important. As the number of multiethnic students on college campuses grow, their
involvement and psychological health becomes an increasing concern.
Administrators must understand the dynamics of mixed-race identity and its
implications in order to meet their needs. For students who either identify as
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multiracial/ethnic or would like to explore this perspective there is rarely a public
space to do so, they are forced to negotiate their ethnic/racial identity privately.
This study examined the experiences and conditions previous to and present
during the formation of mixed-race student organizations. I explored the reasons that
mixed-race college students feel the need to create a separate public space on campus
and how the formation of and involvement in such a group affects their sense of self.
This was examined in comparison to multiracial students who chose not to
participate in a ethnic/racial student organization. The following chapter introduces
the methodology and design of the study.
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CHAPTER 3
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The number of multiethnic students on college campuses is growing, yet the
presence of student organizations for students who identify as multiethnic is rare. In
order to support these students in their development we need to understand why they
feel the need to create identity-based space on their college campuses and the
experiences that led them to do so. Through this qualitative case study I identified
significant themes that emerged from these questions. The following chapter
establishes the research questions for this study and the methodology proposed to
explore them. The methodology includes an explanation of the research design,
participants, and the procedures proposal to collect data.
Research Questions
1. What conditions or experiences prompt multiethnic/racial students to
create and participate in an identity-based public space and why do
some students choose not to participate at all?
2. How does participation in an identity-based multiethnic student
organization affect one’s identity and sense of self?
The Researcher
My interest in this topic stemmed from multiple sources. The first is the
recognition of the lack of relevant research on the college experience of the
multiethnic/racial student. As stated earlier, this population is growing and, as
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administrators, the more we understand about their needs and the better we can serve
them. Second, my experience as a biracial woman in college contributes to my
desire to learn about how other multiracial students navigate their college terrain.
This latter reason is also a bias that I brought into the study. Being able to
racially identify with participants and having personally experienced college as a
multiracial student shaped the ways I heard and interpreted the data. In order to
validate my findings my data came from multiple sources (Miles & Huberman, 1984;
Mathison, 1988; Flick, 1992). Miles and Huberman (1984) remind us that “if we
self-consciously set out to collect and double-check findings, using multiple sources
and modes of evidence, the verification process will largely be built into the data-
gathering process...” (p.235). In addition, I ensured the validity and reliability of
this study and that the voices of the participants are heard. By using primary data
within the body of the text, I had the opportunity to support the study’s findings
(Wolcott, 1990). I also allowed the participants to have access to the data and my
research during the process— getting feedback from them, checking the accuracy of
my understanding and data against what they meant, and allowing them to respond to
the themes as they emerge (Wolcott, 1990; Kvale, 1996).
Participants
This case study focused on 15 students, ages 18-26, who are
multiracial/ethnic and were undergraduate students on this campus currently or in the
past. Eight of the students participate in the multiracial/ethnic student organization
on the college campus. The other seven students chose to not participate in this or
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any other ethnic/racial student groups. There was no defined limit to the age range,
yet the study intended to explore the experience of traditionally aged undergraduate
college students. For this particular population, the college experience generally
results in a period of growth. Specifically, their sense of identity and self-concept
often undergo significant transformation (Erickson, 1968). Therefore, to develop an
accurate understanding of the processes involved in this growth the age range should
be limited to the traditionally aged college student (18-22). All but two of the
participants were current undergraduates. Those that were not attended this school
for their undergraduate degree. One graduated last year and the other was a current
graduate student. There were additional current undergraduate students who elected
to participate in the focus group, but not the individual interviews.
In addition to the age limitations, this study limited its participants to Asian
American multiethnic students. The decision to restrict the racial/ethnic origin of the
participants in the study was threefold. First, the research on multiethnic college
students in general is very limited (Root, 1992; Root 1996; Renn, 1998; Wallace
2001; Renn 2003). As this population is expected to grow, especially on college
campuses, it is important to explore and understand the experiences of these students
(Schmidt, 1997). Second, as discussed previously in this paper, there is a high
percentage of multiracial children being bom from the Asian American population.
For some ethnicities multiracial births occur more often than monoracial births (U.S.
Bureau of the Census, 1992). Therefore, it is reasonable to believe that a significant
number of multiethnic students are also of Asian heritage. Finally, this study was
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dependent on gathering information from students who were part of the original team
creating a multiethnic student group. The students needed to be able to reflect on the
experiences and reasons that led to the origination of the student group. At the case
study campus there was a multiethnic student group that began this year, the Hapa
Student Community (HSC). This group specifically focused on multiethnic students
who are also Asian.
The participants included the leaders from the group who began the Hapa
Student Community, as well as students who were involved but not leaders. This
allowed for data that reflected the experiences and reasons behind the creation of the
group. Interviews of organization participants, who were not leaders, provided the
perspectives of onlooker—why they thought the group was formed and their reasons
for involvement. Both types of participants reflected on the impact that their
participation has had on their sense of self. Finally, the second group of participants
were multiracial students that chose to not join any ethnic/racial group on campus,
including the HSC. These students provided a range of perspectives regarding peer
culture, organization receptivity, and insight into the identity of development of
students not participating in the HSC. The ability to compare and contrast
experiences illuminated my findings.
The Hapa Student Community consists of approximately 18 students who
attend meetings on a semi-regular basis. Two-thirds of these students are half Asian
and half White. There is one student who is half Japanese and half Mexican. The
remaining third of students who attend are from a monoracial groups. There are two
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White students, a Taiwanese student, and a Filipino student (who is part of the
leadership) who participate regularly. There was a Hapa club during the 2001-2
school year, but it ended that year and did not continue. This year Hapa Student
Community was resurrected, but essentially it is a brand new organization. None of
the leadership or members from the 2001-2 club is participating in this group. The
organization meets for formal meetings every other week for an hour in a classroom.
In between meetings members invite each other to their events and social gatherings.
The Hapa Student Community is considered by APASS (Asian Pacific American
Student Services) to be a cultural organization for mixed race students with one
parent of Asian American heritage.
Design
This was a qualitative case study of college students who participated in the
creation of a new student organization for multiracial students, the Hapa Student
Community, and other multiracial students who chose not to join at this large private
research university. Interviews, observations and focus groups were used to collect
data. The interview format and questions was semi-structured and questions were
focused on specific topics to allow for targeted information collection. The
participants were asked to describe their experiences as a multiethnic student on this
college campus, share their experiences and choices to be involved in the Hapa
Student Community organization or not, and relate those experiences to their
multiethnic identity. Interviewing provides for a comfortable conversational
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atmosphere. This format also allowed for additional and supplemental questions that
elaborate and clarify.
Procedures
The study included a series of interviews, observations, and focus groups
with the participants. Eight individual interviews with leaders and members of the
group were conducted and seven non-members were also individually interviewed
for up to an hour. There was also one focus group of ten students from the HSC.
Finally, I observed ten meetings and social gatherings of the Hapa Student
Community.
The interviews followed a semi-structured format with previously
constructed questions. The questions made inquiries into the student’s experiences
with race/ethnic groups and their sense of racial identity in high school and college.
Also explored were the reasons the leaders began group, why members participate,
and how participation impacts their identity.
The participants were recruited through emails, handouts and presentations. I
attended a HSC meeting to explain and recruit participants for the study. Other
participants were recruited through word of mouth, a snowball effect. Before the
interviews began, the informed consent forms were fully explained and reviewed
with the interviewee. Once participants were identified they participated in an
initial one hour interview. One focus group of 10 participants was held to test
emerging themes and observations. Throughout the study themes and categories was
taken back to participants to ensure accuracy and reliability.
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The interviews took place in a location on campus convenient to the
participant. Each interview was audio taped with the permission of the participant to
ensure the quality and accuracy of the data. The tapes were then transcribed and
coded for major themes, categories and subcategories. Responses were reviewed to
compare and contrast the experiences of the participants. The participants had the
right to review/edit the tape at any time. The researcher was the only person with
access to the recordings and transcripts. Throughout the study the personal
information, audio tapes, and research data was stored in a locked document box in
order to protect the confidentiality of the participants. Only the researcher had
access to the storage container. The data was kept through the duration of the study,
approximately one year, and will be erased after completion of the thesis. All
identities were kept confidential.
The study took place from November 2003 to March 2004. Approval for the
research design and study was proposed and sought in December 2003, data
collection occurred in December 2003 through February 2004, and the analysis and
findings was completed in February and March 2004.
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CHAPTER 4
FINDINGS
In this chapter I present my findings from interviews with fifteen current
undergraduates or people who attended the university as an undergraduate. First I
describe the group as a whole and then provide a small amount of information about
each individual. Second, I organize the data into for areas of inquiry: sense of self
and identity, the student’s transition to college and experience at USC, friendship
groups and peers, and involvement. Finally, I highlight themes that are found across
the students’ experiences.
The Group
If you put this group of students in a room together you might be struck by
how similar they look. “Hapa” is not a major race or ethnicity; anecdotally, most
people would not be able to recognize what mix a multiracial person is, but if you
looked at this group closely enough you begin to see their similarities — similarities in
their experiences, their outlooks, and the way they look. Yet these Hapa students
also differed from one another in personality and interests.
The fifteen students clustered into two groups: eight involved in the Hapa
Student Community (HSC) and seven who were not. Most of them were half Asian
and White, with the exception of one student who was a mix of White, Chinese, and
Peruvian, and, two who were Japanese and Mexican. Eight of the students were half
Japanese (8), next was Chinese (5), and then one Vietnamese and one Korean student.
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Approximately half of the group was female (7) and the rest were males. All but two
of the participants were undergraduate students. There was one current graduate
student and one participant who graduated May 2003; both attended USC as an
undergraduate students. Over half of the students (8) had a parent who was bom in
another country and spoke another language in addition to English. None of the
participants claimed to be bilingual. Finally, all but two of the students were from
California, the others came from Virginia and Hawaii. Of the Californians, three
came from Northern California and 10 from Southern California (Table 2).
Table 2
Description of Participants
Names Age/Y ear Major Race/Ethnicity
Int’ l
Parent From
Jacob B. 20/Jr. Cinema Japanese/White no San Fernando, CA
Jerry B. 20/Sr. Political Science Japanese/White no
Marina del Rey,
CA
Lani T. 19 /Jr. American Studies Japanese/Mexican no La Habra, CA
Camille
G. 18/Fr Fine Arts Japanese/White yes Los Altos, CA
RobD. 20/Jr. Biochem Engneerg Japanese/White no Hawaii
Mark P. 20/Jr. Business V ietnamese/White yes Virginia
Kelly R. 18/ff Pre-med Chinese/White yes Santa Rosa, CA
BobG. 21/Jr Int'l Relations Korean/White yes San Jose, CA
Lisa B.
19-
20/So. Psychology Japanese/White yes Irvine, CA
DanC. 20/JR Business Chinese/White no Downey, CA
Lora C. 18/Fr. Education/teaching Chinese/White no Downey, CA
Aaron
M. 22/Sr. Bioengineering Japanese/Mexican yes Walnut, CA
Kyoko
P. 21/Jr
Int'l
Relations/CinemaTV Japanese/White
?
Huntington
Bch,CA
JeffM.
23/recent
grad Computer Science Chinese/White yes Hemit, CA
Jennifer
M. 26/Gr Psychology/History Chns/Puruvian/W t yes Cerittos, CA
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Following is a short description of each participant:
Rob D.
Just one week before, I met Rob at the Hapa Student Community (HSC)
meeting and was surprised that he responded to my email agreeing to meet with me.
He was so quiet and didn’t really say much in the small group discussion we
participated in when e met. The 20 year old sat down and began to answer my
questions with very little hesitation. Rob is half Japanese half Caucasian and came
to the mainland from Hawaii where he grew up. Coming to USC represented a
pretty big change for Rob; leaving home and coming to a place that was bigger, more
diverse, and culturally different was a major shift. He immersed himself in a
demanding major, electrical engineering, which has not left much time for many
activities — band his freshman year and an occasional Hapa Club meeting are about
it for this junior. Rob talked about how the majority of his friends here are Japanese,
friends from home, and I can picture this very Caucasian looking guy with slightly
almond eyes sitting around joking with them.
JacobB.
Jacob is a 20 year old senior majoring in cinema television. He was
originally from the San Fernando Valley where the high school he went to was
predominantly Jewish, approximately 25% Asian, and then a mix of other ethnicities
and races. Most of his friends in high school were Caucasian. Jacob’s movement to
USC impacted his sense of identity. The diversity on campus fortuitously created a
situation where Jacob found himself in a small group that consisted primarily of
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Hapa students. The experience of being a majority prompted an exploration of
himself and led to the eventual revival of the Hapa Student Community. He wanted
to create a place for Hapa students to meet each other explore their common
experiences and issues. Jacob is the president of this organization and has relied on
his social relationships, networking, and socialization to build this group.
Mark P.
Mark is half Vietnamese and half Caucasian. He was raised in Virginia and
lived in a highly Korean community. As a result, his high school was approximately
50% White and 50% Asian. From high school through college Mark’s friendships
have been very racially diverse. He is a 20 year old business major who is very
interested in film and has spent a lot of time focused on academics. In addition, he
participated in the Vietnamese student association and is now the External Relations
Representative for the Hapa Student Community.
Camille G.
Camille came from Los Altos, in northern California, this year to begin as a
freshman at USC. She is an 18 year old majoring in fine arts. Camille’s mother is
from Japan and her father, Caucasian, was bom in the United States. She proudly
asserts her shared sense of Japanese and Caucasian heritage, claiming both
genetically and culturally. Camille’s friends are mixed and represent a broad racial
group. She came to the Hapa Student Community looking to meet new people.
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Lani T.
Lani attended a small private Catholic high school in Anaheim, California.
The area was primarily Asian and Caucasian, with a small number of Mexicans and
the population of the school reflected that. She is now a junior at USC with a major
in American studies and a minor in Chicano studies. This 19 year old spends a lot of
time on studies, but has become involved with the Hapa Student Organization and
the Southern California Indian American club on campus. Most of her friends are
Indian and she enjoys learning about other cultures and ethnicity, as well as her own.
Lani is half Japanese and half Mexican which distinguishes her from the typical
Hapa students.
Jerry B.
Jerry sat across from me at the picnic table. His round face, spikey black hair,
and slightly almond eyes reveal the half Japanese side. But you can tell that there’s
something else there, too — his eyes aren’t quite as slanted and hair not quite as black
as most Japanese Americans. That is Jerry’s Caucasian side showing. This 20 year
old 5th year senior is majoring in political science and is a scion. He grew up in
Marina del Rey, California, and attended a very diverse magnet school in Los
Angeles. Jerry’s identity has journeyed from seeing himself as Japanese, then White,
to Hapa. Influenced by friends, maturity, and environment, he described having
reached a place of comfort with himself and enjoys being the Vice-President of the
Hapa Student Community.
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Kelly R.
Kelly is a small town girl from Northern California, Santa Rosa, in a fairly
rural area. She attended a private all girls Catholic school that was very
homogeneous. The school was almost all white, mostly middle to upper class.
Coming to USC, a much more diverse institution than her high school, was an
adjustment for this 18 year old freshman. Although Kelly is half Chinese and half
White she generally identifies with her White side because that culture was what she
was raised in, but she does not deny her Chinese side either; this is why she is glad to
have found the Hapa Student Community.
BobG.
Bob has a shaved head, works out a lot, is stoic and a bit serious and quiet
when you first meet him; he’s just what you would think a Marine would be like. He
is a 21 year old junior majoring in International Relations. Bob comes from
Northern California, San Jose and is in the ROTC Marine Corps. His goals are to
graduate and go into aviation. Like other students in this study, he described himself
as half Korean and half White, but strongly identified with White culture and often
considers himself Caucasian. He explains his participation in the Hapa Student
Community as someplace where he can express both.
Lisa B.
Lisa is a bit intense. She has completed most of her general education
requirements in 1.5 years and is slated to graduate a year early; this at a school that
often takes 5 years to get through. She is a sophomore, 19-20 years old, and
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majoring in psychology. As one could imagine, most of her time is spent on
academics and the majority of organizations she is involved in are also academically
focused. Lisa is half Japanese and half White, but culturally identifies with her white
side.
Lora C.
Lora is young and appears very tentative. She is a brand new freshman,
spring admitted, and just learning the university. Taking a full load of classes and
starting her college career has kept her busy. Lora is 18 and half Japanese and half
Caucasian. She grew up only 20-30 minutes from the campus in a very diverse area,
her high schools was two-thirds Hispanic. Still, most of her friends were White.
Since coming to USC, her friendships have begun to diversify. She considers herself
culturally White, but relates to both sides of her heritage.
Aaron M.
Aaron’s eyes were slightly almond shape and his hair was black, but his skin
was brown, much darker than most Asians. He did not look half Asian and half
White, so it began to make sense when he said that his mother was Japanese and
father was Mexican (from Mexico). He is from Walnut, which is in Southern
California; a pretty diverse area, approximately 50% Asian, 30% White, 15%
Hispanic, and 5% Black. Of all my interviews, Aaron was one of the most
impassioned and emphatic that he felt an equal claim and responsibility to each
ethnic heritage.
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Jennifer M.
When Jennifer told me she was a mutt and no one could ever figure out what
she was, I could understand why. With dark hair and olive skin, she does not look
very white. And her large brown eyes do not indicate that she is Chinese, but she
does not look distinctly Latino either. But Jennifer embraces the Chinese, Italian,
and Peruvian ethnicities of her heritage. She attended USC as an undergraduate and
is continuing her education there as a graduate student in social work. Growing up
as a resident of Southern California, Jennifer went to a majority Asian high school.
Her friendships diversified more while at college. She was a very involved student,
but never felt comfortable going to any of the ethnic groups. She would have liked
for there to have been a Hapa Student Community on campus while she was there.
Dan C.
I met Dan in an Asian American psychology class. Compared to the other
Asians in class, he clearly looked Hapa. His hazel eyes that were a little rounder
than most Asians distinguished him immediately. Dan is a 21 year old junior
majoring in business. He hails from a small town in Southern California and is used
to being around a diverse group of people. He claims and describes himself as half
Chinese and half White, but makes it very clear that he is culturally White and
knows very little about and is not very interested in Chinese culture.
JeffM.
Jeff just graduated from USC last year and is busy taking his first steps into
the world, but his experience as an undergraduate here is still very fresh. He was a
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computer science major (although his true desire was to do film) and got involved
with residential life. Although he is half Chinese and half White, Jeff never got
involved in any of the ethnic/racial student groups on campus. He felt that groups of
this nature did not cultivate a universally diverse campus, but divided it.
Kyoko P.
Kyoko is one busy woman. As a Cinema Television Production major (in
addition to International Relations) she was busy producing and directing a film
project for her class, she is also very involved in other organizations on campus.
Kyoko is quite proud of her mixed heritage and maintained her Hapa identity
through the 3 years at USC. She explored multiple ethnic groups her freshman year
on campus, but never felt that any of them represent her, her mixed cultures.
Sense of Self and Identity
H alf and half. “I really like being half Japanese and half White. I think it’s
kinda different. I think in younger generations it’s become more common to be
biracial. But I really like being biracial and having both cultures. I think it’s
beneficial.” In this quote Camille G. expressed the way that most of the participants
felt about their ethnicity. All students interviewed stated that they describe
themselves to others as “half and half,” “mixed,” or “Japanese (or another ethnicity)
and White.“ Lora C. described her sense of self as “...blend down the middle,
characteristics are blended I’m not on either extreme.” This was a consistent
response to the curiosity of people they had just met or to interviewers like me.
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As I dug a little deeper, differences emerged regarding the culture that
individuals identified with. First, many of the participants discussed an equal
commitment and integration to both heritages. Aaron M. described his perspective,
I’m half and half. Not one or the other, I mean it’s 50%. You can’t say one’s
greater than the other. My culture is deeply rooted in both the Japanese and
Mexican. It’s hard for me to categorize myself as one or the other when I
know I’m both. My Christmas is spent deeply rooted in the Mexican culture
and my new years in the Japanese culture. It’s mixed, I’m half and half.
Jennifer M. supported that with a story she told about a conference she attended that
had an exercise regarding race and culture. The students were to divide themselves
according to their race, but no group was designated for mixed race students. She
recalled,
.. .they had only the 3 majors and didn’t have a’ mixed’ or ‘other’ and I went
up to them and said, ‘how do you expect people like me to pick one out of
four, I’m not any of the four I’m a blend of all of them.’
These students maintained in public and private spaces that they acknowledge all
sides of their racial heritage and felt that it was a betrayal and dishonest to favor one
race over another.
H alf and half but one dominates. There were also six students who described
themselves as Hapa or half and half, but felt they were culturally White or, in a
couple cases, Asian. Rob D. talked about the pull he felt toward his Japanese side,
I think I relate more to my Japanese side because...there are so many more
Caucasian people than Asian people. I think I pull myself more toward the
Japanese side also because growing up in Hawaii there were more Japanese
people, so those are more the people I became friends with. Like in my
group of friends, I don’t think I have any full Caucasian friends. They’re all
either full Asian or Hapa like me. Also, my mom’s family was in Hawaii,
my dad’s family was in Tennessee so I hardly got to talk to them. Also,
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because I was mixed on the Caucasian side it was hard to draw any strong
cultural. You know I don’t make it any big event to celebrate St. Patrick’s
Day because I’m Irish, but every New Years I pop fireworks and drink mochi
soup and black beans. In high school I took Japanese, everyone took
Japanese. I guess it was more of the environment that drew me.
Jennifer M. echoed a similar experience with her friends,
I would say with my Asian friends I always appreciated that they saw me as
Asian. One of the most frustrating parts about the Asian side of me is that
you don’t see that I am Asian, but it’s such a big part of who I am and how I
think. ..Just because I thought the same ways as they did and I had they same
experiences with my parents and the same struggles as they had.
Bob G. communicated the same sentiment about feeling culturally White, “...even
though I identify, blood-wise, as Korean, I don’t identify with the history. I enjoy
the food and can respect the customs, but I don’t really identify with the culture.”
Dan C. related his White culture and values to the fact that his father was not
encouraged to learn Chinese customs and traditions,
Growing up I didn’t have a whole lot of Asian influence...so he (father)
never really picked it up and I’m pretty much white washed as far as I’m
concerned. So I would consider myself in terms of values and culture more
white than Chinese.
These students adhered to their Hapa descriptions because of their family ties and
physical features, but culturally connected more with one culture or another.
Situation dependent. Finally, the environment and situation that the
participants were in often affected how they viewed their identity and presented
themselves to others. At times this was simply based on the majority of people who
were around. Rob D. expressed this when he talked about growing up in Hawaii,
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I think I pull myself more toward the Japanese side also because growing up
in Hawaii there were more Japanese people, so those are more the people I
became friends with.. .But I think I pull to my Caucasian side when I’m with
my full Asian friends.
Jeff M. shared how the group that he is with at any given time influences which the
side that he relates to. It also impacts the bonds he has with his friends,
I mean since obviously I am more diverse when I’m with that group I can
feed off of one or the other depending on the person I’m speaking with. So ,
you know, for Chinese new year I my family doesn’t really celebrate it but I
acknowledge it and my Chinese friends acknowledge it and so I have that
bond with them. And at the same time with other American holidays I get in
it with everyone else.
Finally, Kelly R. told me how growing up in a private school that was 95% White
affected her choice in colleges based on the other students who would be around,
I know UCLA is heavily Asian and because I didn’t grow up with that I felt a
little uncomfortable and even though there are more Asians here than at my
high school I just feel more comfortable in a environment more similar to my
high school environment. So that was part of the reason I wanted to go to
USC.
The environment and friendship groups that many of these students grew up in and
currently have, impact the ways that their identity and sense of culture play out.
Sometimes it affects their comfort levels with certain groups, other times it is a result
of the racial groups that make up the community, and, finally, it can simply be that
when they are with friends from each racial group the elements of culture they have
in common are highlighted.
Overall, there were students who saw themselves as Hapa and who primarily
claimed one culture distributed throughout both the Hapa student organization group
and the non-affiliated group. All but one student in the Hapa Student Community
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(HSC) experienced shifts in their identity depending on the situation or group they
were in. However, the leaders and members I interviewed from the HSC
experienced more ways of seeing their identity than the students who did not
participate in the HSC. In other words, the students who did not participate in the
HSC tended to either see themselves as committed to both cultural backgrounds or
rooted in one culture that they could access outside of an ethnic or racial student
organization. Conversely those in the HSC often saw their identity based on the
situation or, at times, rooted in one culture, or primarily Hapa. There were more
variables for identity with the HSC members.
Shifting from High School to USC and the USC Experience
Moving from high school to college can be a traumatic experience, but the
level of difficulty in transitioning depends on where the individual came from.
Within this study most of the students were from California, but the racial
composition of their former high schools varied. Five of the students went to
predominantly White schools and at least three of those schools had approximately
25% of other races. Six of the students claimed to come from a racially mixed
campus, and of these schools three students said that that Asians and Whites were the
primary groups on campus. Finally, four of the students attended high schools with a
majority minority, two of them had primarily Asian students and two were majority
Hispanic.
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In light of these accounts of the participants’ high schools it was interesting
to hear that many of the students found USC more diverse. Kelly R. spoke about the
high school she came from,
Most of the people there were Caucasian, like 95% of my school was
Caucasian. I think there were two Asians and they were Hapa, in my class,
and there weren’t any African Americans or anything. It was pretty
homogeneous and in college there is definitely a lot of variety, faces, and
people of different backgrounds.
Lisa B. came from a primarily Asian high school but echoed the same idea,
My high school had an extremely large Asian population there. Almost about
half, and that’s every kind of Asian. And here I don’t see as many Asians
around, here it’s different. It’s almost a lot more diverse here, as far as who
comes here.
Many of these students expressed that USC appeared to have more racial diversity,
and sometimes this included seeing more White students compared to their high
schools. Lora C. went to a predominantly Hispanic school, but shared that she no
longer felt the sense of tokenism that she used to,
I would say here I’m not the only Asian person in the group now. I feel that
there are more people out there that can identify with me and when
something Asian comes up in conversation not everyone looks to me
automatically. I have more of a commonality with people here.
For some of these students the presence of a more diverse campus was not as
surprising as it was to meet more Hapa people. John M. told a story of having never
met another Chinese-White student before attending USC. He had known other
Hapa people, but meeting someone else with the same ethnic combination was “the
first time I realized I was different because I met someone like me. It sparked an
interest in meeting more people who are mixed race.” For Jacob B., the president of
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the Hapa Student Community, the experience of being in a place where the majority
of people were Hapa was the beginning of his personal racial identity journey,
I guess a lot of people feel you have to choose one or the other because you
can only be one or the other. And I guess I felt that it was sort of stupid to
choose one of something that you’re not if you can choose something that
you are. I guess it really helped coming to USC meeting other half people
who identified themselves as that...The small group...which I went to was
about 9 people and 6 of those people were Hapa. It just happened to work
out that way, and I just remember walking into the room, finding that out
(some people looked white some looked Asian) and sort of realizing this was
the first time I had ever been in a room where my race was the majority. And
not only that, I had never even imagined that I would one day be in a room
where my race would be the majority. That was sort of when I first started
talking to people about that, sort of finding out about their experiences.
Up until this point many of these students had never been in a place that was large
enough or had a big enough Hapa population that would allow for such a chance
meeting. Other students, like Mark P., were attracted to the HSC for just this reason,
I just thought it would be fun to see if there actually were a lot of Hapa
people at USC. See what they look like. Some Hapa people are weird
looking, like ‘wow, that mix didn’t work’ some are cool, some are white.
Just to see what they look like.
For Bob G. the opportunity to “to see people with a similar background or maybe
similar experiences” was “kinda fun” and intriguing.
Another effect that the exposure to diversity had on a number of the
participants was that they began to think about their own racial identity and the
issues of race and ethnicity. Rob D. spoke about how different the racial climate is
compared to Hawaii,
People are much more sensitive about racial issues here because there’s so
much history and deeper animosity ....When I came here, yeah, considering
myself Asian is definitely bigger than it was back in Hawaii...! guess also
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how other people carry themselves affects how I see others or perceive the
rest of the world around me, including myself.
For Aaron M., the awareness that came to him in college gave meaning to the
cultural traditions from his heritage:
A: I think I’ve become a lot more aware of what each culture is about, in
terms of their customs and traditions. In high school it was part of the routine.
This is what you do at Christmas, this is what you do on New Years. But
growing up in the last four years I’ve realized where it is that these customs
come from and why it is that we continue them. In high school I would say I
just went through the routines whereas now I would say I’m a lot more aware
of it, I pay more attention to it.
C: What do you think contributed to that growth?
A: I don’t know, in high school nobody really talked about it.. .whereas now,
growing up you see people are a lot more aware of it. A lot more concerned
with the maintenance of culture on this campus the organizations that try to
maintain those customs.
Seeing the importance that ethnicity and culture held for others on campus
influenced Aaron’s perception of his culture and prompted him to examine his ethnic
identity. Jennifer M. also found that race was a bigger issue in college than high
school,
I don’t think I even realized how unique I was until I got to college. Even
though I went to an all Asian high school, I don’t think the ideas of race and
diversity even dawned on me until I came to college...or was told to choose.
Race is a bigger issue in college. People would be like ‘pick a category’ and
I was like ‘well I’m not any of these categories.
Many of the students in my study experienced a change of environment, peer group
demographic, and an overall awareness of race, ethnicity, and culture because the
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college campus presented more opportunities to engage in these issues and diverse
students.
Peer and Friendship Groups
In the earlier sections, I wrote about the influence of peers and the
environment on the participants’ identity. In general the students’ friendship groups
were split. Approximately half claimed to have a diverse group of friends on campus.
The other half had groups of friends who were primarily White, Asian, or a
combination of two or three racial groups (i.e. Indian and White or Asian and White).
I did not find any particular patterns among or differences between the HSC
members and non-members with regards to the ethnicities of their friends.
What I did find was that friends and peers played different, pivotal roles in
the development of and their participation in the Hapa Student Community.
Development o f the Hapa Student Community
The importance of socializing, friendships, and networks in the creation and
life of the group became very clear through my discussion with the executive board.
The goal of having a fun social group was unanimous among the leaders. There was
no question that socialization was a primary aim, but the relationships were more
foundational to the group’s formation than that. When I asked the president how the
different members of the leadership came to be involved he went into detailed stories
about how he recruited each one. The Vice President he’d known since freshman
year, the Secretary was a roommate, the Publicity chair he met through a Hapa
online website, and the External Relations chair he met through the Secretary. Some
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were friends, others acquaintances; but all of the positions were filled through some
sort of networking or socialization. Mark P., the External Relations chair, recounted
how he got involved, “I knew Jerry and Jacob was like, 'Hey, I’m starting a Hapa
group. You have to help me,’ and I was like, 'alright.’” Simple, he was participating
because a friend asked him to. This was true for the majority of the cabinet.
A similar pattern was revealed when I asked the general members how they
got involved with the group. All but one member stated they heard about it through
a friend, roommate, hallmate, etc. At least two members had friends who were not
Hapa but who were going to a meeting. This prompted them to feel as if they had to
“represent.” During the focus group I posed this same question to the large circle of
group members. After a second of silence every one of them pointed to someone
else in the room. About half pointed to Jacob, the president, but the rest gestured at a
friend sitting next to them or across the way. The group was built on a web of
relationships and networking. This web was how the group had been publicized and
grown on this particular campus.
Participation in the Hapa Student Community
One of the purposes of the Hapa group was to socialize and meet new people.
This theme ran through the responses of both the leaders and members of the group
and appeared in every interview, observation, and focus group. Some students
joined the group “mostly with the intention of seeing what it’s all about, meeting
new people. I guess for a few reasons I haven’t met as many new people as I would
like, so I use that as a platform to reach out.” Others related it back to wanting to be
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in a place with others who were like them, as discussed above. Many students felt
that their desire to be part of the group was tied to their sense of comfort around the
other members. One student said that he recently “quit the Vietnamese Student
Association and joined Troy Filipines and the Hapa group and a lot of times it just
depends on the people. It depends on the people and how comfortable you feel
around them.” This sentiment was echoed by another woman who stated that she
joined the group because she “just liked the group. I think the people here are cool.”
The social aspect that the members sought was echoed by the president as
one of the main purposes of the group:
I think it’s kind of the reason any ethnic club exists, to reach out to
similar people. I guess I am trying to create an area where if people
do reach out to others they can find themselves in this place. That’s
kinda why I gave it the name Hapa student community rather than just
Hapa club, I really want it to be more of a community than a club.
The group is social in order to facilitate the underlying purpose of the groups. They
must first get to know one another before they can “tackle deeper and more difficult
issues.”
Involvement
Activities
The students in my study were involved in many different activities. They
volunteered in organizations like Helenes, JEP (Joint Education Project), Troy Camp,
and Pepsters; participated in sports and religious fellowships; and held leadership
positions in Greek and residential life. At least half of the participants noted that
either in previous years or presently they had chosen not to be as involved in campus
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activities because they were focusing on academics. Rob D.’s experience is a good
demonstration:
Well, I was involved with the marching band my freshman year but I got out
of that because it took too much time. Beside the Hapa club, which isn’t
really much of an involvement, I haven’t really been involved with anything
else. Mostly just because I would if my major weren’t so demanding.
Because I have enough keeping my grades up as it is. If it wasn’t that I
would probably be in more clubs like the Hapa club or volunteer, something
like that.
Rob participated in activities earlier in his college career and attended occasional
meetings Hapa meetings, but he had clearly prioritized academics. Lisa B. is another
student who focused primarily on academic activities, “I’m very pre-law oriented, so
I’m in a pre-law fraternity. I’ve joined Psi Chi, which is a psychology honors society.
Those are the main things. I do a lot of academic stuff.” She planned on graduating
a year ahead of schedule and was very invested in her academic career.
When comparing the involvement of students in the HSC to those who were
not members there was no clear distinction. There were students who were
extremely involved in many activities across campus on a continual basis and
students who were involved sporadically over the years or chose to focus on
academic interests in both groups. Yet, there did seem to be a higher number of
extremely involved students in the group of participants who were not in the Hapa
Student Community.
Ethnic groups and campus culture
Very few of the participants in this study chose to participate in any
ethnic/racial student organizations on campus (with the exception of the HSC). In
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general, the students saw other ethnic groups on campus as not being representative
of who they were. Kyoko P. talked about her exploration of different campus groups:
As a freshman I attended a variety of meetings, Hapa, APAS A (Asian Pacific
American Student Association), and some ethnic religious organizations, but
I didn’t feel that they represented me or who I wanted to be portrayed as.
The Hapa groups, when I had visited the meeting, were mainly
Hawaiians...The other organizations didn’t really see me as Asian because I
was only half. I felt a little bit in limbo and out of place like I did in Junior
High.. .so I decided that those groups were not for me.
Kyoko experienced her “halfness” as a barrier, an exclusionary factor when
exploring these organizations. The majority of students did not believe that the
students or organizations purposefully excluded them because of their biraciality.
Rather it was their perception that they were not ethnic or cultural enough to feel
comfortable within these groups. Lani T. shared how language was a major factor in
her level of comfort within a monoracial group,
I never felt really comfortable there and I think part of it’s a language thing
because I don’t speak either language and I think that’s a big part of it,
especially the Chicano groups on campus, so I kinda feel out of place there.
Like with this group I can easily mix both parts and not have to be Chicano
on this day or Japanese on this day.
Language is a primary marker of culture and signified to these students that because
they did not speak the language of that ethnic group they would not fit in. Kelly R.
related that discomfort back to the view of herself and her home environment as
being culturally White, “.. .because I don’t really identify with that part of myself. I
didn’t really grow up with any Chinese or Taiwanese people, so I didn’t really feel
like I’d fit in.”
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Despite not feeling comfortable in monoracial groups, most of the
participants did not perceive the campus culture as hostile, rather the decision to not
explore these groups was personal. Kelly R. spoke about the student organizations
as generally being very open,
.. .the student organizations pretty much anyone can choose to be a part of
them if they desire so. Because I’ve been approached by the Latino club
where they’re like ‘hey come join are group’ and I say ‘I’m not Latino’ and
they say ‘that’s ok come join anyway.’
In addition, Lani T. shared how the only other activity that she regularly participated
in was the Southern California IndoAmerican club. Her Indian roommates were
involved and she attended activities to support them, for social purposes, and out of
interest in another culture. Repeatedly the participants echoed similar notions about
the organizations on campus. They did not believe that they were excluded from the
clubs for being biracial, rather they had chosen to not be involved based on their
perception of a cultural fit.
There was a small number of students who were simply not interested in nor
valued an ethnic-based organization. Dan C. was one of these students:
I guess the main reason (he did not join an ethnic club) was because I’ve
shied away from classifying myself as one type of person or another. I like to
do a whole lot of things. I would be uncomfortable in a group that is Chinese
or white or an “ethnic” group. I’ve never really felt the need to delve into my
Chinese side. I’m happy with being white washed, Caucasian values and
stuff. I’ve never really felt the need to explore that too much.
Dan viewed himself strictly as culturally White and his need to belong or culturally
connect with others was met within mainstream non-ethnic activities.
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Finally, a couple of the students chose not to participate in an ethnic-based
organization, not because they felt culturally detached or identified more with
mainstream culture, but because their values conflicted with the purpose of a
ethnic/racial organization. Aaron M.’s experience with the Mexican American and
Hapa organizations led him eventually not to participate with either one:
A: (I went to) MECHA, you may have heard of it. They try to stand up for
the rights and almost act as a voice for those who typically wouldn’t have
their voice heard. And I went to Hapa and I just felt a little tom and that
being involved in one or both it was almost a conflict of interest just because
they’re so different and I didn’t want to create and alliance with just one
because that is not how I was raised to believe. I was not raised to believe
that I was one or the other, but that both should be taken in equally...
C: What would you say the goals of the two organizations were?
A: Hapa, just to meet other students and have a good time. MECHA the
goals were more proactive, fighting for rights. A very active organization,
very outspoken organization almost two different extremes.
Aaron felt split between the two groups because their goals and missions were so
different. He was uncomfortable being part of both at the same time because he felt
the goals conflicted and that disharmony conflicted with his personal values
regarding an allegiance to both his ethnic heritages. In a similar vein, Jeff M.
believed that ethnic groups conflict with the concept of diversity,
I guess when I see groups on campus that are strictly tied to ethnicity I kind
feel like it.. .1 mean I understand why people participate and find comfort in it,
but at the same time I don’t think it really perpetuates diversity because
you’re bonding based on one ethnic group.
His own values framed diversity as celebrating differences and not focusing on one
ethnic group.
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These reasons for not participating in monoracial groups on campus also
applied to the fifty percent of the students in this study who chose not to participate
in the Hapa Student Community. A number of reasons emerged in the interviews.
Many of the non-HSC students were very involved in other activities on campus and
found that their need to culturally belong was met through means other than an
ethnic group. Others echoed the sentiment that culturally they did not fit with the
monoracial groups and generally identified more as culturally white than Asian.
Finally, a couple of the non-HSC participants felt that their personal values
conflicted with the purpose of the ethnic/racial organizations.
Development o f and Involvement in the Hapa Student Community
The Hapa Student Community began in summer 2003 with a small
contingent of USC juniors. Heading this group of Hapas was Jacob B., the president.
Jacob conceived of and spearheaded with effort the Hapa Student Community. His
sense of self and his past experiences had a profound effect on the creation of this
group.
First, Jacob had a couple significant experiences early in college when he
participated in groups with other Hapa students, half white and half Asian. Not
simply being with others who were like him, but specifically being in a situation
where mixed race students were the majority he described as an intense and eye
opening experience:
The small group.. .was about 9 people and 6 of those people were Hapa. It
just happened to work out that way, and I just remember walking into the
room, finding that out, and sort of realizing this was the first time I had ever
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been in a room where my race was the majority...just this really weird
moment during freshmen year, where it was like ‘Oh, you felt that way, I felt
that way too.’
Being in a group with a large proportion of Hapa people helped him to reflect on his
sense of identity and realize that looking different from the majority of people the
majority of time had impacted him.
Furthermore, the opportunity to be in the company of primarily Hapa
students led him to believe that there was a need for the creation of a group for
mixed race students
because it’s the one race that won’t naturally form communities. There’s no
area where most mixed race people live, most mixed race people don’t have
mixed race parents who experience the same things they did...I started
seeking out the possibility of other Hapa communities.
Jacob’s participation in a group of students who were each mixed race and able to
discuss that directly contributed to his desire to recreate that experience for others.
Another way that identity played a role in the formation of the group was
again through Jacob, the president. When asked what they believed the goals of the
group to be, I repeatedly heard other executive board members refer to what Jacob
had told them when he was putting the group together. The External Relations
representative put it well when he stated, “Well, I know what Jacob told me. The
goals of the group.. ..let everyone know there’s a Hapa group on campus just to hang
out with each other, explore identity, (and) how we fit in...” The group was to
provide a place for Hapa students to feel welcome, discuss issues, and form a
community. Jacob’s passion for the group as a place where Hapa students could
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explore issues of race and share common experiences related to being mixed race
created a vision for the leadership group that they may not otherwise have found.
Given the president’s vision for the group, to be a safe haven for students to
explore and become comfortable with a Hapa identity, I expected more students to
be seeking identity resolution. Instead I found that most of the students felt secure
and comfortable with their mixed race identity. Many stated that they had dealt with
a lot of conflict about identity in junior high or high school and now were “very
proud to be half and half.” Most of the students felt that they had always “claimed
both sides” and that “it’s important to give credit to both races.” One member said
that she “really likes being half-Japanese and half-White. I think it’s kinda
different.” Since the majority of the students did not feel that they needed the group
in order to work through identity issues, it made me wonder what they were hoping
to find in an ethnic based student community.
Some students were attracted to the novelty of a Hapa group. They
thought it would be fun to see if there actually are a lot of Hapa people at
USC. Some Hapa people are weird looking, Tike, wow, that mix didn’t
work.’ Some are cool, some look White. I am just curious to see what they
look like.
Most were very interested in “just meeting people with a similar background, same
culture.” They were not necessarily there to have major discussions about race and
identity or engage in a soul searching journey to find themselves. Rather, as Lani T.
stated, “With Hapa it’s a place that I actually feel like 'these people know what I’m
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talking about’ when I say something.” There is a comfort in not having to explain
one’s self and to feel that others inherently understand your experiences.
Finding folk with shared experiences. Essentially, the Hapa members were
looking to meet people, specifically people with a shared experience. Jerry B.
described the void that the Hapa group filled, “We don’t totally fit in on the Asian
side or on the White side. That’s why we have something in the middle.” One
mistake I made entering into this study was assuming that the students would need to
be struggling in order to want to involve themselves with a Hapa group. Kelly R.
described what the students were actually looking for:
K: ‘Cause I knew other people would probably have similar experiences.
Yeah, I didn’t really want to go to the whole Chinese club because I just
didn’t identify with it.
C: With the Hapa club, what do you feel like you get out of it when you’re
there. Why do you participate?
K: One reason is that it’s one way to meet new people outside of the dorms.
And another reason is that when you have friends who are half Asian they
have similar experiences and they can just relate on a different level because
of that. So the whole Asian “work hard” mentality you grow up with is
prevalent with other people I’ve met with the same background and also
understand what it’s like to not fully belong to one category. So yah I guess
that’s what I try to do, just meet different people with similar experiences.”
Rather, they were looking more for a space to just express their bi-cultural and bi
racial self with others who share a similar experience.
Themes
Overall, I found two strong veins that ran through my interviews. First,
participants consistently discussed their identity in terms of culture and the extent to
which their sense of cultural identity fit with their experiences on campus,
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friendships, and involvement in activities. Second, the theme of being social,
meeting new people, and having fun was also a strong influence on development and
involvement.
Identity
The idea of a cultural fit or match is complex when addressing a bi-
racial/ethnic student. As discussed earlier, depending on the environment the student
came from, their friendships and their personal values, their sense of identity can
vary. The students of this study unanimously described themselves as half and half
or mixed, but many stated that they did not feel they were bi-cultural or that the side
they cultural identified with shifted according to the situation they were in. Even
though all of these students were mixed race, their sense of self varied according to
how they perceived their culture. Therefore, if they were indeed looking for a space
to express their ethnic and racial identity, that place will differ depending on where
they find a cultural fit.
Many of the participants primarily identified culturally with White or
dominant culture and they found that they could express themselves within their non
ethnic activities because there was no conflict there. Others felt more bi-cultural, but
did not find a fit within the Hapa or monoracial groups. Finally, the members of the
Hapa Student Community felt that within this organization they could express their
bi-cultural and bi-racial identities with others; they found a fit. The students’ needs,
with respect to their multi-racial/ethnic identity, were met by this particular group.
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Socialization
My interviews with the students revealed the foundational role that
socialization played both within the individual lives of the students and in the
formation of the Hapa Student Community.
First, the students repeatedly included the effect that their friendships had on
how they viewed themselves. Many of them noted that if they lived in an area that
was predominantly White or Asian, most of their friends were White or Asian, and
they saw themselves as culturally White or Asian. In addition, a number of the
students also mentioned their tendency to pull more toward one side when they were
in the presence of a group that represented the other side. In other words, if the
person was with a group of White friends they might identify more with their Asian
friends in an effort to feel unique or special. Their friends were not just people they
spent time with, but an influence on how they saw themselves.
These friendships also played a pivotal role in the development and
participation of students in the Hapa Student Community. As discussed previously,
the students who began the group were all connected through friendships or
networking and relied on those relationships to keep the group going. Also, all of the
members learned of and came to the organization through a friend or acquaintance.
Finally, a main goal of the leadership and motivation for the members was their
desire to have fun and meet new people. They were drawn in and stayed in order to
cultivate relationships with other multi-racial/ethnic students.
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Conclusion
In this section I shared what the participants of this study revealed regarding
their sense of identity, shift from high school and experience at USC, peer groups
and friendships, and involvement in activities on campus and with the HSC.
Threaded throughout these topics are the themes of cultural identity and fit and the
importance of socialization for these students and in the life of the HSC.
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CHAPTER 5
ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
This section examines the conclusions and implications that can be drawn
from the data. Specifically I discuss congruencies and incongruencies in the
perception of the group’s purpose, implications for the application of racial identity
development theories to multiracial people, and conditions that lead to the
development of this multiracial student group. I will end with recommendations for
further research and practice.
A Congruency and Incongruency
Each of the students in this study who made a decision to join or participate
in the Hapa Student Community had an expectation of what they would be getting
from this experience. In other words, each had a concept of the group’s purpose.
The data support a wide spread belief that one purpose of the Hapa group was to
bring students together for socialization. Both the leaders and members stated that
they wanted to meet new people, create a community, and share time with people
they liked and were comfortable around. It is important that all the members shared
a similar understanding of the purpose of the Hapa community. It may allow the
group to persist through growing pains and continue to develop.
On the other hand, there was an incongruency about the role that the Hapa
Student Community should play in relation to the members’ sense of identity.
Stemming from his own experiences with mixed race groups, the president viewed
the group as a safe place for students to explore their identity, feel like they are not
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alone, and “find themselves.” This perception of the group’s purpose does not match
what the incoming members appear to be looking for. Most of the members feel
comfortable and confident about their biracial identity they were not looking for a
place to “find themselves.” Rather they continued to be more focused on having a
social place where they felt they belonged. The leader’s view assumed a more
formative and developmental role than the students appear to be looking for.
Application to Racial Identification Theories
As I mentioned before, the majority of these students identified with and
claimed both sides of their racial heritage. Root (1996) characterized this
perspective as having both feet in both groups, where a person can hold and merge
multiple perspectives simultaneously. There were also indications that students
periodically shifted their identification to more of a situational strategy, created a
new category of multiracial, or created a home base in one ethnicity/race or another.
Overall, my study supported Root’s biracial identity categorizations.
The monoracial identity development models generally include an
immersion/emersion stage that supports the importance of an identity-based group
which individual can belong to (Atkinson & Sue, 1993; Helms, 1995; Cross, 1995).
The data from this study suggest that these models do not work for mixed race
students because the models force them to choose between their two races.
Biracial identity models do not include immersion/emersion stages because,
generally, there too few mixed race people to form a true community (Renn, 2000).
This study shows that mixed race student groups are not necessarily needed for this
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traditional stage on college campuses. Yet, they are desired for other purposes. First,
identity formation does not end in college or early twenties; it is a lifelong process
that continues to evolve and require support (Kerwin & Ponterotto, 1995). Biracial
students need space to continue that process and socially explore what it means to be
multiracial. Second, college is often the first time a multiracial person may
experience being a majority member. Student development theories emphasize the
importance of involvement and engagement for the student (Astin, 1984; Chickering
et al., 1981). Identity is a crucial area and the Hapa Student Community is an
opportunity for students to connect with others on multiple levels.
Conditions for Formations
Renn (2000) proposed a theoretical model that suggests three conditions for
the formation of a multiracial public identity-based space on campus to occur:
• The students must feel that identity-based space is important;
• They feel that they cannot belong to existing monoracial groups and;
• There must be a critical mass of multiracial students willing to participate.
In this study many of the students felt that an identity-based space was important.
Quite a few had explored or participated in other monoracial groups and felt
uncomfortable. In addition, the students who participated in the HSC conveyed their
desire to meet other multi-racial students who had similar experiences. Conversely,
there were a number of students who were juniors and had never sought out an ethnic
group before and did not have a desire nor need to do so in the future.
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Another idea that was confirmed by this study was the students’ feeling that
they could not belong to existing monoracial groups; they did not feel that they fit
within those groups because their cultural identity did not match what they perceived
the culture of those groups to be. Finally, this study supports the condition that there
must be a critical mass of multiracial students willing to participate. USC has a high
number of students who self-identify as multiracial that have come into the school
over the last four years. In each freshman class from 2000 to 2002 (USC Division of
Enrollment Services, 2002) approximately 10% of students are multiracial. This is
significantly higher than the 2.4% national average of multiracial people (U.S.
Census, 2001).
In addition to the three factors that Renn presents, I would add the condition
that the student must be seeking a new space for socialization. The HSC and
students in this study clearly operated with the motivation and presumption that this
group would be social in nature and allow them to meet new people. Many of the
students who chose not to be involved in the HSC partially chose to do so because
they were not looking to meet more people. Rather they were already very involved
or were focusing on their academics. For a student to pursue membership in a
student organization they must be interested in broadening their social base.
Based on this study, I would also include the importance of having at least
one leader who feels a strong commitment to the development of a multiracial
student group. The president of the Hapa Student Community led the vision and
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effort for the formation of the group. I also believe the support of friends and
acquaintances had an important impact on the success of his efforts.
Finally, it is important to acknowledge that USC is an arguably diverse
campus and is set in a large urban city. Therefore, it is difficult to generalize or
compare the conclusions here to campuses in the mid-west or other areas of the
country where the general population is not as diverse. Most of the students viewed
the campus as being diverse and believed they were exposed to different races,
cultures, and backgrounds without going to an ethnic/racial student organization.
Significance of Study
The purpose of this study was to explore the ways that multi-racial students
on campus create spaces to express their racial identity and have a shared sense of
belonging and experience.
This study revealed two themes that were significant to the participants’
experience. First, was the concept of peer culture and socialization. Early on it
became clear that the issues of belonging, identity, and involvement based on
identity could not be separated from the students’ peer culture. How the student
identifies is tied to their environment and friendships. The motivation to participate
in an ethnic/racial group was almost always linked to the desire to meet new people
and the presence of old friends within the new group. The process of creating and
participating in identity-based spaces on campuses functions through and around the
peer culture and relationships. Administrators must take this into account when
assessing for and developing ethnic/racial organizations within their own campuses.
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Second, the participants shared their desire to have a space to connect with
others based on their internal sense of identity, the way they think about themselves
culturally; where this happened varied according to the individual. This study shed
light on this topic in two ways. First, the participants generally perceived the
campus as being a diverse environment and experience and did not feel isolated or
excluded because they were mixed race. Yet, there were still a number of students
who felt that participation in a mixed race student organization was important to
them. These students were not experiencing significant crisis or confusion, rather
they were seeking a place to share their specific racial and cultural experience with
others. The literature on biracial identity development shows that there is a gap
where, in other identity development theories, an immersion/emersion phase occurs.
This is largely because most often there is no biracial space to immerse oneself in,
but this study showed that such an organization is utilized by multiracial students.
Implications for Practice
1) My first recommendation is for administrators to pay attention to the composition
of their student body. Know about which groups are growing and be sensitive to
their need for support. Often we are not aware of shifts in demographics, especially
when the population is believed to be so small. But USC is a good example of how
these shifts can occur in a relatively short amount of time.
2) Examine and pay attention to the ability of your college students to move within
and between identity-based ethnic groups on campus. Do the groups have members
who are not of that ethnicity or race? Are many of your multiracial students
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participating in these groups? If so, this could indicate that multiracial students fit in
and feel that they belong within monoracial groups. In these situations a multiracial
student group may not be necessary. But as this population grows on campuses we
must explore the possibility of needs associated with their multi-racialness.
3) Finally, I suggest that the status of and ability for multiracial students to navigate
peer groups on college campuses is an under-investigated topic that bears more
scrutiny. It is helpful to understand how the college climate and dynamics affect this
growing population.
Recommendations for Further Research
This research process led to a number of other questions and research
interests that could bear investigation. Questions arose that ranged from the impact
that a highly diverse campus would have on a multiracial individual’s identity to the
relationship between a person’s phenomenological characteristics and their internal
identity.
In this study, leadership played a vital role in the development and
sustainability of the Hapa Student Community. I would recommend continued
investigation into the impact of leadership and the leader’s vision on ethnic/racial
student organizations and their members. Another area that would benefit from more
research is the connection between the multiracial person’s external appearance or
phenomenological characteristics and their internal sense of identity and culture.
How do these factors intersect with campus and peer culture? Where do the students
who do not feel that they “fit” in any ethnic group find a sense of belonging or
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express their sense of culture publicly? Finally, the idea of racially looking one way
but identifying with dominant society is closely related to the concept of
acculturation. While this is complicated when speaking about multiracial students
(since most are half White) because they actually belong to both the minority and
dominant groups, I believe it would be beneficial to explore this issue from an
acculturation perspective.
Conclusion
This study examined the reasons that multiracial students at the University of
Southern California chose to develop and participate in an Asian American mixed
race student organization, the Hapa Student Community, and why other students
opted to not participate in ethnic/racial student organizations. Through interviews,
observations, and focus groups it was clear that identity and socialization played a
large part in the conceptualization of what this group should be and how it should
serve its members. Not only were the leadership desiring to create a social space, but
the students had to want to meet new people and further diversify themselves
socially. This was evident through the consistence of this theme among members
and the lack of it among non-members. Also, identity played a large role, but served
a different purpose for the members and the leaders. The executive board viewed the
group as a place to assist students with the formation and discovery of their
multiracial identity, based on the developmental experiences of the president.
Conversely, the members already felt that their identities were formed and used the
group to comfortably explore and act out their multiracial perspectives. Furthermore,
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79
the desire to participate in a group that “fit” the student’s internal sense of culture
and identity was very important to the students. Members of the HSC found this fit
within this organization that allowed them to be bi-racial and bi-cultural, while non
members tended to find that sense of fit or belonging in other spaces within the
dominant culture (i.e. academic life, Greek life, sports, armed forces, and other non
ethnic campus activities). The participants in the Hapa group desire to connect with
other Hapa students to explore, as well as, share that experience with others who are
racially similar to them.
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80
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8 6
APPENDIX A
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
INFORMED C ONSENT FOR NOVM EDKAl RESEARC H
CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
The Creation of an Identity Based Multiethnic Student Organization and its
Impact on Identity
You are asked to participate in a research study conducted by Carolyn Ozaki,
masters candidate, and Melora Sundt, Associate Dean for Research, Ph.D., from the
Rossier School of Education Research Institute at the University of Southern
California. This project will contribute to a thesis and final project for Carolyn Ozaki.
You were selected as a possible participant in this study because of your self-
identification as a multiethnic college student and involvement in a newly
established multiethnic student organization at the University of Southern California,
the Hapa Student Community. A total of 10 subjects will be selected from
multiethnic college students willing to participate. Your participation is voluntary.
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of this study is to present a qualitative analysis of Asian American
multiethnic undergraduate college students’ experiences that lead to the creation of a
multiethnic identity based space. It will also explore the impact of involvement in
this identity based organization on the students’ identity. Specifically, this study will
address the following questions:
1. Under what conditions or experiences prompt multiethnic students to
create and identity based public space?
2. How does participation in an identity based multiethnic student
organization affect their identity and sense of self?
PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study, we would ask you to do the following
things:
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87
Interview
You will initially have a one hour interview. You can expect questions like: Why
did you choose to join or begin the Hapa Student Community group? Tell me about
your experience with the groups and its members so far? Has it had an influence on
you racial/ethnic identity? How do you describe yourself? You will be asked to
describe your experiences as a multiethnic student on this college campus, share your
experiences and choices regarding involvement in student organizations and/or
ethnic groups, and relate those experiences to your multiethnic identity.
Interviewing provides for a comfortable conversational atmosphere. This format
also allows for additional and supplemental questions for elaboration and clarity.
In addition, you will be asked to participate in at least one hour long follow-up
interview to further explore topics and give you an opportunity to look at the data
thus far. The interviews will take place in private offices in a location on or off
campus convenient for you. Each interview will be audio recorded with your
permission to ensure the quality and accuracy of the data. The tapes will then be
transcribed and coded for major themes, categories and subcategories. Responses
will be reviewed to compare and contrast your experiences with other participants.
The study will take place from December 2003 to March 2004.
Focus Group
In addition, at least one focus group will also be held with members of the Hapa
Student Community. You may or may not be asked to participate in this group. The
questions asked will be similar to those asked in the individual interview. The focus
group may be audio recorded with permission. The group will take place in a
classroom on the USC campus and will last for approximately one hour.
POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
The overall potential risk of this study is minimal, but there is some risk of
discomfort or inconvenience for the participant. Questioning that asks the
participant to share their personal experiences, feelings, and thoughts can result in
discomfort. In recognition of the personal nature of this topic and interviewing
format if you feel uncomfortable with the interview format, topics discussed, or
experience as part of this study you may be excused at any time. Also, you can
chose not to answer any question throughout the interview and still be in the study.
POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
There are no immediate benefits to you. The limited amount of research on
multiethnic/racial college students focuses on identity development. Research has
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yet to significantly explore how identity is shaped by the various elements of the
campus environment. This study’s insight into involvement in student organizations
and ethnic student groups widens our understanding of how mixed heritage students
are developmentally impacted by their involvement in these groups. Understanding
why mixed ethnic/race students choose to participate in these student organizations
and how their involvement affects them allows researchers and administrators to
better address the need of this growing population on their campuses.
Multiethnic/racial students recognize that race is an ever present issue and
experience difficulty in developing a multiracial identity (Nishimura, 1998).
Therefore, it is important for administrators to know how to support students as they
explore their identities in college environments.
PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will not be paid for participating in this research study.
CONFIDENTIALITY
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be
identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your
permission or as required by law.
For the purposes of accurately reporting data in this study the interviews will be
audio taped and transcribed. The participant will have the right to review/edit the
tape at any time. The researcher will be the only person with access to the
recordings and transcripts. The transcript data will be reviewed by the researcher
and coded for information and themes. Throughout the study the personal
information, audio tapes, and research data will be stored in a locked document box
in order to protect the confidentiality of the participants. Only the researcher will
have access to the storage container. The data will be kept through the duration of
the study, approximately one year, and erased after completion of the thesis.
Furthermore, when the results of the research are published or discussed in
conferences no information that would reveal your identity will be included.
PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
You can choose whether to be in this study or not. If you volunteer to be in this
study, you may withdraw at any time without consequences of any kind. You may
also refuse to answer any questions you don’t want to answer and still remain in the
study. The investigator may withdraw you from this research if circumstances arise
which warrant doing so.
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89
IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact
Carolyn Ozaki at the University of Southern California, 213-764-1095. You may
also contact the faculty advisor for the project, Dr. Melora Sundt, Associate Dean for
Research, University of Southern California Rossier School of Education Research
Institute at 213-740-2157. Both the researcher and faculty advisor conducting the
study are located at the University of Southern California, University Park Campus,
Waite Phillips Hall 503.
RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without
penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your
participation in this research study. If you have questions regarding your rights as a
research subject, contact the University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for
Research, Grace Ford Salvatori Building, Room 306, Los Angeles, CA 90089-1695,
(213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu.
SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH SUBJECT
I understand the procedures described above and have carefully read the information.
My questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in
this study. I have been given a copy of this form.
□ I give my consent to be audio taped.
□ I do not give my consent to be audio taped.
Name of Subject
Signature of Subject Date
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90
SKiYVTl RK OF l.W KSTIGATOR
I have explained the research to the subject or his/her legal representative, and
answered all of his/her questions. I believe that he/she understands the information
described in this document and freely consents to participate.
Name of Investigator
Signature of Investigator Date (must be the same as
subject’s)
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91
APPENDIX B
Email and Verbal Recruitment for Research Study 2003-4
To All Undergraduate Students Involved in the HAPA Student Community
Organization:
Hi, my name is Casey Ozaki and I am a graduate student at the USC Rossier
School of Education. I am conducting a research study between now and March
2004 that explores the experiences and reasons that multiracial students choose to
start their own student groups and how participation impacts their sense of self. I am
hoping to conduct individual interviews as well as focus groups with multiracial
undergraduate students who are leaders and participants of the Hapa Student
Community. You can expect questions like: Why did you choose to join or begin
the Hapa Student Community group? Tell me about your experience with the groups
and its members so far? Has it had an influence on you racial/ethnic identity? How
do you describe yourself? The interviews will last approximately one hour and be
limited to use in this research study. There will also be at least one additional
follow-up interview lasting one hour. All interviews will be held in an area
convenient to the interviewee. The focus groups will also last for an hour and will be
held on the UCP campus. If you are willing to be interviewed please email me,
Casey Ozaki, at cozaki@usc.edu.
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92
APPENDIX C
Interview Questions
Background:
1) What is your name, age, and year in college?
2) What is your ethnic heritage?
3) Where did you go to high school?
5) How did you decide to come to USC?
6) How do you describe yourself?
7) Tell me about a situation, since you’ve been a student here at USC, where
you were aware of being multiracial? What did this mean to you?
Student Organization Involvement:
9) Which student organizations are you involved with on campus?
10) What most influenced your decision in the groups you joined?
11) Tell me about your experiences with monoracial ethnic groups? In what
ways has this influenced your sense of identity as multiracial?
12) Why did you choose to join or begin the Hapa Student Community group?
13) How did you recruit/hear about the group?
14) Tell me about your experience with the groups and its members so far? Has
it had an influence on you racial/ethnic identity? Give examples.
15) Is there anything else would like to tell me about yourself or your experiences
with the Hapa Student Community group?
Non-Hap a Student Community Members
16) Has your description of yourself changed since you’ve come to college? In
what ways? What contributed to this change?
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93
17) Tell me about your friends and other peers here. In what ways do your
activities reflect or contribute to your identity as multiracial?
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Asset Metadata

Creator Ozaki, Carolyn Kyoko (author)

Core Title The Hapa Student Community: The creation of a multiracial student organization and its impact on identity

Degree Master of Engineering / Master of Education

Degree Program Education

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag education, bilingual and multicultural,education, higher,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-317891

Unique identifier UC11337614

Identifier 1421786.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-317891 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 1421786.pdf

Dmrecord 317891

Document Type Thesis

Rights Ozaki, Carolyn Kyoko

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA