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Johann Krieger and sacred vocal music in Zittau, 1682--1735
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Johann Krieger and sacred vocal music in Zittau, 1682--1735
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NOTE TO USERS This reproduction is the best copy available. ® UMI Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. JOHANN KRIEGER AND SACRED VOCAL MUSIC IN ZITTAU, 1682-1735 VOLUME I Copyright 2002 by Mary Benson Stahlke A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY MUSIC (HISTORY AND LITERATURE) May 2002 Mary Benson Stahlke Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 3093421 Copyright 2002 by Stahlke, Mary Benson All rights reserved. ® UMI UMI Microform 3093421 Copyright 2003 by ProQuest Inform ation and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This m icroform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQ uest Inform ation and Learning C om pany 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. This dissertation, written by Mary Benson Stahlke under the direction o f his Dissertation Committee, and approved by its members, has been presented to and accepted by The Graduate School, in partial fulfillment o f re quirements fo r the degree o f DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY hn o f Graduate Studies Date August. . 6 . .2002.. DISSERTATION COMMITTEE ' V ' Chairperson Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank the many people and institutions who have been instrumental in helping me complete this dissertation: the University of Southern California and the Konrad-Adenauer- Stiftung, which both provided financial support for my research; the numerous libraries and archives that made materials available to me, especially those located in Zittau (the Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, the Pfarramt, and the Stadtarchiv); the Institut fur Musikwissenschaft in Halle, which provided a base in Germany for my dissertation work; friends in Germany, Hong Kong, and the United States who assisted me in many ways, both professionally and personally; my students and colleagues through the years who have provided a sounding board for concepts related to my topic; the members of my committee who suggested valuable changes in my dissertation text; and especially my advisor Bruce Brown, who gave generously of his time for many years to assist me with my research and writing. I also wish to thank my family, and especially my husband Jonathan, for their generous emotional and financial support, without which this work would have been impossible to complete. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. iii CONTENTS VOLUME I ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.......................................................................................................... ii ABBREVIATIONS AND FREQUENTLY CITED SOURCES........................................... vi LIST OF TABLES..........................................................................................................................x LIST OF FIGURES...................................................................................................................... xi LIST OF EXAMPLES.................................................................................................................xii ABSTRACT ...........................................................................................................................xiv Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION Importance of Krieger's Sacred Vocal M usic................................................ 1 Sources on Zittau and Krieger......................................................................... 4 Krieger's Life before Zittau............................................................................19 2. SACRED MUSIC IN ZITTAU IN THE SEVENTEENTH AND EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES Zittau.................................................................................................................. 58 Krieger's Predecessors in Zittau.....................................................................66 Churches in Zittau............................................................................................ 79 Organs in St. John Church and Saints Peter and Paul Church................ 104 Worship Services........................................................................................... 117 Zittau Gymnasium......................................................................................... 136 Church Duties of the Gymnasium Choirs.................................................. 158 Civic Musicians............................................................................................. 179 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3. JOHANN KRIEGER IN ZITTAU Appointment in Zittau................................................................................... 200 Occasional Services in Zittau during Krieger's Tenure...........................226 Professional Life............................................................................................237 Music Publications.........................................................................................268 Personal Life.................................................................................................. 293 VOLUME II 4. KRIEGER'S SACRED VOCAL MUSIC Musical Sources.............................................................................................315 Motets..............................................................................................................340 Concertos and Biblical Cantatas................................................................. 360 Madrigal and Mixed Madrigal Cantatas.................................................... 400 Style and Performance Practice...................................................................437 Attribution.......................................................................................................472 5. CONCLUSION........................................................................................................479 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Music by Johann Krieger.........................................................................484 2. Music by Composers Other than Johann Krieger................................ 489 3. Manuscript Sources before 1800 (Not Including M usic)...................496 4. Printed Sources before 1800 (Not Including Music)...........................500 5. Books and Articles Written after 1800.................................................. 509 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. V Appendix 1. Worklist of Johann Krieger's Sacred Vocal Music.................................528 2. Selected Compositions by Adam Krieger and Johann Krieger listed in the Leipzig and Frankfurt Messkatalogen.............................. 543 3. Selected Compositions by Adam Krieger and Johann Krieger as listed in Beughem's Bibliographia Mathematica (1688)................544 4. Organists in Zittau (1567-1735)............................................................... 545 5. Obituary for Johann Krieger Excerpted from his Funeral Program.... 546 6. Biography of Johann Krieger from Mattheson's Ehren-Pforte (1740)550 7. Inventory of the Obergreiz Castle: Items Related to Music (1681).... 555 8. Gymnasium and Music Leaders in Zittau (1629-1735).........................558 9. Record of the 1611 Renovation of the "Old" Organ in St. John Church................................................................................559 10. Disposition of the 1684 Dressel Organ in St. John Church (1737)......561 11. Disposition of the Weindt Organ in Saints Peter and Paul Church (1661).....................................................................................................563 12. Liturgical Information about Communion in the Agenda (1540)........565 13. Zittau Church Calendar during Krieger's Tenure: Temporal Cycle.... 566 14. Zittau Church Calendar during Krieger's Tenure: Sanctoral Cycle.... 575 15. Orders of Worship: 1717 Reformation Services in Zittau.................... 579 16. "Leges" (Rules for the Gymnasium Choir)..............................................588 17. Instruments Used in Krieger's Sacred Vocal M usic.............................. 594 18. Contract for Carl Hartwig (1735)............................................................. 597 19. Contract for Adolph Gottlob Krieger (1735).......................................... 607 20. Editorial Method and Critical Notes.........................................................613 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABBREVIATIONS AND FREQUENTLY CITED SOURCES BuxWV BWV Carpzov, Analecta Clavier-Ubung DDT DTB DTB, Jg. 18 Buxtehude-Werke-Verzeichnis, as listed in Georg Karstadt. Thematisch-systematisches Verzeichnis der musikalischen Werke von Dietrich Buxtehude: Buxtehude-Werke- Verzeichnis (BuxWV). Weisbaden: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1974. Bach-Werke-Verzeichnis, as listed in Wolfgang Schmieder. Thematisch-systematisches Verzeichnis der musikalischen Werke Johann Sebastian Bachs: Bach-Werke-Verzeichnis (BWV). 2d ed., rev. and enl. Wiesbaden: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1990. Carpzov, Johann Benedict. Analecta fastorum Zittaviensium oder Historischer Schauplatz der Lobichen Alten Sechs- Stadt des Marggrqffihums Ober-Lausitz Zittau. Zittau: Johann Jacob Schops, 1716. Krieger, Johann. Anmuthige Clavier-Ubung, bestehend in unterschiedlichen Ricercarien, Prceludien, Fugen, einer Ciacona und einer aufdas Pedal gerichteten Toccata; Allen Liebhabern defi Claviers wohmeinend mitgetheilet von Johann Krieger, Organisten und Chori Musici Directore in Zittau. Nuremberg: Wolffgang Moritz Endter, 1699. Reprint, Gesammelte Werke fur Klavier und Orgel, ed. Max Seiffert, Denkmaler der Tonkunst in Bayern, Jg. 18, Denkmaler Deutscher Tonkunst, vol. 30, Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1917. Reprint, Performers' Facsimiles 162, New York: Performers'Facsimiles, [1997], Reprint, Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger, Samtliche Orgel- und Clavierwerke, vol. 1, Musicalische Partien (1697) and Anmuthige Clavier-Ubung (1699), eds. Siegbert Rampe and Helene Lerch, Kassel: Barenreiter, 1999. RISMK 2452, K 2453, KK 2452, Samuel No. 3. Denkmaler Deutscher Tonkunst Denkmaler der Tonkunst in Bayern Krieger, Johann, Franz Xaver Anton Murschhauser, and Johann Philipp Krieger. Gesammelte Werke fur Klavier und Orgel. Edited by Max Seiffert. Denkmaler der Tonkunst in Bayern, Jg. 18. Denkmaler Deutscher Tonkunst, vol. 30. Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1917. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. vii Gartner, Quellenbuch gr- Grosses Universal Lexicon "Instruction ... Harttwig" Jg- "Leges" Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte Gartner, Theodor, ed. Quellenbuch zur Geschichte des Gymnasiums in Zittau. 2 vols. Urkundenbiicher der Sachsischen Gymnasien, vol. 1; Veroffentlichungen zur Geschichte des gelehrten Schulwesens im Albertinischen Sachsen, part 2. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1905-1911. Groschen (1 Groschen = 12 Pfennige) Grosses Vollstandiges Universal Lexicon aller Wissenschaft und Kiinste. Edited by Johann Heinrich Zedler and Carl Gunther Ludovici. 68 vols. Leipzig and Halle: Johann Heinrich Zedler, 1732-50. Reprint, Grosses Vollstandiges Universal-Lexikon, Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1961-64. "Instruction wornach sich der angenommene Director chori musici und Organist bey allhiesiger Kirche zu St.: Johannis Karl Harttwig S: S: Theolog Stud, zu achten betr 1735." 24 October 1735. Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). Reprint, Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach, Briefe und Dokumente: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, ed. Ernst Suchalla, 2 vols., 1:34-39. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1994. Jahrgang "Leges, welche vom Choro symphoniaco in acht zu nehmen sind." After 1682 and before 1713. Reprint, Quellenbuch zur Geschichte des Gymnasiums in Zittau, ed. Theodor Gartner, 2 vols., Urkundenbiicher der Sachsischen Gymnasien, vol. 1, Veroffentlichungen zur Geschichte des gelehrten Schulwesens im Albertinischen Sachsen, part 2, 2:248- 51. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1905-1911. Mattheson, Johann. Grundlage einer Ehren-Pforte, woran der Tuchtigsten Capellmeister, Componisten, Musikgelehrten, Tonkiinstler &c. Leben Wercke, Verdienste &c. erscheinen sollen. Hamburg, 1740. Reprint, ed. Max Schneider, Berlin: Leo Liepmannssohn, 1910. Reprint of 1910 edition, Graz, Austria: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt; Kassel: Barenreiter, 1994. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Vlll Muller, Die besten Gedancken Muller, Gottfried Polycarp. Die besten Gedancken Werden Bei dem solennen Leichen-Begangnifi Tit. deb. Herrn Johann Kriegers Wohlverdienten Directoris Chori Musici, und bei der Kirchen zu St. Johannis und zu St. Petri und Pauli Organistens in Zittau, Als Dasselbe den 22. Julii An. 1735. In der Kirche zum Heil. Creutz Bei ansehnlicher Gegenwart vieler mitleidenden Hertzen vollzogen wurde, Der besturtzten Frau Wittwen und gesammten hertzlich-betrubten Familie, zur beliebigen Betrachtung. Zittau: Johann Christian Stremeln, 1735. Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zitt. 71/1848 Ossa II, 255 und 256. M. G. Mit Gott (with God) M G G I Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Edited by Friedrich Blume. 17 vols. Kassel: Barenreiter, 1949- 1967. MGG II Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Edited by Ludwig Finscher. 2d ed., rev. 21 vols. Kassel: Barenreiter, 1995-. The New Grove II The New Grove Dictionary o f Music and Musicians. Edited by Stanley Sadie and John Tyrell. 29 vols. London: Macmillan, 2000. NmE Krieger, Johann. M. G. Johann Kriegers Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit/ Das ist: Unterschiedene Erfindungen Welche Herr Christian Weise/ in Zittau Von Geistlichen Andachten Politischen Tugend-Liedern Und Theatralischen Sachen bishero gesetzet hat: In die Music gebracht Und der Tugend-liebenden Jugend vornehmlich recommendiret. Frankfurt and Leipzig: Christian Weidmann, 1684. Reprint, Dokumentation zur Geschichte des Deutschen Liedes, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1999. RISMK 2448, KK 2448, Samuel No. 1. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Partien Peschek, Handbuch pf. RISM rthl./rtl. Samuel, Cantata Samuel No. Sts. thl./tl. Works by Krieger Krieger, Johann. Seeks Musicalische Partien, bestehende in Allemanden, Courenten, Sarabanden, Doublen und Giquen, nebst eingemischten Boureen, Minuetten und Gavotten, alien Liebhabern des Claviers/ auf einem Spinet oder Clavichordio zu spielen/ nach einer arieusen Manier aufgesetzt. Nuremberg: Wolfgang Moritz Endter, 1697. Reprint, Gesammelte Werke fur Klavier und Orgel, ed. Max Seiffert, Denkmaler der Tonkunst in Bayern, Jg. 18, Denkmaler Deutscher Tonkunst, vol. 30, Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1917. Reprint, Johann & Johann Philipp Krieger, Samtliche Orgel- und Clavierwerke, vol. 1, Musicalische Partien (1697) and Anmuthige Clavier-Ubung (1699), eds. Siegbert Rampe and Helene Lerch, pp. 1-39, Kassel: Barenreiter, 1999. RISMK2451, Samuel No. 2. Peschek, Christian Adolph. Handbuch der Geschichte von Zittau. 2 vols. Zittau: J. D. Schops, 1834-1837. Pfennig/Pfennige Repertoire International des Sources Musicales: Einzeldrucke vor 1800. Vols. 1-9: edited by Karlheinz Schlager, Kassel: Barenreiter, 1971-81. Vols. 11-12: edited by Ilse Kindermann and Jurgen Kindermann, Kassel: Barenreiter, 1986-92. I also obtained some RISM listings from TfTXM-Zentralredaktion, Frankfurt am Main, Germany. Reichstaler (1 Reichstaler = 24 Groschen = 288 Pfennige) Samuel, Harold. The Cantata in Nuremberg in the Seventeenth Century. Studies in Musicology, No. 56. Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1982. Samuel, Cantata, pp. 387-411 (worklist for Johann Krieger). Saints Taler (1 Taler = 24 Groschen = 288 Pfennige) All sacred vocal works by Krieger (except for his Lieder) are cited in full in the worklist (appendix 1). The titles and texts of Krieger’s works are spelled and punctuated as they appear in the original sources. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. X LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Musicians in Greiz during Krieger’s tenure as Kapellmeister............................................ 42 2. Musicians in the Eisenberg Kapelle (1681)........................................................................... 48 3. Payment for the Stadtmusikus (1729).................................................................................. 189 4. Civic Musicians in Zittau...................................................................................................... 196 5. Salary Figures for Gymnasium Teachers in Zittau (1731).................................................216 6. Similarities between Interior Paired Movements in “Dili ist der Tag”.............................. 388 7. Elements of Arch Form in “Gott ist unser Zuversicht” ......................................................421 8. Keyboard Designations and Keys in Four Sanctus Settings by Krieger......................... 463 9. Attribution of Selected Works by Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger........................... 475 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. St. Sebald Church in Nuremberg..............................................................................................25 2. Obergreiz Castle in Greiz..........................................................................................................39 3. Eisenberg Receipt (30 August 1681) with Johann Krieger’s Signature.............................47 4. Region of Zittau......................................................................................................................... 59 5. Zittau in 1717..............................................................................................................................64 6. Zittau before its Destruction in 1757....................................................................................... 80 7. Floorplan of St. John Church before its Destruction in 1757...............................................83 8. St. John Church (1706-57)........................................................................................................83 9. Saints Peter and Paul Church................................................................................................... 98 10. Floorplan of Saints Peter and Paul Church and Monastery..................................................99 11. Rector’s Home and Gymnasium Building........................................................................... 138 12. “Halleluja Lobet den Herm,” fol. 3r......................................................................................244 13. Krieger’s Signature on Letter to the Gorlitz City Council (1703).................................... 254 14. Title Page of “Gott ist unser Zuversicht” ............................................................................. 337 15. Title Page of “Nun dancket” ..................................................................................................339 16. Symmetry of Movements in “Nun dancket” ........................................................................420 17. Symmetry of Performance Forces in “Sulamith” Arias.....................................................420 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. xii LIST OF EXAMPLES Example Page 1. Magnificat a 4: mm. 1-7..........................................................................................................345 2. Magnificat a 4: mm. 113-21................................................................................................... 347 3. Magnificat a 4: mm. 155-68................................................................................................... 352 4. Magnificat a 4: mm. 337-46................................................................................................... 353 5. “Dancksaget dem Vater”: mm. 71-4 (Soprano) and mm. 84-7 (Soprano)....................... 356 6. “Dancksaget dem Vater”: mm. 195-6 (Alto) and mm. 197-8 (Alto)..................................357 7. Sanctus a 2: mm. 32-3............................................................................................................. 364 8. “Danket dem Herrn”: mm. 189-92........................................................................................ 365 9. “Gelobet sey der Herr”: mm. 238-48, selected parts.......................................................... 378 10. “Dili ist der Tag”: mm. 9-10, 13-14, 25-26..........................................................................381 11. “Riihmet den Herrn”: m. 184................................................................................................. 382 12. “Gelobet sey der Herr”: mm. 215-17....................................................................................382 13. “Danket dem Herrn”: m. 238 ................................................................................................. 382 14. “DiB ist der Tag”: mm. 42-9................................................................................................... 391 15. Sanctus a 10: mm. 54-7........................................................................................................... 394 16. “Zionjauchzt”: mm. 55-63..................................................................................................... 408 17. “Geht also geht”: mm. 42-3.................................................................................................... 418 18. “Gott ist unser Zuversicht”: mm. 1-4....................................................................................422 19. “Gott ist unser Zuversicht”: mm. 96-7..................................................................................423 20. “Gott ist unser Zuversicht”: mm. 96-102, vocal parts........................................................ 428 21. “Jesu, meine Freude,” in Das Neu Leipziger Gesangbuch, pp. 780-1 .............................429 22. “Frolocket Gott”: mm. 1-8..................................................................................................... 432 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. xiii 23. “Geht also geht”: mm. 1-3.......................................................................................................434 24. “Gott ist unser Zuversicht”: mm. 73-81 ............................................................................... 447 25. Magnificat a 4: mm. 61-4........................................................................................................454 26. Sanctus a 2: mm. 12-14...........................................................................................................455 27. “Riihmet den Herrn”: mm. 188-97........................................................................................ 456 28. “Gott ist unser Zuversicht”: mm. 49-50............................................................................... 458 29. “Gott ist unser Zuversicht”: mm. 75-6..................................................................................458 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. xiv Mary Benson Stahlke Bruce Alan Brown ABSTRACT JOHANN KRIEGER AND SACRED VOCAL MUSIC IN ZITTAU, 1682-1735 Johann Krieger worked as organist and civic director of choral music in Zittau from 1682 until his death in 1735. His reputation today rests primarily on his published keyboard collections, which were intended for an amateur market, but his sacred vocal compositions, most of which have never been published, are much more complex and musically interesting. They also provide a means of understanding the role of sacred music in the church life of central Germany in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Zittau's two primary churches, St. John and Saints Peter and Paul, provided the main venues for sacred music in the city, and an account of these churches' history, clergy, instruments, schedule of services, choirs, instrumentalists, and musical repertoire provides a good picture of sacred music in a central Germany city that was not a court center. This description focuses especially on Johann Krieger's activities, including his appointment, professional responsibilities, music publications, and personal life. It was somewhat unusual at this time for an organist to hold a city's leading music position, an arrangement made possible by the Zittau leaders' awareness o f new trends in the roles of cantor and organist. An analysis of Krieger's extant sacred vocal music (motets, concertos, cantatas, and liturgical works) and information known about his lost works reveal a composer who wrote in a wide variety of genres and was particularly well known for his contrapuntal ability. A study of Krieger's works and their context, while important in its own right, is also a valuable aid in understanding sacred music in central Germany in the generation of composers who directly preceded Johann Sebastian Bach. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Johann Krieger (1652-1735) worked for over fifty years as the organist and civic director of choral music in Zittau. Before his tenure there, he served a number of German courts as an organist and Kapellmeister. During his career, he composed several collections of music and a large number o f independent works in most of the genres of his day, and was active as a director, organist, teacher, organ consultant, and author. A study of Krieger’s life and works can illuminate how music was regarded in the German lands in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. IMPORTANCE OF KRIEGER'S SACRED VOCAL MUSIC In the eighteenth century, Johann Krieger was primarily known as a composer of keyboard music. His reputation was based on the two collections of keyboard music published during his lifetime, the Partien and the Clavier-Ubung. The latter collection was especially well respected, and important figures such as Johann Mattheson and George Frideric Handel lauded Krieger's contrapuntal abilities. Scholarship on Krieger until today has continued to emphasize his keyboard music more than his other works. Editions of his keyboard music were published throughout the twentieth century, and scholarly interest has continued to focus mostly on this repertoire. The vast majority of Krieger's output, however, lies in the sphere of vocal music. Most of these compositions are unfortunately lost, and many of the surviving works are available only in manuscript. Enough of this music survives, however, to allow an assessment of his skill as a vocal composer. Krieger wrote in several genres, including motets, vocal concertos, cantatas, Lieder, and incidental music. The sacred vocal music, in particular, deserves much greater attention, for Krieger was freer in this music to explore the limits of his abilities. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 In Zittau, his performers included the best singers from a Gymnasium that attracted pupils from a wide area of the German-speaking lands. His instrumental musicians, who were civic employees, also possessed a high level of skill, for Zittau had the economic resources to invest heavily in the arts. It is telling that figures such as Andreas Hammerschmidt and Johann Krieger worked in Zittau, both Wilhelm Friedemann Bach and Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach applied for positions there, and Gottfried Silbermann built one of the largest organs o f his late career for Zittau's primary church, St. John.1 Even though Krieger was hired as an organist, his position also included the duties of Director chori musici (civic director of choral music), which gave him the oversight of musical life for the entire city. This responsibility usually fell to cantors in cities and towns of central Germany at this time, but in Zittau the cantor handled the day-to-day music duties in the Gymnasium, thereby giving Krieger more time for performing, composing, and teaching the best music pupils. This arrangement more closely approximated the employment situation in major cities such as Liibeck and Nuremberg, and it also bore some parallels to Krieger's earlier positions as a court Kapellmeister. Thus, Zittau's economic resources gave Krieger the time and resources to write sacred vocal music of an exceptionally high quality, in contrast to his published keyboard music, most of which was intended for amateurs. This dissertation outlines Krieger's early years of education and his several court positions before turning to a description of Zittau's sacred musical life in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Since no comprehensive history of Zittau's sacred musical life has previously been written, a detailed discussion follows covering Krieger's immediate !The two Bachs applied to work in Zittau in 1753, almost twenty years after Krieger's death. See Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach, Briefe und Dokumente: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, ed. Ernst Suchalla, 2 vols. (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1994), 1:21-33. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 predecessors, the city's churches and their services, the Gymnasium and its choirs, and the civic (instrumental) musicians.2 Krieger's own tenure in Zittau began in 1682, and his more than five decades of work there included his regular duties as both organist and civic director of choral music. In addition, he was involved with various professional activities such as music publication, organ consulting, and the organization of occasional services (e.g., organ and church dedications, memorial services for rulers). Late in his life, he published a theoretical treatise that gives his views about music and reveals his support o f newer trends. Aspects of Krieger’s personal life are also described as a means of illuminating wedding, baptism, and funeral practices in Zittau. The concerted music that Krieger wrote for worship services in Zittau comprises his motets, concertos, and cantatas. While his sacred Lieder were also performed in worship services, they differ from the concerted music both in form and function, for they are mostly homophonic, strophic works written for occasional services such as weddings and funerals. Krieger's incidental music will not be covered, either, even though some o f the plays were written on sacred topics. Among Krieger's extant motets, concertos, and cantatas, twenty compositions can be firmly attributed to him. An analysis of style features and performance practice for this body of works follows, which is then used to shed light on works of problematical attribution. Krieger composed his sacred vocal music at a time of rapid transition in musical style, which is reflected in his works. The pieces written in the seventeenth century feature a great deal of counterpoint, while the eighteenth-century works exhibit characteristics o f the new madrigal cantata, with its recitatives and arias. His approach to musical techniques 2 In his 1917 monograph, Max Seiffert covered the history of sacred music in Zittau only as it related specifically to Krieger. DTB, Jg. 18, pp. xi-xxxviii. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 also changed over his lifetime, for he was trained in the traditional method o f solmization but later in life supported newer ideas about music as espoused by progressives like Mattheson.3 Krieger's sacred vocal music is deserving of greater study, for these works are among the most sophisticated in his oeuvre. In addition, Krieger is arguably the most skilled contrapuntist in the generation before Johann Sebastian Bach, and it appears that Bach may have studied some of Krieger's music.4 This author hopes that this dissertation will generate more interest in Johann Krieger's sacred vocal music; his works are important not only for their place in the milieu leading to Bach and Handel, but also as works of art deserving in their own right. SOURCES ON ZITTAU AND JOHANN KRIEGER The earliest comprehensive history of Zittau is the Analecta fastorum Zittaviensium, written in 1716 by Johann Benedict Carpzov (1675-1739). Carpzov came to Zittau in 1702 to work as a lawyer (“Syndikus”) and in 1720 was elected mayor of the city. He was also well acquainted with the Gymnasium, having taught mathematics there for many years.5 Because Carpzov and Krieger were direct contemporaries, Carpzov's history of Zittau is a principal source for this dissertation. His account is also valuable because it is based on documents available before the destruction of Zittau in 1757 by Austrian forces, when many o f the city's historical records were burned.6 3 Krieger also supported technological innovation when he willingly allowed his publisher to experiment with new printing techniques. See discussion below, p. 280. 4 See discussion below, p. 373. 5 Peschek, Handbuch, 1:646. 6 See below, p. 65, for information on the 1757 bombardment of the city. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 5 The most recent comprehensive history of Zittau was written by Christian Adolph Peschek in the 1830s. His two-volume Handbuch der Geschichte von Zittau draws heavily on Carpzov's Analecta, both in form and content. Peschek expanded Carpzov's discussion in many areas, however, incorporating sources discovered since Carpzov's research and bringing the account of Zittau's history up to the early nineteenth century. Peschek was more careful than Carpzov to document his sources; the whole book is rich in its use of the records still available in the nineteenth century, some of which are no longer extant today. Corrections and additions to the Handbuch were made by Peschek himself but never published.7 Anton Tobias, Zittau's city librarian in the late nineteenth century, also researched Zittau's history, making extensive annotations of his findings in his personal copy of the Handbuch,8 Another valuable resource for Zittau's history is the Quellenbuch zur Geschichte des Gymnasiums in Zittau by Theodor Gartner. His direct quotations from Zittau's city and church records are a valuable source not only for the study of the Gymnasium, but also for sacred and secular music in Zittau. Some of the materials from which Gartner quotes are no longer extant, making his book the only surviving source for that information. Written accounts about Johann Krieger that were published during his lifetime usually refer to his music, with only the barest biographical details given. Krieger was considered an important composer, for he appears in most of the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century sources listing prominent German musicians. For example, Krieger's life and works received substantial coverage in Johann Mattheson's valuable Ehren-Pforte. Modern scholarship on Krieger began around 1900 with the contributions of Robert Eitner, whose work was then 7 Christian Adolph Peschek, "Neue Supplement zur Stadtgeschichte," 1859(7), Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, B72. 8 Paul NeeBe, "Die Fortentwicklung der Zittauer Geschichtsschreibung seit Christ. Ad. Peschek," Mitteilungen der Gesellschaftfur Zittauer Geschichte, Jg. 3, no. 3 (1902): 21. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6 greatly expanded by Max Seiffert. Later in the twentieth century, Harold Samuel and Joseph Edgar Thomas covered Krieger's cantatas and keyboard music, respectively, with Samuel providing the most comprehensive worklist available to date. The current dissertation contains both a detailed biography of Krieger and a discussion of sacred music in Zittau, with an emphasis on the composer's sacred vocal music. The first mention of a Krieger publication can be found in a 1683 trade fair catalog from Leipzig. Krieger's vocal collection Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit, which was published in both Leipzig and Frankfurt by Christian Weidmann, was first announced in Leipzig's Gross'scher Katalog in the autumn of 1683, and also appeared the next spring in the Frankfurter offentlicher Katalog.9 The 1684 catalog published in Leipzig gave the following entry for Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit under the heading “Teutsche Musicalische Bucher" (German music books): "Johann Krieger's Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit, [published in] Leipzig [by] Christian Weidmann, in folio format."1 0 Several years later (in the late 1690s), 9 Albert Gohler, Verzeichnis der in der Frankfurter und Leipziger Messkatalogen der Jahre 1564 bis 1759 angezeigten Musikalien (Ph.D. diss., University of Leipzig, 1902; reprint, Hilversum: Frits A. M. Knuf, 1965), p. 46. Catalogs for these fairs are extant for Krieger's entire lifetime. See appendix 2 for the 1683 and 1684 entries (for both Leipzig and Frankfurt) as they appear in Gohler's compilation. The entry for Fall 1683 occurred before the collection's publication date of 1684. Krieger's preface to the collection is signed from Zittau on March 1, 1684. It was not uncommon for entries in the trade fair catalogs to appear six months to one year before the publication date. See Friedrich Wilhelm Riedel, Quellenkundliche Beitrage zur Geschichte der Musik fur Tasteninstrumente in der zweiten Halfte des 17. Jahrhunderts, Schriften des Landesinstituts fur Musikforschung Kiel (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1960), p. 49. 1 0 "Johann Kriegers neue Musicalische Ergetzlichkeit/Leipzig/bei Christian Weidmann, in fol." Catalogus Universalis ... Das ist: Verzeichnis aller Bucher/so zu Franckfurt in der Fasten-Messe / auch Leipziger Oster-Messe (Leipzig: Johann Grossen, 1684; reprint, Die Kataloge der Leipziger Buchmessen, Ostermesse 1650-Michaelismesse 1699, Hildesheim: Olms Microform, 1979), microfilm, p. 26. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Krieger's published keyboard collections were also mentioned in both the Leipzig and Frankfurt catalogs.1 1 Krieger's publications are next cited in Cornelius a Beughem's Bibliographici Mathematica (1688), a bibliography of learned writings in several fields, including music.1 2 Beughem, originally from Emmerich on the German side of the Dutch border, edited eight bibliographies in the 1680s, covering fields as diverse as mathematics, law, politics, medicine, history, music and geography.1 3 Beughem's entry for Johann Krieger in Bibliographia Mathematica is not biographical, but rather contains publication information about Krieger's vocal collection Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit (1684).1 4 Beughem also lists three other collections by Krieger, the Neue Arien (1677) and two editions of Konigliche Harffe Davids (1663 and 1671), but these attributions are incorrect. The two editions of Konigliche Harffe Davids were composed by Johann Criiger (1598-1662), but published after his death.1 5 Neue Arien is a posthumous edition of music by Adam Krieger "Gohler, Verzeichnis, p. 46. Krieger's Partien appeared in the Frankfurt catalog of Spring 1697 and the Leipzig catalogs of Autumn 1696 and Spring 1697. His Clavier-Ubung was listed in both the Frankfurt and Leipzig catalogs of Spring 1699. 1 2 Comelius a Beughem, Bibliographia mathematica et artificiosa novissima perpetud continuanda, seu conspectus primus (Amsterdam: Jansson-Waesberg, 1688), p. 341. 1 3 "Beughen [s/c], (Cornelius a)," in Grosses Universal Lexicon, 3:1574. 1 4 Johann Krieger's brother, Johann Philipp Krieger, is not included in Beughem's bibliography since none of his music was published at the time the book was printed (1688). While Johann Philipp Krieger's collection XIISuonate a 2. Violini was published in 1688, it probably appeared too late to be included in Beughem's book. Johann Philipp Krieger, XIISuonate a due violini (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Moritz Endtner, 1688) (RISMK 2456, K 2457). 1 5 Johann Criiger, Konigliche Harffe Davids (Schaffhausen, 1663; 2d ed., rev. as Konigliche Harpjfe Davids, Schaffhausen, 1671). While these two collections are no longer extant, they are listed in the Frankfurt and Leipzig catalogs for 1663 and 1671, respectively; Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8 (1634-1666).1 6 In Beughem's bibliography, the entries for Adam Krieger and Johann Krieger are contiguous, and Beughem lists the same collection, Neue Arien, under both composers. This collection, titled Neue aujfgelegte Arien (1676) in Beughem's entry for Adam Krieger, appeared in both the Leipzig and Frankfurt trade fairs of Spring 1676. The same collection by Adam Krieger appeared again in the Spring 1677 trade fairs of both cities, but under a different title, Neue Arien, mit den 6ten zehen vermehrt und vollstandigen Rittomellen}1 Beughem mistakenly lists this 1677 title as a collection by Johann Krieger, despite the clear evidence from the trade fair catalogs that this work is an edition of Adam Krieger's music. Beughem gives the date of this collection as 1677, which matches the date of the trade fairs in which Adam Krieger's collection appeared.1 8 The actual date of publication was 1676, however; therefore Beughem may have relied on the trade fair catalog for his citation, rather than actually seeing the collection himself. The first example of printed biographical information about Johann Krieger is in Wolfgang Caspar Printz's Phrynis Mitillanaeus oder Satyrischer Componist (1696), one of the see Gohler, Verzeichnis, p. 16. Neither Johann Criiger nor Adam Krieger was related to Johann Krieger. 1 6 Adam Krieger, Neuer Arien (Dresden: Wolfgang Seyffert, 1667 (R1SMK 2437); 2d rev. ed., Neue Arien/ A. 1676. Vermehret: Mit den 6ten Zehen und vollstandigen Rittomellen (Dresden: Martin Gabriel Hubner, 1676) (RISMK 2438). The words "6ten Zehen" and "6. Zehen" in these titles refer to the collection's overall structure o f six sections, which each contain ten arias. For modern editions of the 1676 collection, see Adam Krieger, Arien, ed. Alfred Heuss, DDT, series 1, vol. 19 (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1905; reprint, ed. and rev. Hans Joachim Moser, Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1958); Adam Krieger, Arien fur eine Singstimme mit Generalbafi und Orchesterritomellen zu fiinf Stimmen mit Generalbafi, ed. Hans Hoffmann (Wolfenbuttel: Georg Kallmeyer, 1928). 1 7 Gohler, Verzeichnis, 46. See appendix 3 for the text of Beughem's entries and appendix 2 for the trade fair entries. '"Entries in the trade fair catalogues usually did not include a date of publication. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 longest music theory treatises written in seventeenth-century Germany.1 9 The passage about Krieger is found in a discussion of famous musicians living in Germany at that time. Printz gives a bare outline of the events of Krieger's life, including his teachers and his appointments in Greiz, Eisenberg and Zittau. In Printz's book, Johann Philipp Krieger receives a much longer account than Johann Krieger or any of the other German musicians, probably because o f his training in Italy, for which Printz highly admired him. In 1716, Johann Benedict Carpzov included a brief biographical entry about Johann Krieger in his Analecta Fastorum Zittaviensium, the first published history of Zittau.2 0 In Carpzov's list of organists of St. John, he included information on Krieger's birthplace, his position in Eisenberg before coming to Zittau, his job title in Zittau, and the date (5 April 1682) that his music was first performed in St. John. In addition, Krieger's dual appointment as organist in Zittau's Saints Peter and Paul is noted. In 1730, the mathematician Johann Gabriel Doppelmayr published Historische Nachricht von den Nurnbergischen Mathematicis und Kunstlern, which includes biographical information on Johann Krieger's teachers, Heinrich Schwemmer and Georg Caspar Weckmann, 1 9 Wolffgang Caspar Printz, Phrynis Mitillanaeus, oder Satyrischer Componist, Welcher Vermittelst einer Satyrischen Geschicht Die Fehler der ungelehrten selbgewachsenen ungeschickten und unverstandigen Componisten hoflich darstellet und zugleich lehret wie ein Musicalisches Stuck rein ohne Fehler und nach dem rechten Grunde zu componiren undzu setzen sei worbei mancherlei Musicalische Discurse ... wie auch eine Beschreibung eines Labryrinthi Musici, nebst eingemengten lustigen Erzehlungen gefunden werden (Dresden and Leizpig: Johann Christoph Mieth and Johann Christoph Zimmerman, 1696; reprint, German Baroque Literature, no. 1214, reel 380, New Haven, Conn.: Research Publications, 1969), microfilm, part 3, chapter 27, p. 227. The excerpt describing German musicians is quoted in Hans Joachim Moser, comp., Dokumente der Musikgeschichte: Ein Quellen-Lesebuch (Vienna: Paul Kaltschmid, [1954]), pp. 76-79. 2 0 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:94-95. Further description of this source can be found above on p. 4; see appendix 4 for the text of Carpzov's entry. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 10 and his brother, Johann Philipp Krieger.2 1 Johann Krieger was not included in Doppelmayr's book, however, because he was still living at the time it was published. All persons described in the “Kiinstler” (artist) section of Doppelmayr's book are listed in order of death dates up to 9 November 1725. Two years later, however, Johann Gottfried Walther did include Johann Krieger in his Musicalisches Lexicon (1732), the first music dictionary to include both musical terms and biographies of musicians.2 2 Walther's brief entry about Krieger is mostly based on Printz's Phrynis Mitillanaeus and Carpzov's Analecta, but Walther also includes some biographical facts about the composer's parents that are not found in these sources.2 3 In addition, all of Krieger's publications are given with full bibliographical information, making this the first such list to appear in print. The first longer account of Krieger's life was written for the composer's funeral on 22 July 1735 by Gottfried Polykarp Muller, rector of the Zittau Gymnasium. The funeral program contains a two-page biography of Krieger, an honor not normally given to the city's musicians.2 4 A portion of this biography is quoted by Max Seiffert in a later account of 2 1 Johann Gabriel Doppelmayr, Historische Nachricht von den Nurnbergischen Mathematicis und Kunstlem (Nuremberg: Peter Conrad Monath, 1730; reprint, with a foreword by Karlheinz Goldmann, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1972), pp. 251, 253, 259, 278- 80. 2 2 Johann Gottfried Walther, Musicalisches Lexikon oder Musicalische Bibliothec (Leipzig: Wolffgang Deer, 1732; reprint in Documenta Musicologica, series 1, no. 3, ed. Richard Schaal, Kassel: Barenreiter, 1953), p. 345. Walther mistakenly gave 1681 instead of 1682 as the year Krieger came to Zittau. 2 3 See the end of Walther's entry for Johann Philipp Krieger. Walther, Musicalisches Lexikon, p. 346. 2 4 Miiller, Die besten Gedancken, pp. 4-5. See appendix 5 for the text of this obituary. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Krieger's life, but Seiffert mistakenly attributes it to Johann Christoph Wentzel, the previous rector who died in 1723. In another portion of his foreword, however, Seiffert correctly gives the author as Muller ,2 5 Many new facts about Krieger's life come to light in this account. His early training is more fully described, and his position as court organist in Bayreuth (in the 1670s) is first mentioned here. Many details about his life in Zittau are also given, including the dates o f his appointment and wedding, information about his immediate family, and an account of his death. The Zittauische Tagebuch included a notice of Krieger's death in its August 1735 edition.2 6 His death was also reported in a regional journal, the Niedersdchsische Nachrichten von gelehrten neuen Sachen, by an anonymous author in Zittau.2 7 Both articles are taken almost completely from Muller's funeral program for Krieger. Within a few months of Krieger's death, a short entry on the composer was published in Johann Heinrich Zedler's encyclopedia, the Grosses Vollstandiges Universal Lexicon.2 * This entry summarizes information about Krieger that was already available in prior sources, relying heavily on the article in the Niedersdchsische Nachrichten.2 9 Johann Krieger's primary early biographer was Johann Mattheson, whose account of the composer's life in Grundlage einer Ehren-Pforte (1740) is the basis for almost all 2 5 Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 18, pp. ix, xxxii-xxxiii. 2 6 Zittauische Tagebuch (August, 1735): 180-81; Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek. 2 7 "Zittau," in Niedersdchsische Nachrichten von gelehrten neuen Sachen, no. 70 (Hamburg, 1735): 618-21; Dresden, Sachsische Landesbibliothek, 100 Allgemeines. 2 8 "Krieger (Johann)," in Grosses Universal Lexicon, 15:1885-86. The volume which contains Krieger's entry was published in 1735; since the entry mentions Krieger's death in July of that year, the entry must have been written shortly after the composer died. 2 9 The entry in Zedler's Grosses Universal Lexicon refers to this journal as the Nieder-Sachsische gelehrte Zeitung, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 12 subsequent biographies.3 0 Published only five years after Krieger's death, the Ehren-Pforte gives biographical information on almost one hundred fifty musicians, both contemporaries of Mattheson and musicians from prior centuries. The entries for some composers, including Johann Philipp Krieger and Johann Kuhnau, are wholly autobiographical, but the entry for Johann Krieger is described by Mattheson as "partly from the late man's own account, partly from the printed program for his funeral."3 1 Mattheson also adds a quote from a letter Krieger wrote to him on 15 April 1716, published for the first time in the Ehren-Pforte?2 Compared to earlier sources, the Krieger entry in Ehren-Pforte gives new information about the composer's early life, his musical training, and his composition of a keyboard collection in 1677 and 1678 that was never published. The end of Mattheson's entry is taken word-for-word from Muller's account of Krieger's death in the composer's funeral program. While Mattheson's Ehren-Pforte entry for Johann Krieger is his most extensive account of the composer's life, it was not his first published reference to Krieger. In 1717, Mattheson 3 0 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, pp. 151-53. See appendix 6 for the text of Krieger's entry. 3I"... theils aus des seeligen Mannes eigenhandiger Nachricht, theils aus den gedruckten Trauerschrifften iiber sein Absterben . .. ." Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 152. Entries for many composers in the Ehren-Pforte are autobiographical, including those for Printz, Scheibe, Telemann, J. G. Walther, and Volckmar. See George Buelow, "Mattheson, Johann," in The New Grove II, 16:142. 3 2 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, pp. 152-53. This is possibly the same letter (described below, p. 13) that was quoted by Mattheson in Das beschutzte Orchestre. See Johann Mattheson, Das beschutzte Orchestre oder desselben Zweite Eroffnung worinn nicht nur einem wiircklichen galant-homme, der eben kein Profefiions- Verwandter sondern auch manchem Musico selbst die alleraufrichtigste und deutlichste Vorstellung musicalischer Wissenschafften wie sich dieselbe vom Schulstaub tiichtig gesaubert eigentlich und wahrhafftig verhalten ertheilet; aller wiedrigen Auslegung undgedungenen Aufburdung aber volliger und truckener Bescheid gegeben; so dann endlich des lange verbannet gewesenen JJt Mi Sol Re Fa La Todte (nicht tota) Musica unter ansehnlicher Begleitung der zwolff Grieschischen Modorum, als ehrbahrer Verwandten und Trauer-Leute zu Grabe gebracht und mit einem Monument, zum ewigen Andencken beehret wird (Hamburg, 1717; reprint, Kassel: Barenreiter, 1981), p. 16. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 13 mentioned him in a list of famous musicians included in Das Beschutzte Orchestre and gave an excerpt from a letter that Krieger wrote to Johann Kuhnau on 15 April 1716, describing how Krieger held Das Beschutzte Orchestre in high esteem.3 3 A few years later, Krieger was quoted much more extensively in Mattheson's Critica Musica (1725) in a fourteen-page theoretical essay. This excerpt is the longest extant example of the composer's prose writing, and it demonstrates his advanced knowledge of music theory.3 4 Critica Musica also contains a passage by Mattheson in which he praises both Krieger and George Frideric Handel as excellent composers of double fugues, with Krieger representing the past and Handel the future.3 5 Mattheson's last mention of Krieger in print was in Der vollkommene Capellmeister (1739), a handbook for music directors in churches, cities and courts. In his discussion of the double fugue, he included musical examples of the subjects from two Krieger works.3 6 After Mattheson, no other biographers mentioned Krieger for over seventy years, although Johann Georg Sulzer praised his contrapuntal skill in a brief passage in the Allgemeine 3 3 Ibid., pp. iii, 16. In his introduction to the letter, Mattheson mistakenly refers to Krieger as formerly working in Gotha. There is no evidence that Krieger worked in that city; in addition, Mattheson himself does not mention Gotha in his entry on Krieger in the Ehren-Pforte, pp. 151-53. 3 4 Johann Krieger, "Gedancken liber die, dem Neu-erofneten Orchestre durch das Ut erregt, Controvers," in Johann Mattheson, ed., Critica Musica d. i. Grundrichtige Untersuch- und Beurtheilung Vieler theils vorgefaflten theils einfaltigen Meinungen Argumenten und Einwurffe so in alten und neuen gedruckten und ungedruckten Musicalischen Schrifften zu fmden, 2 vols. (Hamburg, 1722-25; reprint, Amsterdam: Frits A. M. Knuf, 1964), 2:216-29. Once again, Mattheson introduces this Krieger passage by mistakenly saying the composer formerly worked in Gotha. 3 5 Mattheson, Critica Musica, 1:326. 3 6 Johann Mattheson, Der vollkommene Kapellmeister, Das ist Griindliche Anzeige aller derjenigen Sachen die einer wissen, konnen, und vollkommen inne haben mufi, der einer Kapelle mit Ehren und Nutzen vorstehen will (Hamburg: Christian Herold 1739; reprint in Documenta Musicologica, 1/5, ed. Margarete Reimann, Kassel: Barenreiter, 1954), p p .442,444. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 14 Theorie der schonen Kunste (1771-74; 2d edition in 1794).3 7 In the nineteenth century, encyclopedia entries on Krieger were written for Gerber's Lexikon der Kunstler,3 8 Fetis's Biographie universelle,3 9 and Allgemeine deutsche Biographie.4 a The information given in these sources is taken mostly from Mattheson's Ehren-Pforte. In 1895, Robert Eitner devoted an entire article to Johann Krieger in his periodical Monatshefte fur Musikgeschichte, including an account of Krieger's life, a list o f sources, a discussion of his musical style (the first in print), and the first modern edition o f some o f his works. Eitner extended the work of previous lexicographers by identifying the printed and manuscript sources of Krieger's works by library and call number, and the works in each manuscript are listed in the order in which they appear. Eitner's article was continued in a lengthy supplement containing selected keyboard works by Krieger, mostly from his two published keyboard collections.4 1 Two years later, Eitner wrote another article in Monatshefte fur Musikgeschichte about Johann Philipp Krieger, which also included an extensive music 3 7 Johann Georg Sulzer, Allgemeine Theorie der schonen Kunste, 2nd ed. (Leipzig: Weidmannschen Buchhandlung, 1794; reprint, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1967), p. 637. This source is the first encyclopedia in German that covers all the arts. 3 8 Ernst Ludwig Gerber, Neues historisch-biographisches Lexikon der Tonkunstler (Leipzig: Kiihnel, 1812-14; reprint as Historisch-biographisches Lexikon der Tonkunstler (1790-1792) und Neues historisch-biographisches Lexikon der Tonkunstler (1812-1814), ed. Othmar Wessely, 3 vols., Graz, Austria: Akademische Druck- u. Verlaganstalt, 1977), 3:121-23. 3 9 Fran9ois-Joseph Fetis, Biographie universelle des musiciens et bibliographie generale de la musique, 2d ed., 8 vols. (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1878; reprint, 1873-75 edition, Brussels: Culture et Civilisation, 1972), 5:16 (page reference is to the 1878 edition). 4 0 Phillip Spitta, "Johann Krieger," in Allgemeine deutsche Biographie, 56 vols. (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1875-1912), 17:459-60. A microfilm reprint from 1983(?) is available from the Library of Congress Photoduplication Service in Washington, D.C. 4 1 Robert Eitner, "Johann Krieger," Monatshefte fur Musikgeschichte xxvii, no. 9 (1895): 129-43 and supplement, 1-60. Eitner's biographical information on Krieger is based on Mattheson's Ehren-Pforte. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 15 supplement; two pieces in the supplement, the continuo Lieder "Ihr Hirten verlasset die finstere Weide" and "Wer will mich nun von Jesu scheiden," were written by Johann Krieger and originally appeared in his vocal collection Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit (1684).4 2 Eitner's 1901 entry on Johann Krieger in the Biographisch-Bibliographisches Quellen-Lexikon der Musiker und Musikgelehrten is taken from his 1895 article in Monatshefte fur Musikgeschichte.4 3 Eitner's biographical accounts contain many errors, including discrepancies with respect to his other entries.4 4 Despite these problems, however, Eitner's importance as a bibliographer and editor should not be overlooked. Eitner was the first scholar since Mattheson to write extensively about Krieger, and he also published the first modern editions o f Krieger's works. In the early twentieth century, Max Seiffert built on Eitner's work with several publications on Krieger's life and music. Seiffert's introduction to Nurnberger Meister der zweiten Hdlfte des 17. Jahrhunderts discusses Krieger's place among Nuremberg composers of the late seventeenth century, and the ensuing edition includes two Krieger cantatas ("Gelobet 4 2 Robert Eitner, "Johann Philipp Krieger," Monatshefte ficr Musikgeschichte xxix (1897): 114-17; Johann Philipp Krieger, “Eine Sammlung von Kantaten, einer Weihnachts- Andacht, einer Begrabnis-Andacht, Arien und Duette aus Seinen Singspielen, zwei Sonaten fur Violine, Viola da Gamba und Bassus continuus und zwei Partien aus der Lustigen Feldmusik zu 4 Instrumenten,” ed. Robert Eitner, Monatshefte fur Musikgeschichte xxix (1897/98) supplement: 1-128. 4 3 Robert Eitner, Biographisch-Bibliographisches Quellen-Lexikon der Musiker und Musikgelehrten, 10 vols., (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1900-1904): 5:449-52. It should be noted that Eitner mentions Spitta's entry for Krieger in Allgemeine deutsche Biographie, criticizing him for giving the death date of the composer incorrectly. In actuality, both Spitta and Eitner give the correct date as July 18, 1735. See Eitner, "Johann Krieger," 130; and Eitner, "Krieger, Johann," Quellen-Lexikon 5:449. 4 4 For example, Eitner's 1895 article "Johann Krieger" states that the composer was appointed in 1701 to the St. Petri-und-Pauli-Kirche, while Eitner's entry in the Quellen- Lexikon gives the year as 1681. Neither date is correct, for Krieger was appointed to this post in 1699. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 16 sey der Herr" [Samuel No. 41] and "Danket dem Herrn" [Samuel No. 30]).4 5 Seiffert expanded his coverage of the composer with a 1917 edition of Krieger's keyboard works, the first collected edition of the composer's keyboard music.4 6 The foreword to this edition contains a lengthy biography of Krieger, which remains until today the most complete coverage o f the composer's life. Seiffert based his foreword on extensive archival research, making him the first Krieger scholar to use primary sources for the composer's biography. The foreword also includes a detailed worklist of Krieger's extant and lost vocal compositions. In 1919, Seiffert acknowledged his debt to Eitner when he published this worklist separately, describing it on the title page as a supplement to Eitner's Quellen-Lexikon,4 7 While Eitner's entry lists the titles of Krieger's seventeenth-century publications, Seiffert's worklist adds specific information on each piece contained within those publications. Seiffert's publication also lists the manuscript works alphabetically by title, which differs from Eitner's method of listing each manuscript source followed by the individual works contained in that manuscript. Unlike Eitner, Seiffert included lost works in his list, and he also added references to a catalog kept by Johann Philipp Krieger if such references were applicable to a particular piece. (See a discussion of this catalog below, p. 331.) 4 5 Max Seiffert, foreword to Nurnberger Meister der Zweiten Halfte des 17. Jahrhunderts: Geistliche Konzerte und Kirchenkantaten, ed. Max Seiffert, Denkmaler der Tonkunst in Bayern, Jg. 6/1 (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1905), pp. xxxvii, 146-65, 166-86. 4 6 DTB, Jg. 18. This edition contains all of Krieger's keyboard works that were available to Seiffert at that time. 4 7 Max Seiffert, Johann Krieger: Verzeichnis seiner von seinem Bruder Philipp in Weifienfels 1684-1725 aufgefuhrten, sowie sonst in Bibliotheken erhaltenen kirchlichen und weltlichen Vokalwerke (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1919). This worklist is identical to the one Seiffert published in 1917 in DTB, Jg. 18, pp. xxxiv-xxxviii. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 17 After Seiffert's efforts, no major research on Krieger's life and works was undertaken until Harold Samuel's 1963 dissertation, which was subsequently published in 1982 as The Cantata in Nuremberg in the Seventeenth CenturyN Samuel's worklist for Krieger reflects changes in the status and locations of sources due to World War II, as well as publication information for modern editions of his music. This worklist is the most complete to date for Johann Krieger's music, both instrumental and vocal, and this dissertation will use Samuel's numbering of Krieger's works. Samuel also placed Krieger's cantatas into the context of music by other Nuremberg composers in the seventeenth century and included a discussion o f the composer's style. Samuel is also the author of entries for Johann Krieger in Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart,4 9 The New Grove Dictionary o f Music and Musicians,™ and The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera.5 ' Many scholars in the twentieth century have included information about Krieger and his music as a portion of a larger study,5 2 but in 1976, Joseph Edgar Thomas completed a 4 8 Samuel's writing about Krieger appears in Samuel, Cantata, pp. 36-39, 136-37, 145-47, and 387-411. 4 9 Harold Samuel, "Krieger, Johann Philipp und Familie," MGG I, 7:1791-1805. 5 0 Idem, "Krieger, Johann," The New Grove II, 13:911-13. 5 1 Idem, "Krieger, Johann," The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, ed. Stanley Sadie, 4 vols. (London: Macmillan, 1992), 2:1050-52. 5 2 A selected list of the literature that covers Krieger follows: Willi Apel, A History o f Keyboard Music to 1700, transl. and rev. by Hans Tischler (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1972), pp. 661-67; Erdmann Werner Bohme, Musik und Oper am Hofe Herzog Christians von Sachsen-Eisenberg (1677-1707) (Stadtroda: Emil & Dr. Edgar Richter, [1930]), pp. 24-26; Renate Brockpahler, Handbuch zur Geschichte der Barockoper in Deutschland, (Emsdetten: Lechte, 1964), pp. 58, 164; Gotthold Frotscher, Geschichte des Orgelspiels und der Orgelkomposition, 2 vols. (Berlin: Max Hesses, 1966), 1:517-21; Arnold Hirsch, Burgertum und Barock im deutschen Roman: Ein Beitrag zur Entstehungsgeschichte des biirgerlichen Weltbilder, 2nd ed. (Koln: Bohler, 1957), pp. 73, 150; Hans Rudolf Jung, Geschichte des Musiklebens der Stadt Greiz, part 1, Von den Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 18 dissertation wholly devoted to the composer's keyboard works. Thomas provides detailed analysis of Krieger's keyboard compositions, divided by genre.5 3 Krieger has also been included in two bibliographies of music that have appeared since Samuel's dissertation. Wilhem Dupont's Werkausgaben Nurnberger Komponisten in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart lists all published versions of Krieger's music from the seventeenth century to 1967, as well as the only discography of Krieger's music ever published.5 4 The most recent worklist for Krieger's music is in the bibliography German Sacred Polyphonic Music between Schutz and Bach, which lists music for three or more voices from Germany in the second half of the seventeenth century. Each entry for Johann Krieger contains the following information (if known): the work's title, performance forces, liturgical occasion, a reference to Samuel's worklist (if applicable), source location, and modern editions, if they exist.5 5 In 1998, this author published a translation of the 1735 contract for Adolph Gottlob Krieger, Johann Krieger's son and one of his successors in Zittau.5 6 A new edition o f the complete keyboard Anfangen bis zum Stadtbrand 1802, Schriften des Heimatmuseums Greiz, no. 4 (Greiz: Heimatmuseum, 1963), pp. 123-28; Riedel, Quellenkundliche Beitrage, pp. 170-73. 5 3 Joseph Edgar Thomas, "The Keyboard Works of Johann Krieger" (Ph.D. diss., Ohio State University, 1976; reprint, Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms International, 1978). 5 4 Wilhelm Dupont, Werkausgaben Nurnberger Komponisten in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart. (Nurnberg: Stadtbibliothek, 1971), pp. 146-55. “Diane Parr Walker and Paul Walker, German Sacred Polyphonic Music between Schutz and Bach, Detroit Studies in Music Bibliography, 67 (Warren, Michigan: Harmonie Park Press, 1992), pp. 210-12. “Mary Benson Stahlke, "The Employment Contract for Adolph Gottlob Krieger, 18th-Century Organist in Zittau," CrossAccent 6b (July 1998): 29-32. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 19 works of Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger appeared in 1999, with a detailed introduction covering biographical, source, and performance practice information.5 7 Modern publications of Krieger's sacred vocal music have been rare. As discussed above on p. 15, Max Seiffert edited two of the cantatas, "Danket dem Herrn" and "Gelobet sey der Herr," for DTB, Jg. 6/1 (1917). In 1965, "Danket dem Herrn" appeared again in an edition by Ekkehart Nickel.5 8 A publication of Krieger's cantata “Halleluja Lobet den Herrn” is scheduled for the year 2002 (to commemorate the 350th year of his birth).5 9 A few of Krieger's Lieder have appeared in modern edition, while many of his keyboard works have been published in this century. The bibliography and worklist contain a complete listing of the sacred vocal music, while Krieger's Lieder and keyboard music are included only if they are mentioned in this dissertation. KRIEGER'S LIFE BEFORE ZITTAU When Krieger was thirty years old, he received the permanent position in Zittau that he would hold for the rest of his life. During his first three decades, however, he lived and/or worked in several other cities and towns—Nuremberg, Bayreuth, Halle, Greiz, WeiBenfels, and Eisenberg. These early years are traced here, for they provided the formative experiences that prepared him for his achievements in Zittau. 5 7 Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger, Samtliche Orgel- und Clavierwerke, eds. Siegbert Rampe and Helene Lerch, 2 vols. (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1999). 5 8 Johann Krieger, Danket dem Herrn, denn er ist freundlich: Kantate fur Alt, Bafi, vierstimmigen gemischten Chor, Stretcher und Generalbafi, ed. Ekkehart Nickel, Edition Merseburger no. 904 (Berlin: Merseburger, 1965). 5 9 This work will be published by the Austrian firm Tympanon. See Karl-Heinz Schickhaus, "Johann Krieger, Direktor der Musik und Organist an der Hauptkirche zu St. Johannis und der zu St. Petri und Pauli Kirche zu Zittau," Bibliotheks-Journal der Christian- Weise-Bibliothek Zittau, vol. 14 (14 December 2000). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 20 Nuremberg Johann Krieger's formative years took place in Nuremberg, a city with a long, rich musical history. From the thirteenth to the eighteenth centuries, Nuremberg was a free imperial city. Its economic strength was greatest in the sixteenth century, when it flourished as an important business center with trade to both eastern Europe and the Mediterranean. The prosperity of the city contributed to a blooming of the arts, and the early sixteenth century was the period when the famous artist Albrecht Durer (1471-1528) worked in Nuremberg. By the seventeenth century, however, the city's fortunes declined, due to a shift of trade routes, the hardships of the Thirty Years' War, and a severe plague in the 1630s.6 0 Despite these problems, the city continued to support the arts. For example, the city council of Nuremberg patronized music, and many composers from outside the city sent works to them to be considered for honoraria and performances.6 1 Musical life in seventeenth-century Nuremberg was led by a succession of organists who were more influential than the normally dominant Kapellmeister, also known as the civic director of choral music {Director chori musici).6 2 The city contained more than fifteen churches; since five of the six largest churches were connected with Latin schools, a large number of singers were available for performances. Instrumentalists were provided by the city, and their number in the mid-seventeenth century was an ample fifteen. The two main churches, St. Sebald and St. Lorenz, most likely had concerted music for voices and instruments on Sundays and feast days. It is possible that this music alternated between the 6 0 Samuel, Cantata, pp. 3, 5-6. 6 1 Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 6/1, p. xxiv) and Samuel {Cantata, p. 6) both mention composers who sent works to the Nuremberg city council. 6 2 An excellent overview of music in seventeenth-century Nuremberg can be found in Samuel, Cantata, pp. 3-11. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 21 two main churches, which was the practice in Leipzig and Zittau. Starting in the early seventeenth century, an additional city-wide service was held on Sunday and feast day afternoons in the Church of Our Lady (Frauenkirche). This Vespers service, led by the civic director of choral music, emphasized music and was usually held without a sermon. Because the Church of Our Lady did not have a school, the best singers from other choirs in the city were asked to participate, as were the city instrumentalists. Starting in the late sixteenth century with Hans Leo Hassler (1564-1612), Nuremberg was an important center for sacred Lieder. This tradition continued into the eighteenth century, and the largest amount of extant music by Nuremberg composers is of this genre. Johann Krieger's vocal collection, Neue musicalische Ergetzlichkeit, contains this type of music, which was often performed at weddings and funerals. Opera was not a dominant part of Nuremberg musical life, but the city is the site of the earliest extant Singspiel (written by Sigmund Theophil Staden in 1614). A makeshift theater was built in the late 1620s, and in 1668 a permanent theater was made by renovating a warehouse.6 3 Most of the operas in Nuremberg were performed by visiting troupes who sang in German, not Italian.6 4 Amateur musical groups had been present in Nuremberg since the sixteenth century. Johann Krieger dedicated his Partien (1697) to the Schonerischer Collegium Musicum in Nuremberg.6 5 Seiffert surmised that this group had been in existence from at least the 1670s, “Because Johann Krieger was sixteen years old in 1668, he most likely witnessed the construction of this theater and attended some of the opera performances in it. 6 4 Samuel, Cantata, p. 48. “Facsimiles of the title page and foreword are given in DTB, Jg. 18, pp. 1-4. The names of three members of this group are mentioned in the afterword to Johann Krieger's collection Clavier-Ubung (1698). A facsimile of the afterword is given in DTB, Jg. 18, p. 74. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 22 since Johann Krieger lived for a short period in Nuremberg as a young adult and probably became acquainted with them at that time.6 6 Johann Philipp Krieger also had connections with an amateur group in his home city; he dedicated his instrumental collection Lustige Feldmusik (1704)6 7 to the Kauffmannischer Collegium Musicum in Nuremberg.6 8 Nuremberg was also known for both the manufacture of musical instruments, especially brass, and for music printing. Johann Krieger chose to have his two keyboard collections, Partien and Clavier-Ubung, printed by the Nuremberger Wolfgang Moritz Endter (1653-1723), who was known as an innovator in printing techniques. Endter and Krieger were close in age and as children had studied with the same teachers in Nuremberg. Krieger's Family and Birth Krieger came from a family of rug-makers that originated in the region around Bayreuth. His great-grandfather, also named Johann Krieger, moved to Nuremberg in the 1580s, and the family business continued there into the twentieth century. The Kriegers in seventeenth-century Nuremberg worked in several areas of the fabric industry, including lace-making, yarn-dyeing, blanket-weaving, rug-making, and the sale of leather.6 9 “ Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 6/1, p. xvi. 6 7 Johann Philipp Krieger, Lustige Feld-Music: Auf vier blasende oder andere Instrumente gerichtet (Nuremberg: W. M. Endter, 1704). 6 8 For more information on these amateur musical organizations in Nuremberg, see the following sources: Harold Samuel and Susan Gattuso, "Nuremberg," The New Grove II, 18:243; Samuel, Cantata, pp. 6-7; Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 6/1, pp. xv-xvi; Rudolf Wagner, "Beitrage zur Lebensgeschichte Johann Philipp Kriegers und seines Schulers Nikolaus Deinl," Zeitschriftfur Musikwissenschaft 8 (1925/26]: 150. 6 9 In 1925, Rudolf Wagner published an article for the two-hundredth anniversary of Johann Philipp Krieger's death. This account gives a fairly detailed history of the Krieger family. Wagner, "Beitrage," 146-60. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 23 Johann Krieger's father, also named Johann Krieger, was a citizen of Nuremberg and a successful businessman in the rug-making and yarn-dying industry.7 0 According to Doppelmayr, Krieger's father was a music lover who arranged for his eldest son Johann Philipp to begin keyboard lessons at a very young age.7 1 He supported the musical training of both Johann Philipp and Johann with the best teachers in Nuremberg; in addition, he paid for Johann Philipp to study in Copenhagen. To afford the cost of all this training, he must have been financially successful. Very little is known about Johann and Johann Philipp's mother Rosina. Her father, Hanns Philipp Baumeister, was a lacemaker and leather merchant in Nuremberg.7 2 Johann Krieger was the third of twelve children, preceded by Johann Philipp (bom in February, 1649) and Sebastian (born in May, 1650). The entry for Johann in Nuremberg's baptismal records for 1652 reads: "Johann Krieger the younger, rugmaker and yarn dyer, Rosina, Johann, [Hanns] Bauer Hufschmid, January l."7 3 The names [Hanns] Bauer and Hufschmid refer to Johann's godparents.7 4 7 0 In Johann Krieger's funeral program, his father is described as "Herr Vater, Joh. Krieger, Burger, Teppichmacher und Garn-Farber." Muller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 3. 7 1 Doppelmayr, Historische Nachricht, p. 278. 7 2 Wagner, "Beitrage," 146. 7 3 "Hanns Krieger der iiinger, Teppichmacher u[nd] Garnferber, Rosina, Hanns, [Hanns] Bauer Hufschmid, Januarius 1." "Taufbuch der Evang.-Luth. Pfarrei Niimberg-St. Lorenz," 1 January 1652, p. 418, Nuremberg, Landeskirchliches Archiv, Lor. 1652. Seiffert surmised that Johann Krieger's father was called "the younger" in this baptismal entry because other relatives with the same name lived in Nuremberg. Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 18, p. x. 7 4 The forename "Hanns," written in brackets before the surname "Bauer," was given to this author by Annemarie Muller of the Landeskirchliches Archiv in Nuremberg. Correspondence, 6 May 1994. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 24 Over the years, the date of Krieger's birth has been the subject o f some discussion. The Nuremberg church records specify baptism dates, not birthdates. It was customary in Nuremberg for baptisms to occur on the day of birth, but sometimes, as in the case o f Johann Philipp, the birth was late enough in the day to delay the baptism until the next day.7 5 Johann Krieger's baptism is indicated in the church records as 1 January 1652, making his date of birth most likely 1 January but possibly 31 December. Max Seiffert's belief that Krieger was born on 28 December was based on a faulty reading of the church records, as explained in detail by Rudolf Wagner.7 6 The likelihood of 1 January as Krieger's birthdate is further strengthened by three contemporary sources. A genealogical chart compiled in Zittau during Krieger's lifetime states that he was born on 1 January.7 7 Krieger's funeral program also gives his birthdate as 1 January, and this document was produced in Zittau by people who knew him well.7 8 Mattheson also gave 1 January as Krieger's date of birth, and his biographical data about the composer was taken from two reliable sources: 1) the funeral program from Zittau, and 2) Krieger's own account of his life.7 9 Krieger's Early Musical Training The most detailed account of Krieger's early training comes from Mattheson, who states that the composer's first musical instruction was in singing, which he learned at the 7 5 Samuel, Cantata, p. 13; p. 277, n. 256. 7 6 Wagner, "Beitrage," 147. 7 7 "Krieger," [c. 1727], in "Collectanea biirgerlicher, meist Zittauer Genealogien und Stammbaume," Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, A58. 7 8 Muller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 3. Krieger’s birthdate is given as 1 January 1652, but his length of life is described as 84 years, 6 months and 18 days, which mistakenly places his birthday on 1 January 1651. 7 9 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 152. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 25 Latin school connected with St. Sebald in Nuremberg (see figure 1). His teacher, Heinrich Schwemmer (1621-96), was the cantor at the school and also civic director of choral music. The young Krieger also sang as a soprano in the choir for many years. Then at age nine he began keyboard instruction with Georg Caspar Wecker (1632-95), the organist at St. Sebald, studying with him from 1661 to 1668.8 0 In his study on seventeenth-century music in Figure 1. St. Sebald Church in Nuremberg. Source: Emil Reicke, Geschichte der Reichstadt Nurmberg yon dem ersten urkundlich Nachweis ihres Bestehens bis zu ihrem Uebergang an das Konigreich Bayern (1806) (Nuremberg: Joh. Phil. Raw’schen Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1896), p. 199. 8 0 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 151. Other early sources mentioning Krieger's teachers include Muller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 3; Printz, Phrynis Mitillanaeus, p. 227; Walther, Musicalisches Lexikon, p. 345; and Mattheson, Critica Musica, 2:222. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 26 Nuremberg, Samuel described music education based on the biographies of several musicians trained at the time of Krieger.8 1 It is probable that Krieger followed the normal course of study described in these accounts. Most pupils began their music training with Schwemmer, learning both singing and the elements of music theory. If a pupil was especially good, he was asked to sing in the city choir for performances at the Church o f Our Lady. Singing at this church gave the pupils the opportunity to work with the best musicians in the city.8 2 When the pupils were somewhat older, they received keyboard and composition instruction from Wecker. Krieger would also have sung in the choir at St. Sebald, where he mostly likely attended school. Krieger's early musical experiences included participation in a children's ballet in Nuremberg in 1664. A printed description of this 1664 performance, including an illustration of the staging, was published in 1668.8 3 The twelve-year-old Krieger is identified as an alto singer playing the role of "America."8 4 As in many German cities, the school choirs were responsible for church music, which drove the need for musical training of the young. Music education was aided by several music textbooks that were written in Nuremberg and used there during the years of Krieger's childhood. Two texts covering the rudiments of music were Sigmund Theophil 8 1 Samuel, Cantata, pp. 53-56. 8 2 See discussion above, p. 21. S 3 Kurtzer Entwurff Eines anmuthigen Kinder-Ballets (Nuremberg, 1668), Stadtbibliothek, Nuremberg, Will IV. 82. 4°. The illustration is reproduced in MGG I, 7: Tafel 78. 8 4 Samuel, Cantata, p. 36. Interestingly, W. A. Mozart's first public performance (at age 5) was also in a play. For more information, see Otto Erich Deutsch, Mozart: A Docu mentary Biography, trans. Eric Blom, Peter Branscombe and Jeremy Noble (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1965), pp. 13-14. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 27 Staden's Rudimentum Musicum ... (3rd ed., 1648; 4th ed., 1663) and Johann Herbst's Compendium musices (1652).8 5 Another text by Herbst, which emphasized singing and ornamentation, was Musicapractica (2nd ed., 1653; 3rd ed., 1658).8 6 Johann Krieger was taught by Heinrich Schwemmer and Georg Caspar Wecker, the leading music teachers in the city and members of a four-generation line of Nuremberg musicians. The Nuremberg school began with Sigmund Theophil Staden (1607-55) and his pupil Johann Erasmus Kindermann (1616-55), who was in turn the teacher of Schwemmer and Wecker. These two men then taught a large group o f musicians, the best-known being Johann Pachelbel (1653-1706), Johann Philipp Krieger, and Johann Krieger.8 7 Kindermann's influence in this line of musicians was considerable, and he was a strong proponent o f the Italian style, which he learned through a study trip to Italy in the mid-1630s. Heinrich Schwemmer spent most of his career as a teacher in the school o f St. Sebald. In 1656 he also became the civic director o f choral music for Nuremberg, leading the civic musicians and better pupils in performances at the Church o f Our Lady. Schwemmer composed a great deal of occasional music, but he was best known as a teacher of singing, music theory, and composition. Mattheson described him in the Ehren-Pforte as 8 5 For a description of Staden's book and its contents, see Samuel, Cantata, pp. 65, 505 (#12). Samuel (Cantata, pp. 29, 367 [#26]) also discusses Herbst's text. 8 6 Ibid., pp. 29, 358-61 (#4, 8, and 9). 8 7 0ther pupils included Johann Lohner (1645-1705); Jacob Balthasar Schutz (1661- 1700), the son of the virtuoso gambist Gabriel Schutz (1633-1711); Nikolaus Deinl (1665- 1725); Maximilian Zeidler (1680-?); Christian Friedrich Witt (c. 1660-1716); and Wolffgang Moritz Endter (1653-1723). See Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 18, p. x. While most of these pupils were natives of Nuremberg, Witt was sent from Altenburg (1685-86 and 1688) to study composition and counterpoint with Wecker. These trips were sponsored by the Duke of Saxe-Gotha, Frederick I. See Bernd Baselt and Karl-Ernst Bergunder, "Witt, Christian Friedrich," The New Grove II, 27:452. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 28 "Heinrich Schwemmer, school colleague at St. Sebald in Nuremberg, who was also a good composer . . . ,"8 8 Johann Krieger himself wrote that Schwemmer had taught him the rules of solmization, an important component of composition training at that time.8 9 Krieger mentions this training in a theoretical article published by Mattheson in Critica Musica: My own fugues in the Clavier-Ubung, including those a 4 Them, [with four themes], were composed without thinking of solmization, although I learned that method in my youth with [Heinrich] Schwemmer in Nuernberg; I hope, though, they are reasonably well realized .. . .9 0 Schwemmer was not an organist, so when it was time for Krieger to take keyboard instruction, he studied with Georg Caspar Wecker. Wecker, bom in Nuremberg and also a student of Kindermann, was the organist at several Nuremberg churches before eventually serving at St. Sebald, the church with the most prestigious organ position in the city. To supplement his income, he taught keyboard and composition lessons to the best pupils in Nuremberg.9 1 8 8 "Heinrich Schwemmer, Schul-Collegen zu St. Sebald in Niimberg, der auch ein guter Componist gewesen .. . ." Matheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 151. For a list of Schwemmer's compositions, see Samuel, Cantata, pp. 51-56, 477-95. 8 9 For information about solmization before 1600, see Gaston G. Allaire, The Theory o f Hexachords, Solmization and the Modal System, Musicological Studies and Documents, no. 24 (American Institute of Musicology, 1972), pp. 43-63. For further discussion of Krieger's later views about solmization, see below, p. 266. 9 0 "Meine Fugen in der Clavier-Uebung, auch die a 4. Them, habe ich hingesetzt, ohne an die Solmisation zu gedencken, ob ich solche gleich in meiner Jugend bei Schwemmern in Niimberg ebenfalls gelernet habe, hoffe aber doch, dali sie ziemlich werden gerathen sein." Johann Krieger, "Gedancken iiber die ... Controvers," in Mattheson, Critica Musica, 2:222. This translation is taken from Walter Schenkman, "The Influence of Hexachordal Thinking in the Organization of Bach's Fugue Subjects," Bach: The Quarterly Journal of the Riemenschneider Bach Institute, vol. 7, no. 3 (July 1976): 15. 9 1 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, pp. 390-94; and Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 6/1, p. xxvii. Seiffert quotes a letter from Endtner stating that Wecker taught privately to support his large family. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 29 But arguably Krieger's most important teacher was his older brother Johann Philipp. Johann Krieger began formal studies with his brother in the 1670s, but prior to that time they lived in the same household as children. Despite the fact that the brothers differed in age by only two years, they did not receive the same musical training. Johann Philipp began keyboard studies at age eight, and one year later was playing for large audiences and composing arias.9 2 Johann Philipp's musical training was different from that o f the other children in the city, probably due to his highly unusual musical talents. He studied keyboard with Johann Dretzel (1629-1705), who was a pupil of Johann Froberger (1616-67), and also learned various instruments from Gabriel Schutz (1633-1710), a virtuoso gambist and one of the city's instrumentalists.9 3 In his mid-teens, Johann Philipp went to Copenhagen for further musical study.9 4 For such a young person to travel so far from home shows the depth of his talent and the high probability that personal connections paved his way.9 5 In Copenhagen, Johann Philipp studied composition and keyboard with the court organist Johannes Schroder (d. 1677) and composition with the court Kapellmeister Kaspar Forster, Jr. (1616-73). Trained in Warsaw and Rome by Marco Scacchi (c. 1600-1662) and Giacomo Carissimi (1605-74), Forster introduced Johann Philipp to opera and the Italian style.9 6 9 2 Doppelmayr, Historische Nachricht, p. 278. 9 3 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 147. 9 4 Doppelmayr, Historische Nachricht, pp. 278-79; and Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 147. These two sources do not agree on which years Johann Philipp spent in Copenhagen (Doppelmayr 1663-67, Mattheson 1665-70). 9 5 Seiffert gives several hypotheses about these possible connections. See Max Seiffert, foreword to Johann Philipp Krieger, 21 Ausgewahlte Kirchenkompositionen, ed. Max Seiffert, DDT, series 1, vols. 53/54 (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1916), p. vii. 9 6 Ibid., p. viii. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 30 Johann Philipp was very successful during his five years in Copenhagen, and he received several offers of permanent employment in both Denmark and Norway. His mother and father, however, had other plans for him: Because his parents did not want him to settle in the northern lands, they sent word to him through his younger brother Johann that he must come home from Copenhagen. So he gladly traveled over the sound to Holland and down the entire Rhein River, viewing the principal sites, hearing the famous virtuosos, and finally arrived again back in his homeland.9 7 This journey, with its opportunity to meet musicians in several cities, was surely an important influence on the musical development of both Krieger brothers. It is surprising that Mattheson's biography of Johann Krieger does not mention this trip. Bayreuth At this time, there was no open music position in Nuremberg for Johann Philipp, although the city leaders promised to give him the first available one.9 8 According to two sources, Johann Philipp left Nuremberg for Zeitz in Saxony, where Johann visited him in 1671 to study composition.9 9 These accounts are most likely in error, however, since none of the biographical sources for Johann Philipp mention Zeitz, and the archival records in Zeitz do not contain any references to either brother.1 0 0 Rather than Zeitz, it is more likely that 9 7 "Weil seine Eltern nicht zugeben wollen, dab er sich in den nordischen Landem hauslich niederlassen sollte: haben ihn demnach, durch seinen jiingeren Bruder, Johann, aus Kopenhagen abgefordert. Er setzte also seine Reise liber den Sund nach Holland, den gantzen Rheinstrom hinunter, glucklich fort; besahe die vornehmsten Oerter; horte die beriihmtesten Virtuosen; und kam endlich wieder zuriick in sein Vaterland." Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 147. A similar account of this trip can be found in Mattheson, Critica Musica, 2:170. 9 8 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 147. "Ibid, p. 151; Muller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 3. Mattheson copied his information about Zeitz from Muller's obituary. i°°Amo Werner, Stadtische undfurstliche Musikpflege in Zeitz bis zum Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts, Quellenstudien zur Musikgeschichte deutscher Landschaften und Stadte, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 31 Johann Philipp was in Bayreuth in 1671. But a reconstruction of musical life at the Bayreuth court in the 1660s and 1670s is difficult, due to the paucity of archival materials from this era.1 0 1 Margrave Christian Ernst, who ruled in Bayreuth from 1661 to 1712, had been trained in music since his childhood. His first wedding in 1662 included opera performances in both Dresden and Bayreuth. For the festivities surrounding his second marriage in 1671, his Kapellmeister invited several musicians from outside Bayreuth to supplement the city's musical resources.1 0 2 According to Mattheson, Johann Philipp Krieger was one of the musicians asked to participate in the music for the royal couple's arrival in Bayreuth in May 1671. After this event, Johann Philipp was offered the permanent position as Bayreuth's court organist, and before long he received the title of Kapellmeister.1 0 3 This sequence of events is disputed by several sources. Doppelmayr writes that Johann Philipp was persuaded by the margrave in 1669 to become the Kapellmeister in Bayreuth.1 0 4 Printz states that Johann Philipp became Kapellmeister much later, after vol. 2, Veroffentlichungen des Fiirstlichen Institutes fur musikwissenschaftliche Forschung zu Biickeburg, 4th series (Biickeburg and Leipzig: C. F. W. Siegel, 1922), p. 85. While the biographical entry for Johann in Mattheson's Ehren-Pforte mentions Zeitz, the entry for Johann Philipp {Ehren-Pforte, pp. 147-50) makes no reference to the town. Instead Johann Philipp is described as leaving Nuremberg directly for Bayreuth. ’“Correspondence, 21 April 1994, Dr. Noth, Staatsarchiv Bamberg; Brockpahler, Handbuch, p. 58. 1 0 2 Seiffert (DDT, series 1, vols. 53/54, p. ix) incorrectly gives the year of this wedding as 1679. ’“Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, pp. 147-48. 1 0 4 Doppelmayr, Historische Nachricht, p. 279. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 32 returning from a trip to Italy that probably took place in 1673-4.1 0 5 Printz's account receives support from Karl Hartmann, who based his findings on archival records in Bayreuth. Hartmann found that the only mention of either Krieger brother in the Bayreuth records is a 1673 payment record, in which Johann Philipp is listed as court organist. Based on this designation, Hartmann argues that the earliest date that Johann Philipp could have been promoted to Kapellmeister was therefore 1673.1 0 6 According to Johann Krieger's funeral program and Mattheson's Ehren-Pforte entry, Johann Krieger followed his older brother to Bayreuth, arriving in 1672. After Johann Philipp's promotion to Kapellmeister opened up the position of court organist, Johann was soon promoted to this position and served as court organist for five years.1 0 7 Based on the accounts given above concerning the year that Johann Philipp was promoted to Kapellmeister, Johann Krieger's five years of service could have been 1669 to 1674 (Doppelmayr),1 0 8 1672/73 to 1677/78 (Mattheson) or 1673 to 1678 (Hartmann).1 0 9 Based on an examination of all the evidence given above, it seems likely to this author that i°5printz, phrynis Mitillanaeus, p. 227. See a discussion of Johann Philipp's travels in Italy on p. 34 below. 1 0 6 Karl Hartmann, "Musikpflege in Alt-Bayreuth," Archiv fur Geschichte und Altertumskunde von Oberfranken 33/1 (1936): 44-45. 1 0 7 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 151; Muller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 3. 1 0 8 In this author's opinion, the time-span given by Doppelmayr is not likely, since it is not supported by any other evidence. 1 0 9 Hartmann did not feel that Johann Krieger ever worked as court organist in Bayreuth because he is not mentioned in the city and court records. Yet the Bayreuth records are so incomplete that it cannot be ruled out that Johann might have originally been included in them. In addition, Hartmann's comment about Mattheson ("Musikpflege," p. 45) shows a less than careful reading of the Ehren-Pforte. Hartmann incorrectly criticizes Mattheson for giving 1672 as the date of Johann's succession as court organist, when in actuality Mattheson (p. 151) only mentions 1672 as the date of Johann's arrival in Bayreuth. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 33 Johann Krieger took over as court organist when his brother left for Italy in 1673. Unfortunately, no direct proof exists to support this conjecture. Johann Krieger's position as court organist was his first professional appointment, and it came at an exciting time in the musical life of Bayreuth. The margrave was building up the musical establishment of his court, especially in the area of opera. After the margrave's wedding in 1671, a permanent Kapelle was established; in addition, records from 1671 mention plans to build a new theater in the castle.1 1 0 Unfortunately, neither musical materials nor even a listing of specific performances in the 1670s have survived. Christian Ernst had a liking for Italian opera, and from his correspondence it is known that he praised opera performances he had attended when visiting Rome in 1661.1 1 1 Later, in the early 1670s, there is evidence that the Bayreuth court hired a few Italian musicians to work in the Kapelle; for example, payment records from 1673 mention three Italian castrati.1 1 2 According to Mattheson, Christian Ernst included his musicians on a trip to Ansbach and Stuttgart shortly after Johann Philipp became Kapellmeister. It is not known whether Johann Krieger participated in this journey, but if he did, he would likely have met court musicians from those cities and heard their music.1 1 3 1 1 0 Gertrud Rudloff-Hille, "Die Bayreuther Hofbiihne im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert," Archiv fur Geschichte undAltertumskunde von Oberfranken 33/1 (1936): 80. H 1 Ludwig Schiedermair, Bayreuther Festspiele im Zeitalter des Absolutismus, Studien zur Geschichte der deutschen Oper (Leipzig: C. F. Kahnt, 1908), pp. 5-6. 1 1 2 Hartmann, "Musikpflege," 44. 1 1 3 For further discussion of this trip, see Seiffert, DDT, series 1, vols. 53/54, pp. viii-ix. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 34 The source of Johann Krieger's musical training at this time was most certainly his brother Johann Philipp, for Mattheson reports that Johann continued composing during his time in Bayreuth.1 1 4 His time with his brother was interrupted, however, by a trip that Johann Philipp took to Italy, most likely in 1673-4. The margrave left Bayreuth in 1673 to fight against the French, and Mattheson states that his absence was the impetus for Johann Philipp's trip to Italy.1 1 5 Johann Philipp's experiences in Italy put him in contact with some of the most important musicians of the day. Johann Philipp returned to Bayreuth from his journey with nine Italian virtuosi, whom Christian Ernst had probably deputized him to hire. He also returned with a great deal of Italian music, which later in life he performed in WeiBenfels.1 1 6 His extensive experience with Italy and the Italian style is evident in his music. As one of Johann Krieger's most influential teachers, Johann Philipp surely communicated to his younger brother both his experiences abroad and the musical knowledge he had received there. A minor detail in Johann Krieger's biography that has often been omitted by previous scholars is his ennoblement on account of his brother. According to both Mattheson and Doppelmayr, Johann Philipp performed several times for Emperor Leopold I in Vienna during a trip there in the fall of 1675.1 1 7 In a document dated October 10, 1675, 1 1 4 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 151. 1 1 5 Ibid, p. 148; Doppelmayr, Historische Nachricht, p. 279. While Doppelmayr and Mattheson give Johann Philipp's departure dates as 1670 and 1672, respectively, Seiffert states that 1673 was the actual year Christian Ernst left for battle. See Seiffert, DDT, series 1, vols. 53/54, pp. x-xiii for a detailed account of the events surrounding Johann Philipp's trip. 1 1 6 Doppelmayr, Historische Nachricht, p. 279. See below, p. 331, for a discussion of J. P. Krieger's catalog of works performed at the WeiBenfels court. A list of the Italian works included in this catalog can be found in Seiffert, DDT, series 1, vols. 53/54, pp. liii-lx. 1 1 7 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 149; Doppelmayr, Historische Nachricht, p. 279. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 35 the emperor ennobled Johann Philipp and all of his living siblings, including Johann, listing each of them by name. There is no evidence that Johann was present in Vienna for these events."8 According to Mattheson, Johann stayed in Bayreuth as court organist for five years, but due to strife between the German and Italian musicians in the Kapelle, he resigned from his post along with the rest of the Germans."9 Salary figures in the 1673 court records state that the Italian musicians in Bayreuth were paid on the average over five times more than their German counterparts. They also received special foods and eating arrangements that were not available to the German musicians.1 2 0 While there is no evidence in the archival documents that the Germans left their positions due to disagreement with the Italians, the disparity of their treatment is a possible reason for their unhappiness. After leaving the Bayreuth court, Johann returned to Nuremberg and lived for a period of time with his parents.1 2 1 He spent his time in Nuremberg composing hymn settings in hopes of publication. According to Mattheson, Krieger set the majority o f chorales then in use ("die meisten Kirchengesange") in ricercar style with two or three subjects.1 2 2 This description of his music is the first mention of Krieger's contrapuntal writing, for which he "8 Wagner, “Beitrage,” 147-48. As recently as 1926, this 1675 document was still in the possession of the Krieger family (descendants of Sebastian Krieger, a brother o f Johann Philipp and Johann). "9 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 151. 1 2 0 Hartmann, "Musikpflege," 44. 1 2 1 This stay in Nuremberg is most likely the time that he became acquainted with members of the Schdnerischer Collegium Musicum, for whom he later dedicated his keyboard collection Partien (1697). See discussion above, p. 21. 1 2 2 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 151. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 36 was highly praised later in life.1 2 3 Unfortunately, someone (“diebische Hande”) stole his ricercar settings and they were therefore never published, at least not under his own name. According to Mattheson, Krieger later found these works in unauthorized copies in other cities, although it is not clear whether this music was printed or in manuscript.1 2 4 Very few of the chorale settings attributed to Krieger are extant, but it is quite likely that at least some of his stolen compositions survive today as anonymous works. While Johann was living in Nuremberg, Johann Philipp had also left Bayreuth to seek employment at various German courts.1 2 5 He eventually chose to work for Duke August of WeiBenfels, whose court was located in Halle due to his role as administrator of the archbishopric of Magdeburg. The position of court organist had been vacated by Moritz Edelmann in 1676, around the time of a reorganization of the Kapelle.1 2 6 Christian Ritter (born 1645-50, died after 1717) occupied the position briefly, but in November or December of 1677 Johann Philipp was installed as chamber musician and organist.1 2 7 In late 1678 or early 1679, he was promoted to the position of vice-Kapellmeister.1 2 8 According to 1 2 3 For example, see a quote by Mattheson below, p. 373. 1 2 4 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 151. 1 2 5 These courts included Frankfurt/Main, Kassel and Darmstadt. See Mattheson, Critica Musica, 2:172 and Seiffert, DDT, series 1, vols. 53/54, p. xiv. l2 6 Walter Serauky, Musikgeschichte der Stadt Halle, vol. 2, Von Samuel Scheldt bis in die Zeit Georg Friedrich Handels und Johann Sebastian Bachs, Beitrage zur Musikforschung, ed. Max Schneider (Halle/Saale: Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses, 1939), 2:226. Edelmann left Halle to work in Zittau. See discussion below, p. 70. 1 2 7 Seiffert, DDT, series 1, vols. 53/54, p. xiv; Amo Wemer, Stadtische undfurstliche Musikpflege in Weissenfels bis zum Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1911), pp. 83-84. 1 2 8 Torsten Fuchs, "Studien zur Musikpflege in der Stadt WeiBenfels und am Hofe der Herzoge von Sachsen-WeiBenfels: Ein Beitrag zur mitteldeutschen Musikgeschichte des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts," 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., Martin-Luther-Universitat, Halle-Wittenberg, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 37 Mattheson, Johann Krieger also came to Halle, most likely after his brother was already there, which places Johann's arrival in Halle in late 1677 or in 1678.1 2 9 In February of 1678, the entire court (“Hochfurstl. Hoffstadt”) traveled to Dresden for a gathering of the Saxon royalty, and Johann Philipp performed in Dresden as part o f the festivities.1 3 0 Although no direct evidence links Johann to this trip, if he had arrived in Halle by February of 1678, it is possible that he also traveled to Dresden with the other musicians. According to Eitner's Lexikon, Johann Krieger accepted a position in 1677 as Kapellmeister in Zeitz, yet at the same time was working for the duke of WeiBenfels.1 3 1 Eitner failed, however, to mention this biographical detail in his much longer article on Krieger in the Monatshefte fur Musikgeschichte, thereby casting doubt on the accuracy o f his Lexikon entry.1 3 2 Arno Werner states that Johann Krieger worked for the duke of WeiBenfels as a chamber musician and possibly as Kapellmeister in Zeitz. His only documentation, however, comes from Eitner; in addition, Werner mentions that Zeitz and WeiBenfels were not politically related, casting doubt on Eitner's description of Krieger working for the duke 1989), 1:114-15. Fuch’s dissertation has been published as Studien zur Musikpflege in der Stadt Weifienfels und am Hofe der Herzdge von Sachsen-Weifienfels, Quaderni di Musica/Realta, vol. 36 (Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 1997). l2 9 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 151. 1 3 0 Mattheson, Critica Musica, 2:172; Moritz Fiirstenau, Zur Geschichte der Musik und des Theaters am Hofe zu Dresden, part 1, Zur Geschichte der Musik und des Theaters am Hofe der Kurfursten von Sachsen, Johann Georg II., Johann Georg III, und Johann Georg IV., unter Beriichsichtigung der altesten Theatergeschichte Dresdens (Dresden: Rudolf Kuntze, 1861; reprint, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1971), pp. 9, 250ff. 1 3 1 1 1 ... [er] kam dann nach Zeitz als Kapellmeister des Herzogs von WeiBenfels." Eitner, Quellen-Lexikon, 5:449. 1 3 2 Eitner, "Johann Krieger," 130. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 38 of WeiBenfels.1 3 3 Wemer also stated in a later book that no evidence o f either Johann or Johann Philipp exists in either the court or city records in Zeitz.1 3 4 No mention is made of Johann working in Zeitz during the late 1670s in any of the seventeenth- and eighteenth- century sources seen by this author, and no new documentation linking Johann or Johann Philipp to Zeitz has surfaced in recent years.1 3 5 Greiz According to Mattheson, Johann Krieger left Halle in 1678 to assume the position of Kapellmeister to Count Heinrich I in Greiz.1 3 6 Krieger worked there for nearly three years, until the death of the count in 1681 led to the dissolution of the court Kapelle. Krieger's position in Greiz as Kapellmeister marked an important new stage in his professional life, because for the first time he assumed the leadership of a musical establishment. Greiz had been ruled by the ReuB family since the fourteenth century. In the 1670s and 1680s, the Obergreiz and Untergreiz lines of the ReuB family occupied different castles, the former ruling from a hill overlooking Greiz and the latter based in the town itself. (See figure 2 for a view of the Obergreiz castle, which today houses the Thuringisches Staatsarchiv Rudolstadt, Aussenstelle Greiz.) Krieger worked for Heinrich I von Obergreiz (ruled 1647-81), who maintained a more elaborate court life than his counterpart in the 1 3 3 Werner, Stadtische Musikpflege ... Weissenfels, p. 82. 1 3 4 Werner, Stadtische Musikpflege ... Zeitz, p. 85. '^Correspondence, 15 July 1994, Frau Pentzek, Stadt- und Kreisarchiv, Zeitz. 1 3 6 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 151. Other references to Krieger in Greiz are Printz, Phrynis Mitillaneus, p. 227, and Muller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 3. Mattheson states that Krieger traveled to Greiz in the company of good friends. It is not clear from the passage whether these people were simply Krieger's traveling companions or if they were also musicians newly hired in Greiz. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 39 its Figure 2. Obergreiz Castle in Greiz. Untergreiz line.1 3 7 Music was an important part of life in the Obergreiz castle, and Mattheson described Heinrich I as an extraordinary lover of music ("ein ungemeiner 1 3 7 Biographical information about Heinrich I can be found in Jung, Geschichte, 1:119-20. For details of the complicated history of the ReuB family, see Alfred Thoss, Die Geschichte der Stadt Greiz: Von den Anfdngen bis zum Ausgang des 17. Jahrhunderts (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1933; reprint, Greiz: Weisser Stein, 1991), pp. 7-12; Gunther Franz, "Die Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 40 Liebhaber der Musik").1 3 8 The count very likely played the regal, which was found among his personal possessions after his death.1 3 9 Krieger's predecessor as leader of the Obergreiz Kapelle was Friedrich Sonnenhoff, who worked as “Capeldirector” until 1679. The first time the term “Capelmeister” appears in the court records is in 1679, presumably when Krieger replaced Sonnenhoff.1 4 0 The date of Krieger's arrival in Greiz is reported differently in several sources. Mattheson's account and Krieger's funeral program both give 1678 as the year.1 4 1 Jung states that Krieger arrived in Greiz in early 1680, but he also mentions that the title of the position changed from “Capeldirector” to “Capelmeister” in 1679, the year that Sonnenhoff completed his tenure. In addition, Mattheson states that Krieger worked in Greiz for nearly three years. Since Krieger most likely left Greiz in the spring of 1681, it is probable that he arrived there in 1679 and worked for portions of three years (1679, 1680 and 1681).1 4 2 One possible factor leading to Krieger's appointment in Greiz was a history of connections between the ReuB family and Nuremberg. For example, Heinrich I's son spent time in Nuremberg in 1666 following a trip to France, and a musician from Nuremberg had worked in the Greiz Kapelle from 1666 to 1671.1 4 3 Herren, Grafen und Fursten Reuss," in Geschichte Thuringens, ed. Hans Patze and Walter Schlesinger, vol. 5, Politische Geschichte in der Neuzeit (Cologne: Bohlau, 1982), 561-64. l3 8 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 152. 1 3 9 See appendix 7. 1 4 0 Jung, Geschichte, 1:122. 1 4 1 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 152; Muller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 3. 1 4 2 See discussion below, p. 43, concerning when Krieger most likely left Greiz. 1 4 3 Jung, Geschichte, 1:117, 127-28. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 41 According to Jung, Krieger had two titles in Greiz, Kapellmeister and court organist, and he led a Kapelle of approximately ten musicians, including both a court trumpeter and a “Hoffmusicus” (Nicolaus Erhardt), who also served the court as its own “Stadtpfeifer.”1 4 4 In addition, the civic musicians would occasionally participate in music at the Obergreiz court, a practice typical of small courts in Germany at this time.1 4 5 While the Kapellmeister and trumpeter were considered full-time musicians, many of the other court musicians also held other jobs such as secretary or kitchen scribe (“Kiichenschreiber”).1 4 6 The musicians who worked under Krieger during his tenure in Greiz are listed in table 1. The musicians had several venues for performance, according to an inventory o f the castle made in 1681 after the count's death.1 4 7 The "Capelle" was used for church services.1 4 8 The great room ("grose[r] Saal") contained a stage ("das Theatrum") and was probably used for opera and plays, since a neighboring room was used to store costumes and props ("Allerhand Kleider und Sachen bey Comoedien zu gebrauchen"). Another room was designated the "Musicanten Stube," while five other rooms contained musical instruments. The instruments owned by the court included three small organs, six keyboard instruments, 1 4 4 Ibid., 1:111-12, 119, 122-23, 151. In addition, the “Stadtpfeifer” is recorded in 1670 as having two apprentices; this practice most likely continued during the time when Krieger served in Greiz. Jung, Geschichte, 1:121. 1 4 5 Ibid., 1:106. The exact number of civic musicians in Greiz is not clear, but each section of the town had a specific musician assigned to it. Jung, Geschichte, 1:111. 1 4 6 A Kiichenschreiber is a bookkeeper for a large kitchen, such as one found at a court. 1 4 7 "Inventarium," 6 May 1681, pp. 1-47, Greiz, Thiiringisches Staatsarchiv Rudolstadt, K. A. Schrank IV Fach 3e 1681. See appendix 7 for the sections of the inventory relating to music. This inventory is also discussed and quoted in Jung, Geschichte, 1:124-28. 1 4 8 Jung, Geschichte, 1:151. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 42 TABLE 1 MUSICIANS IN GREIZ DURING KRIEGER'S TENURE AS KAPELLMEISTER1 4 9 Christoph Wilhelm Megander Christian Kruger Johann Heinrich Reitzker [?] Unger Johann Jacob Schmid Georg Stephan Hamerbaum Johann Jacob Strozmann Conrad Otto Nicolaus Erhardt also “Secretarius” also “Kuchenschreiber” “Trompeter” also “Untergreiz Stadtpfeifer” also “Obergreiz Stadtpfeifer” nineteen string instruments, one theorbo, one dulcimer, two pair of timpani, two drums, one trombone, one bassoon, one transverse flute, and several unspecified wind instruments.1 5 0 Music performed at the Obergreiz court included both sacred and secular genres. Starting in 1670, the chapel in the castle was used for church services held in the morning on Sundays and feast days. A small organ was present in this chapel.1 5 1 According to the 1681 inventory, music that was stored in the chapel included works by Johann Rosenmiiller (c. 1620-1684), Samuel Capricornus [Bockhorn] (1628-65), and [Johann Caspar] Horn (c.1630- c. 1685).1 5 2 Because the castle also contained a theater and storage space for 1 4 9 For further information on these musicians, see Jung, Geschichte, 1:111-13, 119, 1 5 0 See appendix 7 for a more detailed listing of these instruments. For further information on these instruments, see Jung, Geschichte, 1:80, 124-26. 1 5 1 For more details on the chapel organ, see Jung, Geschichte, 1:99-100, 122, 151; Herbert Hullemann, "Der Orgelbau in der Kirche zu Caselwitz vom Jahre 1732," Vergangenheit und Gegenwart Nr. 11 (May 23, 1934): 1; "Im Nahmen der heiligem hochgelobten Dreyfaltigkeit. . . . , " 10 January 1625, Greiz, ThUringisches Staatsarchiv Rudolstadt, a Rep. Kammer Schrank IV Fach 3d Nr. 14. 1 5 2 See appendix 7. 122-23. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 43 costumes and props, the performance of operas and/or plays with incidental music is quite likely. While no direct evidence of such music or performances survives, Krieger's later work as an opera composer suggests he was probably involved with such music in Greiz. In addition to working as Kapellmeister and organist, Krieger also composed music during his time in Greiz. A manuscript dated 1680 contains fifteen of his fugues, which make up the majority of the contents of his Clavier-Ubung, published many years later in 1699.1 5 3 Interestingly, these compositions are contrapuntal keyboard works, as were the ricercars he had composed a few years earlier in Nuremberg. Heinrich I von Obergreiz died on 8 March 1681. A severe epidemic of the plague in Greiz is reported for that year, although the cause of the count's death is not known.1 5 4 The Kapelle at the Obergreiz court was not maintained after the death of the count because his successors did not share his interest in music. Krieger's last payment is recorded on 24 February 1681.1 5 5 According to Mattheson, Krieger was offered a position in WeiBenfels, which is likely since his brother was now working there due to the move o f the court from Halle to WeiBenfels after the death of Duke August in 1680.1 5 6 Johann Krieger did not 1 5 3 See discussion below, p. 286. 1 5 4 Thoss, Die Geschichte, p. 26. l5 5 Jung, Geschichte, 1:123, 128; Franz, "Die Herren," p. 569. Jung incorrectly states that Krieger left Greiz for Zittau. 1 5 6 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 152. Johann Philipp was promoted to Kapellmeister in connection with the court's move to WeiBenfels. His appointment letter, signed in WeiBenfels, is dated December 23, 1680. For the text of this letter, see Werner, Stadtische Musikpflege ... Weissenfels, pp. 151-52. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 44 remain in WeiBenfels very long, however, because he was soon offered the position of Kapellmeister in Eisenberg.1 5 7 Eisenberg Eisenberg was ruled by Duke Christian (1653-1707) from 1680 until his death. The town was originally part o f the lands ruled from Gotha by Christian's father Ernst I (the Pious). After Ernst's death in 1675, his six younger sons established courts in various towns in the realm, although the final inheritance details were not finalized until 1680. When Christian died in 1707 without a male heir, the rule of Eisenberg reverted back to Gotha; therefore, Christian was the only resident duke in the course o f Eisenberg's history.1 5 8 Even though Christian did not become the official ruler o f Eisenberg until 1680, he had already moved there in 1677 with his new bride Christiane. His interest in opera was already evident from the festivities surrounding their wedding, which included attendance at comedies and ballets in Dresden.1 5 9 At that time, the musical resources o f the court were not yet well developed, and they were diminished even further after Christiane's death on March 3, 1679. The mourning period, which included the cancellation of most music at the court, lasted for a year.1 6 0 1 5 7 According to Mattheson {Ehren-Pforte, p. 152), the count in Eisenberg sent two courtiers to offer Krieger the position of Kapellmeister there. There is documentary evidence that Johann Heinrich Grohe, the timpanist (“Hofpauker”) at the Eisenberg court, departed Eisenberg on 21 February 1681 on a trip that included a stop in WeiBenfels. It seems likely, therefore, that Grohe was one of the courtiers who summoned Krieger. See Bohme, Musik, p. 57. 1 5 8 For details of Christian's reign, see A. L. Back, Chronik der Stadt und des Amtes Eisenberg (Eisenberg, 1843), 1:50-66. 1 5 9 Bohme gives a fairly detailed account of these Dresden performances. See Bohme, Musik, pp. 88-89. 1 6 0 Ibid., p. 17. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 45 In 1680, Duke Christian began again to build up his musical establishment, and the castle church, begun in April 1680, was completed by November.1 6 1 A comprehenensive restructuring of court personnel, including the musicians, was begun in 1680 and completed in 1681.1 6 2 According to Bohme, the Kapellmeister before Krieger was Christoph Anschutz, but documentary evidence shows that on 7 August 1680, Anschutz was installed as vice- Kapellmeister, not Kapellmeister.1 6 3 The exact dates of Krieger's tenure in Eisenberg are not clear. Bohme states that Johann Krieger was Kapellmeister from 1680 until early 1682, yet payment records show that Krieger was still in Greiz, his previous position, until 24 February 1681.1 6 4 In addition, the first documentary evidence of Krieger's presence in Eisenberg is a receipt dated 30 August 1681. This author believes that Krieger arrived in Eisenberg in either March or April of 1681, since his last payment in Greiz was on 24 February and the margrave's death in Greiz occurred on 8 March. According to Mattheson, Krieger left Eisenberg after one year o f work.1 6 5 He was last paid in Eisenberg on 3 March 1682 and his presence in Zittau is first documented one month later in April.1 6 6 Therefore, he had most likely arrived in Eisenberg 1 6 lBack, Chronik, 1:314. 1 6 2 Bohme, Musik, p. 25. 1 6 3 Ibid., p. 30. 1 6 4 Ibid., pp. 25-26. In addition, Brockpahler {Handbuch, p. 163) states that, according to Bohme, Johann Philipp was Kapellmeister "von Haus aus" from c. 1680 until 1685, traveling to Eisenberg periodically from his home in WeiBenfels. This author finds the first evidence of Johann Philipp in Eisenberg in the year 1683. See Bohme, Musik, pp. 28,38. l6 5 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 152. 1 6 6 Krieger's first official worship service at St. John in Zittau was on 5 April 1682. Bohme, Musik, p. 26; Carpzov, Analecta, 3:95. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 46 one year earlier in March or April of 1681; it seems likely that Anschutz, as vice- Kapellmeister, led the court Kapelle until Krieger arrived. Documentary evidence of Krieger's presence in Eisenberg includes four receipts for payments made to him from court funds, two of which are reimbursements for the purchase of string instruments. Most o f the receipts include both Krieger's signature and title “Capellmeister,” and they indicate that he signed them in Eisenberg.1 6 7 These receipts are important not only because they establish Krieger's presence in Eisenberg, but also because they are among the few extant examples of his handwriting (see figure 3).1 6 8 The receipts from 1681 are dated 30 August, 10 September, and 10 December, while the lone receipt for 1682 is dated 3 March. The last receipt concerns an increase in Krieger's pay: 21 rtl. and 20 gr. for the period from 3 October 1681 until 25 February 1682 in addition to his yearly salary of 50 tl.1 6 9 The Kapelle in Eisenberg during Krieger's time included twelve musicians (see table 2), supplemented by trumpeters, timpanists, and up to four apprentices.1 7 0 As in Greiz, many members of the Kapelle had non-musical duties as well. The trumpeters and timpanists, however, were higher in status, were considered full-time musicians, and were often sent on trips by order of the duke.1 7 1 During Krieger's tenure in Eisenberg, the following trumpeters 1 6 7 Johann Krieger, receipts, 1681-82, Altenburg, Thiiringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Eisenberger SchloBarchiv II. 2. Nr. 14 (5, 10, 29) and Nr. 19 (14). See also Bohme, Musik, pp. 25-26. 1 6 8 The only other examples of Krieger's handwriting found by this author are a letter in Gorlitz and two possible autograph cantatas (see discussion below, pp. 253, 336, and 338). 1 6 9 Bohme, Musik, p. 26. For further details about the salaries of other court musicians, see Bohme, Musik, p. 11. 1 7 0 For information on these musicians, see Bohme, Musik, pp. 19, 22, 30-40, 46, 53. 1 7 1 Ibid., pp. 11, 55. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. p G i f ^ / j t f * * * * * - f ^^55? * t s Figure 3. Eisenberg Receipt (30 August 1681) with Johann Krieger’s Signature. Source: Altenburg, Thuringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Eisenberger SchloBarchiv II. 2. Nr. 14(10). worked in Eisenberg: Johann C. W. Ermann, Friedrich Erzberger, Gottfried Lutzberger, Bernhard Johann Schmidt, Jans Christoph Thieli, and lastly one Hans, who was probably an apprentice since his surname is not given in the records. In addition, the timpanist at this time was Johann Heinrich Grohe.1 7 2 On special occasions, civic musicians also supplemented the court Kapelle.1 7 3 Twelve musicians ("die sogenannten 12 Apostel" 1 7 2 For information on the Eisenberg trumpeters and kettledrum players, see Bohme, Musik, pp. 55-62. 1 7 3 For more details on the civic musicians, see Bohme, Musik, pp. 68-78. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 48 TABLE 2 MUSICIANS IN THE EISENBERG KAPELLE (1681) Johann Krieger Christoph Anschiitz1 7 4 Johann Christoph Eck August StreBe [?] Christian Friedrich Sonnenhoff Hans Georg Daniel Scharpf Martin RoBner1 7 6 Nikolaus Soja Johann Georg Dietrich1 7 7 Michael Telonius Kapellmeister Vice-Kapellmeister “Cammermusiker” apprentice on violin1 7 5 “Cammermusiker,” possibly a trumpeter “Cammermusiker” “Diskantist,” probably an apprentice “Altist” probably served as a tenor “HofbaBist” bass singer organist/composer or "12 Pfeiffem") are mentioned in several archival documents, but there is disagreement among scholars as to the exact interpretation of these terms. Both Bohme and Werner express doubt that the number of musicians would be as high as twelve, since the largest cities in Germany at this time usually had no more than six civic musicians.1 7 8 1 7 4 Due to the restructuring of Eisenberg's musical establishment in 1680/81, Anschutz left Eisenberg for Ansbach, arriving there late in 1681. Curt Sachs, "Die Ansbacher Hofkapelle unter Markgraf Johann Friedrich (1672-1686)," Sammelbande der Internationalen Musik-Gesellschaft, Jg. 11 (1909-10): 127-28. For more information on Anschutz, a violinist and composer, see also Friedrich Wilhelm Schwarzbeck, Ansbacher Theatergeschichte: bis zum Tode des Markgrafen Johann Friedrich (1686), Die Schaubuhne: Quellen und Forschungen zur Theatergeschichte, ed. Carl Niessen and Artur Kutscher, vol. 29 (Emsdetten: Heinr. & Lechte, 1939), p. 117. 1 7 5 In 1684, two years after Krieger left for Zittau, Strefie became a “Cammermusiker.” Bohme, Musik, p. 39. 1 7 6 Like Anschutz, RoBner left Eisenberg in 1681 after the restructuring o f court personnel. Ibid., p. 36. 1 7 7 Johann Georg Dietrich and Michael Telonius worked as civic musicians in Eisenberg (cantor and organist, respectively), but also performed with the court Kapelle. 1 7 8 For more discussion of this issue, see Back, Chronik, 1:281; Bohme, Musik, pp. 71-72, 78; Arno Werner, Vier Jahrhunderte im Dienst der Kirchenmusik: Geschichte des Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 49 The music performed at the Eisenberg court included both sacred and secular works. During Krieger's tenure, an organ for the chapel had not yet been built, so a small positive organ was used for worship services.1 7 9 Dietrich, the cantor during Krieger's year in Eisenberg, led the school choir from the town in participation from time to time in the court church services.1 8 0 Operas, plays and ballets were performed for special events rather than on a regular basis. During Krieger's tenure in Eisenberg, only a provisional stage was available in the castle, but in 1683 a permanent court theater was constructed.1 8 1 On February 9, 1681 the duke married his second wife, the countess Sophie Marie of Hesse-Darmstadt, in her hometown of Durlach in southern Germany. The festivities in Durlach included staged comedies, and when the couple returned to Eisenberg in May of 1681 they were treated to an opera, the first ever performed in Eisenberg.1 8 2 Many musicians from neighboring courts, including Zeitz, Merseburg, and Saalfeld, were present to augment Eisenberg's musical resources.1 8 3 During her years in Eisenberg, the duchess was a strong Amtes und Standes der evangelischen Kantoren, Organisten und Stadtpfeifer seit der Reformation (Leipzig, 1933), p. 220. 1 7 9 Bohme, Musik, pp. 12, 14. Construction of a chapel organ began only a few years later, in 1684. 1 8 0 WhiIe Bohme states that the archival records in Eisenberg document this practice, he does not cite a specific source. Bohme, Musik, p. 32. 1 8 1 Bohme, Musik, pp. 83, 95; Back, Chronik, 1:54-55, 2:364. 1 8 2 Back, Chronik, 1:61, 2:370; Bohme, Musik, pp. 9, 95. Bohme mistakenly gives the year as 1680, rather than 1681. Sophie Marie's title of countess ("Gebohrnen Landgrafin zu Flessen") is evident in the dedication of the opera Ursprung der Romischen Monarchie, which was probably written by Krieger. Bohme, Musik, p. 116. See a discussion o f this opera below, p. 239. 1 8 3 Bohme, Musik, pp. 23, 51. The visiting musicians from Saalfeld are mentioned by Back {Chronik, 2:370) in an archival document describing a festival procession for the newly married couple. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 50 supporter of music and theater. She played the lute and sometimes took leading roles in stage productions.1 8 4 Opera and comedies are specifically mentioned in employment agreements for court musicians (1683 and 1685), which indicates the importance of stage productions in the musical life of the Eisenberg court.1 8 5 The court spent a great deal of money on music, for the records mention payments to a large number o f out-of-town musicians performing in Eisenberg between 1681 and 1684.1 8 6 Krieger's duties included leading the Kapelle and instructing the apprentices in music theory.1 8 7 An example of a specific event for which the Kapelle performed was a birthday celebration for the duchess: Note about the birthday celebration and ceremonial procession for Sophie Marie. — Sunday, 8 May 1681, 6:00 A.M.: 1.) Greetings, 2.) after that the overture was played with trumpets and timpani, 3.) next followed by the so- called 12 Apostles [civic musicians?], 4.) after them to conclude [the royal celebration] the Eisenberg Kapelle played in the prince's quarters.1 8 8 Krieger was likely occupied a great deal with composition, as well. A 1707 inventory of the castle, made after the death of Duke Christian, includes the following entries concerning music: 50. 1 volume containing music by Kapellmeister Krieger has no. 1. 51. 1 volume musical items belonging to the opera has no. 55. 1 8 4 Bohme, Musik, pp. 7, 94; Back, Chronik, 2:364. 1 8 5 Bohme, Musik, pp. 21, 41. 1 8 6 Ibid., p. 19. 1 8 7 Ibid., p. 22. 1 8 8 "Nota Geburtstagsfeier und Einholung Sophien Mariens. — Sonntag, den 8. Mai 1681, 6 Uhr morgens: 1.) Salve, 2.) darauf dann mit Trompeten und Pauken der Anfang gemacht, 3.) dem dann die sogenannten 12 Apostel folgen, 4.) nach deren endigung die f. s. [furstliche] Eisenbergische Capelle in der Fiirsten Cabinet Musiciret." Altenburg, Thuringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Eisenberger SchloBarchiv II. 5, 3/540; quoted in Bohme, Musik, p. 72. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 51 56. 2 songs bound in red velvet. 57. A packet containing all sorts of operas, and such things. 58. All sorts of songs.1 8 9 The music in No. 50, written by "Kapellmeister Krieger," was probably not opera music, since the following entry is described specifically as opera music. It is not clear whether the music in No. 50 was written by Johann Krieger or Johann Philipp Krieger, who served as Kapellmeister after his younger brother left for Zittau. One opera, Von dem sich selbst uberwundenen Scipio Africano, was performed in Eisenberg during Johann Krieger's tenure there as Kapellmeister. By virtue of his position, Krieger is a possible composer of this work, but unfortunately, no direct evidence links him to this opera.1 9 0 It was performed in May o f 1681, only one or two months after his arrival in Eisenberg. The opera was a part of the festivities surrounding the entrance of Duke Christian and his bride Sophe Marie into Eisenberg after their wedding: Saturday, the 7th of May, after dinner the princely sovereigns were led into the room prepared for comedies, and as soon as they arrived, the beginning [of the evening's performance] was made with trumpets and timpani. As soon as all had come and were quiet, the opera Von dem sich selbst uberwundenen Scipio Africano was performed. After the [opera] was finished, the trumpets and timpani played again to conclude.1 9 1 1 8 9 "50. 1. band darinnen musicalische geschriebene Sachen von Herrn Kapelmeister Kruger hat no. 1. 51. 1. band musicalische Sachen zu den Opern gehorig hat no. 55. 56. 2. Carmina in rothen Sammet eingebunden. 57. Ein Paquet, worinnen allerhand Operen und dergl. 58. Allerhand Carmina." "Inventarium 1707," pp. 238v-239r, Altenburg, Thuringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Kammer Amt Eisenberg Nr. 10 (Inventarium 1707). See also Bohme, Musik, p. 25. According to pp. lOOr, 238v, and 239r of the inventory, this music was sent to Gotha in 1711. It is not extant today. 1 9 0 There is more direct evidence that Krieger wrote another opera, Ursprung der Romischen Monarchie, that was staged in Eisenberg on 7 May 1684, two years after he had left for Zittau. See discussion below, p. 239. 1 9 1 "Sonnabend, den 7. Mai, nach der Tafel wird die furstliche Herrschaft in den dazu gefertigten Comediensaal gefuhret, da dann, sobalden solche ankommen, mit Trompeten und Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 52 Neither the text nor the music for this opera survive. Possible composers besides Krieger have been suggested by Brockpahler and Bohme: Johann Philipp Krieger, Christoph Anschutz, Pier Francesco Cavalli (1602-76), and Alessandro Scarlatti (1660-1725).1 9 2 Bohme also raises the possibility that this opera came from the repertory o f the duchess's home town of Durlach, since an opera with a similar title was performed there in 1683.1 9 3 According to Bohme, Johann Philipp Krieger was probably not the composer, since most of his operas were premiered in WeiBenfels before being performed later in other locations. His Scipio was not performed in WeiBenfels until 1690, nine years after the Eisenberg opera.1 9 4 During Krieger's year-long stay in Eisenberg, it is possible that he wrote or finished writing a satirical novel titled Der untreue Ertz-Verleumbder oder Bose Mann,1 9 5 The author of this book used a pseudonym, "Giovani Gverjero" (Giovanni Guerriero), which is the Italian translation of Krieger's name. Fifteen years later, Krieger used an Italian version of his name ("Giouanni Kriegher") for the title page of Partien (1697), his first published Pauken der Anfang gemacht wird, und dann, sobald alles zum sitzen kommen und stille ist, die Opera "Von dem sich selbst uberwundenen Scipio Africano" gespielet. Nach deren Endigung wieder mit Trompeten und Pauken geschlossen wird." Altenburg, Thiiringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Eisenberger SchloBarchiv II. 5, 3/540; quoted in Bohme, Musik, p. 95. 1 9 z Brockpahler, Handbuch, p. 165; Bohme, Musik, pp. 95-96. 1 9 3 The libretto of this opera survives and is described in Bohme, Musik, p. 95, n. 93. Its title is Der sich selbst besiegende Scipio. I 9 4 lbid., p. 28; Brockpahler, Handbuch, p. 165. 1 9 5 Giovani Gverjero [pseud.], Der untreu Ertz-Verleumbder oder Bose Mann: Allen denen jenigen, welche an des Nechsten Schande Lust und an Schmdhe-Schrifften Gefallen haben (Merseburg: Christian Forberger, 1682; reprint, German Baroque Literature, no. 1203a, reel 376, New Haven, Conn.: Research Publications, 1969), microfilm. Exemplars of this book are extant in the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz; British Library, London; Stuttgart; Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbuttel; and University Library, Yale University. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 53 keyboard collection. It was not unusual for German musicians in the late seventeenth century to write novels; Johann Kuhnau (1660-1722), Johann Beer (1655-1700), and Wolfgang Caspar Printz (1641-1717) were all known for their literary works. Political and satirical novels like Der untreue Ertz- Verleumbder were popular at this time with a broad range of readers, including the middle class and the aristrocracy. Most of these books' authors, including Printz, Christian Weise (1642-1708), and Johann Riemer (1648-1714), published them anonymously or with pseudonyms. Besides the similarity of this novel's pseudomym to Krieger's name, the date of its publication (1682) is also of interest. In 1681 and early 1682, Krieger worked in Eisenberg, which is located less than twenty miles from WeiBenfels. Many significant writers lived in WeiBenfels at this time, including Beer and Riemer. In addition, Weise, who was well known for his satirical writing, had worked in WeiBenfels from 1670 until 1678, when he moved to Zittau to assume the rectorship of the Gymnasium there. Besides the favorable literary scene in WeiBenfels and the inspiration this might have given Krieger, Der untreue Ertz-Verleumbder has an even closer connection to the city; it is structured as a response to a previous work on the subject of greed, possibly Riemer's Diepolitische Colica, written only two years earlier in 1680.1 9 6 Riemer was a younger colleague of Weise at the Gymnasium illustre Augusteum in WeiBenfels.1 9 7 In 1678, when 1 9 6 Johann Riemer, Die Politische Colica/ oder das Reissen in Leibe Der Schulkrancken Menschen welche in mancherley Zustdnden ohne Leibs Schmertzen zu Bette liegen Niemanden sonst als Hohen und Gelehrten Leuten (Leipzig: Johann Fritzsche, 1680). For further information on this book, see Hirsch, Burgertum, pp. 63-66; and K. G. Knight, From Wolfram and Petrarch to Goethe and Grass: Studies in Literature in Honour o f Leonard Forster, eds. D. H. Green, L. P. Johnson, and Dieter Wuttke (Baden-Baden: Valentin Koemer, 1982), pp. 533-35. 1 9 7 For further information on Riemer and his writings, see Hirsch, Burgertum, pp. 60-69, 135-36; and Helmut Krause, Feder kontra Degen: zur literarischen Vermittlung des Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 54 Weise left WeiBenfels for Zittau, Riemer succeeded Weise as professor of poetry, rhetoric, and politics, and Riemer's earlier plays and novels show Weise's influence. Riemer was also well acquainted with Johann Philipp Krieger, Kapellmeister in WeiBenfels, who was almost the same age. Riemer served as a librettist for Johann Philipp; for example, in 1684 the two men collaborated on music for an evening performance connected with Johann Philipp's wedding.1 9 8 Their relationship makes it highly likely that Johann Philipp introduced his brother to Riemer during Johann's visits to the WeiBenfels court. This connection is further strengthened by the performance in Eisenberg of a play by Riemer on 15 May 1682, only a few months after Krieger left there for Zittau.1 9 9 It seems almost certain that Krieger, as the Kapellmeister in Eisenberg, was in some way involved with advance preparations for the performance. Der untreue Ertz-Verleumbder was published in Merseburg, a sister city to WeiBenfels, by the court printer Christian Forberger (d. 1697).2 0 0 Forberger's firm, which burgerlichen Weltbildes im Werk Johannes Riemers, Deutsche Sprache und Literatur, vol. 2 (Berlin: Hofgarten Verlag, 1979). 1 9 8 Only the text of this work survives: Johann Riemer, Die Unverwandelte Daphne In der bestandigen Helena. Als Hr. Johann Philipp Krieger/ Hoch-Furstl. Sachs Wolbestalter Capell-Meister zu Weifienfels/ Seine verlobte und geliebte BrautFr. Rosinen Helenen Gebohme Nicolain/ Da Diese Am 25. May dieses 1684sten Jahrs Von Halle aus/ mit ihrer Freundschqffi Zu der angestelleten Hochzeit-Festivitat in Weifienfels anlangete/ Unter eine Abend-Music Seiner eigenen Composition Auff Gnadigste Vergbnstigung Mit der Hoch-Furstl. Hoff-Capelle Willkommen hiefi/ Vorgefuhret Von Johann Riemern (WeiBenfels: Johann Brtthl, 1684); Altenburg, Thiiringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Eisenberger SchloBarchiv II. 15. Nr. 18. 1 9 9 While archival documents in Eisenberg do not give the author's name, a play by Riemer with the same title was performed in Leipzig in 1679 and published in 1681. In addition, Riemer attended the performance in Eisenberg on 15 May 1682. Bohme, Musik, pp. 98-99. 2 0 0 When Elector Johann Georg I of Saxony died in 1656, the royal line was split four ways, with his eldest son remaining at the primary court in Dresden and the three younger sons establishing secondary courts in Merseburg, WeiBenfels, and Zeitz. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 55 possessed exclusive printing rights for the court and city, was very well known, with some of his titles distributed throughout the German lands.2 0 1 Forberger also published many of Johann Riemer's works, including one of his political novels, Der Politische Stock-Fisch (1681), written just a year before Der untreue Ertz-Verleumbder ,2 0 2 The publication of Der untreue Ertz-Verleumbder by Riemer's publisher points to Riemer as the possible author; another explanation, however, is that Riemer could have assisted Krieger, who was a novice writer, in finding a publisher. In addition, while Riemer used pseudonyms for his satirical novels (e.g., "Clemente Ephoro Albilithano," "A. B. C.," "Galanisandro," "Philogamo aus Paphos"), it seems unlikely that he would choose one so similar to the name of Krieger, a person he most certainly knew.2 0 3 Der untreue Ertz-Verleumbder is not a book about music; rather, it describes the life and character of an evil man who makes a pact with the devil but eventually repents before he is hanged. His worst sin was not the murder he committed but rather the slander of a servant of the king. Criticism of high-level government in this book sets it apart from most political novels of this era, which concentrate less on politics and more on events in an “ 'Biographical information about Forberger can be found in the following sources: "BUrgerbuch," 20 December 1670, Merseburg, Stadtarchiv, KNr. 982; Siegfried Berger, "Neues zur Merseburger Buchdruckergeschichte: Ein geschichtlicher Beitrag im Gutenberg- Jahr 1940," Merseburger Zeitung (26 June 1940): 7; Karl Gutbier, "Wo lagen die alten Merseburger Druckereien? Ein ortsgeschichtlicher Beitrag zur Geschichte Merseburgs als Druckort im Gutenberg-Gedenkjahr," Merseburger Zeitung (14 July 1940): 5; and A. Gerhardt, "Merseburgs Buchdrucker und Buchhandler zur Herzogszeit 1656/1738," May 1950, Merseburg, Historisches Stadtarchiv. 2 0 2 Johann Riemer, Der Politische Stock-Fisch ... vorgestellet Durch Einen Welcher der Historischen Warheit ergeben (Merseburg: Christian Forberger, 1681). “ 'Various scholars have debated the attribution of Der imtreue Ertz-Verleumbder. For a bibliography of their writings, see Gerhard Diinnhaupt, Personalbibliographien zu den Drucken des Barock, 2d ed. (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1990-93), 5:3347. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 56 individual's life.2 0 4 Only three years before the appearance o f Der untreue Ertz- Verleumbder, an anonymous play with a similar title was published in WeiBenfels: Der Ertz-Verleumder undEhe-Teuffel von Schottland, in einem Trauer-Spiel abgefafit.2 0 5 Both works also include prominent references to the devil. The similarities between these two publications are another link tying Der untreue Ertz-Verleumbder to WeiBenfels and possibly Krieger. Another slim possibility is that a different man, also named Johann Krieger, wrote Der untreue Ertz-Verleumbder. A "Johann Krieger" translated Staats-Ethica (1696), a book originally written in French by Amolot de la Houssaye (1634-1706), also known as Abraham Nicolas.2 0 6 This book also included an introduction taken from the works of the Roman historian Cornelius Tacitus (c.56 - c.120). This author, however, has not found any further information about the translator Krieger or about connections between the composer Krieger and these authors or their works. In addition, current scholarship on the composer Krieger does not indicate he had experience with the topic represented in this book. 2 0 4 K. G. Knight describes Der untreue Ertz-Verleumbder and Derpolitsche Bratenwender, a novel by Beer also published in 1682, as examples of novels that criticize government. Johann Beer, Der politische Bratenwender (Amando de Bratimero, 1682). 2 0 5 WeiBenfels, 1679. This citation is given in Hugo Hayn and Alfred Gotendorf, eds., Bibliotheca Germanorum Erotica & Curiosa, 9 vols. (Munich: Georg Muller, 1912- 29), 6:450. 2 0 6 Amolot de la Houssaye, Staats-Ethica, In Anfiihrung vernunfftiger und wohlgegrundeter Lehr-Satze von der Heuchel- und Schmeichelei Nach Anleitung des beriihmten Geschicht-Schreibers Cornelii Taciti, Anfangs von dem gelehrten Franzosen Mr. Amolot de la Houssaye in seiner Sprache heraus gegeben Numehro aber wegen seines wichtigen Inhalts und der darinnen vorkommenden sonderbaren Sachen ins deutsche ubersetzet von Johann Kriegern (Leipzig: Joh. Friedrich Gleditsch, 1696); Wolfenbiittel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Lh 2266. For a facsimile of this book's title page, see Martin Bircher, Deutsche Drucke des Barock 1600-1720 in der Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbiittel, 3 vols. (Millwood, New York: Kraus International Publications, 1982), 2:240- 41. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 57 Johann Krieger had worked as Kapellmeister in Eisenberg for less than a year when he received an offer to work in Zittau. On 22 November 1681, the city government of Zittau requested his services as civic director of choral music (“Director chori musici”) and organist of St. John, a position that he accepted.2 0 7 He seems to have left Eisenberg on good terms, for in 1682, he received a shipment of new Christmas music from Eisenberg, and in 1684 he dedicated his Lieder collection Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit to Duke Christian.2 0 8 Krieger's move from Eisenberg to Zittau marked the most significant turning point in his career. His early years as a court musician had been marked by frequent moves— Bayreuth, Nuremberg, Halle, Greiz, WeiBenfels, and Eisenberg. But at the age o f thirty, Krieger left the world of court music for a secure civic position in the employ o f the churches and city of Zittau.2 0 9 This newfound stability gave him more time and means to compose and publish, as well as to marry and establish a family. Krieger's tenure in Zittau would last for over fifty years until his death in 1735. 2 0 7 "Raytung uber Einnahme und AuBgabe von denen Vorstehem der Hauptkirchen St. Johannis," 1680-91, 2 (1681):47, 3 (1682): 19, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 47 (Fach M). Muller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 3; Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 152. 2 0 8 Pescheck {Handbuch, 2:328) mentions the shipment of music in connection with the reimbursement that Krieger received for the shipping costs. Pescheck cites his source only as the Zittau church records ("Kirchrechnungen") and does not give a specific reference. 2 0 9 J. S. Bach (1685-1750) and Georg Philipp Telemann (1681-1767) also moved from court employment to civic positions at key points in their careers. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 58 CHAPTER II SACRED MUSIC IN ZITTAU IN THE SEVENTEENTH AND EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES The city of Zittau maintained a rich musical culture, especially in its churches. The city’s wealth from its location on a border gave it the resources to invest heavily in the arts and in education. The discussion below describes the city, its churches and musicians, and the civic institutions that supported sacred music. ZITTAU The city of Zittau is located in Upper Lusatia (Oberlausitz) in what is today the border area between Poland, Germany (eastern Saxony) and the Czech Republic. The city lies near the Mandau and Neisse rivers, close to two passes in the Zittau mountains (Zittauer Gebirge) which were used even in ancient times as part of an important trade route from Prague to the north.1 In the Middle Ages, Upper Lusatia was thinly settled by Slavs, although it was temporarily conquered by German knights from Meiflen in the tenth century.2 The city of Zittau belonged to Bohemia for most of its early history from 1158 until 1635. The city's population, however, was primarily German because in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries a wave of German colonists from further west settled in Upper Lusatia. They were invited by the kings of Bohemia to increase the area's population and bring in new methods of agriculture.3 'See figure 4 for a map of the Zittau region. 2 Karlheinz Blaschke, Geschichte Sachsens im Mittelalter (Berlin: Union Verlag, 1990), pp. 67-74. 3 J. Blum, "The Rise of Serfdom in Eastern Europe," American History Review 62 (July 1957): 814. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 59 Kimnersdt Kottmarsdf Strahwa/de riedersd ■ £ * ftim srsdf OCHRANOW Herrnhut) H A 8 M C IQ . ( Ebersbach) Neurtdf Waldorf E JE ZE R C Y gersdf) .W . Oberrvpperzdi JIW O W Qrodhennersdf Eihau J nupovK n . woom '(Obero& fwttz) ~'^\JjW O W r r JpO L. w o ' d e r j e n c a lJv ( NJederoderwitz) Leute Romerei I R K J 5 *^ Wm r fW O D O W ^ T HENDR/CHECY ■ - (Seifhennersdfl Oberseifersdf ) HW ERB/KEC Spitzkunwe JED ZN K * H E R B /K E C r y ^ e Eokariabg M/ttelnbnvigsdf) h } £ / / 'ainewalde \SCM ONBOR C^ARNSDbR H dm ft / ZITAW^S (ZITTAU) w u l k K s u n o w To8schonau%~ B e d sd o rf ^ bmkts - x f -O lbersdf DOL. G* Innqz&nzidf tfW A tT A R JE C Y Wa/tersd VENSECY (Jonadf) * nadr.~ Jedlava ’ S T O t t t O JW !N (O ybin) h o * . ' C L Q R U N D •UCHTENYALD * OOL- ZLdckmndt 7 8 Z 3 i ¥ * . Figure 4. Region o f Zittau. Source: Antonin Frinta, Zitavsko v Ceskych Dejinach (Prague: Orbis, 1947), p. 243. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 60 The first historical records of the city itself are from 1238, although it was probably founded some time earlier. In 1255, King Ottokar II enlarged Zittau and ordered the construction of the city walls, probably to increase the strength of his border defenses.4 He also gave the inhabitants certain tax and toll privileges, a common practice for German colonial cities of that day.5 In 1346 Zittau entered a union (Sechsstadtebund) with five other cities in Upper Lusatia. This economic and political union lasted until the nineteenth century, giving its member cities increased economic privileges, the power to protect their trade routes, and the freedom to govern themselves.6 Zittau's increasing privileges and trade connections lay the foundation for economic growth unequaled to that date in Upper Lusatia. From the Middle Ages to the twentieth century, the backbone of the economy was the textile industry, especially the production of linen. The trade routes for these textiles were susceptible to the tensions of religious conflict, however. For example, the Hussite wars in Bohemia during the fifteenth century interrupted Zittau's trade with Prague and other markets further south. The early introduction of Protestantism to Zittau in 1521 may have been related to the city's close 4 "Zittauer Urkundenbuch," 82 (4), 4; cited in Volker Dudeck, "Das Zittau Christian Weises," in Christian Weise: Dichter-Gelehrter-Padagoge: Beitrage zum ersten Christian- Weise-Symposium aus Anlafi des 350. Geburtstages, Zittau 1992, ed. Peter Behnke, Hans- Gert Roloff, and Benedikt Sommer, Jahrbuch fur Internationale Germanistik, series A, vol. 37 (Bern: Peter Lang, 1994): 27. 5 Peschek, Handbuch, 1:12. The "Jahrbuch der Stadt Zittau 1363-1531," started by Johannes Guben, describes the changes King Ottokar II instituted for Zittau in 1255. This source is quoted in Peschek, Handbuch, 1:13. 6 The six cities in the Sechsstadtebund were Zittau, Gorlitz, Lobau, Bautzen, Lauban (today Luban), and Kamenz. Most of these cities were not Bohemian, and Pescheck (Handbuch, 1:19) suggests that Zittau joined a union outside its national borders because of its large number of German inhabitants and its geographical proximity to the other five cities rather than to Prague. For example, a large mountain range separates Zittau from Prague. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 61 proximity to the Hussite reformers, as well as the hardships caused by the wars in Bohemia, which was Roman Catholic. Throughout most o f the sixteenth century and the early seventeenth century, Zittau's production of textiles continued to grow, and its products increasingly caught the attention of traders beyond Upper Lusatia and Bohemia. The important trading houses of Nuremberg, which distributed textiles to much of southern Europe, started to take a special interest in Upper Lusatia.7 But with the onset of the Thirty Years War, the trade routes through Prague to Nuremberg were severely disrupted. Trade difficulties only worsened when Zittau became part of Saxony in 1635 according to terms set by the Treaty of Prague. Now a new border existed between Zittau and its former trading partners to the south. This border and the privations of the war practically stopped trade along the old routes. Instead, business connections were developed and strengthened with Leipzig, Hamburg, the Netherlands, and England.8 Some British trading companies even sent representatives directly to Upper Lusatia rather than relying on German middlemen. These international connections helped contribute to the later prominence of Zittau's culture and educational system in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Zittau itself suffered during the Thirty Years' War from direct attack, heavy taxes, forced quartering of soldiers, and an increased incidence of disease, especially the plague. But the most far-reaching effect of the war was the settling of Protestant refugees, known as Exulanten, from Bohemia. Before the war, a large number of Protestants lived in Bohemia even though it was part of the Habsburg lands, which were Roman Catholic. In 1609, these Protestants secured a political agreement with the emperor, Rudolf II, which interestingly, Johann Krieger was a native of Nuremberg. 8 Dudeck, "Das Zittau," 40-41. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 62 granted them a great deal of religious freedom. Subsequent rulers, however, did not honor the terms of this agreement.9 Starting in the 1620s and increasing in the 1640s-50s, the Bohemian Protestants were persecuted and eventually given the choice to convert to Roman Catholicism or flee to Saxony, which was Protestant. Zittau, with its long history as a Bohemian city and its position on the border between the two countries, became a place of refuge for many Bohemian refugees. These Protestant Bohemians in Zittau are first mentioned in a source from 1623, which describes the city as being full of Bohemian refugees.1 0 By 1628 there were over six hundred of them attending church services, and their numbers increased to over one thousand by the 1650s.1 1 They continued to move to Zittau until 1683, when the city council forbade further immigration from Bohemia.1 2 The refugees helped Zittau economically, both by their sheer numbers and also by their skills and professions. While most o f them were craftsmen or farmers, all professions and even the nobility were represented.1 3 In fact, many important figures in Zittau's music history in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries came 9 Local details of this history can be found in the following sources: Peschek, Handbuch, 1:287-304; Christian Adolph Pescheck, Die bohmischen Exulanten in Sachsen (Leipzig, 1857); and Erich Prowig, "Die Exulanten in Sachsen und in der Oberlausitz," Neue Zittauer Geschichtsblatter ("1987/88): 11-14. 1 0 [Archdiak.] Andr. Winziger, Exulis anchora dulcis (Zittau, 1623); cited in Peschek, Handbuch, 1:292, n. 3. This document is no longer extant. "Carpzov, Analecta, 3:38, 42. lzPescheck, Handbuch, 1:298. 1 3 lbid„ 1:295. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 63 from Bohemian families, including Andreas Hammerschmidt, Simon Crusius, Christian Weise, Christoph Kratzer, and Johann Kuhnau.1 4 The period that Krieger lived and worked in Zittau (1682-1735) was one of prosperity that allowed the city's leaders to develop its cultural and educational resources. The linen trade was very successful, and by 1683 Zittau on its own was producing twenty times more product than the rest of Upper Lusatia.1 5 In fact, at this time Zittau was a business center in Saxony second only to Leipzig.1 6 Trade with the rest o f Germany, as well as directly with other countries such as England and the Netherlands, increased Zittau's contacts with the outside world.1 7 Zittau was an important city in Saxony, and its population was one-third to one-half the size of major cities such as Dresden and Leipzig.1 8 For a view of Zittau in 1717, see figure 5. The need for well-educated business people encouraged the development of the Zittau Gymnasium to its high level under the direction of rector Weise and his successors. The arts in Zittau flourished at this time, which could be seen especially in music, paintings 1 4 A list of Exulanten families in Zittau can be found in K. Haensch, "Die Exulanten in den Zittauer Kirchenbiichern," Zittauer Geschichtsblatter, Jg. 14, no. 9 (September 1937): 35ff. 1 5 Dudeck, "Das Zittau," 41. 1 6 E. A. Seeliger, "Zur Handelgeschichte Zittaus. 2. Das Zeitalter der Niirnberger," Zittauer Geschichtsblatter, Jg. 10 (October 1928): 39; cited in Dudeck, "Das Zittau," 38. 1 7 Many of Christian Weise's contemporaries in Zittau traveled widely in Europe. Dudeck, "Das Zittau," 43. 1 8 Population figures for these three cities were 9000 (Zittau in 1705), 21,298 (Dresden in 1699), and 21,696 (Leipzig in 1700). Erich Keiser, ed., Deutsches Stadtebuch: Handbuch stddtischer Geschichte, vol. 2, Mitteldeutschland (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer Verlag, 1941), pp. 50, 123, 239. Another estimate of Zittau's population at this time gives three possible figures (depending on the method of calculation)— 7436, 9218, or 11,170— although the smallest is designated as the most likely. J. Prochno, "Die Einwohnerzahl Zittaus seit dem 16. Jahrhundert," Zittauer Geschichtsblatter Jg. 10, Nr. 4 (April 1933): 14. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Figure 5. Zittau in 1717. Source: Johann Christoph Wentzel, Arie Welche in denen Kirchen Der Konigl. Und Churf Sachfi. Sechs Stadt Zittau/ Bei dem allgemeinen Hundert Jdhrigen Reformations-Feste/ MDCCXVII. Unter denen Predigten von der Gemeine abgesungen worden (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1717), p. 1; Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, B 21 and B22; Zittau, Pfarramt, Abt. I Fach 31 Nr. 1; (Samuel No. 24). A handwritten version o f Arie is extant in Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3 (fols. 31r-35r). and sculpture,1 9 numerous performances of Weise's plays by the Gymnasium pupils, and the opening of an enlarged library in 1709. One of the best indicators of Zittau's support of the arts was the 1741 construction of an organ by Gottfried Silbermann (1683-1753) in St. John. This instrument was the largest one ever built by the famed organ builder, and only a wealthy city could have afforded his services for so large a project. Zittau's prosperity in this period was possible due to the extended peace it enjoyed from end of the Thirty Years' War until the Seven Years' War of the mid-eighteenth century. As part of Saxony, Zittau benefitted from the power of the region's leaders, especially Friedrich August I ("August the Strong"), elector of Saxony (1694-1733) and king of Poland (1697-1706, 1709-33). Even though Friedrich August I was at war during most of his reign, Zittau was never attacked during this period. The emphasis that the Saxon electors 1 9 A discussion of the visual arts in Zittau at this time can be found in a paper by Ernst-Heinz Lemper, "Das Umfeld Christian Weise," in Behnke, Christian Weise, 231-43. Zittau contained more sculptures than any of the other cities in the Lausitz; elaborate public fountains were built during Krieger's tenure in 1679, 1708 and 1710. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 65 placed on the arts could not have escaped the attention of Zittau's leaders.2 0 Johann Georg II (ruled 1657-1680) built Dresden's first opera house and cultivated the court orchestra; musicians in his employ included Heinrich Schiitz (1585-1672), Vincenzo Albrici (1631-96), and Giovanni Andrea Bontempi (c.1624-1705). Johann Georg III (ruled 1680-91) and Johann Georg IV (ruled 1691-94) built on this foundation, but it was their successor Frederick August I who raised Dresden to one of the leading cultural centers of Europe. Besides his famous musical establishment, he is also known for building the Zwinger Palace, the GroBe Garten, and the MeiBen porcelain factory. The emphasis that the Saxon electors placed on the arts was not confined to Dresden, however; during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the arts and especially music blossomed all over Saxony, including Zittau. The influence from the electors in Dresden was not necessarily direct, but the importance placed on the arts in Saxony was unmistakable. The prosperity of Zittau continued for twenty-two years after Johann Krieger's death in 1735. But during the Seven Years' War (1756-63), Saxony and Zittau stood between Prussia and Austria, the two fighting powers in the early stages of the conflict. Because Prussian troops were stationed in Zittau, the Austrian army bombarded the city on 23 July 1757. More than three quarters of the city's buildings were severely damaged or destroyed, 2 0 There is evidence that Andreas Hammerschmidt, organist in Zittau from 1639 to 1675, visited Dresden several times, as seen in his introduction to Fest- und Zeit-Andachten (1671): “... the famous and masterful Churfurssliche [.s7c] Sachsische Hoff-Capella has given me special inspiration especially on the occasion of my stay in Dresden when I heard the world famous Italian artists perform and sing their compositions with amazing loveliness.” Andreas Hammerschmidt, Fest- und Zeit-Andachten (Dresden: Bergen, 1671); reprint, Vienna: OsterreichischeNationalbibliothek, [1988?], p. i, microfilm (R1SM H 1954, HH 1954). This translation is taken from Robert Dale McIntosh, "The Six-Part Fest- und Zeit-Andachten (1671) of Andreas Hammerschmidt" (M.M. thesis, The University of Alberta, 1972), p. 100. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6 6 including St. John with its new Silbermann organ and the city hall with its valuable archive.2 1 Many documents relating to Johann Krieger and the music history of the city were lost. Fortunately, some materials do survive since Saints Peter and Paul and the city library were undamaged during the bombardment, and the sacristy of St. John did not burn.2 2 The destruction in 1757 was devastating to Zittau; for example, it took nearly one hundred years for the city to rebuild St. John and the city hall. To this day, Zittau has never regained the prominence it held in the century between the end of the Thirty Years' War and the destruction of 23 July 1757. KRIEGER'S PREDECESSORS IN ZITTAU The most famous musician in Zittau's history, Andreas Hammerschmidt, served as organist of St. John from 1639 until his death in 1675. Hammerschmidt's and Krieger's periods of service in Zittau were similarly lengthy, which is in marked contrast to the short tenures o f the organists serving between them. Another striking parallel between Krieger and Hammerschmidt is a long working relationship with their respective Zittau cantors, for in both cases the organists and cantors were in office together for most of their careers. The cantor Simon Crusius (1607-78) worked in Zittau from 1629 to 1678, both preceding and outliving Hammerschmidt. Michael Zieger began his position as cantor in 1682, the same year as Krieger's arrival, and both Zieger and Krieger worked in Zittau until their deaths in 1735. Therefore, Zittau was fortunate to have a great deal of stability in its musical leadership, which helped it weather the trials of the Thirty Years' War and the following 2 1 Erich Prowig, "Zittau in alten Zeiten," in Zittau: Siidliche Oberlausitz: Historie, Heimat, Humor, Die Grime Reihe (Konigstein/Taunus: Ruth Gerig Verlag, [1991]), p. 63. 2 2 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:61-62, 403. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 67 period of recovery. The city was also fortunate to have the musical services of musicians of Hammerschmidt's and Krieger's stature for such long periods of time. After Hammerschmidt's long tenure, there was an unstable period, in which four different musicians (cantors and organists) worked in the span of only seven years between Hammerschmidt's death and Krieger's appointment. The following section will describe the organists and cantors in the forty-three years before Krieger.2 3 Andreas Hammerschmidt Andreas Hammerschmidt (1611/12-1675) was bom in Briix, Bohemia (now Most, Czech Republic) into a Protestant German household, but his family was forced to leave their home in 1626 due to their religious beliefs.2 4 They moved to Freiberg (near Dresden), where Hammerschmidt received his musical training, possibly from the organist Christoph Schreiber (c.1605-1639) and/or the cantors Christoph Demantius (1567-1643) and Stephan Otto (1603-56).2 5 After only a one-year position in Weesenstein, Saxony, Hammerschmidt was appointed in 1634 to the prestigious post of organist of St. Peter, the principal church in Freiberg. Schreiber had recently left this position when he was hired as organist of St. John in Zittau. Hammerschmidt worked in Freiberg for five years, but upon the premature death of Schreiber in Zittau, he became his successor there in 1639. 2 3 See appendix 8 for the Gymnasium and music leaders in Zittau from the year Crusius was hired (1629) until the year Krieger died (1735). 2 4 His father was born in Carthause near Zwickau, Saxony. For more information about Hammerschmidt's family, see Dr. Hammerschmidt, "Der Zittauer Komponist Andreas Hammerschmidt," Zittauer Geschichtsblatter Jg. 13, no. 2 (February 1936): 7-8. 2 5 John Brooks Howard, "The Latin Lutheran Mass o f the Mid-Seventeenth Century: A Study of Andreas Hammerschmidt's Missae (1663) and Lutheran Traditions of Mass Composition," 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., Bryn Mawr College, 1983), pp. 10-11. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6 8 Hammerschmidt's title in Zittau was organist of St. John, a position he held for the rest of his life. During his tenure there, he gained a reputation as one of the most prominent composers in Germany. In addition to his organ responsibilities, Hammerschmidt composed and accompanied vocal music, directed soloists from the Gymnasium choir, and led an instrumental ensemble drawn from the town musicians. His vast output of sacred vocal works points to a close working relationship with Crusius, Zittau's cantor, who was responsible for liturgical choral music in the Zittau churches. Until 1662, Hammerschmidt was the only organist in Zittau, and throughout his tenure he was the only person in the city entitled to give organ lessons.2 6 There is also archival evidence from Bautzen, Freiberg, and Gorlitz that he served as an organ consultant in those cities.2 7 Hammerschmidt published a great deal of music during his tenure in Zittau, over five hundred works in fourteen collections, mostly sacred vocal works in concertato style.2 8 Hammerschmidt's music could be easily performed in the average church with limited musical resources, an important consideration in the hard times of the Thirty Years' War. His music was very popular, and the collections were often printed in second editions, some even in third and fourth editions. Johann Beer, in his 1719 Musicalische Discurse, empha sized the popularity and wide dissemination of Hammerschmidt's music: "Hammerschmidt “ Saints Peter and Paul had been severely damaged in the Thirty Years' War and was not used for many years. After its restoration was completed in 1662, Johann Curth (d. 1692) moved to Zittau from Freiberg to serve as organist from 1662 until his death. See discussion below, p. 97. 2 7 Howard, Latin Lutheran Mass, p. 38. “His output also includes many chorale melodies, two of which ("Freuet euch, ihr Christen alle" and "Meinen Jesum lass ich nicht") were used by J. S. Bach in his cantatas ("Freuet euch" in BWV 40; "Meinen Jesum" in BWV 70, 98, 124, 154, 157, and 380). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 69 is also ... the one whose music is used in almost all the village churches up to the present time, which a thousand artists with their tricks and counterpoint have been unable to do."2 9 Beer's estimation can be supported today, in that Hammerschmidt's music is more prevalent in German archives than the works of most other seventeenth-century German composers.3 0 Hammerschmidt's success as a composer brought him great wealth, as well as respect from the Zittau townspeople. In 1656 he purchased a large house near St. John, and three years later he built a summer house directly outside the city walls. The house near the church is located on WeberstraUe (today #4), which in Hammerschmidt's time was a wealthy area.3 1 His summer house, also quite grand, is described in detail by Anton Tobias.3 2 Hammerschmidt became a citizen of Zittau, and the city council selected him to manage the affairs of the nearby village of Waltersdorf. This duty, unusual for a musician, indicates the 2 9 "[Hammerschmidt] ist auch ... derjenige, welcher die Musik fast in alien Dorff- Kirchen usgue in hunc diem, erhalten welches tausend Kunstler mit ihren Spriingen und contrafugen nicht zu thun vermogen." Johann Beer, Musicalische Discurse durch die Principia der Philosophie deducirt, und in gewisse Capitel eingetheilt, Deren Ihnalt nach der Vorrede zu finden, nebst einem Anhang von eben diesem Autore, genannt der Musicalische Krieg zwischen der Composition und der Harmonie (Nuremberg: Peter Conrad Monath, 1719; reprint, Leipzig: VEB Deutscher Verlag fur Musik, 1982), p. 72. The translation given here is from Harold Mueller, "The Musicalische Gesprache tiber die Evangelia of Andreas Hammerschmidt," 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., University o f Rochester, 1956), 1:1. 3 0 A good discussion of the widespread dissemination of Hammerschmidt's music and the many references to him by his contemporaries can be found in Jack Smith, The "Musicalische Andachten" of Andreas Hammerschmidt (Ann Arbor, Michigan: UMI, 1993), pp. 22-34. 3 1 Ingrid Seltmann, "Zittauer Burgerhauser," in Zittau/Sudliche Oberlausitz: Historie, Heimat, Humor, ed. Uwe Gerig, Die Grime Reihe (Konigstein: Ruth Gerig Verlag, [1991], 90. 3 2 Anton Tobias, "Andreas Hammerschmidt aus Briix, Componist und Organist in Zittau," Mittheilungen des Vereins fur Geschichte der Deutschen in Bohmen, Jg. 9, vol. 7-8 (1870): 2-3. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 70 respect he received for his business acumen.3 3 Even after his death, Hammerschmidt was revered by the people of Zittau; for example, Peschek's history of the city lists only the most important musicians in the city's history, and the entry for Hammerschmidt is longer than that of any other Zittau musician.3 4 Because Hammerschmidt raised the musical reputation of Zittau to such a high level, most of the subsequent organists in the city were better trained than the ones before his tenure. Moritz Edelmann After a year-long vacancy following Hammerschmidt's death, Moritz Edelmann (d. 1680) was selected as organist of St. John, beginning his work on the first Sunday of Advent in 1676.3 5 Born in Greifenburg, Silesia, not far from Zittau, his first position was as court organist in Torgau (1660-63), after which he was appointed organist of St. Ulrich in Halle. In 1672, he began playing in Halle's Church of Our Lady ( Unser-Lieben-Frauen- Kirche, Marienkirche, Marktkirche) and a year later became court organist for Duke August, working in both the Church of Our Lady and the Halle cathedral (Dorn)?6 In 1676 he left Halle for Zittau to become organist of St. John. There are several possible reasons why Edelmann made this move. David Pohle (1624-95), the Kapellmeister in Halle, had recently reorganized the court musical establishment, and the musicians were unhappy about the way 3 3 Paul Stobe, "Der Zittauer Organist Andreas Hammerschmidt," Gesellschaft fur Zittauer Geschichte l,n o . 1 (1900): 14-15. Hammerschmidt helped the village of Waltersdorf in musical matters, as well. According to Ernst Flade, Hammerschmidt built an organ at the church there in 1668. Ernst Flade, "Orgelbauerlexikon," [after 1953], p. 461, Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, RKZ-B-15. See figure 4 for the location of Waltersdorf, which is southwest of Zittau. 3 4 Peschek, Handbuch, 2:329. 3 S Carpzov, Analecta, 3:94. 3 6 Serauky, Musikgeschichte, pp. 277, 296-99. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 71 it had been handled.3 7 In addition, Edelmann received more autonomy in Zittau, especially since Hammerschmidt had made the position so prestigious. Lastly, Zittau was closer to Edelmann's birthplace. Unfortunately, Edelmann's tenure in Zittau was short, for he died only a few years later on 6 December 1680. His colleagues must have felt the loss of this young musician deeply; Weise, in a poem for Edelmann's funeral program, praised him highly and included him in a list of first-rate musicians, while the Zittau cantor Erhard Titius composed the Lied "Elend hat mich recht umfangen" for the funeral.3 8 In Zittau's music history, Edelmann is described by Peschek as one of the city's better-known musicians.3 9 Both the variety of positions he held during his life and his strength in many areas o f music point to a fine musician. Only a few of Edelmann's compositions survive; these include "Triumph, denn Jesu lebt" and "Lieber Herr Gott, wecke unB auff."4 0 The latter work, scored for bass, two violins, two violas, bassoon, and "continuo a doppio," was originally housed in the Grimma collection and then moved to Dresden after World War II.4 1 Edelmann also wrote incidental 3 7 Ibid., p. 235. 3 8 Erhard Titius, Des Seeligen Herrn Edelmanns ... Leichen-Text [“Elend hat mich recht umfangen”] (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1680); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zitt. 29a 62. Christian Weise, Die letzte Freundschafft ...Moritz Edelmann (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1680); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zitt. 29a 61. For the text o f Weise's poem, see also Richard Munnich, "Kuhnau's Leben," Sammelbdnde der Internationalen Musikgesellschaft 3 (1901-2): 525-26. 3 9 Peschek, Handbuch, 1:329. 4 0 Moritz Edelmann, "Triumph, denn Jesu lebt," Zwickau, Ratsschulbibliothek, Ms. 52, No. 42; Idem, "Lieber Herr Gott, wecke unB auff,", Dresden, Sachsische Landesbibliothek, Mus. 1708-E-500. See George Buelow, "Edelmann, Moritz," The New Grove II, 7:881; and Serauky, Musikgeschichte, p. 299. 4 1 Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 18, p. xiii) mentions that this piece is in Erlebach's inventory for Rudolstadt, but he mistakenly described it as lost. For a discussion of this inventory, see below, p. 329. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. music for some of Christian Weise's school plays, a practice later taken up by Johann Krieger.4 2 Contrary to reports by Buelow and others that this music is lost, some examples are indeed extant and are listed in RISM.4 3 Edelmann was also known as a theorist and teacher. His treatise Vom Gebrauch der Con- undDissonanzen was published in 1673, although no copies survive.4 4 Some evidence of his activity as a teacher is given by Mattheson, who lists Heinrich Stolzel (1657-1718) as one of Edelmann's students. Stolzel was later the father and teacher of the more famed composer Gottfried Heinrich Stolzel (1690-1749).4 5 Contrary to some accounts, it is unlikely that Edelmann taught the young Johann Kuhnau during his student days in Zittau, due to the short span of time between Kuhnau's arrival in the city and the date of Edelmann's death.4 6 Christoph Kratzer Just as the organist's post at St. John rapidly changed hands, a similar situation also occurred with the position of cantor. After Crusius' death in 1678, Christoph Kratzer 4 2 For a list of Edelmann's music for Zittau school plays, see DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxiii; and Dunnhaupt, Personalbibliographien, pp. 4207, 4210, 4214, and 4216. 4 3 RISME450-E456. The additions to the RISMcatalog published in 1986 are mostly new locations of Edelmann’s printed works, but they also include the aria “Zitta potentibus excita regibus,” which was not mentioned in the original RISM catalog. Moritz Edelmann, “Zitta potentibus excita regibus,” in Christian Weise, Curiose Gedancken von deutschen Versen ([Leipzig]: Johann Friedrich Gleditsch, 1693), pp. 432-36; reprint, German Baroque Literature, no. 1629 and 1629a, reel 581, New Haven, Conn.: Research Publications, 1969, microfilm (RISM EE 456c). 4 4 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 108. According to Munnich ("Kuhnau's Leben," 493), Edelmann's treatise is mentioned in Carl Ferdinand Becker, Systematisch chronologische Darstellung der musikalischen Literatur von der fruhesten bis aufdie neueste Zeit (Leipzig: R. Friese, 1836-39; reprint, Hilversum: Frits P. M. Knuf, 1964). 4 5 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 343. 4 6 Munnich, "Kuhnau's Leben," 494. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 73 (1645-94) worked as cantor for only two years before leaving Zittau to assume a pastorate in the nearby village of Eibau. Kratzer, an Exulant, was born in Neudorf, Bohemia in 1645 but received his early education in the Zittau Gymnasium. He then studied in Leipzig, eventually teaching at the Thomasschule from 1673 to 1677. On 4 June 1677 the Zittau city council appointed him as a teacher ("Collega Octavus") in the Zittau Gymnasium, and the following year he was promoted to cantor on 26 May 1678. But by August of 1680, he was serving as a substitute pastor in nearby Eibau, and by 1682 he was made full pastor there.4 7 No references to Kratzer as a composer have been found by this author, and none of his music is extant. Erhard Titius After Kratzer, the next Zittau cantor was Erhard Titius (1653-81), a better trained and more distinguished musician. Born on 14 April 1653 in Neustadt near Stolpen, Titius received his early musical training as a pupil in the Dresden Kreuzschule and as a student at the university in Leipzig.4 8 On 10 September 1680, he became Zittau's cantor and civic director of choral music (“Chori Musici Director”). He was the first person to receive the latter title, for even a musician as famous as Hammerschmidt was designated only as organist of St. John. After less than a year in Zittau, however, Titius died on 14 May 1681 at the young age of twenty-eight. His extant works are short strophic Lieder written for weddings, funerals and memorial services.4 9 This type of piece is also common among Johann Krieger's works. 4 7 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:114; and Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:99. 4 8 Ibid.; Miinnich, “Kuhnau’s Leben,” 502. Mattheson (Ehren-Pforte, p. 154) describes Titius as the Praefectus (top singer) at the Dreseden Kreuzschule. 4 9 For example, Titius wrote two arias ("Ach du hochbetribtes Sachsen" and "Gott lob es geht nun mehr zum Ende") that were performed at the memorial service for the Saxon Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 74 Johann Kuhnau The deaths in quick succession of Edelmann and Titius left Zittau without musical leadership, but the difficulties of this unusual situation were made manageable by two factors. First, the death of the elector Johann Georg II in October 1680 mandated a curtailment of normal music practices in Saxony.5 0 No instruments except the organ were heard in worship services, while all secular performances, including school plays, were banned.5 1 Second, Zittau was fortunate to have the services of Johann Kuhnau (1660-1722) as interim organist and cantor until permanent replacements could be found. Although Kuhnau was only twenty years old, he was quite capable of fulfilling these duties; his musical skills were great enough that only a few years later he was hired in Leipzig as the organist o f St. Thomas. elector Johann Georg II. These works were published in a program written by Zittau's rector: Christian Weise, M. G. Zittauische Andacht/ Bey dem Hochst-Seeligen Hintritt Des Durchlauchtigsten Chur-Furstens zu Sachsen Herrn Johann Georgens des Andern/ Durch etliche Lob- und Trauer-Reden/ Theils in der Kirche/ Theils hernach in dem Gymnasio, unterhanigst abgelegt (Dresden and Zittau: Johann Christoph Mieth and Michael Hartmann, 1681); (RISM F 1099, T 846). Besides the locations listed in this RISM entry, this program is also available in Halle, Wolfenbuttel, and Zittau (Christian-Weise-Bibliothek); see Dunnhaupt, Personalbibliographien, 6:4213. For the text of “Gottlob es geht nun mehr zum Ende” and a description of Titius' musical style, see Munnich, "Kuhnau's Eeben," 494-95. Several other Eieder by Titius are also located in the Christian-Weise-Bibliothek in Zittau (Zitt. 29a and Zitt. 29e). Fistings of Titius' works can be found in DTB, Jg. 18, p. xiii; and Reinhard Vollhardt, Geschichte der Cantoren und Organisten von den Stadten im Konigreich Sachsen (Berlin: Wilhelm Issleib, 1899; reprint, Frankfurt: C. F. Peters, 1978), pp. 345-46. 5 0 Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 18, p. xiii) mistakenly gives his death date as 22 August 1680. 5,Ibid. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 75 Johann Kuhnau was born into a Bohemian refugee (Exula.nl) family on 6 April 1660 in the town of Geising, close to Dresden and not far from the Bohemian border.5 2 He quickly showed promise in music and at age nine or ten was sent to Dresden for further schooling.5 3 By age eighteen he had received music training under most of the leading musicians in Dresden, including the court Kapellmeister Vincenzo Albrici. When an epidemic of plague hit Dresden in 1680, Kuhnau's parents insisted that he leave that city. He decided to continue his education in Zittau on the invitation o f Titius, who had also attended the Kreuzschule in Dresden.5 4 Kuhnau's decision to attend the Zittau Gymnasium was likely based on several factors. The city had a strong musical reputation due in large part to Hammerschmidt's fame. In addition, Kuhnau was likely attracted by the possibility of working with his friend Titius and the organist Edelmann, who were both excellent musicians. Lastly, the presence of rector Weise, who was known throughout Germany as a pedagogue and author, is likely to have drawn Kuhnau to Zittau. Weise's influence on Kuhnau can be seen from the myriad ways that the younger man later modeled his own novel, Der Musicalische Quack-salber (1700), on Weise's play Der politische Quacksalber (1684).5 5 For example, both books contain similar characters, settings, and scenes.5 6 5 2 Before Kuhnau's birth, his family had fled from their home in Graupen, Bohemia due to religious persecution. The first record of the family in Geising is from the year 1656. See Miinnich, "Kuhnau's Leben," 476-77. 5 3 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 154. 5 4 According to Mattheson, Titius and Kuhnau knew each other in Dresden. Ibid., p. 155. 5 5 Johann Kuhnau, Der musicalische Quack-Salber nicht alleine denen verstandigen Liebhabern der Music sondern auch alien andern welche in dieser Kunst keine sonderbahre Wissenschafft haben in einer kurtzweiligen und angenehmen Historie zur Lust und Ergetzligkeit beschrieben (Dresden, 1700; reprint as The Musical Charlatan, transl. James Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 76 The deaths of Edelmann and Titius shortly after Kuhnau's arrival were surely a severe blow to the young musician. But the loss of these teachers gave Kuhnau the unexpected opportunity to take on duties seldom granted to a Gymnasium pupil. He took over the musical activities of the cantor, which indicates that he was the Praefectus, or first singer in the choir. In addition, he played the organ, which was unusual for Germany since the duties of cantor and organist were seldom carried out by the same person. Kuhnau acted as Zittau's interim cantor and organist until Johann Krieger's arrival in March 1682.5 7 During Kuhnau's time as interim organist and cantor, he also composed music, which was usually intended for specific events in the city. For the funeral of his teacher Titius, he composed a motet on a text by Weise based on Isaiah 40:31. This work is his earliest surviving composition and also the only religious vocal music by Kuhnau that was published during his lifetime.5 8 In the spring of 1682, Kuhnau composed incidental music Hardin, Columbia, S.C.: Camden House, 1997). In 1684, Weise's play Der politsche Quacksalber was performed in Zittau with incidental music by Krieger (two arias survive in NmE). The play was also published: Christian Weise, Politische Academicus, Das ist: Kurtze Nachricht wie ein zukunftiger Politicos seine Zeit und Geld auff der Universitat wohl anwenden konne (Amsterdam: Adam Regenfarb, 1684). 5 6 A discussion of the similarities between the novels by Weise and Kuhnau can be found in Kurt Benndorf, foreword to Der Musicalische Quack-Salber von Johann Kuhnau (1700), Deutsche Litteraturdenkmale des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts (Berlin: B. Behr's Verlag, 1900), pp. xiii-xiv, 267-71. 5 7 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 155. S 8 Johann Kuhnau, Des seeligen (tit.) Herm Erhard Titii bey Zittauischen Gymnasio wolmeritirten Collegae ["Ach Gott, wie lastu mich erstarren"] so dann auch wolbeliebten Directoris bey dem Choro musico, selbsterwehlter Leichen-Text aus Esa XL. vers. 31 (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1681); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zitt. 29a (RISMKK 2999a); reprint, Sebastian Kniipfer, Johann Schelle, Johann Kuhnau, Ausgewdhlte Kirchenkantaten, ed. Arnold Schering and Hans Joachim Moser, 2d. ed., DDT, series 1, vols. 58/59 (Wiesbaden: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1957). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 77 for some school plays by Weise, but unfortunately this music is lost.5 9 There is also some evidence that Kuhnau might have written keyboard music during his time in Zittau.6 0 In the summer of 1681, Kuhnau was asked by Weise to write and conduct a work for the yearly worship service following the election of the city council. According to Mattheson, Kuhnau wrote and directed a motet based on Psalm 20 for two choirs without instrumental accompaniment.6 1 Unfortunately, neither the music nor the program is extant. Some authors feel that this motet was performed in August of 1682. Mattheson, however, states that the piece was unaccompanied due to the restriction on instrumental music during the mourning period following elector Johann Georg II's death in October 1680. The customary period of restricted musical activity in Zittau was normally one year, as mentioned in an early eighteenth-century Zittau document related to the choir.6 2 In any case, the restriction on music was definitely completed sometime before February o f 1682, when several school plays were performed. Therefore, the music for city elections in the summer of 1682 had no restrictions on the use of instruments. In addition, the program for the 1682 worship service is extant, and the musical work that was performed that day is based on Psalm 85, a different psalm than the one that Kuhnau set.6 3 5 9 These three school plays are listed in DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxiii; and Miinnich, "Kuhnau's Leben," 498. Kuhnau did not write music for school plays in the spring of 1681 because they were cancelled due to the mourning period for the elector. “Friedrich Wilhelm Riedel, "Kuhnau, Johann," MGG I, 7:1884. There is a question of attribution with a keyboard work that Kuhnau may have written in Zittau; one of the sources of this work gives Johann Krieger as the composer. See Riedel, Quellenkundliche Beitrdge, p. 172. 6 1 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 155. 6 2 "Leges,"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:250. 63C r /iickwunschende Worte An Der mit Gott glucklich gehaltenen Raths-Wahl in Zittau Den 20. Aug. M D C LXXXII. Zu der gewdhnlichen Kirchen-Musick gewidment und Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 78 According to Mattheson, the city council was so pleased with Kuhnau's music for the 1681 election that they granted him a portion of the organist salary.6 4 According to Zittau city records, no regular payment was made for an organist during the second half of 1681 or the first quarter of 1682.6 5 But on 13 April 1682, Weise received a reimbursement that covered both music purchases and a payment to Kuhnau for his services as organist (25 rtl.).6 6 The amount of Kuhnau's payment equaled the full quarterly salary for organist. Krieger and Kuhnau became acquainted in Zittau before Kuhnau left for university studies in Leipzig. Krieger was in Zittau by 5 April 1682, the date that his music was first heard in St. John, and a payment was made to Kuhnau on 13 April 1682, as described above.6 7 But according to Mattheson, Kuhnau probably did not leave for Leipzig until the ubergeben ([Zittau]: Michael Hartmann, 1682); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zitt. 29e. 6 4 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 155. 6 5 "Raytung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 2 (1681):47, 3 (1682):19, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 47 (Fach M). 6 6 Ibid., 3:6. 6 7 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:95. Interestingly, Weise himself helped with the preparations for the 5 April 1682 worship service. An entry in the church records for St. John shows that Weise was reimbursed one day earlier (4 April) for various musical materials ("unterschiedliche Musicalische Sachen") due to the lack of a civic director o f choral music ("Vacanz des Directoris Musici"). "Raytung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 3 (1682):5, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 47 (Fach M). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 79 summer o f 1682.6 8 The time that Krieger and Kuhnau shared in Zittau laid a foundation for a friendship that lasted many years.6 9 Kuhnau spent the rest o f his life in Leipzig, eventually becoming the leading musician of the city. He was J. S. Bach's direct predecessor as cantor o f St. Thomas and also an accomplished scholar in several fields outside music. Kuhnau's time in Zittau involved unusual responsibilities and opportunities for such a young person to perform, conduct and compose, which helped prepare him for his later musical accomplishments in Leipzig. In addition, the excellent general education at the Zittau Gymnasium under Weise aided Kuhnau in his many extramusical activities as lawyer, philosopher and linguist. CHURCHES IN ZITTAU During the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, there were eight church buildings in Zittau. Besides the two main churches (Stadtkirchen), St. John and Saints Peter and Paul, three churches were used for burials, two were connected to institutions (hospital and orphanage), and one was used for immigrants from Bohemia.7 0 Krieger was the organist of St. John throughout his tenure in Zittau, and he also played at Saints Peter and Paul for many years. There is no record of his involvement with music for the other six churches, and no regular organists were employed in them in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth 6 8 Mattheson {Ehren-Pforte, p. 156) states that Kuhnau spent 1-1/2 years in Zittau. Since he arrived in the autumn of 1680, he probably left the city in the summer of 1682. The first record of Kuhnau in Leipzig is on 26 September 1682, when he completed an audition for the position as organist of St. Thomas. See Miinnich, “Kuhnau’s Leben,” 504. “Evidence of their correspondence can be found in Mattheson, Das Beschiitze Orchestre, p. 16. 7 0 Extensive discussion of each of Zittau's churches can be found in Carpzov, Analecta, l:44f; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:48-140; Erich Prowig, "Zittauer Kirchen," in Gerig, Zittau, pp. 93-114; and Cornelius Gurlitt, Zittau (Stadt), Beschreibende Darstellung der alteren Bau- und Kunstdenkmaler des Konigreichs Sachsen, vol. 30 (Dresden: C. C. Meinhold & Sohne, 1907), pp. 1-78. Gurlitt's book includes many photos, drawings and floorplans. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 80 centuries.7 1 These churches, however, played an integral part in the religious life of Zittau's inhabitants, especially for occasional services such as funerals. These worship services and the sacred music that accompanied them are discussed below. Four of Zittau's churches are visible in figure 6: St. John, with its two identical towers, occupies the center o f the city, while Saints Peter and Paul lies behind St. John and a little to the left. Church of the Cross and Trinity Church are both located outside the city walls, with the former directly behind St. John and the latter to the far left of the image.7 2 v— r-.-< t / s ? Figure 6. Zittau before its Destruction in 1757. Source: Watercolor by Wilhelm Frohlich (1917) after a photograph by Johann Beyer of a model of Zittau. Reprinted, by permission, from the Zittau Stadtmuseum (Inventar-Nummer 5.255/61). 7 1 Neither Carpzov nor Pescheck mention organists for the six minor churches in their lists of Zittau musicians. See Carpzov, Analecta, 3:94-95; Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:764. 7 2 A model of Zittau (built 1900-1904), which portrays the city as it appeared in the late Middle Ages, is permanently on display in the city museum (Stadtmuseum) in Zittau. All of the major buildings and city walls in this model were in existence during Krieger's time in Zittau. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. St. John Church (Johanniskirche) St. John is the primary church in Zittau and was in all likelihood the first congregation founded in the city.7 3 The first recorded mention of St. John comes from 1291, but the church was already old at that time.7 4 The building's location in the center of Zittau points to its placement there around 1238, the same time the city was built. For most of its pre-Reformation history, St. John belonged to the archdiocese of Prague. The church was closely connected to the Johanniter order (also known as the Kreuzherren, Knights of Rhodes, Maltese order and Knights of Malta). This group was based first in Rhodes and after 1530 in Malta, and their work supported Christianity in the Holy Land. They maintained local chapters in much of Europe, and the first mention of a Zittau branch (Kommende) comes from 1238, very early in the city's history.7 5 The clergy of St. John were all members of the Johanniter, with the leader of the order (Commendator or Comthur) usually serving as the head pastor of the church. After 1352, the Johanniter were also given oversight of the city's school. St. John is most likely named for both John the Baptist and John the Evangelist. Carpzov mentions them as the church's patrons, and images o f both saints appeared on the south doors of the pre-1757 structure. But Pescheck states that an old papal document 7 3 Extensive information about the pre-1757 history of this church can be found in Carpzov, Analecta, 1:44-86; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:48-89; and Gurlitt, Zittau, pp. 1-7. The entry on St. John inZedler's encyclopedia ("Zittau," in Grosses Universal Lexicon, 62:1619- 35) is an abbreviated version of pp. 44-66 of Carpzov's account. Selected topics about St. John can also be found in Willy Vetter, ed., Die Johanniskirche in Zittau: Festschrift zum 100 jahrigen Bestehen ihres Baues am 23. Juli 1937 (Zittau: Werner Klotz, 1937). 7 4 Carpzov (Analecta, 1:45-46) gives the text of the 1291 document. There is evidence that St. John may have been founded before 1109, but this view is disputed by some scholars. See Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:48-49 and Erich Prowig, "Die Petri-Pauli-Kirche zu Zittau: Ein Beitrag zu ihrer Baugeschichte" (Zittau: Pfarramt, 1983), p. 1. 7 5 J. Prochno, "Die Johanniskirche in Katholischer Zeit," in Vetter, Die Johanniskirche, 8. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 82 mentions John the Baptist as the church's patron saint, not John the Evangelist.7 6 Lists of feasts from Hammerschmidt's and Krieger's tenures include John the Baptist but not John the Evangelist.7 7 Also, the patron saint for the Knights of Malta across all of Europe was John the Baptist. In the late fifteenth century, the existing structure of the church was expanded to the rectangular shape that it held in Krieger's time (see figure 7).7 8 The fafade of the church, as it appeared before the building's destruction in 1757, can be seen in figure 8. The north tower was completed in 1704, and Johann Krieger was very likely involved with ceremonies celebrating its dedication, for his name appeared on two plaques made to commemorate the towers.7 9 Reformation History When the Reformation swept Saxony in the early sixteenth century, Zittau was very early to join the new movement. In fact, Zittau embraced Protestantism in 1521, which was much earlier than most of its neighboring cities, including Gorlitz (1525), Lauban (1525) and Bautzen (1527).8 0 Zittau's location in Bohemia, the home of John Hus's followers, may help 7 6 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:54-55; Gurlitt, Zittau, 3; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:52. Pescheck does not specify any further information to identity this document, which was not found by this author. 7 7 Mueller, "The Musicalische Gesprache," 1:157; "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 3v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). 7 8 Further discussion of the building's interior is given below, p. 104, in connection with St. John's organs. 7 9 Carpzov (Analecta, 1:51-52) gives the text of these two plaques. 8 0 Today Lauban is the Polish city of Luban. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 83 W % * *9 Figure 7. Floorplan of St. John Church before its Destruction in 1757. Source: Gurlitt, Zittau, p. 1. *ai as* ST « i f i Figure 8. St. John Church (1706-57). Source: Vetter, Die Johanniskirche, p. 22. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 84 explain the speed with which the city broke with tradition. They were surely aided, as well, by the vacuum of power created by a vacancy at that time in the Prague archbishopric.8 1 The first Protestant clergyman in Zittau, Lorenz Heidenreich (1480-1557), was installed as a Lutheran pastor (Prediger) in 1521, only four years after Martin Luther's posting o f the ninety-nine theses in Wittenberg. Zittau's historians still date the city's Reformation to Heidenreich's installation in 1521, as can be seen by the anniversary of the event celebrated in 1721 during Krieger's tenure. Following the Reformation in Zittau in 1521, the Johanniter spent decades resisting their loss o f power. Therefore, Zittau's change from a Roman Catholic to a Protestant city occurred gradually during the next half-century. Over time, the members of the Roman Catholic orders decreased in number through attrition, and the orders were eventually dissolved. Mass was sung less and less frequently. The vernacular was slowly added to church services, and more importance was placed on Bible study and preaching. The increased emphasis on the sermon prompted the addition of pews and balconies, with men and women seated separately: When people, however, with the ensuing Lutheran Reformation began to esteem the hearing of God's word more than the papal offering of mass, the church was filled over a period of time with many pews for men and women, also balconies on the walls were erected everywhere.8 2 8 1 "Zittau," in Grosses Universal Lexicon, 62:1618. 8 2 "Nachdem man aber bei erfolgter Reformation Lutheri die Anhorung gottliches Worts hoher, als das Pabstische MelJ-Opffer zu achten angefangen, ist die Kirche nach und nach mit vielen Stuhlen vor Manns und Weibes Personen erfullet, auch sind an denen Wanden allenthalben Emporkirchen aufgefuhret worden." Carpzov, Analecta, 1:61. For further information about pews in St. John, see also Carl Gottlob Morawek, Die Kirche zu St. Petri und Pauli in Zittau nebst Nachrichten iiber das sonst dabei befindliche Franziskanerkloster: Geschichtliche Erinnerungsblatter aus dem kirchlichen Leben der Stadt (Zittau: Carl Gottlob Morawek, 1882), p. 50, n. 1. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 85 The change to Lutheranism was completed in 1571 when the Johanniter sold their land and buildings, including St. John and the Gymnasium. With this action, they also surrendered their remaining jurisdiction over church and school administration in the city.8 3 In 1635, when Zittau became part of Saxony, the political allegiance of the city shifted from Prague to Dresden. Now Zittau's denominational affiliation was finally in harmony with the church practice of its regional political rulers. Saxony, the birthplace of the Reformation, became the leading center of Lutheran orthodoxy in the seventeenth century. Its two major universities in Wittenberg and Leipzig were known for their emphasis on doctrinal purity. Zittau, like most other cities in Saxony, was a strong proponent of orthodoxy. For example, Leipzig was the favored university for the vast majority of Zittau's Gymnasium graduates who chose to further their studies.8 4 Weise studied in Leipzig, as did several of the city's prominent musicians: Kratzer, Titius, Gottfried Paul (d. 1708), Christian Vogel (1665-98), Zieger, Carl Hartwig (1709-50), and Johann Trier (1716-90). From 1680 until 1735, half of the teachers in the Gymnasium held master's (Magister) degrees, which were granted mostly from the universities in Leipzig and Wittenberg. In the late seventeenth century, the reform movement of pietism began to influence Germany, including the area near Zittau. The presence of pietistic ideas in Zittau is documented in many sources due to the clergy's fierce resistance to it. For example, in 1692 8 3 Pescheck, Handbuch, l:350ff. The history of the Reformation in Zittau is also documented in Carpzov, Analecta, 3:23-27; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:402-3; and E. A. Seeliger and J. Prochno, "Die Reformationszeit in Zittau," in Vetter, Die Johanniskirche, p p . 1 6 - 2 1 . 8 4 Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:128, n.l; Max Gondolatsch,"Die musikalischen Beziehungen zwischen Leipzig und der Oberlausitz," Zeitschriftfur Musikwissenschaft 8, Jg. 9 (May 1927): 450; Otto Kaemmel, Christian Weise: Ein Sachsischer Gymnasialrektor aus der Reformzeit des 17. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1897), p. 40. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8 6 the Zittau schools obtained hundreds of copies of Luther's Kleiner Katechismus for the Zittau schools in order to counter pietist teachings: People tried now (1692), indeed, to counteract pietism and zealously taught the 1688 Dresden Catechism, introduced by the upper consistory and accepted by the Lusatian provincial diet, of which the [Zittau] city council had distributed hundreds of copies in the schools.8 5 A city chronicle of the same year also indicates the strong distrust felt by the city's leaders towards pietism: Both the governor's and the city councils' painstaking care would scarcely be sufficient to dampen the misunderstandings concerning orthodoxy; one cannot praise God's goodness enough, that he has by his mercy protected the Zittau clergy and their trusted listeners [church members] from such soul- destroying innovations.8 6 A similar passage also appears in Carpzov's Analecta, describing the Zittau clergy preaching against pietism from the pulpit.8 7 8 5 "Man suchte namlich jetzt (1692) dem Pietismus entgegenzuarbeiten und lehrte eifrigst den 1688 vom Oberconsistorium eingeflihrten und von den Lausitzer Landstanden angenommenen Dresdener Katechismus, von dem der Stadtrath in den Schulen Hunderte von Exemplaren vertheilen lieB." Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:415. The book mentioned in this passage is Martin Luther, Kleiner katechismus, auf churfl. durchl. zu Sachsen gnadigsten befehl, vom ministerio zum h. creutz in Dressden, durch frag und antwort erlautert, auch mit angefuhrten spruchen Heil. Schrift bekraftiget, und nach vorhergegangener des Kirchen- raths und Oberconsistorii auch beyder theol. facultaten in Leipzig und Wittenberg censur und approbation, in kirchen und schulen zum allgemeinen gebrauch eingefuhret und von druckfehlern gesaubert (Dresden and Leipzig: C. G. Hilscher, 1688). The "Dresden Catechism" was still part of the Gymnasium's curriculum in 1710. See Gottfried Hoffmann, Catalogus lectionum et operarum tarn publicarum quam privatarum in Gymnasio Zittaviensi (Zittau, 1710), Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:58. This 1710 curriculum contains an abbreviated appendix in German for the parents who could not read Latin. 8 S "Sowohl des Landeshauptmanns, als der Rathe in den Stadten sorgfaltige Vorsicht wollte kaum hinlanglich sein, die wegen der Orthodoxie entstandenen MiBverstandnisse zu dampfen; man kann Gottes Giite nicht genug preisen, dafi er das Zittauische Ministerium und die ihnen vertrauten Zuhorer vor solchen seelenverderblichen Neuerungen in Gnaden behiitet hat." "Chron. Haupt. A," quoted in Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:424-25. 8 7 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:45. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 87 The Carpzov Family and Orthodoxy The author of the Analecta, Johann Benedict Carpzov (1675-1739), was a highly respected public figure in Zittau who served as city trustee (Stadtsyndikus), mayor, lecturer in mathematics, and city historian.8 8 He came from an extended family o f orthodox theologians. In the early seventeenth century, Benedict Carpzov (d. 1624) served on the university faculty in Wittenberg, and his son, also named Benedict Carpzov (1595-1666), taught church law in Leipzig.8 9 Several Carpzovs served as clergy of St. Thomas in Leipzig, starting with Johann Benedict Carpzov I (1607-57). Three of his sons became prominent figures in the orthodox movement of the late seventeenth century: Johann Benedict Carpzov II, Friedrich Benedict Carpzov, and Samuel Benedict Carpzov. Each of these brothers had ties to Zittau in the late seventeenth century, which gives further credence to the city's reputation as a center of orthodoxy. Johann Benedict Carpzov II (1639-99) taught on the theology faculty at the university in Leipzig. Weise studied with both him and Valentin Alberti in the 1660s and later in life maintained connections with his former teachers, still known for their orthodoxy.9 0 Earlier in his life, Carpzov had been sympathetic to the reform ideas of pietism, which were promoted by his friend Philipp Jakob Spener (1635-1705).9 1 But by the 1690s, Carpzov was the dominant force on the theology faculty at a time when they strongly repudiated pietism. In 1690, Carpzov showed his opposition to the movement when he 8 8 For more information on J. B. Carpzov, see Pescheck, Handbuch, l:vi, 555, 645-46. 8 9 "Carpzov," Brockhaus Enzyklopadie, 17th ed., 20 vols. (Wiesbaden: F. A. Brockhaus, 1967), 3:620. "Kaemmel, Christian Weise, pp. 14-15; Hans Leube, Orthodoxie undPietismus (Bielefeld: Luther Verlag, 1975), p. 166. 9 1 Ibid. The two men had studied together in Strasbourg. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8 8 participated in the removal of August Hermann Francke from Leipzig for his pietistic activities. Francke (1663-1727) went on to become the leader of the pietist movement, teaching on the faculty in Halle and founding several educational and charitable institutions there that were widely imitated elsewhere. Like his brother, Friedrich Benedict Carpzov (1649-99) also maintained correspondence with Christian Weise. Carpzov served as the editor of Acta eruditorum, which was founded in 1682 as the first German journal of science, and Weise wrote to him in his capacity as editor.9 2 Carpzov's ties to Zittau can also be seen from the gifts of rare books that he made to the Zittau library.9 3 F. B. Carpzov was more open to pietism than his brother, J. B. Carpzov II; in 1699 he visited Francke in Halle and later allowed his daughter to study there.9 4 Samuel Benedict Carpzov (1647-1707) served as superintendent in Dresden starting in 1681. He was eventually promoted to the position of head court preacher (Oberhofsprediger). At first he was in agreement with Spener and recommended him in 1686 for an appointment in Dresden as court preacher. But by 1690, his opinion of Spener had changed, and he actively sought his removal.9 5 S. B. Carpzov married the daughter o f a 9 2 Kaemmel, Christian Weise, p. 63. 9 3 Johann Gottfried Kneschke, Geschichte und Merkwiirdigkeiten der Ratsbibliothek in Zittau. (Zittau and Leipzig: J. D. Schops, 1811), pp. 20, 24. 9 4 Leube, Orthodoxie, p. 229. F. B. Carpzov's son, Johann Gottlob (d. 1767), was a staunch defender of orthodoxy. He served on the Leipzig theological faculty and was archdeacon of St. Thomas in the first years of J. S. Bach's tenure as cantor. Bach chose Johann Gottlob's daughter as a godparent for one of his children. In 1730, Johann Gottlob Carpzov moved to Liibeck, where he was known for his strong resistance to pietism. Robin Leaver, "Bach and Pietism: Similarities Today," Concordia Theological Quarterly 55, no. 1 (January 1991): 14. 9 5 Leube, Orthodoxie, pp. 214-15. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 89 Wittenberg professor, and their son Johann Benedict Carpzov, the later author of the Analecta, moved to Zittau in 1702. Weifienfels and Orthodoxy The prevailing orthodox beliefs of these influential men and the Zittau leadership were not the only way in which this movement touched Krieger. Throughout most of his life, he maintained strong ties with his brother in WeiBenfels, where two very strong proponents of orthodoxy, Johann Beer and Erdmann Neumeister, were based. Both of these men worked closely with Johann Phillip Krieger, so it is highly likely that their ideas were well known to Johann Krieger, as well. Johann Beer (1655-1700) worked in many capacities at the WeiBenfels court, such as concertmaster, singer (alto), and librarian to the duke. He was also well known as a novelist and polemical writer. In the 1690s, he engaged in a strong conflict with the pietist Gottfried Vockerodt (1665-1717) of Gotha over the proper role of music and theater in a school curriculum. While Vockerodt's points are too detailed to be outlined here, in summary he felt that too much emphasis on music and especially theater could be detrimental to the moral character of young people. Many orthodox writers refuted Vockerodt and defended the intrinsic value of the arts, but Beer's several tracts were the most direct responses to Vockerodt’s arguments.9 6 Beer and Johann Philipp were close 9 6 The best-known response to Vockerodt was Johann Beer, Ursus murmurat (the bear growls) (Weimar: J. A. Mutzern, 1697). For further discussion of the Vockerodt controversy, see Joyce Irwin, Neither Voice nor Heart Alone: German Lutheran theology in the age o f the Baroque, American University Studies, series 7, vol. 132: Theology and Religion (New York: Lang, 1993), pp. 119-24. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 90 enough colleagues that Beer wrote a composition on the occasion of Johann Philipp's wedding.9 7 Johann Philipp also worked closely with the orthodox pastor Erdmann Neumeister (1671-1756), who served as court deacon from 1704 to 1706 and was then promoted to court preacher. Neumeister wrote librettos for operas in WeiBenfels, but he is best known for his cantata texts.9 8 While J. S. Bach's use of Neumeister's texts is well known, it was Johann Philipp who was his earliest important collaborator and provided the first musical settings of many of Neumeister's cantata texts. In 1715, Neumeister became pastor of St. Jacob Church in Hamburg, where he staunchly opposed pietism until his death in 1756. Many of his publications were polemical writings against pietism, and his cantata texts were in turn criticized by pietists as being too secular.9 9 Pietism Despite Johann's Krieger's ties to orthodoxy through his brother in WeiBenfels and the strong support for orthodoxy from the city leaders and clergy in Zittau, the composer was also exposed to the ideas of pietism. He worked closely with Weise, who corresponded a great deal with people of various religious backgrounds, including orthodox and pietist, Protestant and Roman Catholic, and Christian and non-Christian. Some of Weise's letters to "Johann Nicolaus Forkel, Allgemeine Litteratur der Musik oder Anleitung zur Kenntnifi musikalischer Bucher, welche von den altesten bifi auf die neusten Zeiten bei den Griechen, Romern und den meisten neuern europaischen Nationen sind geschrieben worden (Leipzig: Schwickertschen Yerlage, 1792; reprint, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1962), p. 472. See also Werner, Stixdtische Musikpflege ... Weissenfels, p. 80. 9 8 Brockpahler, Handbuch, p. 373. "Interestingly, the secularization of church music was condemned by some orthodox musicians, as well, because it minimized the distinctions between sacred and secular musical styles. Irwin, Neither Voice, pp. 127-29. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 91 pietists indicate criticism of their ideas, but he also took the time to visit personally with Spener in Dresden.1 0 0 One of Weise's favorite students, Paul Anton (1661-1730), was a leader in the pietist movement, and the two men corresponded on a regular basis. Christian Weise also worked closely with Johann Jacob von Hartig (1639-1718), a scholar and long time government official in Zittau, who is known to have followed the pietism controversy.1 0 1 Weise himself does not appear to have taken a strong stand for either pietism or orthodoxy, but he did actively seek out the opinions of both sides.1 0 2 Gottfried Hoffmann (1658-1712), who in 1708 succeeded Weise as director of the Gymnasium, came to Zittau from Lauban, which was also the home of pietist Johann Muscovius (1635-95). Muscovius, head pastor and inspector in Lauban, wrote the pamphlet Bestraffter Mifibrauch der Kirchen-Music (1694), which criticized elaborate church music and advocated its simplification so the common person could better understand it.1 0 3 According to Gartner, Hoffmann did not espouse the hard stand o f Muscovius, but the tenets o f pietism did have some influence on his pedagogical philosophy.1 0 4 Hunigen, on the other 1 0 0 Gerhard Arnhardt, "Der Zittauer Rektor Christian Weise (1642-1708): Anmerkungen zur Bestimmung der historischen GroBe des Padagogen anlaBlich seines 350. Geburtstags," in Behnke, Christian Weise, 175; Siegfried Wollgast, "Ehrenfried Walther von Tschirnhaus und Christian Weise— eine Freundschaft," in Behnke, Christian Weise, 108. 1 0 1 Ibid., 105. See further discussion of Hartig below, p. 210. i°2 For further discussion of Weise's views on pietism and orthodoxy, see Hirsch, Biirgertum und Baroque, pp. 48-49; and Wollgast, "Ehrenfried Walther," 109. 1 0 3 Johann Muscovius, Bestraffter Mifibrauch der Kirchen-Music und Kirchhofe aus Gottes Wort zur Warnung und Besserung vorgestellet ([Lauban], 1694). For more information on Muscovius' pietist views, see Irwin, Neither Voice, pp. 105-6, 110-11; and John Butt, Music Education and the art o f performance in the German Baroque (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 26. 1 0 4 Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:1, n.l. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 92 hand, felt that Hoffmann was strongly influenced by pietism, emphasizing practical activities such as Bible reading and prayer, for example.1 0 5 Another source of pietist influence on Zittau was the establishment in 1722 of the Moravian settlement of Herrnhut only ten miles to the north.1 0 6 While the actual founding of the colony occurred too late in Krieger's lifetime to affect him directly, the openness to pietism of the local nobility may have had some affect on Zittau in the preceding years. The founder of Herrnhut and the Renewed Moravian Church was Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-60).1 0 7 He was bom in Dresden into a Protestant family with ancient roots in the Austrian nobility. Zinzendorf s grandfather had left Vienna in 1663 to avoid forced conversion to Roman Catholicism. He settled in the Nuremberg area where many other exiled Austrian nobility also lived.1 0 8 Zinzendorf s father was an advisor at the Saxon court in Dresden, where he became a close personal friend of Spener, who was later named Zinzendorf s godfather. Only a few weeks after Zinzendorf s birth, his father died, and his mother eventually took the child to live on her family's estate in GroBhennersdorf, only seven miles north of Zittau. In 1704, his mother married a Prussian officer who shared her pietist beliefs, and she moved with him to Berlin. She left her young son in 1 0 5 E. Hiinigen, "Der Religionsunterricht am Zittauer Gymnasium im Zeitalter des Pietismus: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Pietismus," Neues lausitzisches Magazin 93 (1917): 77-115, 132-37. 1 0 6 See figure 4 for the location of Herrnhut and GroBhennersdorf (north o f Zittau), which were important towns in the history of the Renewed Moravian Church. 1 0 7 For information on Zinzendorf s family and early childhood, see John Weinlick, Count Zinzendorf (New York: Abingdon Press, 1956), pp. 13-22; and Erich Beyreuther, Der Junge Zinzendorf (Marburg: Francke-Buchhandlung, 1957), pp. 9-82. For a discussion of pietism in Upper Lusatia, see Dietrich Meyer, "Zinzendorf und Herrnhut," in Der Pietismus im achtzehten Jahrhundert, eds. Martin Brecht and Klaus Deppermann, Geschichte der Pietismus, vol. 2 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995): 5-8. 1 0 8 Interestingly, Johann Krieger grew up in Nuremberg in these same years. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 93 GroBhennersdorf in the care of his widowed maternal grandmother, Baroness Henriette Katharina von Gersdorf (1648-1726). This highly educated and influential woman possessed a knowledge of many languages, including Italian, French, Latin, Hebrew, Greek, Syrian and Aramaic, and was also an artist, musician, and published poet and hymnwriter.1 0 9 She and her former husband had also been close friends of Spener during the late 1680s when all three lived in Dresden. After moving to GroBhennersdorf in 1703, the baroness maintained close ties with the leaders of the pietist movement, including Spener, Francke, and Anton, all of whom were frequent guests at her castle there. She and her family were strong supporters of Francke's pietist institutions in Halle. Zinzendorf lived in GroBhennersdorf until the age of ten, when he was sent to Halle to further his education under Francke. In 1721, the baroness sold the estate of Berthelsdorf, which was located close to GroBhennersdorf, to her grandson. Zinzendorf gave asylum in Berthelsdorf to a small band of Bohemian Brethren who had fled religious persecution in Moravia, and they established a village named Herrnhut on the Berthelsdorf estate. Eventually this small pietist community grew to become the worldwide center of the Renewed Moravian Church. Its development was aided by the Saxon policy of giving noblemen such as Zinzendorf a great deal of freedom to choose pastors for churches on their lands.1 1 0 In Zittau, there was great mistrust of this community. For example, Pescheck notes in his account of women's history in Zittau that pietism was not popular there, even though Herrnhut was close by and many other women of the eighteenth century found the 1 0 9 A short discussion of her hymns can be found in Reinhard Zollner, Das deutsche Kirchenlied in der Oberlausitz (Dresden: Konigl. Hofbuchhandlung von Hermann Burdach, 1871), pp. 81-82. U 0 Meyer, "Zinzendorf," 7-8. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 94 movement of great interest.1 " In 1725, the Zittau authorities forced many Bohemian inhabitants of the city to leave, and they moved north to live near GroBhennersdorf and Herrnhut, which strengthened the numbers of the fledgling pietist church.1 1 2 Pescheck also relates the story of a Zittau man who was banished from the city in the 1720s because he had joined the Herrnhut community.1 1 3 Zittau was not alone in persecuting the Herrnhut inhabitants; in 1736, the Saxon authorities asked Zinzendorf himself to leave the country, and he remained exiled until 1747.1 1 4 Despite the hostility in Zittau to pietism, the director of the Gymnasium in the 1720s and 1730s supported the movement's ideals. Gottfried Polykarp Muller (1684-1747) was highly respected in Zittau, but in 1738 he resigned from his post due to criticism by the city leaders and clergy of his religious beliefs. Muller was no newcomer to pietism; in 1705, long before his tenure in Zittau, he had traveled to Holland to study with pietists. Later, while he was the director of the Zittau Gymnasium, his wife became involved with the Herrnhut community.1 1 5 In 1740, only two years after leaving Zittau, Muller's commitment to the Reformed Moravian Church was demonstrated by his acceptance o f a call to become one o f their bishops.1 1 6 Despite the controversy in Zittau surrounding Muller, he was still 1 1 ’Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:727. 1 1 2 Ibid„ 1:294. 1 1 3 Ibid., 1:425. 1 "Martin Geek, "Brudergemeinen," MGGII, Sachteil 2:174. 1 I 5 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:425,555. 1 1 6 Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:65. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 95 highly respected in the city. This esteem was shared by the Krieger family, who asked Muller to write the funeral program for Johann Krieger when he died in 1735.1 1 7 To summarize: the government officials and clergy in Zittau, WeiBenfels and Leipzig, like most leaders in Saxony in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, were almost all strongly orthodox in their beliefs. But some leading figures, such as Weise, were open to considering both orthodoxy and pietism. Weise's successor Hoffmann incorporated pietist ideas into his teaching, while his successor Muller whole-heartedly embraced the new movement. The close proximity of the Renewed Moravian Church in Herrnhut seemed to harden the Zittau authorities against them, but their pietist ideas were well known in Zittau. For example, the large number o f Bohemian immigrants in the city most certainly would have aided in the dissemination of pietist theology throughout Zittau. Thus the Zittau community appears to have been divided between the two camps, with the clergy holding to orthodoxy and the Gymnasium leadership gradually espousing pietism. Much of this change occurred, however, after the bulk of Krieger's career in Zittau. The elaborate nature of much of Krieger's music points to a more orthodox view holding sway for the worship services of Zittau. Saints Peter and Paul (St. Petri-und-Pauli-Kirche or Klosterkirche) Information on the founding of Saints Peter and Paul is unavailable, since documents from its early history as a monastery church have not survived.1 1 8 According to Carpzov, Pescheck, and Morawek, an early chronicle of Zittau history states that a chapel dedicated to 1 1 7 Muller, Die besten Gedancken. 1 1 8 Coverage of Saints Peter and Paul can be found in Carpzov, Analecta, 1:86-99; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:90-105; Morawek, Die Kirche; Gurlitt, Zittau, pp. 22-61, 180-87; and Prowig, "Die Petri-Pauli-Kirche." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 96 St. Nicholas (Nikolaus-Kapelle) was erected on this site in 1109.1 1 9 The location o f this chapel within the current building has been in dispute over the years, but many authors believe that it was converted into a sacristy, which lies just west of the church tower.1 2 0 In 1244, the Franciscans arrived in Zittau, establishing a monastery and building a church close to the Nicholas chapel. The main altar of this church was dedicated in 1293 to Saints Peter and Paul. Unlike the Johanniter, they were not involved in the city's education system. They maintained a monastic lifestyle, which included living a life of poverty and providing refuge to those in need.1 2 1 The Franciscans worked in Zittau for almost three centuries. But when the city converted to Lutheranism in the sixteenth century, the order dissolved over a span of only three decades. From 1521, when Zittau's first Protestant pastor was installed, until the year 1543, the number of Franciscans was reduced to only two men. After the last one's death in 1554, the monastery was closed.1 2 2 The church building stood empty for many years, but in 1598 repairs were made and a sermon series on Wednesdays was initiated. In 1623, however, a portion of the building's roof collapsed, causing the church's closure once again. Damage was further exacerbated during the 1 1 9 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:45; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:90; and Morawek, Die Kirche, pp. 7-8. Morawek quotes the chronicle without identifying it. The early date of this chapel (1109) has been disputed by Prowig ("Die Petri-Pauli-Kirche," p. 1). 1 2 0 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:90-93; Morawek, Die Kirche, pp. 8-10, 41; and Gurlitt, Zittau, pp. 22-25. 1 2 1 For example, according to a typewritten timeline titled "Chronik der Klosterkirche," the monastery housed Roman Catholics fleeing religious persecution in Prague in the years from 1421 until 1437. This timeline, which gives important events in the history of Saints Peter and Paul, was given to this author by the Pfarramt in Zittau. “Carpzov, Analecta, 1:86,3:25. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 97 Thirty Years' War, when enemy forces used the interior of the building as a horse stable, artillery storage, and cemetery.1 2 3 After the war ended, the city undertook major repairs and renovation o f the building, which took place from 1658 until 1661.1 2 4 The extensive changes made to the church included the removal of the rood screen and the addition of balconies and pews. The existing choir stalls (Chorgestiihl), which dated back to the fifteenth century, were supplemented with new ones to expand the seating capacity for the choir.1 2 5 More renovations took place in 1668, including a new balcony built above and to either side of the altar. Starting in 1689, this balcony was used as seating for the younger three classes of Gymnasium pupils.1 2 6 Later construction work at Saints Peter and Paul included the repair of the church tower in 1712, with rather raucous festivities at the dedication on 28 September 1712.1 2 7 See figure 9 for a photo of Saints Peter and Paul and figure 10 for a 1907 floor plan of the church and monastery. Both the facade and floor plan are fairly similar to those of Krieger's day. In 1662, Saints Peter and Paul was designated as the second city church (Stadtkirche). Services were now held in the mornings on Sundays and feast days, and a sermon was preached every Wednesday morning. Starting in 1667, a midday sermon on Sundays also took place on a regular basis. Communion, however, as well as most baptisms and weddings, was still held in l2 3 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:86, 3:34, 41; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:94-95. 1 2 4 The contract with the builder is quoted at length in Morawek, Die Kirche, pp. 41-42. 1 2 5 Gurlitt, Zittau, pp. 29-30; Morawek, Die Kirche, p. 51. 1 2 5 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:97; Morawek, Die Kirche, p. 64. 1 2 7 Ibid., pp. 84-85. While Morawek describes the choral music at this event, he makes no mention of Krieger. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 98 Figure 9. Saints Peter and Paul Church. St. John, the main city church (Hauptkirche).1 2 8 As for personnel, two new preachers with duties specifically related to Saints Peter and Paul were added to the city's clergy roster after the 1 2 8 An exception to this practice was the communion given to Bohemian immigrants in Saints Peter and Paul starting in 1667. See below, p. 103. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 99 Figure 10. Floorplan of Saints Peter and Paul Church and Monastery. Source: Gurlitt, Zittau, p. 23. renovation, and in 1662 Johann Curth was hired as the church's first permanent organist since its conversion to Protestantism.1 2 9 Johann Curth (also spelled Curt) was born in the Saxon city of Colditz (near Chemnitz). His father was a civil lawyer in Colditz, as mentioned in the entry for Johann Curth's marriage in the Zittau church records of 1665: Johann Curth, organist of Saints Peter and Paul here [in Zittau], the surviving legitimate son of Christoph Curth, the city lawyer for Colditz in Meissen, with maiden Anna Maria, the legitimate daughter of Anton 1 2 9 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:41. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 100 KiBling, citizen [of Zittau]; their marriage was announced on 19 April, and the ceremony took place on 27 April.1 3 0 In 1654, Johann Curth was appointed organist at the Freiberg cathedral. In this position, he is known to have worked with Hammerschmidt and the organ builder Georg Weindt in the renovation of the cathedral's choir organ.1 3 1 These contacts with Zittau were likely instrumental in his appointment as the organist of Saints Peter and Paul in 1662. He worked there for thirty years, in all likelihood living for a time in the organist/bell-ringers' house near the church.1 3 2 Curth died on 4 July 1692, and his funeral was held three days later in Saints Peter and Paul.1 3 3 Curth's successor was Christian Vogel (1665-98), the son of Christoph Vogel, rector of the Zittau Gymnasium from 1662 until 1678, and Anna Regina Weise, sister o f Christian Weise.1 3 4 Christian Vogel was a pupil in the Zittau Gymnasium from 1678 until 1685, which makes it likely that he was a pupil of Krieger. Vogel matriculated at the University of Leipzig in 1685 and studied law there. He was appointed organist of Saints Peter and Paul in 1692 and served for seven years until his death on 3 August 1699 at only thirty-four years of age. Like his 1 3 0 "Johann Curt, Organist bey der Kirchen St. Petri undt Pauli alhier, Christof CurteB, deli RathB undt GerichtB-SchoppeB zu Colditz in MeiBen, hinterbliebener eheleiblicher Sohn, mit Jungfrau Annen Marien, Anton KiBlingefi, BiirgerB, eheleiblichen Tochter, wardt den 19. Aprilis Proclamirt, den 27. dito Copuliert." "Traubuch Zittau," 1665, Nr. J 6 Dominica Misericordias Domini, Zittau, Pfarramt. 1 3 1 Ulrich Dahnert, Historische Orgeln in Sachsen: Ein Orgelinventar (Leipzig: VEB Deutscher Verlag fur Musik, 1983), pp. 105-6. In 1662, Georg Weindt built a large organ for Saints Peter and Paul; see discussion below, p. 112. 1 3 2 See discussion below, p. 215. In 1668, however, Curth built a house in Niederolbersdorf, a village just outside Zittau. See Morawek, Die Kirche, p. 122. 1 3 3 "Begrabnisbuch Zittau," 1692, July. 1 3 4 Christian Weise succeeded Christoph Vogel as rector and served from 1678 until 1708. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 101 predecessor Curth, Vogel's funeral took place in Saints Peter and Paul.1 3 5 It was not customary for a Zittau funeral to be held in this church, but Curth's and Vogel's service as organist there is the likely reason for the unusual location of the funeral. Other Churches Starting shortly after the Reformation, three of Zittau's churches (Begrdbniskirchen) were used exclusively for burials: Church of Our Lady (Frauenkirche or Kirche zur lieben Frauen), Trinity Church (Dreifaltigkeitskirche or Weberkirche), and Church of the Cross (Kreuzkirche). The latter church was considered the primary burial church in Zittau; Krieger's funeral took place here in 1735, and he was buried in the church's cemetery. Occasionally the burial churches served as venues for other types of services, such as endowed sermons (which sometimes included music).1 3 6 Gymnasium pupils ordinarily sang for funerals held in these churches.1 3 7 The choir for funerals often consisted of twenty-eight pupils from the lower three classes of the Gymnasium. This ensemble was called the “BrotschUlerchor” because these singers were traditionally paid with food.1 3 8 The burial churches may have had organs in Krieger's day, albeit old ones. For example, a Baltzer organ was built in 1516 for the Church of Our Lady, but no other 1 3 5 "Begrabnisbuch Zittau," 7 August 1699 (date of burial); Carpzov, Analecta, 1:95- 96, 3:95. Carpzov incorrectly gives Vogel's year of death as 1698. For information on Vogel, see Friedrich, Album; and Gondolatsch, "Die musikalischen Beziehungen ... Leipzig," 454. 1 3 6 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:410-11. I 3 7 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:115-17; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:121, 124; Prowig, "Zittauer Kirchen," pp. 93-96. 1 3 8 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:101-3, 3:41; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:113, 116-17, 577; Reinhard Muller, Der alte Kreuzkirchhof in Zittau und seine Erbbegrabnisse: Ein Beitrag zur alteren Zittauer Familiengeschichte (Zittau, 1937), p. 3. Paying student singers in kind was a common practice in the German lands at this time. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 102 reference to organs in this church before the nineteenth century have been found by this author.1 3 9 There is also a reference to an organ in the Church of the Cross as early as 1529.1 4 0 The presence of organs in these churches during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is speculative, however, since the buildings were severely damaged in the Thirty Years' War due to their location outside the city walls. The Hospital Church (Hospitalkirche St. Jakob) was also damaged in the war, and a portion of the repairs took place in 1679 and 1680. A few years later, Krieger published a Lied for a church dedication ("Auff die Kirch-Weihe") in Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit (1684).1 4 1 Another Lied in the same collection was written for the dedication of an organ ("Als eine Orgel eingeweihet ward").1 4 2 Weise wrote the texts for both Lieder, and they may have been used in a rededication service for the Hospital Church.1 4 3 This renovation is the only one in Zittau that took place between 1678, the year of Weise's arrival in Zittau, and 1684, the year that Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit was published. It is also possible, however, that Weise wrote these texts prior to 1678 for a church dedication in another city.1 4 4 1 3 9 Lud. Engelmann, "Geschichte der Orgeln in der Sachsische Oberlausitz," 1906, p. 72, Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, A297. 1 4 0 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:116. 1 4 1 Krieger, "Wie lieblich und wie schone," in NmE, 1: no. 21. 1 4 2 Idem, "Lobt Gott in seinem Heiligthum," in NmE, 1: no. 5. 1 4 3 This author has not seen any records pertaining to this rededication ceremony. Also, Krieger did not arrive in Zittau until 1682, so any performance for a rededication of the Hospital Church would not have included his settings of these poems. 1 4 4 "Lobt Gott in seinem Heiligthum" was not used for the 1685 dedication of the Dressel organ, since its description in the Lieder collection, published one year earlier, is given in past tense (“Als eine Orgel eingeweihet ward”). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 103 In 1701, another church dedication took place after the completion of a new orphanage ( Waisenhaus) and chapel.1 4 5 Krieger, as the principal musician in Zittau, was likely involved with music for the dedication services, although no evidence of his presence has been found by this author. The rededication of the Trinity Church took place in 1718 (on the Monday after Trinity Sunday) when renovations were finally completed seventy years after the end of the Thirty Years' War.1 4 6 Once again, as the leading musician in Zittau Krieger was very likely involved with music for the ceremony. His participation seems especially likely since the church had no regular musician. A search by this author through the church record books revealed no mention of an organist's salary or payments to Krieger.1 4 7 During most of Krieger's years in Zittau, the congregation of Bohemian immigrants used a large room (Bohmische Kirche) on the ground floor level of a building on the northwest side of Saints Peter and Paul. In medieval times, this building's ground floor had served as a refectory for the Franciscan order. In 1690, the Bohemians were given this space for their worship, and the first service took place on Easter Sunday in 1691.1 4 8 A small organ was used for a time for these services.1 4 9 Even though the immigrants had their own 1 4 5 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:48; and Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:136-37, 2:834. 1 4 6 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:111. 1 4 7 "Mscr. die Kirche d. heil. Dreifalligkeit betreffend: Rechnungsbucher von 1558- 1731," Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, B303b. According to Vollhardt (Geschichte, p. 350), organ duties were performed here by pupils from the Gymnasium. 1 4 8 An illustration of this room in 1691 can be found in Carl Gottlob Morawek, "Panorama der Stadt Zittau vom Thurme der S. Johanniskirche von Moritz Gabriel: Einer mit vielen Abbildungen verschenen geschichtlich chronologischen Beschreibung gewiirdigt von Carl Morawek," 1846, p. 23, Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, A173. This illustration is reproduced in Prowig, "Zittauer Kirchen," p. 103. 1 4 9 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:140. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 104 sanctuary and clergy, the Zittau authorities required that communion be held in Saints Peter and Paul with German pastors officiating.1 5 0 Music in the Bohemian services was completely unrelated to the structures supporting sacred music in the other churches in Zittau. This author has seen no references to Krieger, the Zittau cantor, or the Gymnasium choir performing in their services. The Bohemian congregation published their first hymnal in 1668, which was reprinted in 1685.1 S 1 The most comprehensive edition, however, appeared in 1710, containing 894 hymns and over 1400 pages.1 5 2 This hymnal features printed texts in Czech, with a small number o f the hymns also containing handwritten music. The title page describes the compiler, Joh[ann] Hyller, as the cantor o f the congregation. The many churches in Zittau provided several venues for the worship life of the city. Both regular and occasional services took place in most of these church buildings, although St. John and Saints Peter and Paul functioned as the primary sanctuaries for the majority of the city’s residents. ORGANS IN ST. JOHN CHURCH AND SAINTS PETER AND PAUL CHURCH During Johann Krieger's tenure in Zittau, there were three organs in St. John and two organs in Saints Peter and Paul. The instruments in St. John are described in the 1735 1 5 0 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:43-44; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:298. The Bohemian refugees in Zittau included a large number of Calvinists, who were not always accepted by the religious leaders in the city, who were orthodox Lutherans. Prowig, "Die Exulanten," p p .12-13. 1 5 1 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:140. l5 2 PokladSpewa Duchownjch w kteremzto se nachazegi Starey Nowe Pisne..., Joh[ann] Hyller, comp. (Zittau, 1710), Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, A149b. This hymnal is catalogued in the Christian-Weise-Bibliothek under the title Bohmisches Gesangbuch, mit Ch. Peschecks Vorrede .... This author did not find Pescheck's foreword with this hymnal. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 105 contract for Krieger's successor Hartwig as the old (“alte”), small (“kleine”), and large (“grofie”) organs.1 5 3 These instruments were the inspiration for a 1755 work by Trier written for three organs, which is a rarity in the organ repertoire (Praludium auf drei Orgeln in der hi. Christnacht).1 5 4 "Old" Organ The origins of the oldest organ in St. John are not known. The first mention of an organ in the church comes from a 1375 description of an altar under the large organ ("groBe Orgel").1 5 5 Carpzov describes the "so-called old organ" ("so genannte alte Orgel") as standing over the baptismal font until the year 1541, when the font was moved close to the altar. In its original location, the font stood to the left as one entered the church ("beim Eintritt zur Kirchen zur lincken Hand"). In addition, Carpzov describes the old organ as being in the corner near the Gymnasium building ("im Winckel gegen der Schule zu").1 5 6 Therefore, this organ appears to have been located in the northwestern portion of the back balcony. This instrument was renovated and enlarged several times over the years: in 1560 by Franz Heidenreich of Lobau, in 1579 by Albrecht Rudener of Prague, and in 1611 by Zacharias Friedel of Zittau. The renovations of the instrument were described in a plaque 1 5 3 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fols. 3r, 7r, and 8v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). A portion of this contract is also quoted in Otto VoB, Die sachsische Orgelmusik in der zweiten Halfte des 17. Jahrhunderts (Jena: Universitats-Buchdruckerei Gustav Neuenhahn, 1936), pp. 13-14. 1 5 4 Paul Stobe, "Weihnachten in Zittau [part 1]," Monatschriftfur Gottesdienst und kirchliche Kunst 18 (October 1913): 314. Stobe himself owned the manuscript o f this work, which he bought in Leipzig at an auction. Trier was Hartwig's successor. 1 5 5 Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:850. 1 5 6 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:58, 61. The passage on p. 61 is quoted in DTB, Jg. 18, p. xvii. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 106 mounted over the organ, which is quoted in Zittau's city records.1 5 7 The portion o f this passage relating to the last major renovation in 1611 is quoted in its entirety in appendix 9, since it describes an organ available to Krieger throughout his tenure in Zittau. According to Carpzov, in 1716 this organ contained 32 stops, 43 ranks, and 1,478 pipes. He describes it as a masterpiece of organbuilding according to the standards of that time ("ein MeisterstUck nach damahliger Zeiten Beschaffenheit"), with superb intonation and glorious timbre ("vortreffliche Intonation und herrlicher Klang").1 5 8 Presumably, this instrument survived until the destruction of the church building in 1757. "Small" Organ Another organ in the church when Krieger arrived in 1682 was called the small (“kleine”) organ. This 7-rank positive, which stood in the choir balcony over the sacristy, was built in 1613 by Friedel of Zittau. But in 1685, only three years after Krieger's arrival in the city, this instrument was moved to Saints Peter and Paul and later replaced by another small organ in a new choir balcony.1 5 9 "Middle Organ" When Krieger arrived in 1682, the third organ in the church was the middle organ, which was named for its position in the back balcony of the church and in line with the 1 5 7 "Acta betr. einige Nachrichten von denen Orgeln in hiesiger Haupt Kirche," n.d., fols. 2r-3r, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 1 (Fach 756). A brief summary o f the 1611 renovation can be found in Carpzov, Analecta, 1:61. Ernst Flade surmises that this plaque was engraved in 1685. See Ernst Flade, Der Orgelbauer Gottfried Silbermann: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des deutschen Orgelbaues im Zeitalter Bachs (Leipzig: Fr. Kistner & C. F. W. Siegel, 1926), p. 91, n.l. 1 5 8 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:61. 1 5 9 Ibid.; Christian Doring, "Geschichte der Kirche zu St. Johannis 1021-1692," fol. 144r (1684), Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, A240. For further information on the small organ built for the new choir balcony, see below, p. 111. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 107 middle nave.1 6 0 The term "middle" for this instrument was used to distinguish it from the old organ, which was also located in the back balcony but in the northwestern comer. There are no extant records pertaining to the original construction of the middle organ, and it is first mentioned in a 1560 account of its renovation by Heidenreich of Lobau.1 6 1 This organ was removed in 1684 and replaced the next year by a larger instrument.1 6 2 This 1685 organ was in turn removed in 1738 to make room for a new Silbermann instrument that was installed in 1741. All three of these "middle" organs (pre-1684, 1685 and 1741) stood in the same location, which was described in 1737 by Gottfried Silbermann as the middle nave of the church ("der mittlerer Bogen") directly opposite the altar.1 6 3 The existence o f two organs in the back balcony is further confirmed by Carpzov's 1716 description of a light fixture hung between two organs and over a balcony ("der dritte Cronleuchter, so zwischen beiden Orgeln iiber der Emporkirchen befindlich").1 6 4 These two organs are described before 1685 as the "old" and "middle" organs and after 1685 as the "old" and "large" organs. Dressel Organ In the 1680s, the city leadership of Zittau decided to improve the state of St. John's organs. Similar changes were occuring in many other German cities, as well, probably due 1 6 0 Carpzov (Analecta, 1:61) describes this organ as standing directly over the pews for the city council ("iiber den Raths-Gestiihlen"). 1 6 1 "Acta betr. einige Nachrichten," fol. lr, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 1 (Fach 756). 1 6 2 Flade, Der Orgelbauer, p. 91 describes the new 1685 organ as a replacement for the "old" organ rather than the "middle" organ. 1 6 3 Dahnert, Historische Orgeln, p. 280. 1 6 4 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:62. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 108 to the long-term economic recovery that followed the Thirty Years' War.1 6 5 There were no local organ builders available at that time in the Zittau area, so the city leaders chose Christoph Dressel of Leipzig (1640-86) to build a new "middle" organ.1 6 6 Dressel had recently built a positive organ for the castle church in WeiBenfels, and it is likely that Johann Philipp Krieger recommended Dressel to his brother.1 6 7 The Dressel family of organ builders included Christoph's uncle Tobias Dressel (1635-1717), with whom he may have apprenticed, and his cousins Johann Tobias Dressel (1687-1758) and Johann Christian Dressel (b. 1687), who both apprenticed with Gottfried Silbermann. Besides Zittau's organ, Christoph Dressel also rebuilt the organ in Leipzig's St. Thomas Church.1 6 8 According to Flade, in 1682 he also renovated the castle organ in WeiBenfels and built an organ in Bad Lauchstadt.1 6 9 Carpzov describes the three-manual instrument that Dressel built for St. John as a beautiful, large and expensive instrument ("das schone groBe und kostbare Werck").1 7 0 Exact specifications when it was new, however, are no longer extant. The instrument was also altered over time, especially in a 1719 renovation, which included moving the Ruckpositiv above the Hauptwerk.1 7 1 A detailed description of this instrument first appeared in 1737. 1 6 S Riedel, Quellenkundliche Beitrage, p. 17. 1 6 6 Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:72. 1 6 7 Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger, Samtliche Orgel- und Clavierwerke, 1 :xl. 1 6 8 Walter Huttel, "Dressel," in The New Grove II, 7:586. For further information on the Dressel family, including a list of their organs, see Dahnert, Historische Orgeln, p. 302. 1 6 9 Flade, "Orgelbauerlexikon," pp. 220, 1637, and 1761. 1 7 0 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:61. 1 7 1 Dahnert, Historische Orgeln, p. 95. For references to the 1719 renovation of all three organs, see Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:55 and entries for February 1719 in "Rechnungen Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 109 At that time, Krieger's successor Hartwig sent a request for a new organ to the Zittau city council, outlining several problems with the Dressel instrument.'7 2 The city council responded by asking Johann Gottlieb Tamitius (1691-1769), a local organ builder, to provide a written assessment of the organ's condition. Tamitius' description o f the instrument includes several pages of commentary as well as the organ's disposition, which can be found in appendix 10.1 7 3 The organ was tuned in "hoher Chorton" according to a document written by Gottfried Silbermann.1 7 4 The instrument was also known for its beautiful fa9ade, which was carved by Paul Hartman of Jena.1 7 5 Uber die Kirche zu St. Johannis 1715/27," fols. 9v-10r, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 58 (Fach 787/2). 1 7 2 Carl Hartwig, "Etliche der vornehmsten Mangel bey der groBen Orgel in der St. Joh: Kirche in Zittau auffgesetzet von Carl Hartwig," before 17 February 1737, in "Die Erneuerung der Orgel in der Johanniskirche 1737-1743," fols. lr-2r, Zittau, Pfarramt, Abt. I Fach 1 Nr. 11. 1 7 3 Johann Gottlieb Tamitius, "Auf Befehl Einer Hoch Edlen Deputation ad Pias Causas zu Zittau," 28 March 1737, in "Die Erneuerung," fols. 7v-8r, Abt. I Fach 1 Nr. 11. The disposition of the Dressel instrument is repeated in the following modern sources: Dahnert, Historische Orgeln, p. 95; Flade, "Orgelbauerlexikon," p. 220; and Gerhard Nobel, "Bericht iiber die Geschichte der alten Orgel zu Ebersbach 1685-1901," 10 November 1968, pp. 1-3, Ebersbach, Pfarramt. Both Dahnert and Nobel cite an outdated call number (Abt. I Nr. 16) for the original document; both also list a summary of the problems that Hartwig and Tamitius found with the organ, including a weak sound, poor keyboard action, and deteriorated leather in the bellows. According to Tamitius ("Auf Befehl," fol. 7r), however, the listed defects were all correctable because the organ was built well ("die Defecte die sehr wohl zu Corglren [s/e] sein ... weil das gantze Fundament dieser Orgel der vornehmsten Stuck, gut gebauet ist"). While Hartwig's desire to replace the Dressel organ was officially due to its poor condition, it is more likely that he desired a more up-to-date instrument. The Silbermann organ that replaced the Dressel instrument was larger and was tuned in the more modem Cammerton. The Dressel organ was sold to the village of Ebersbach, northwest of Zittau (see figure 4), where it was used for over 150 more years. 1 7 4 Nobel, "Bericht," p. 3. 1 7 5 Dbring, "Geschichte," fol. 144r (1684), A240. This facade can be seen today in the town o f Ebersbach, northwest of Zittau (see figure 4). Flade ("Orgelbauerlexikon," p. 220) describes this organ fa9ade as the most valuable in Saxony, while Dahnert chose it for the first illustration in his book on historic organs in Saxony (Historische Orgeln, plate Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 110 It is likely that Krieger was instrumental in persuading the church and city leadership to build the Dressel organ, since its construction took place only two years after his arrival in Zittau. As the principal organist in the city, he probably wielded considerable influence over the disposition of the instrument. Krieger's interest in this organ can be seen in the careful preparations he made for its dedication on 19 August 1685. The cantata he wrote for this occasion, a setting of Psalm 150, is the largest work in his oeuvre.1 7 6 He also participated in the financial side of the project by traveling to Leipzig, as seen in the following payment record: 24 [September 1686] To the widow of Herr Christoph Dressel, organbuilder in Leipzig, in partial payment of the outstanding 200 Reichsthaler, through Johann Krieger, organist. Receipt No. 12 of the year 1684 50 Reichs thaler.1 7 7 The following year, the city records mention that Krieger had formerly been in correspondence with Dressel: [26 July 1687] When the foreign organ builder Herr Dressel, with whom Herr Johann Krieger (organist here) up to now served as correspondent, in past times was here, the expenses [for the organ] became apparent, as follows . . . .1 7 S no. 1). The organ itself was replaced in 1901 by a new instrument, which is described in "Die neue Orgel fur die Kirche in Ebersbach bei Zittau," Zeitschrift fur Instrumentenbau xxii (1902): 413-14. 1 7 6 For further discussion of this work and the organ dedication, see below, p. 242. 1 7 7 "24 [September] Hr. Christoff DreBeln Orgelmachers Witibe in Leipzig auf abschlag der riickstandiger 200. rthl. durch Hr. Johann Krieger, Organisten, Laut Scheins No: 12. des 1684 Jahres 50 Rthl." "Raytung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 7:22 (24 September 1686), Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 47 (Fach M). 1 7 8 "[26 July 1687] Als der frembde Orgelmacher Hr. DreBder, welchen Hrn. Johann Kruger Organist alhier anher Verschrieben, Verwichener Zeit alhier gewesen, seind an Ankosten aufgangen, wie folget. . . ." Ibid., 8:19 (26 July 1687). This entry is then followed by a long list of expenses pertaining to the new organ. Payments made directly to Dressel can also be found on 4 June, 7 October, 14 November and 31 December of 1684, as well as on 9 March and 28 June of 1685. Payments to Dressel's widow are also reported on 24 September 1686 and 27 April 1687. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. I l l The building of the Dressel organ provided the opportunity for changes in other organs at St. John. As noted above, the 1613 positive organ in the choir balcony over the sacristy was moved to Saints Peter and Paul in 1685. It was replaced in 1692 with some of the ranks from the "middle" organ, which had been removed to make room for the Dressel instrument. According to Carpzov: In the year 1685, however, one once more removed such a positive [organ] and instead let the best stops be taken from the old middle organ and placed together in the choir [balcony] on the central flying buttress, [and] also surrounded with an elegant circular railing made of lathed wood . . . .1 7 9 A series of payments for the construction of this organ ("wegen des neuen auf dem Chor erbauten Orgelwercke") can be found in a 1692 entry in the city records.1 8 0 Carpzov mentions its decoration taking place over a decade later: "This organ was adorned with carving in 1703 but not decorated and gilded until 1704.”1 8 1 The organ's placement in a new location was probably done to provide more seating in the balcony over the sacristy, where the older positive organ had stood. After that instrument was removed, a pew was placed in the now vacant space.1 8 2 m "Anno 1685. aber that man solch Positiv wieder hinweg, und lieB hingegen von der alten mitteln Orgel die besten Stimmwercke nehmen, und aufs Chor im mittelsten Schwiebbogen zusammen setzen ...." Carpzov, Analecta, 1:61. Other portions o f the old "middle" organ were also salvaged; for example, its Riickpositiv was sold to Hennersdorf in Seiffen. Today, the town of Seifhennersdorf is located about ten miles west of Zittau. Doring, "Geschichte," fol. 144r (1684), A240; "Raytung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 5:19 (8 July 1684), Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 47 (Fach M). 1 8 0 "Administrationsrechnung iiber der Hauptkirche St. Johannis iiberkommenen ZusachB und Einnahme wie auch verrichtete Ausgaben," 1692-1731, 1 (1692): fol. 20v, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 48 (Fach M, Fach 1505). Fach M contains vols. 1-24 (1692-1715), and Fach 1505 contains vols. 25-40 (1716-31). 1 8 1 "Dieses Werck wurde anno 1703. mit Bildhauer Arbeit ausgezieret, anno 1704. aber staffiret und vergoldet." Carpzov, Analecta, 1:61. 1 8 2 Doring, "Geschichte," fol. 144r(1684), A240. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 112 Organs in Saints Peter and Paul Church The mid-seventeenth century renovations in Saints Peter and Paul (1658-1661) also included changes in the church's organs. Two older instruments were removed in 1658, and a new Weindt organ was built in 1662 at a cost of 500 Thalers.1 8 3 Georg Weindt came from Schluckenau in Bohemia (now Sluknov, Czech Republic) and is known to have repaired organs in Freiberg (Cathedral 1658, St. Jacob Church 1672) and built organs in Weigsdorf (1670), Reichenau (now Bogatynia, Poland) (1672), Seitendorf (1676) and Marienthal (1676).1 8 4 Another organ builder, Benignus Weindt, also lived in Schluckenau about a generation before Georg Weindt; he was possibly an older relative. Benignus Weindt built organs in Sebnitz (1617) and Bautzen (Cathedral 1644).1 8 5 According to Prowig, the Weindt organ in Saints Peter and Paul was located on the southeast wall of the nave in a newly-constructed balcony. This placed the organ close to the sacristy, where an added bellows chamber served the new instrument.1 8 6 When it was built, the organ was a two-manual, 22-stop instrument with black keys of ebony and five bellows. The organ is described in a contract between Weindt and the mayor of Zittau, dated 21 August 1661. The disposition of the instrument according to this contract is given in appendix 11. During 1 8 3 Morawek, Die Kirche, p. 43; Gurlitt, Zittau, p. 31; Carpzov, Analecta, 1:87; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:96. One of these older instruments was located above the rood screen, which was demolished in 1658. See Morawek, Die Kirche, p. 10. Morawek (Ibid., p. 23) also quotes a Zittau chronicle that describes an organ renovation in 1515; this organ was probably one of the instruments removed in 1658. 1 8 4 Dahnert, Historische Orgeln, pp. 105, 114, 311; Engelmann, "Geschichte," p. 182. In another Engelmann source ("Verzeichnis," fol. lv), he gives the date o f the Seitendorf organ as 1667. 1 8 5 Dahnert, Historische Orgeln, p. 311. 1 8 6 "Die 1661-1662 von Georg Weindt aus Schluckenau erbaute Orgel bekam ihren Platz auf einer neu errichteten Empore an der Siidostwand des Kirchenschiffes mit einer auf der Nikolaus-Kapelle aufgestockten Balgekammer." Prowig, "Die Petri-Pauli-Kirche," pp. 17-18. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 113 September 1662, only a short time after its completion, Weindt expanded the instrument further. He added a third manual, several more stops (including a Trommel and Schalmei) and eight large non-speaking fafade pipes made of tin.1 8 7 Besides the large organ built by Weindt, a second, smaller organ was also available in Saints Peter and Paul during Krieger's years in Zittau. In 1684, a positive organ was moved from St. John into the chancel of Saints Peter and Paul ("in der Klosterkirche hinter den Altar").1 8 8 It is likely that this instrument was placed in a balcony high above the altar ("die oberste Porkirche hinter dem Altar"); this balcony is mentioned in 1689 as the seating area for the pupils o f the three lower Gymnasium classes.1 8 9 This 7-rank positive organ was originally built in 1613 by Zacharias Friedel of Zittau. Organ Maintenance Krieger himself did some maintenance work on the organs, as seen from the following entry in the church records, in which he was paid for organ repair: In the year 1719 ... Feb. 27 6 tl.— paid to the [civic] director of choral music due to his extraordinarily great efforts with repairs o f the organ.1 9 0 1 8 7 Morawek, Die Kirche, p. 55, n. 2. Morawek quotes the 21 August 1661 contract at length. He does not, however, cite the location of this contract, and the original document was not found by this author. 1 8 8 Doring, "Geschichte," p. 144 (1684), A240. 1 8 9 Christian Doring, "Annales Gymnasii Zittaviensis ab anno 1422," after 1694, Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Mscr. bibl. sen. Zitt. A 170/18; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:116. Kaemmel mentions that this balcony was built a short time before 1689 {die nicht lange vorher hinter dem Altar der Klosterkirche erbaute Gallerie). See Otto Kaemmel, Ruckblicke auf die Geschichte des Gymnasiums in Zittau [program for the dedication of a new school building] (Zittau, 1871), p. 28. 1 9 0 "An. 1719 ... Feb. 27 6 thlr.— begl. den Directori Chori Musici von Extra- Ordinair viele Bemiihung bey Reparatur der Orgel." "Rechnungen iiber die Kirche," fol. 5r (27 February 1719), Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 58 (Fach 787/2). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 114 The 1735 contracts for Krieger's successors, which were very likely based on Johann Krieger's duties, include provisions that the organist care for his instruments): Moreover, the three organs in St. John Church, and likewise the harpsichord belonging to this church, will be handed over and entrusted to the director [of choral music], in order that he exercise proper supervision over them, allowing no damage willingly to be done to them or to exist with respect to them, and that they be maintained in good condition.1 9 1 And the organ in the Saints Peter and Paul Church will be handed over and entrusted to him, in order that he exercise proper supervision over it, allowing no damage willingly to be done to it or to exist with respect to it, and that it be maintained in good condition.1 9 2 It was not uncommon at this time for organists to carry out some maintenance and repair work on their instruments. For example, Buxtehude's duties in Liibeck included organ maintenance.1 9 3 The regular maintenance of the organs in Zittau's two main churches was primarily performed by Johann Ratzel (d. 1714).1 9 4 Originally from Stettin (now Szczecin, Poland), he probably started working in Zittau in 1688, which is the year of the first reference to Ratzel seen by this author. In the St. John financial records, Ratzel is described as being from I9 I"Ubrigens werden dem Herrn Directori die in der St: Johannis-Kirche befmdliche drey Orgel-Wercke, ingleichen dab zu dieser Kirchen gehorige Clavecin dergestalt ubergeben und anvertrauet, dab er solche in behorige Auffsicht nehme, daran mit Willen keinen Schaden geschehen labe, und darob seyn, dab solche in guten Stande erhalten werden." "Instruction ... Harttwig," fols. 6v-7r, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). 1 9 2 "Und wird demselben, die, in der Kirche St. Petri und Pauli befmdliche Orgel dergestalt ubergeben, und anvertrauet, dab er solche in behorige Auffsicht nehmen, daran mit Willen keinen Schaden geschehen laben und darob seyn solle, dab solche in guten Stande erhalten werde." "Instruction: Wornach sich der angenommene Organist bey allhiesiger Kirche St: Petri und Pauli Flerr Adolph Gottlob Krieger zu achten," 28 October 1735, fol. 2v, Zittau, Pfarramt, Abt. IV Fach 24 Nr. 2; translated in Stahlke, "The Employment Contract," 29-32. 1 9 3 Kerala J. Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude: Organist in Liibeck (New York: Schirmer, 1987), p. 101. 1 9 4 "Begrabnisbuch Zittau," 20 August 1714 (date of burial). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 115 outside the city ("der frembde Orgelmacher Hr. Johann Ratzelden") and was reimbursed for his travel expenses.1 9 5 By 1689, Ratzel was being paid a salary of 24 rtl. per year to care for the organs in St. John and Saints Peter and Paul. These payments were made in installments of 12 rtl. in June, labeled according to the Feast of St. John ("pro Termino Johan:"), and in December, described as the half-year containing Christmas ("pro Termino Weynachten").1 9 6 Because Ratzel was no longer reimbursed for travel expenses, it may be assumed he had moved to Zittau. Specific evidence of his repair work can be found in the church records; for example, in 1691 Ratzel ordered materials from as far away as Dresden, and the costs for these items included travel reimbursement for a local worker who picked them up there.1 9 7 l9 5 "Raytung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 9:8-9 (8 April 1688), Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 47 (Fach M). Ratzel may have had family connections in the area. A Zittau judge named Andreas Rathelt (1640-1705), born in Radgendorf, is possibly the father o f a Zittau city musician, also named Andreas Rathelt, who was baptized in 1685 in Zittau. See Reinhard Muller, "Die Begrabnisse zu St. Johannis in Zittau," in Vetter, Die Johanniskirche, 49; and the baptismal entry for Andreas Rathelt, 30 November 1685, in "Taufbuch Zittau," Zittau, Pfarramt; cited in DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxii. Another possible relative is Christian Rathelt, who was the "Deutsche Sanger" in Zittau from 1704 until 1739. See Carpzov, Analecta, 3:95 and Otto Friedland, "Die deutschen Sanger in Zittau," Zittauer Geschichtsblatter Jg. 15, no. 7 (July 1938): 27. (For further discussion of the position of "Deutsche Sanger" in Zittau, see p. 162.) Another possible relative, Joh. Rathelt, is described by Pescheck {Handbuch, 2:73) as a Zittau organbuilder who died in 1614. This author believes, however, that the death year is a misprint, since all other dates in this paragraph are in chronological order. If Pescheck's intended year of death for Rathelt was actually 1714, then the passage almost certainly refers to Johann Ratzel, who died that very year. Flade ("Orgelbauerlexikon," pp. 828, 1770) appears to have duplicated Pescheck's error. 1 9 6 Examples of these payments can be found in "Raytung Uber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 10 (1689):16, 11 (1690):22, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 47 (Fach M); "Administrationsrechnung," 1 (1692): fol. 19v, 6 (1697): fol. 14v, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 48 (Fach M); and "Rechnung der Johanniskirche zu Zittau 1692," p. 33, Zittau, Pfarramt, A Abt. Ill Fach 12 No. 1. Some entries specifically mention that Ratzel cared for the organs in both of the main churches ("wegen Aufsicht der Orgeln in beyden Kirchen"). See "Raytung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 12 (1691):27, 32, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 47 (Fach M). 1 9 7 "Raytung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 12 (1691):25-26, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 47 (Fach M). Other examples of payments for repairs include "Raytung uber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 10 (1689): p. 16, 11 (1690): p. 21, 12 (1691): pp. 24-27, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 116 Ratzel was also active in projects outside Zittau. He repaired an organ in Hainewald (1692) and built new organs in Lobau (1689), Spremberg (1691) and Niederoderwitz (1705).1 9 8 In 1696 or 1697, Ratzel submitted a bid to build a new organ for the Saints Peter and Paul Church (Pfarrkirche) in Gorlitz. While the contract was given to Eugen Casparini (1623-1706), both Ratzel and Krieger participated in the examination o f the instrument on 5 July 1703.1 9 9 After Ratzel's death, the maintenance of the organs in St. John and Saints Peter and Paul was taken over by Johann Gottlieb Tamitius (1691-1769). Tamitius was bom and raised in Dresden, where his father Andreas Tamitius (1633-1700) worked for decades as the Saxon court organ builder ("Churfurstlich Sachsischer Hoff-Orgelmacher").2 0 0 After apprenticing with Johann Georg Finke in Saalfeld, J. G. Tamitius moved his father's business from Dresden to Zittau in 1717. During his career, he built over fifty organs in Upper Lusatia (Oberlausitz) and Bohemia, including a new instrument for Saints Peter and Paul in Zittau (1738).2 0 1 In 1737 he submitted a bid to build a new organ for St. John in Zittau, but 47 (Fach M); "Administrationsrechnung," 1 (1692): fol. 20r, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 48 (Fach M); and "Rechnung der Johanniskirche zu Zittau 1692," p. 33, A Abt. Ill Fach 12 No. 1. 1 9 8 Flade, "Orgelbauerlexikon," pp. 830-31; Dahnert, Historische Orgeln, p. 307; Engelmann, "Geschichte," p. 182, A297; Idem, "Verzeichnis der Orgelbauer, die in Oberl. Kirchen Orgeln lieferten," n.d., fol. 4r, Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, A297. Engelmann revised and published his "Verzeichnis" in the Zittauer Geschichtsblatter (1914/15): 18-20, but this author was unable to obtain a copy of the printed version. ‘"Dahnert, Historische Orgeln, pp. 132, 148; Flade, Der Orgelbauer, pp. 5-6. For more information on this organ examination, see below, p. 252. 2 0 0 Printz, Phrynis Mitillanaeus, p. 225. 2 0 1 Dahnert, Historische Orgeln, p. 310; Flade, Der Orgelbauer, pp. 4, 73, 79, 91, n.3. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 117 Gottfried Silbermann was chosen instead.2 0 2 To make room for the new Silbermann instrument, the Dressel organ was sold to the town of Ebersbach. Tamitius supervised the move of the organ and made some improvements to it during the installation there.2 0 3 Tamitius' successful organ business in Zittau was continued by his descendants into the early nineteenth century.2 0 4 WORSHIP SERVICES Church life in Zittau, as in other German cities in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, was characterized by a large number of worship services that followed daily, weekly, and yearly patterns. Few liturgical documents survive from Krieger's era, but much information about worship in Zittau at this time can be gleaned from various sources. The following discussion of Zittau's worship describes daily and weekly services, as well as the church year in Zittau, including the celebration of major and minor church feasts and saints' days. Unless otherwise indicated, the services outlined below took place in St. John.2 0 5 2 0 2 The bid can be found in Tamitius, "Auf Befehl," fols. 8r-l lv, Abt. I Fach 1 Nr. 11. New organs in St. John and Saints Peter and Paul were built only a few years after Krieger's death in 1735. 2 0 3 Dahnert, Historische Orgeln, pp. 95-96, 280. For a complete history o f this organ until its replacement in 1901, see Nobel, "Bericht." 2 0 4 Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:73. For more information on the Tamitius family, see Dahnert, Historische Orgeln, pp. 131, 310; Flade, Der Orgelbauer, pp. 4-5, 62; Idem, "Orgelbauerlexikon," pp. 1264-68; Johannes Gunther Kraner, "Zittau," in M G G II, Sachteil 9:2470-71; Johann Andreas Silbermann, Das Silbermann-Archiv: Der handschriftliche Nachlafi des Orgelmachers Johann Andreas Silbermann (1712-1783), ed. March Schaefer, Prattica Musicale, vol. 4 (Winterthur, Switzerland: Amadeus Verlag, 1994) pp. 159, 167, 284, 290. 2 0 5 Detailed discussion of the worship services celebrated in German Protestant churches at this time can be found in Paul Graff, Geschichte der Auflosung der alten gottesdienstlichen Formen in der evangelischen Kirche Deutschlands, vol. 1, Bis zum Eintritt der Aufklarung und des Rationalismus, 2d rev. ed. (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1937), pp. 110-240. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 118 Liturgical Sources in Zittau during Krieger's Tenure Liturgies in Zittau during Krieger's tenure were very similar to the ones put in place there after the Reformation. For example, Pescheck states that the Saxon Agenda, published in Leipzig in 1540, provided liturgies for Mass, Matins, and Vespers in Zittau for over two centuries (until 1757).2 0 6 Zittau's first Protestant church order appeared in 1564, with a detailed prescription for various worship services.2 0 7 The city issued a completely new church order in 1639, which was occasionally amended over the years in documents called protocols (“Protokolle”), but no other major church orders for Krieger's era survive.2 0 8 While liturgical practice had been very stable from the Reformation era until the mid-eighteenth century, great changes took place in the years following the city's destruction in 1757.2 0 9 2 0 6 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:405-6. Agenda Das ist Kyrchenordnung wie sich die Pfarrherrn vnd Seelsorger in jren Ampten vndiesten halten sollen Fur die Diener der Kyrchen in Hertzog Herinrichen zu Sachssen V . G. H. Furstenthumb gestellet (Leipzig: Nicolaum Wolrab, 1540); quoted in Joseph Herl, Liturgical prescriptions in German church orders to 1800, unpublished data file, 1997. 2 0 7 The 1564 church order is available in the "Chronik KieBling," pp. 427ff, Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, A90. The full text, as well as commentary, can be found in Paul Stobe, "Die erste Zittauer evangelische Kirchenordnung vom Jahre 1564," Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft fur Zittauer Geschichte no. 8 (March 1912): 31-43. 2 0 8 The 1639 church order is found in the Haussdorff chronicle: Urban Gottlob Haussdorff, "Kurtze Nachrichten von dem Zustande der Kirchen St. Johannis in Zittau," 1729, fols. 241-71, Zittau, Pfarramt. According to Graff {Geschichte, p. 41), another exemplar is located in the Zittau Stadtarchiv (Rep. XXXII, Nr. 5). A portion of the 1639 church order is quoted in Howard, Mass, pp. 19-20. See also Carpzov, Analecta, 3:39; and Pescheck, HandJbuch, 1:420-21. Stobe mentions a 1734 inventory of the books and music in the St. John sacristy, but he does not cite his source. Paul Stobe, “Musikschatze in Zittau,” Zittauer Geschichtsblatter no. 7, Jg. 10 and no. 8, Jg. 11 (July 1933 and August 1934): (part 2)30. 2 0 9 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:429-31; and DTB, Jg. 18, pp. xiv. It was not uncommon for liturgical practice in other cities to remain unchanged over decades, as well. For example, the 1712 edition of the Saxon Agenda, published in Leipzig, was a reprint of the original 1540 edition. In Liibeck, the services and liturgy in St. Mary's were essentially the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 119 Zittau's hymnals were another source of liturgical prescriptions for worship services in the eighteenth century. In 1712, Zittau pastor Martin Grunwald (1664-1716) published two hymnals in Zittau that contained liturgical materials as well as hymns. His German hymnal included a supplement with liturgical items for morning, evening, and other church occasions.2 1 0 A subsequent 1727 edition of this German hymnal by Grunwald contains the following information concerning the liturgical contents of its supplement: "With God: Morning, evening, Sunday, feastday, confession, communion, and moreover daily sacred prayers .. . .1 ,2 1 1 Grunwald's other 1712 collection, Lateinische Hymni, contained Latin hymns with liturgical texts for use in Vespers and other services.2 1 2 A subsequent edition of same in the late seventeenth century as they had been from the time of the Reformation. Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude, p. 87. lwAndachtiger Seelen vollstandiges Gesang-Buch: darinnen der Kern schdnster Lieder Geistreicher Manner zufinden ... , ed. Martin Grunwald (Zittau: Schops, 1712); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zitt. 21,442. Zollner {Das deutsche Kirchenlied, p. 59) cites a slightly different title for this hymnal, which describes its liturgical supplement: M. G. Andachtiger Seelen Vollstandiges Gesang Buck, darinnen nicht allein alle Lieder Dr. Martini Lutheri, und anderer gestreicher Manner, sondern auch des seeligen Herrn Christians Weisens zu finden ... Nebst einem Morgen-Abend- undetlichen Kirchengebeten u. Collecten wie auch einer Vorrede M. Martin Griinwalds, Mittags-Pred. zu SS. Petri und Pauli, ed. Martin Grunwald (Zittau and Leipzig: J. J. Schops, 1712). 2 1 1 "M. G. Heilige Morgen- Abend- Sonn- Fest- Beicht- Communion- und Sonst taglich zu gebrauchende Andachten Um Allerhand geistliche Gaben . . . ." M. G. Andachtiger Seelen Vollstandiges Gesang-Buch, Darinn der Kern schoner Lieder Geistreicher Manner zu finden Derer sich ein frommer Christ bey offentlichem Gottesdienste In Chur- und Furstl. Sachs. Landen, besonders Ober-Lausitz, auch andern Evangelischen Orten, An Sonn- und Fest-Tagen, bey der Beicht und Heil. Abendmahl, bey Begrabnissen, auch taglicher Haus-Andacht kan bedienen, mit einem Anhange von Morgen- Abend- Kirchen- Andachten, und Neumanns Kern aller Gebete, Collecten, auch einer Erklarung der schweren Worter, aufs neue vermehret und verbessert, nebst einer Vorrede Hrn. M. Martin Griinwalds, gewesenen Archi-Diaconi in Zittau. (Zittau and Leizig: Joh[ann] Jac[ob] Schops, 1727), title page of part 2; Stuttgart, Wurtt. Landesbibliothek, Theol. oct. 6197. 2 l2 Lateinische Hymni, ed. Martin Grunwald (Zittau, 1712); cited in Gottlieb Friedrich Otto, Lexikon der seit dem funfzehenden Jahrhunderte verstorbenen undjetzlebenden Oberlausizischen Schriftesteller und Kunstler, aus den glaubwurdigsten Quellen moglichst Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 120 this hymnal appeared in 1729, and its title gives an indication of its contents: Latin hymnal,containing all those hymns, introits, invitatories, responsories, psalms . . . .2 I 3 Daily Services Daily services in Zittau during Krieger's tenure were morning prayer (“Fruhgebeth”), None (“Nonen”) at 9:00 A.M., Vespers (“Vespern”) at 2:00 P.M., and evening prayer (“Abendgebete” or “Betstunden”) at 4:00 P.M.2 1 4 None and Vespers were celebrated as daily services until 1684; at that time, None was discontinued except for Saturdays and Apostle Days, and Vespers was halted except for Saturdays, Sundays and feast days. Several sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century sources in Zittau mention a daily prayer service (“Friihbeth”) held in the morning.2 1 5 Its existence during Krieger's tenure is mentioned only by Pescheck, however, when he recorded that this morning prayer was discontinued in 1805.2 1 6 This service, often described as daily (“taglich”) worship, seems to have occurred primarily on weekdays, and this author has found no mention of an early vollstandig zusammengetragen, 3 vols. (Gorlitz: C. G. Anton, 1800), 1:546. SeeZollner, Das deutsche Kirchenlied, pp. 59-60. mLateinisches Gesangbuch, darinnen alle diejenigen Hymni, Introitus, Invitatoria, Responsoria, Psalmi, Antiphonce, Collectce und Prcefationes, welche bey dem ceffentlichen Gottes-Dienste jahrlich gebrauchet werden, nebst der Teutschen Ubersetzung so zu finden seyn, dass es Gelehrte und Ungelehrte mit Nutzen brauchen kcennen, eds. Friedrich Gottlob Herzog and Christian Gottlob Pitschmann (Zittau: Schops, 1729); Zittau, Christian-Weise- Bibliothek, Zitt. 21,474 and Theol. 8° 1640; Dresden, Sachsische Landesbibliothek, 5. A. 5281 SLUB-Nr.: 14. Another hymnal with the same title and publisher but no publication date is also extant in the Christian-Weise-Bibliothek (Zitt. 21,438); perhaps this is the original 1712 edition. For more information about Zittau's hymnals, see below, p. 165. 2 1 4 The None and Vespers services in Zittau took place at different times than their traditional Roman Catholic counterparts. See below, p. 121. 2 1 5 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:31-32; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:419, n. 1, 432; and Stobe, "Die erste ... Kirchenordnung," 36. 2 1 6 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:432. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 121 prayer service on Sundays or festivals. No details about the order of worship are recorded for Krieger's time, but some information from before and after his tenure survives. In 1574, the litany in this service was replaced by a Bible reading and an accompanying short explanation of the Scripture.2 1 7 This format was still being used in 1631, when it was described in the obituary of a Zittau mayor as a Bible reading (“Bibellectionen”).2 1 8 In 1805, when the service was discontinued, Pescheck mentions the involvement of singers from the Gymnasium. If this was also true during Krieger's time, these singers came from the three lower Gymnasium classes, since the upper three classes sang only twice a day at None and Vespers.2 1 9 Perhaps Krieger intended the choir to sing his Lied "Grosser Gott, ich komme wieder" for the morning prayer service, since he labeled it as a "morning devotion" (“Morgen-Andacht”) in the Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit.2 2 0 During most of the sixteenth century in Zittau, the 9:00 A.M. service was called Terce (“Terz” or “Terzia”), which was the Roman Catholic term for the office hour at 9:00 A.M.2 2 1 In the late sixteenth century in Zittau, however, the term None became more common for this service, and this designation was used exclusively after 1612. By the 1680s, the daily None and Vespers services were very poorly attended. In 1684, only two years after Johann Krieger's arrival in Zittau, they were cancelled due to construction work on the choir balcony and never reinstated as regular daily services. Exceptions were made, 2 1 7 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:32. 2 1 8 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:419, n. 1. 2 1 9 Ibid., 1:405,432. 2 2 0 Johann Krieger, "Grosser Gott, ich komme wieder," in NmE, 1: no. 2. 2 2 1 The Roman Catholic office hours of Prime, Terce, Sext, and Nones are named for the time of day that they are celebrated (the first, third, sixth, and ninth hours, or 6:00 A.M., 9:00 A.M., 12 noon, and 3:00 P.M.). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 122 however, for None on Saturdays and Apostle Days, and Vespers on Saturdays, Sundays, feastdays, and the eve of feastdays.2 2 2 Evening prayer (“Abendgebete” or “Betstunden”), held at 4:00 P.M. on weekdays, lasted approximately thirty minutes. Music at this service was led by students in the three upper classes (I-III), who were directed by one of the higher-level teachers. These teachers (the director [“Direktor”], associate director [“Konrektor”], assistant director [“Subrektor”], or fifth teacher [“Coll. V”]) took turns assuming responsibility for the music at this service, and as compensation received 6 tl. per year from the city council.2 2 3 Weekly Services Except for Mondays, each day of the week was marked by its own designated worship service(s). Sermons served as the centerpiece for worship on Tuesdays and Wednesdays, communion took place on Thursdays, and the Friday service contained more elaborate music than the other weekday services. Saturdays and especially Sundays were the occasion for even more services than on weekdays. The amount of worship on Sunday led the Zittau city council in 1683 and again in 1702 to forbid the scheduling on Sunday o f extra services and celebrations such as weddings, baptisms, and church dedications.2 2 4 But despite this relief for the choir and other musicians in Zittau, the schedule of worship in the city remained very demanding. Weekly worship on Tuesdays and Wednesdays included a morning service with a sermon. The Tuesday service (“Friihe-Predigf’) was held in St. John and included several 2 2 2 Doring, "Geschichte," fol. 144r (1684], A240. See also Carpzov, Analecta, 3:44; and Doring," Annales"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:115, 116, n. 1. A description of these two daily services before 1684 can be found in Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:405. 2 2 3 Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:145. 2 2 4 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:422. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 123 pieces sung by the choir: a Lied after the sermon, an optional Amen, a collect, and a sung litany (“Litaneigesang”). The cantor and the third class led this service, with the fourth class added as reinforcement when necessary, and the organist played for the intoned hymns (“intonirte Lieder”).2 2 5 Zittau's third pastor (“Dienstags-Prediger”) preached every Tuesday at this service.2 2 6 The Wednesday service (“Fruh Predigt”) took place in Saints Peter and Paul, with a sermon by Zittau's sixth pastor (“Mittwochs-Prediger”). The Wednesday service originated in 1598, but was halted for decades due to the church's closing, resuming in 1661 when the church was extensively renovated. As in Tuesday's service, the organist was required to play for the intoned hymns (“intonirte Lieder”). It is possible that during the late seventeenth century Wednesday was also the occasion for individual confession (“Beichte”). This practice began in 1584 to prepare individuals for a communion service held on Thursday. Wednesday confession was still being held as late as 1652, although no mention is made o f it during Krieger's tenure.2 2 7 A communion service, mentioned on Thursdays as late as 1652, included a sermon and litany in addition to the celebration of the sacrament.2 2 8 It is likely that this service continued on Thursday throughout Krieger's tenure; no change to another day is mentioned in sources seen by this author, and a weekday communion service for this time period is 2 2 5 Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:145; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:419; "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 4r, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756); and "Punkte, welche E. E. Hochweiser Rat bei hiessigen Gymnasio beobachtet wissen will," 1709, fol. 37v, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VI-III-1 No. 1 Vol. 1; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:1-2. 2 2 6 "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fol. 4r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. 2 2 7 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:34, 41; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:419-20; and "Instruction ... Krieger," fols. 3r-3v, Abt. IV Fach 24 Nr. 2. 2 2 8 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:34, 41; and Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:419. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 124 mentioned by Pescheck: "Communion took place only on Sundays, [and] since 1585 also on a weekday."2 2 9 Another service (“Hospital-Predigt”), specifically for patients, also took place on Thursdays in the Hospital Church. In 1652, this service was moved from Friday to Thursday, and it was still held on that day as late as 1716.2 3 0 An additional event held on Thursdays was an extra session for individual confession ("zu den Beichtstuhlen"), which was added in 1711 due to popular demand.2 3 1 The worship service on Friday morning (“Friihe-Predigten”) was very similar to the morning service on Tuesday. While some sources state that the third class served as the choir for this service, there is also evidence that the chamber choir sang on Friday mornings. The following passage describes the chamber choir's rehearsals on Thursdays and Saturdays to prepare, respectively, for services on Fridays and Sundays: And since the [civic] director o f choral music too holds rehearsal [which takes place] in the organ balcony on Thursdays from 2:00 until 3:00 and on Saturdays after Vespers, all [singers] ... should present themselves ... , and on Sundays or Fridays after these rehearsals, they [chamber choir] should be present to sing at the correct time [for the service] that he has requested.2 3 2 2 2 9 "Abendmahl war nur Sonntags, seit 1585 auch an einem Wochentage." Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:404. This passage by Pescheck describes church practice in Zittau from the sixteenth until the nineteenth centuries. Presumably, private confession took place before the weekday communion service, whether it was held on Thursday or not. 2 3 0 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:41; and Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:136. 2 3 1 Ibid., 1:56. 2 3 2 "Und weil auch der Director Chori Musici auf der Orgel, Donnerstags von 2-3 Uhr und Sonnabends nach der Vesper auf die Orgel Music Singestunde halt, so sollen alle ... bei ihm sich einstellen ... und des Sonntags oder Freitags hernach, so wie hin gewiesen werden, zu rechter Zeit sich einstellen." "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:249. See above, p. 122, for a description of the Tuesday morning service, which was very similar to the one on Friday. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 125 None and Vespers were held on Saturdays at 9:00 A.M. and 2:00 P.M. even though they had been cancelled on a daily basis in 1684.2 3 3 Before 1712, when a Latin setting of Vespers was published in Zittau, it is likely that the Agenda (1540) was used.2 3 4 A description of Vespers in this source states: Saturdays and [the day before] other feasts: the afternoon Vespers is held at the usual time. The Schuler [pupils] sing one, two or three psalms with the antiphon from the next day, then a responsory or hymn (if available). Then a boy reads a lesson from the New Testament. Then the Magnificat is sung with an antiphon from the following day, then a collect and the Benedicamus. Those wishing to commune the next day remain [for confession].2 3 5 Thus, music for None and Vespers in Zittau included psalms, hymns, and antiphons; in addition, the Magnificat served as the centerpiece for the Vespers service.2 3 6 The Saturday Vespers service in the early eighteenth century included music for choir, instruments and organ, as mentioned in the 1735 contract for Carl Hartwig.2 3 7 Carpzov described the 7-rank positive organ in the choir balcony as the instrument used for Vespers ("ein Positiv von 7. Stimm-Wercken ... in denen Vespern zu gebrauchen").2 3 8 In Zittau, music for None and Vespers was usually sung in Latin, as described by Pescheck and seen in the Latin settings of Vespers in the Zittau hymnals published in 1712 and 1729.2 3 9 Pescheck also states that only 2 3 3 See discussion above, p. 120. 2 3 4 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:405-6. 2 3 5 Agenda, fol. 22r; quoted in Herl, Liturgical prescriptions, p. 209. 2 3 6 See also Carpzov, Analecta, 3:44; and Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:405-6, 427, n. 1. 2 3 7 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 3r, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756). 2 3 8 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:61. 2 3 9 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:405. See a discussion o f these hymnals below, p. 168. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 126 at the late date of 1730 did the Vespers service on Christmas Eve first include portions of the service (two Lieder and a benediction) in German.2 4 0 On Saturday evenings, private confession (“sonnabendliche Privatbeichte”) was heard; this practice dated back to the sixteenth century and possibly earlier. While corporate confession was not unknown in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, it was only performed under very unusual circumstances, such as epidemics o f the plague.2 4 1 Sundays began with Matins (5:30 A.M. in summer and 6:00 A.M. in winter) that lasted approximately thirty minutes. Once again, the Agenda (1540) gives an idea of liturgical practice in Zittau prior to 1712: Sunday Matins: the Schuler [pupils] sing one, two or three psalms with the antiphon for the day, then a lesson from the Old Testament, then the Benedictus with an antiphon from the day, then a collect. If desired, the congregation may also sing the German Te Deum.2 4 2 After 1712, Zittau's Latin hymnals from this era contain liturgical selections for Matins, such as invitatories and responsories, that were sung by the choir.2 4 3 Matins, led in Zittau by the cantor and school choir, lasted about thirty minutes and included Latin hymns and psalms, but unlike Leipzig, the Te Deum was obligatory ("jedesmal das Te Deum").2 4 4 The Te Deum was sung by the choir and accompanied by the civic director of choral music on the small 2 4 0 Ibid., 1:406. Krieger wrote many Latin settings of the Magnificat (most no longer extant), which were very likely used in Zittau's Vespers services. One German setting o f the Magnificat is included among Krieger's lost works, however; "Meine Seele erhebt den Herren" was performed in WeiBenfels for the Visitation of Mary in 1689. DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxxvii. 2 4 1 Ibid., 1:56, 431-32; and Carpzov, Analecta, 3:34. 2 4 2 Agenda, fol. 22r; quoted in Herl, Liturgical Prescriptions, p. 209. 2 4 3 See above, p. 119. 2 4 4 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:406. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 127 organ.2 4 5 After Matins and before the main Sunday service (“Haupt-Gottesdienst”), the pupils received instruction on the Gospel reading for the day.2 4 6 The main Sunday service (“Haupt-Gottesdienst” or “Amt”) was held in both o f the primary churches at 7:00 A.M. in summer and 7:30 A.M. in winter.2 4 7 The senior pastor in Zittau (“Pastor Primarius”) preached in St. John, while the fourth pastor (“Fruh-Prediger”), who was the highest-ranking pastor of Saints Peter and Paul, took the other service. As with Vespers and Matins, the communion service in Zittau was likely based on the Agenda (1540).2 4 8 Much of the liturgy in these services was sung; for example, "regular Sundays" are mentioned in a 1717 document as including the chanting of the Words of Institution ("... die Einsetzungs Worte wie an anderen Sontagen gesungen . . . ,").2 4 9 A great deal of the service was done in Latin, although the congregation sang hymns in German. The organist played for hymns before and after the sermon (Saints Peter and Paul), before communion (St. John), and during communion (both churches).2 5 0 The liturgical portions of the service were led by the cantor and choir. Starting in 1689, the choir for Sunday services in St. John 2 4 5 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 2v, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756); and Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:406, 427, n.l. The Te Deum also played a role in celebratory events throughout Zittau's history; see Carpzov, Analecta, 3:37, 39; and Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:326. An incipit for a keyboard setting (chorale fugue) of the Te Deum by Krieger is extant; see above, p. 133. In addition, the Te Deum text is possibly used for the last movement of Krieger's cantata "Frolocket Gott"; see discussion below, p. 417. 2 4 6 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:406. 2 4 7 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 3r, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756); and "Instruction ... Krieger," fol. 3r, Abt. Abt. IV Fach 24 Nr. 2. 2 4 8 See appendix 12 for the portions of the Agenda that applied to the communion service. 2 4 9 "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fol. 23r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. 2 5 0 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 3r, Rep. VII Cap. I/la no. 9 (Fach 756); and "Instruction ... Krieger," fol. 3r, Abt. IV Fach 24 Nr. 2. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 128 was drawn from the three upper Gymnasium classes, while pupils from the three lower classes sang in Saints Peter and Paul.2 5 1 The concerted music in the service was Krieger's responsibility as civic director of choral music. These works, performed from the organists' balcony ("Musik auf der Orgel") with instrumentalists and vocal soloists, alternated between St. John and Saints Peter and Paul from Sunday to Sunday.2 5 2 The most common places in the service for concerted music were between the Gospel and Creed, during the elevation (when the Sanctus was sung), during the distribution of communion, and for the Amen.2 5 3 The main service was finished sometime before 11:30 A.M., for at that time children gathered for catechism examinations in the sanctuary.2 5 4 Communion in Zittau for over half of Krieger's tenure was done in two ways: public communion for the masses and private communion for the few. But in 1710 private communion in the sacristy was banned, and all people were required to participate publicly 2 5 1 Doring, "Annales"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:116; and Christian Weise, "Wohlmeinender Vorschlag wegen der gesamten Schul-Arbeit im Zittauische Gymnasio zu schuldigster Folge aufgesetzet von Christian Weisen Rect. 1690. 6. Febr.," "Erste Frage [#V]," Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VI-III-1 No. 1 Vol. 1. The latter document is also quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:53-65. 2 5 2 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 7v, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756); and "Instruction ... Krieger," fol. 2v, Abt. IV Fach 24 Nr. 2. This practice was similar to the alternation of services in Leipzig. See Gunther Stiller, Johann Sebastian Bach and Liturgical Life in Leipzig, trans. Herbert Bouman, Daniel Poellot and Hilton Oswald, ed. Robin Leaver (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1984), p. 75. 2 5 3 "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:249. The "Leges" mention that the Amen was sung polyphonically ("figuraliter") after communion on "concerted" Sundays and feast days; this most likely took place as part of the benediction. Pescheck {Handbuch, 1:404) states that in Zittau the Sanctus had been sung during the elevation from the early sixteenth century until the present time (1834). Several of Krieger's polyphonic settings of the Sanctus are extant. 2 5 4 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:44; and Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:416. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 129 at the altar.2 5 5 Public communion during Sunday services was held every week. An early eighteenth-century document describes choir members singing for communion on “Figural- Sonntagen” (concerted Sundays), and it is also known that such Sundays alternated every other week between the two main churches.2 5 6 In 1717, a description of communion for a festival service mentions that the Words of Institution were sung in the manner of a regular Sunday ("wie an anderen Sontagen gesungen").2 5 7 Therefore, communion was held on a regular basis on Sundays that were not feast days. Pescheck also states, as mentioned above, that communion was held "only on Sundays," implying that it was a regular Sunday occurrence.2 5 8 A separate set of communion services, held for the Gymnasium pupils, took place only four times a year. The pupils made extensive preparations for these services, including the study of theological tracts and performance of penitential odes.2 5 9 Weise himself described this process: 2 5 5 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:425. In the late seventeenth century, the upper classes throughout Europe often worshipped privately, away from the general public. 2 5 6 "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:249; "Instruction ... Krieger," fol. 2v, Abt. IV Fach 24 Nr. 2; and "Instruction ... Harttwig," fols. 6r-7v, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756). 2 5 7 "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fol. 23r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. 2 5 8 See above, p. 124. 2 5 9 Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:11, n.l, 145; Kaemmel, "Riickblicke," 28; Gottfried Polykarp Muller, Abriss der Schul-Studien und desjenigen, so bishero auf dem Zittauischen Gymnasio prastiret worden und mit Gottlicher Hiilffe noch prastiret werden soil (Zittau, 1725), chap. 2, part 3; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:75; and Idem, Aujfrichtige Vorstellung der Lectionen und Einrichtung des Directoris in dem Zittauischen Gymnasio Gottfried Poly carpus Mullers (Zittau, 1734); quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:87. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 130 Here I am accustomed to bring my underlings [pupils] to Holy Communion each quarter [of the year], to prepare them by means of a meditation out of which they afterwards must perform a certain penitential song . .. .2 6 ° The afternoon service on Sunday ("Nachmittaglichen Gottesdienst" or "Mittag- Predigt") took place in both churches at 1:00 P.M., and the organist was required to play before and after the sermon.2 6 1 The second and fifth pastors in Zittau (“Mittags-Prediger” for St. John and Saints Peter and Paul, respectively) preached at these services. The afternoon service was followed by Vespers, which was conducted in Latin until 1731.2 6 2 Concerted music for Vespers alternated every other Sunday between St. John and Saints Peter and Paul in the same manner as occurred for the Sunday morning service. Records from worship for the 1717 anniversary of the Reformation mention the use of polyphonic music for Vespers: "Hereupon began the Vesper [service], which was held as on a Sunday that is concerted [i.e. one with polyphonic music]; the Magnificat was performed with alternating verses . . . ."2 6 3 Feast and Saints' Days The three highest feast days in Zittau were Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost, but the contract for Krieger's successor at St. John also mentions other high church feasts ("hohe Fest-Tage," "gantze Fest-Tage"): New Year's, Feasts o f the Circumcision, Presentation, and 2 6 0 "Ich habe hier die Gewohnheit in dem ich alle viertel Jahr meine untergebenen zum Heil. Abendmahl fiihre so pfleg ich sie durch eine meditation zu praspariren daraus sie hernach ein gewisses BuB-Lied machen miissen . . . ." Weise, Curidse Gedancken, 2:37. 2 6 1 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 3r, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756); and "Instruction ... Krieger," fol. 3r, Abt. IV Fach 24 Nr. 2. 2 6 2 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:428. 2 6 3 "Hierauff gieng die Vesper an, diese wurde gehalten, wie an einen Sontage, wenn Figural ist, das Magnificat wurde nach denen versen wechselsweise musiciret. .. ." "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fol. 25v, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 131 Annunciation, Ascension, Visitation of Mary, St. John's Day, and the Feast of Michael.2 6 4 It is unusual that Epiphany and Trinity, which were celebrated in other cities (such as Leipzig), are not included in the contract, especially since other Zittau sources cite them (see appendix 13). Saints' days ("Apostel-Tage") and minor church feasts ("halbe Feyer-Tage," "halbe Fest-Tage") are also mentioned in a general sense, but the contract does not list them.2 6 5 The contract states that Corpus Christi is not designated as a saints' day or minor church feast, even though it is celebrated like one.2 6 6 Saxony abolished saints' days in 1681 with the exception of Upper and Lower Lusatia; in addition, some cities such as Leipzig and WeiBenfels still celebrated them.2 6 7 Days of fasting and penance ("BuB- und Beth-Tage") began in Zittau after the Thirty Years' War (in 1664), but their number and dates varied each year.2 6 8 Instrumental music in these services was completely banned ("das Orgelspielen oder Auffuhrung einiger Music gantzlich unterbleibet"), as was the case for the morning services ("Fruhe-Gebethern") held 2 6 4 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fols. 2v-3v, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756). The contract for Adolph Gottlob Krieger mentions the feast of Saints Peter and Paul, as well. "Instruction ... Krieger," fol. 3r, Abt. IV Fach 24 Nr. 2. 2 6 5 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fols. 2v-3v, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756). This author has found evidence of saints' days in Zittau (see appendix 14) for St. John, the Baptist (24 June), Saints Peter and Paul (29 June), St. Bartholomew (24 August), and St. Lucia (13 December). Perhaps the term "Apostel-Tage," however, means that all of the saints' days for apostles were celebrated. 2 6 6 Ibid., fol. 3v. 2 6 7 Graf, Geschichte, p. 127; and Stiller, Johann Sebastian Bach, p. 57. According to Stiller, saints' days were also called "half-holidays" in Leipzig. In contrast, the Zittau contract clearly distinguishes between them, although the manner in which they were celebrated was identical. 2 6 *Ca.rpzov, Analecta, 3:42; and Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:421-22. Doring (“Geschichte,” A240) gives actual dates, a few o f which are cited here: 7 July, 1 September and 10 November, 1682; 7 May, 10 September, and 17 September, 1683; 24 July and 6 October, 1684. He does not mention any dates, however, for 1686, 1687, or 1688. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 132 in the “great week of prayer” (“groBe Beth-Woche”) each year.2 6 9 Vocal music, however, was allowed in these services; for example, in 1810 Pescheck mentions that a sung litany was a long-standing tradition for days of penance (“BuBtage”).2 7 0 Krieger published a Lied about penance (“BuB-Andacht”) which might have been sung in such a service. It is set for SATB and basso continuo without obbligato instruments.2 7 1 Like most of Christendom, Zittau followed a church year that was dual in nature: a temporal cycle of seasons celebrating the life of Christ and a sanctoral cycle of feast days. These two cycles in Zittau are listed in Appendices 13 and 14.2 7 2 This information comes from many sources, but the most important ones include Hammerschmidt's Musicalische Gesprache (1665-66), Krieger's Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit (1684), a collection of chorale preludes written by Krieger, and the 1735 contract for Hartwig, Krieger's successor. The fifty-seven vocal works in the two volumes of Hammerschmidt's Musicalische Gesprache are each designated for a specific Sunday or feast day in the church year.2 7 3 While Hammerschmidt intended this publication for a wider audience than Zittau, it is almost certain that the Sundays and feast days covered in the collection were also celebrated in his own town. The first part of Krieger's Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit contains several sacred Lieder written for specific occasions, including daily and yearly use. These 2 6 9 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 4r, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756). 2 7 0 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:433. 2 7 1 Johann Krieger, "Herr straff mich nicht in deinem Grimme," in NmE, 1: no. 25. 2 7 2 For further information on the church year (temporal and sanctoral) in the Protestant German-speaking lands at this time, see Graf, Geschichte, pp. 112-28, 136-55. 2 7 3 Andreas Hammerschmidt, Musicalische Gesprache iiber die Evangelia, 2 vols. (Dresden: Christian Bergen, 1655, 1656; reprint of 21 selections, ed. Muller, "The Musicalisch Gesprache," vol. 2) (RISMH 1948, H 1949, HH 1948, HH 1949). See also Muller, "The Musicalische Gesprache," 1:87-89. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. include Lieder for morning and evening prayer (NmE 1: nos. 2-3: "Morgen-Andacht" and "Abend-Andacht") and for specific feast days and sacred occasions {NmE, 1: nos. 6-14): Christmas, New Year's, Epiphany, Presentation of Our Lord, Easter, Ascension, Pentecost, Feast o f St. Michael, and the end of the church year. Lastly, a manuscript collection of thirty-one chorale fugues by Krieger is arranged in the order of the church year. This source was likely copied by August Gottfried Ritter (1811-85) of Merseburg, possibly from a manuscript written by Krieger's student Tobias Yolckmar (1678-1756), who has twelve chorale fugues of his own in the collection. This manuscript, housed at the Benedictine Abbey in Beuron before World War II, is now considered lost, but a catalogue of the collection with musical incipits is extant.2 7 4 Rampe has suggested that the placement of the barlines in the catalog incipits, which divides the music into double bars, is highly unusual in keyboard music of this era but similar in style to Krieger's published keyboard collections. This musical characteristic and the link with Volckmar point to the possibility that Krieger had a hand in the selection and order o f the fugues.2 7 5 Krieger's thirty-one fugues cover much of the church year, in order: Pentecost (nos. 1-3), Trinity Sunday (nos. 4-5), Advent (no. 12), Christmas (nos. 12-21), New Year (no. 40), Lent (nos. 23-27), and Easter (nos. 28-31). Between the works for Trinity Sunday and Advent are six chorale fugues (nos. 6-11) of a more general nature that cannot be assigned to a specific feast: the Te Deum, "Nun lob mein Seel, den Herren," "Nun dancket Alle Gott" (2 settings), "Vater unser im Himmelreich," and "Aus tiefer Noth schrei ich zu 2 7 4 August Gottfried Ritter, "Prof. August Gottfried Ritters eigenhandiger Katalog seiner Sammlung mit Orgelmusik, gegliedert nach Komponisten, samt Inhaltsverzeichnis und Incipits," pp. 229-31, Baden-Wurttemberg, Bibliothek der Erzabei Beuron, Mus. ms. 159. Rampe, who has published a recent edition of the Krieger incipits, considers the collection to be lost rather than destroyed. Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger, Samtliche Orgel- und Clavierwerke, 2:xlvi-xlvii, lv, 65-76, 103. 2 7 5 Ibid., 2:lv-lvi. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 134 dir." These works, however, would be appropriate for many of the occasional services that took place in Zittau during the summer and autumn months (e.g., city election service in August, harvest/thanksgiving services, Reformation), which is the time period between Trinity Sunday and Advent.2 7 6 The order of worship for feast days was similar to that for Sundays. Vespers took place at 2:00 P.M. on the day before the feast, with music featuring the choir, instruments, and organ.2 7 7 On the feast day itself, the day began with Matins (“Fruhmetten”) at 5:30 A.M. in summer and 6:00 A.M. in winter. The choir led this service, with the organist accompanying the Te Deum.2 7 8 The pupils were then taught the Gospel in a classroom as they waited for the main service to begin.2 7 9 This communion service gave a prominent role to polyphonic music, and as on concerted Sundays, the most common places for such music were between the Gospel and Creed, during the elevation (when the Sanctus was sung), during the distribution of communion, and for the Amen. The choral, instrumental, and organ music for these services was the responsibility of the civic director of choral music, 2 7 6 Many Lutheran church orders did not give a specific date for a harvest festival, and this author has found no set date for one in the Zittau sources. Krieger published a Lied for such an occasion ("Auff ein Erndte-Fest") in Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit; significantly, however, this song is not included in the series of Lieder associated with the church year. Johann Krieger, "Du kronst das Jahr mit deinem Gute," in NmE, 1: no. 17. 2 7 7 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 3v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). Vespers on the eve of a feast is described fairly often in the Zittau sources. The observance of evening prayer (Abendgebet) on the eve of a Sunday or feast day, however, was found by this author in only one source (the eve of Reformation in 1717, when evening prayer directly followed the Vespers service). "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 4v-5r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. 2 7 8 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fols. 2v-3r, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). 2 7 9 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:406. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 135 and the city council expected him to make the music more elaborate on feast days.2 8 0 In Upper Lusatia, including Zittau, several pastors attended feast day services, but the senior pastor led the liturgy and preached the sermon.2 8 1 The services on feast days retained Latin longer than other services in Zittau; for example, the Epistle and Gospel readings were sung in Latin until 1789.2 8 2 Vespers ("nachmittaglichen Vespern" or "nachmittagigen Gottesdienst") concluded the series of services on feast days, with the exact time varying among several sources (12:00 noon, early afternoon, and 2:00 P.M.).2 8 3 More important feasts, such as Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost, included services on the two days (“Feier-Tagen”) following the feast.2 8 4 The 1717 Reformation anniversary was also celebrated in this manner, and the subsequent days are designated as “Feria II” and “Feria III.” Worship on these two days included communion services in the morning and Vespers services in the early afternoon.2 8 5 See appendix 15 for an outline o f the liturgies 2 8 0 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 3v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). For example, the manuscript copies of music selections for the 1717 Reformation celebration often include a designation of their location in the service. See below, p. 253, for further explanation of this anniversary. 2 8 1 Graf, Geschichte, p. 114. 2 8 2 Pescheck ,Handbuch, 1:406. 2 8 3 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:44; "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fol. lOv, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3; and "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 3r, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). 2 8 4 Carpzov (Analecta, 3:49), for example, mentions the "third days o f the three annual high feasts" ("... Dritten Feyertage, derer jahrlichen Drei hohen Feste . . .."). 2 8 5 "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 14r-27r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. The celebration of Matins in the 1717 Reformation celebration was different from the norm in Zittau. In 1717, the morning service on Reformation Day combined elements of Matins and Communion, while on the second and third days of the celebration, Matins was omitted altogether. This omission appears to have been unusual, for the account of events ("Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 13v, 21r) specifically notes that Matins was not held on those days ("keine Metten gehalten"). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 136 for Reformation in 1717. The documentation from this event provides the most detailed information available on liturgical practice in Zittau during Krieger's era. Saints' days (“Apostel-Tagen”) and minor church feasts (“halben Feyer-Tagen”) were also marked with four services (Vespers on the previous day, and three services on the day itself). The primary service on saints' days was None at 9:00 A.M. (with an added sermon) rather than the communion service customary on feast days.2 8 6 The organist's contract states that all of these services included intoned hymns accompanied by the organist; perhaps the omission of references to other music implies that concerted music was not performed.2 8 7 ZITTAU GYMNASIUM One of the most important institutions in Zittau's history is the Gymnasium Johanneum, which reached its greatest fame during the tenure of rector Christian Weise (1678-1708). The city's extensive business ties required a well-trained citizenship, so from very early in its history, Zittau's leaders placed a strong emphasis on education. Around 1300, a city school (Stadtschule) was founded in Zittau, and by the sixteenth century it had reached such a level of excellence that some of its graduates attended the best universities in Germany.2 8 8 Throughout its early history, the city school was run by the Johanniter order. When the Reformation eventually led to the order's closure, its property was bought by the city in 1571. Zittau's leaders wanted to improve the educational level of their city by converting the city school to a Gymnasium, so the old schoolhouse was razed, and its stones 2 8 < s Doring, "Geschichte," fol. 144r (1684), A240; Idem, "Annales"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:116, n. 1; and Carpzov, Analecta, 3:44. 2 8 7 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 3v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). 2 8 8 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:96; Christian Altmann, Historia Ecclesiastica Zittaviensis, ed. U. G. HauBdorff (Bautzen: D. Richter, 1732), pp. 106, 110, 151, 224, 227. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 137 were used to construct a new Gymnasium building on the same site.2 8 9 The Gymnasium was dedicated on March 10, 1586, with a new rector and an increase in the number of faculty members from six to eight.2 9 0 In the early decades of the seventeenth century the Gymnasium prospered, but in the 1620s-40s, the privations of the Thirty Years' War caused much hardship.2 9 1 After the war, the reputation of the Gymnasium was raised to a very high level by a series of excellent rectors, and from 1680 until 1710 the number of pupils averaged about four hundred.2 9 2 The Gymnasium enjoyed almost a century of prosperity following the Thirty Years' War, but unfortunately the bombardment of the city in 1757 damaged the institution's facilities considerably. While the Gymnasium building survived the destruction, the institution never regained its former fame. The excellent reputation of the Zittau Gymnasium in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries was due in large part to the direction of Weise, who became famous throughout the German lands as both an outstanding educator and author of plays, novels, poetry and treatises. The late seventeenth century was a period of pedagogical reform in Germany, with Weise known as one of the movement's leading proponents. Rather than advocating the abolishment of the old educational system, he changed the focus of teaching 2 8 9 Gurlitt, Zittau, p. 187. This building is still standing today, but the Gymnasium was moved in 1871 to a new structure on another site. See figure 11 for a photograph o f the Gymnasium building (on the right), the rector's house (in the center), and St. John Church (on the left). 2 9 0 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:99-100. 2 9 1 Peschek, Handbuch, 1:551 gives details of this history. 2 9 2 See appendix 8 for a list of rectors from 1586 to 1735. For information on the number of Gymnasium pupils, see Kaemmel, Christian Weise, p. 29 and Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:106-7 and 2:219. According to Pescheck (Handbook, 1:556), the original attendance records listing the names of Gymnasium pupils were destroyed in 1757. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 138 Figure 11. Rector’s Home and Gymnasium Building. Source: Vetter, Die Johanniskirche, p. 34. toward a more practical approach, while still retaining the strong grounding in Latin that was the hallmark of the Gymnasium curriculum.2 9 3 Besides the standard course offerings, Weise also lectured in more modern subjects such as geography, politics and physics. He placed a great deal of emphasis on theatrical performances by the Gymnasium pupils, in which they gained skills such as poise, fluency in language, and a sense of responsibility.2 9 4 2 9 3 A good overview of Weise's educational philosophy can be found in Arnhardt, "Der Zittauer Rektor," 173-83. 2 9 4 The secondary literature on Christian Weise's life, writings, and educational philosophy is quite extensive. For a recent bibliography, see Behnke, Christian Weise, 361- 73. An important listing of Weise's writings, as well as secondary literature, is Diinnhaupt, Personalbibliographien, 6:4179-250. It should be noted, however, that Dunnhaupt's list of Weise's publications does not include items specifically related to the Zittau Gymnasium (Schulschriften). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 139 Pupils came to the Gymnasium from areas as distant as the Baltic regions and Hungary, although most of them were from Zittau and the surrounding region of Lusatia. The Gymnasium student body included sons of both the nobility and the middle-class, the latter (“biirgerlichen Schuler”) coming primarily from families involved in city government and trade.2 9 5 The combination of noble and middle-class pupils in the same institution was unusual in Germany at this time, as was the wide geographical distribution o f the pupils' homes. Some of the Zittau Gymnasium graduates went on to attend the finest universities in Germany, including Leipzig, Frankfurt/Oder, Wittenberg, Halle and Kiel.2 9 6 Many pupils, especially those from noble or wealthy families, also traveled after graduation to other parts of Europe.2 9 7 The six classes (with the first class being the oldest) were split into two groups. The younger pupils (classes 4-6) had a Volksschule curriculum, while the upper three classes were taught at the Gymnasium level.2 9 8 The curriculum was heavily weighted toward Latin, the language of scholarship, and most of Christian Weise's textbooks were written in Latin.2 9 9 Out of twenty-seven instruction hours per week for the first and second classes, twenty-one 2 9 S Hans-Gert Roloff, "Christian Weise— damals und heute," 18. 2 9 6 Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:128. 2 9 7 Peschek, Handbuch, 1:580. 2 9 8 Christian Weise, Oratio de Conscientia Praeceptorum (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1684), appendix; cited in Kaemmel, "Riickblicke," 25. 2 9 9 Wilfried Barner, "Christian Weise," in Deutsche Dichter des 17. Jahrhunderts: Ihr Leben und Werk, eds. Harald Steinhagen and Benno von Wiese (Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag, 1984), 706. See also the Latin textbooks by Weise that are mentioned in the 1710 curriculum of the Zittau Gymnasium: Hoffmann, Catalogus; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:45-59. This 1710 curriculum contains an abbreviated appendix in German for the parents who could not read Latin. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 140 hours were taught in Latin.3 0 0 As for other languages, Greek and Hebrew were also taught as subjects, while French was given as a private lecture by a teacher (“Sprachmeister”) who was not a member of the faculty.3 0 1 Religion was taught as a class, while most other subjects were given through private lectures. All pupils were taught in Latin as the medium of instruction until 1709, when the teachers for the three lower classes were first allowed to use German.3 0 2 The teachers at the Gymnasium were highly trained, and in the years from 1680- 1735 over half of them held a university degree (Magister), mostly from Leipzig or Wittenberg. Two-thirds had themselves been pupils in the Zittau Gymnasium. The faculty o f eight was led by the rector, whose title was changed to director after 1713. The teachers under him were ordered in hierarchy, and their titles were Konrector, Tertii (or Subrector), Cantor, Quinti, Sexti, Septimi, and Octavi. It was common for a teacher to enter service at a lower level and then be promoted, but a university degree (Magister) was usually required to advance to one of the top four positions (rector to cantor).3 0 3 Music Curriculum The study of music was an important part o f the curriculum, even in the first decades of the Gymnasium's history. In the early seventeenth century, rector Melchior Gerlach (1562-1616) made the improvement of music instruction one of his first tasks after 3 0 0 Wollgast, "Ehrenfried Walther," 110. 3 0 1 Christian Weise, Zittau, to Marc Etienne de Champagne, Gorlitz, 23 September 1697, Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek; Christian Weise, Zittau, to Scharffenstein (law student), Mompelgard, 26 December 1703, Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek. Both letters are quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:70. 3 0 2 Arnhardt, "Der Zittauer Rektor," 181. 3 0 3 For example, Carpzov {Analecta, 3:116-17) mentions that Christian Doring, Hennig Johne, and Andreas Knebel all entered as Octavi and worked their way up to Sexti. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 141 assuming leadership of the Gymnasium.3 0 4 The theory of music was taught together with mathematics, and descriptions of the music curriculum from this time emphasize the teaching of the rules of music (“praecepta Musices”).3 0 5 These references show that music in Zittau was considered a subject in the quadrivium. Practical music-making, a subject in the trivium, was also taught in Zittau, as evidenced by many contemporary references to the Gymnasium choir singing in church services. By the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the upper three classes appear to have spent their entire music instruction time on practical music-making rather than theoretical instruction.3 0 6 According to the curriculum from 1678/79, music was taught by both the cantor and the Quintus, each taking a separate group for six hours o f instruction. It can be surmised that the Quintus taught the fourth and fifth classes.3 0 7 In the 1710 curriculum, the combined fourth and fifth classes learned both singing and the rudiments of 3 0 4 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:102. 3 0 5 Melchior Gerlach, na(paa%suacm%a (Zittau, 1602); quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:48; and Sigm. Kindler, Gregor. Walther and Melchior Gerlach, "Instructio Cantoris," 24 November 1612; quoted in Doring, "Annales"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:74. The teaching of music and mathematics together was a common practice in Germany. See Georg Schunemann, Geschichte der Deutschen Schulmusik, 2d ed., 2 vols. (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1931; reprint, Cologne: F. Kistner & C. F. W. Siegel, 1968), 1:102-3; and Ernest Felix Livingstone, "The Theory and Practice of Protestant School Music in Germany as Seen Through the Collection of Abraham Ursinus (Ca. 1600)." (Ph.D. diss., University of Rochester, Eastman School of Music, 1962), p. 358, 375-76. 3 0 6 Hoffmann, Catalogus; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:45-59. See a discussion of choir rehearsals below, p. 152. Further clarification of music instruction in the Zittau Gymnasium can be found in "Leges," an important document from the late seventeenth or early eighteenth century and therefore contemporary to Krieger. It can be dated after 1682 since it refers to the “Director Chori Musici auf der Orgel,” a position first held by Krieger when he arrived in Zittau that year. The document's reference to the leader of the Gymnasium as the rector rather than the director places it before 1713, when the title o f that position changed. Additionally, Gartner {Quellenbuch, 2:248) states that the language o f the document dates it to the early eighteenth century. 3 0 7 Kaemmel, Christian Weise, pp. 33, 85. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 142 music (“elementa Musices”) in a class that met from 12:00 until 1:00 P.M.on Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Friday. They were taught by the Sextus teacher rather than the cantor, who was conducting rehearsal with the older pupils at the same class time.3 0 8 The youngest pupils (those in the sixth class) do not appear to have received any formal music instruction, although there is evidence that they did sing in a choir.3 0 9 Unfortunately, the exact nature of music studies for the fourth and fifth classes cannot be determined; for example, a list from 1710 of required textbooks for all six classes does not include any books on music.3 1 0 There is evidence, however, that the Gymnasium faculty wanted their pupils to study hymns. For example, in 1709 rector Hoffmann urged the pupils to learn the more common hymns, especially those with obscure texts ("dunkele Redens-Arten"). This was most likely accomplished when the lower four classes gathered on Sunday afternoons in the summer from 5:00 P.M. until 6:00 P.M. This meeting usually included a discussion of the day's sermon, the catechism, or a historical book from the Bible, but occasionally this session was devoted to an explanation of hymn texts: Concerning the lower four classes, they meet together in the large auditorium also on Sundays and are led by a teacher [“Praeceptore”] in a decent exercise on Christian beliefs. Occasionally, the commonly-used church hymns might be clearly explained to them. Because most hymns contain obscure figures of speech, many young, naive people often learn false and absurd ideas, and they keep these impressions their entire lives. Therefore, a clear explanation reveals not only the proper understanding of 3 0 8 Music instruction for younger pupils by a teacher other than the cantor was typical of Latin schools in the late seventeenth century. For example, this practice occurred in Frankfurt/Oder and Liibeck. See Samuel, Cantata, p. 23; and George Buelow, "Protestant North Germany," in Music Society and the Early Baroque Era: From the late 16th century to the 1660s, ed. Curtis Price (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1993), p. 200. 3 0 9 See below, p. 154. 3 l0 Hoffmann, Catalogus; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:58-59. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 143 these things, but also means that such hymns will be sung hereafter with greater devotion and emotion.3 1 1 In addition, music was available for private instruction, as mentioned in a list of subjects published in Hoffmann's 1710 description of the Gymnasium curriculum.3 1 2 The cantor conducted this music instruction (“exercet Musicam”) during the fourth hour (“hora Quarta”). Cantor Music in the Zittau Gymnasium and the church was led by the cantor, who was ranked fourth among the eight teachers. The cantors in Zittau in the seventeenth century had less advanced university training than the other teachers in the Gymnasium. For example, from the founding of the Gymnasium in 1586 until the year 1700, only one of Zittau's nine cantors held the university degree of Magister?n In contrast, the number of Magister 3 1 1 "Was die untern 4 Classen betrifft, so werden derselben Schuler in das grosse Auditorium ... auch am Sonntage ... zusammen gefuhret, und von einem Praeceptore zu einer anstandigen Ubung im Christenthum angeleitet. . . . Bissweilen konnen auch die gewohnlichen Kirchen Gesange ihnen deutlich expliciret werden. Denn in denen meisten Liedern sind viele dunkele Redens-Arten, dabei sich junge und einfaltige Leute oft falsch und ungereimtes Ding einbilden, und die Einbildung davon ihr Lebenlang behalten. Hingegen eine deutliche Erklarung eroffnet nicht allein den eigentlichen Verstand der Sachen, sondem machet auch, dass solche Lieder hernach mit grossrer Andacht und GemUths-Bewegung gesungen werden." Gottfried Hoffmann, Das Zittauische Die cur hie und Hoc age, das ist: Ausfuhrlicher Bericht von denen im Zittauischen Gymnasio verordneten Lectionibus, welche theils von der studirenden Jugend theils von den jenigen welche sich zu einer andern Profession wenden wollen abzuwarten sind wie auch von der Methode oder Lehr-Art die bey jeder Lection gehalten wird; Nebst einem kurtzen Unterricht an die gesammte Jugend wie sie in ihrem Curriculo Scholastico sich zuverhalten und etlichen wolmeinenden Vorschlagen wie Christliche Eltern den Praeceptoribus beystehen konnen dafi die Erziehung der Kinder besser von statten gehe und wie auch vor arme Kinder die in Zittau studiren konne gesorget werden (Zittau, 1709); quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2 :11. 3 1 2 Hoffmann, Catalogus', quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:58-59. 3 1 3 Michael Zieger, the cantor during Krieger's tenure, held a Magister degree from Leipzig. The percentage of Gymnasium teachers with Magister degrees was calculated from Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 144 teachers among the other teaching positions was much higher, being approximately seventy- five percent among the first, second, and third teachers and twenty percent among the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth teachers. In Germany as a whole, the academic credentials of cantors declined throughout the seventeenth century. This was possibly due to an overall increase in the number of teachers in Gymnasiums, which meant that cantors did less academic teaching and could devote more time to music, often becoming the only specialists on the faculty.3 1 4 Even without university Magister degrees, many of Zittau's cantors were highly respected. Demantius was a prolific composer and theorist; his Isagoge artis musicae contains the first alphabetical dictionary of music in Germany.3 1 5 In 1607, Demantius left Zittau's Gymnasium for the prestigious position of cantor in Freiberg's main church. Another Zittau cantor, Joachim David (d. 1651), left his post in 1618 to become rector and eventually mayor of Lobau, another of the cities in the six-city union. Before coming to Zittau, Kratzer and Zieger taught in Leipzig at the St. Thomas and St. Nicholas schools, respectively, and Titius attended the famous Kreuzschule in Dresden. In addition, five o f the Zittau cantors in the seventeenth century attended one of the top universities in Germany data in Peschek, Handbuch, 2:765-71. For a list of the cantors in Zittau from 1586 to 1735, please see appendix 8. 3 H Ernest F. Livingstone, "The Place of Music in German Education from the Beginnings through the 16th century," Journal o f Research in Music Education xv (1967): 268; John Butt, Music Education and the art o f performance in the German Baroque (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 17. 3 1 5 Christoph Demantius, Isagoge artis musicae (Nuremberg, 1605). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 145 (either Leipzig or Wittenberg), with Zieger completing the master's degree (.Magister) in Leipzig.3 1 6 The cantors as a group were more likely than the other Gymnasium teachers to be from Bohemian immigrant (Exulant) families, and four of the nine cantors were actually bora in Moravia or Bohemia. As a group, they were less likely than the other Gymnasium teachers to have originated in Zittau, either as native-born inhabitants or as former pupils of the Gymnasium. All but one of them were appointed directly to the cantor position (i.e., were not promoted from a lower position).3 1 7 This lack of internal promotion was most likely due to the specialized music training needed for the job.3 1 8 The cantor in Zittau was in charge of planning and directing music for both the Gymnasium and the church, with the exception of certain music associated specifically with the organist. The cantor taught singing in the Gymnasium and directed both the Gymnasium choir and the city instrumentalists during their performances in church services, weddings, funerals, and civic events. He was responsible for the congregational hymns in Sunday services, for which he was specifically paid.3 1 9 Church records indicate that the cantor also purchased musical supplies, sometimes from locations as far away as Leipzig.3 2 0 The 3 1 6 The Zittau cantors with university training were Demantius, Joachim David, Kratzer, Titius, and Zieger. 3 1 7 Christoph Kratzer began his work in the Gymnasium as the eighth teacher (Collega Octavus), but was promoted to cantor within a year. He was also the only Zittau cantor in the decades before Krieger to leave the position for a job unrelated to music. 3 1 8 The above discussion is based on lists of Gymnasium faculty drawn from Carpzov, Analecta, 3:109-17; Peschek, Handbuch, 2:765-71; and Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:98-99. 3 1 9 "Reglement von 1731"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:205. 3 2 0 Peschek, Handbuch, 2:328; and "Administrationsrechnung ... St. Johannis," 26 (1717): fols. 19v, 20v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 48 (Fach 1505). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 146 cantor's academic duties included various Latin subjects for the second, third and fourth Gymnasium classes.3 2 1 Many of the Zittau cantors were also composers, the most prominent being Demantius and Titius, and their compositions were usually written for specific occasions such as weddings and funerals. Titius, who was cantor from 1680 until 1681, was the first musician in Zittau to receive the title Chori Musici Director, which was indicative of his extensive musical training and abilities. Titius' hiring reflected a shift in the duties and status of the cantor from his predecessor, Kratzer, who was primarily trained as an academic and pedagogue. Kratzer and Titius were typical of the two types of cantors that worked in central Germany during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries: 1) a pedagogue with knowledge of music who was primarily trained to teach academic subjects in the school, and 2) a highly-trained musician/composer acting as Kapellmeister for all o f the city's school, church and civic functions. In Germany throughout the seventeenth century, this second type of cantor was given the title Director Chori Musices (civic director of choral music) with greater and greater frequency.3 2 2 After Titius' death, his title was given to Krieger, who was 32lSigm. Kindler, Gregor. Walther and Melchior Gerlach, "Instructio Cantoris," 24 November 1612, quoted in Doring, "Annales," quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:74; Doring, "Annales," quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:66; Kaemmel, Christian Weise, pp. 84-85; Weise, "Wohlmeinender Vorschlag," fols. 7r-36v, Rep. VI-III-1 No. 1 Vol. 1; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:53-65. 3 2 2 Butt, Music Education, pp. 17-18. J. S. Bach's hiring in Leipzig illustrates the conflict between those in Leipzig who wanted an academic cantor and those who desired a cantor acting as a Kapellmeister. See Ulrich Siegele, "Bach and the domestic politics of Electoral Saxony," in The Cambridge Companion to Bach, ed. John Butt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997): 22-25. For further description of Bach's duties as a civic music director, see Stiller, Johann Sebastian Bach, pp. 191-92. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 147 the first organist to serve as musical director of the city. Krieger therefore assumed some of the duties that had formerly been the responsibility of the cantor.3 2 3 The cantor in Zittau who served simultaneously with Krieger was Michael Zieger (1650-1735). Their lives spanned nearly the same years, with Zieger born one year before Krieger and both men dying in 1735. They were both hired in Zittau in 1682 and served until 1734 (Zieger) and 1735 (Krieger). The remarkable longevity of these two men provided a stability for Zittau's music life that the city had not experienced since the days of Hammerschmidt and Crusius in the middle part of the century. Zieger was born in Zittau on 8 December 1650 and baptized the following day. His father was a day laborer (“Tagarbeiter”) at the time of his son's birth and eventually became a home tutor in German (“Teutscher Schulhalter”) for schoolchildren in Zittau.3 2 4 Zieger's father supported him while he obtained his education, first at the Zittau Gymnasium and later as a theology student at the University of Leipzig. He studied in Leipzig from 1674 until 1681, when he received the master's degree (Magister) and then worked for a short time as a teacher in the St. Nicholas school in Leipzig. In Zittau, the position of cantor had been vacant for over a year since Titius' death on 14 May 1681, with Kuhnau serving during the interim. Five candidates were interviewed in 3 2 3 Details of this shift in duties are discussed below, p. 205, in connection with Krieger's appointment. 3 2 4 Biographical information about Zieger is available in Carpzov, Analecta, 3:114; Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:99; "Taufbuch Zittau," 9 December 1650, Zittau, Pfarramt; "Traubuch Zittau," 1694, Septuagesimae Sunday, and 1698, September 16; "Begrabnisbuch Zittau," 1735, Nr. 24, February; personal communication, 3 August 1992, Erich Prowig, Pfarramt, Zittau; "Zieger," [c. 1727], in "Collectanea," A58. The last source, from the early eighteenth century, is a handwritten collection of genealogical charts containing several generations of Zieger's family. This collection also contains information about the Hammerschmidt and Krieger families most of which was not used for this dissertation because it was duplicated from earlier sources. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 148 1681 for the position, including Wolfgang Caspar Printz (1641-1717) and Christian Andreas Schulze (1660-99). The position was offered to Adolph Caschauer o f Bischofswerda, who initially accepted the job, but later declined it due to his wife's reluctance to move.3 2 5 The next year (1682) the city leaders in Zittau went outside the prior pool of candidates to choose Michael Zieger. He was appointed with two titles—cantor of St. John and fourth teacher ('Collega IV) in the Gymnasium. Zieger was likely selected for his academic credentials, since he was the first cantor in Zittau to possess a master's degree. It was rare in Germany in the late seventeenth century for a cantor to have training as advanced as a master's degree, which made Zieger extremely capable to undertake the academic aspects of his new position.3 2 6 In addition, he did not need exceptional musical experience to obtain the job, since the recently-appointed Krieger was highly qualified in music. Zieger's installation ceremony on 10 June 1682 was similar to the one for his predecessor Titius.3 2 7 Zieger's duties included leading the Gymasium pupils in their liturgical singing for church services, and entries in the financial books for St. John indicate his purchases o f music for the choir.3 2 8 The more complicated music duties, such as the composition and direction of polyphonic music, were left to Krieger. No compositions by Zieger survive, and this author has found no references to him as a composer. 3 2 5 Doring, "Annales"; quoted in Gartner, Analecta, 1:99, n. 5. 3 2 6 Dieter Krickeberg, Das Protestantische Kantorat im 17. Jahrhundert: Studien zum Amt des deutschen Kantors, Berliner Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, vol. 6 (Berlin: Verlag Merseburger, 1965), p. 139. 3 2 7 See Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:81 for a quotation from Doring, "Annales" that describes the installation services for Titius and Zieger. 3 2 8 "Administrationsrechnung ... St. Johannis," 18: fol. 22v (10 December 1709), 20 (10 December 1711), 23 (3 December 1714), 26: fols. 19v, 20v (30 September and 14 December, 1717), Rep. VII Cap. I/laNr. 48 (Fach M, Fach 1505). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 149 Zieger married twice, and his second wife was a granddaughter o f Christian Weise. Active professionally until he was 84, his work was taken over in 1734 by Johann Christoph Griinewald (d. 1751), who was named cantor only after Zieger's death.3 2 9 Zieger died on 27 January 1735 and was buried on 4 February.3 3 0 No fewer than seven funeral programs and memorial odes for Zieger survive, testifying to the esteem with which he was held in Zittau, especially among his former pupils.3 3 1 Early History of the Gymnasium Choirs In 1602, not long after the establishment of the Gymnasium, one of Melchior Gerlach's first acts as rector was to raise the quality of the choir. Unfortunately, the exact nature of his changes is not outlined by Carpzov.3 3 2 Improvement was necessary, for in the late sixteenth century (1558), a pastor complained bitterly about the poor performance of the school choir during church services.3 3 3 3 2 9 Grunewald is listed as “Substitutus” in one of Zieger's funeral programs: Johann Christoph Grunwald, Ampt und Seegen/ Welches Tit. Tot. Herr M. Michael Zieger In die 53. Jahr treu-verdienter Cantor und Collega TV . beim hiesigen Gymnasio auch Senior, An dem Tage seines seeligen Todes den 27. Jan. An. 1735. hinterliefi, Gab Gelegenheit, Dafi/an dem Tage seiner zu St. Johannis allhier geschehenen solennen Beerdigung Den 4, Febr. a, c. Denen schmertzlich-betriibten Leidtragenden Zu einiger Aufrichtung Diese Trauer-Ode schrieb, Des Wohl-Seeligen Danckbahrer Substitutus Johann Christoph Grunwald, Cantor und Collega IV. beim Gymnasio allhier (Zittau: Johann Christian Stremeln, 1735), p. i; Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zitt. 71/1849 Lugens 452, Zitt. 71 Kapsel Z18a. 3 3 0 Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 18, p. xiv) incorrectly gives Zieger's death date as 28 January. 3 3 1 For information about Zieger’s funeral programs, see Rudolf Lenz et al., eds., Katalog der Leichenpredigten undsonstiger Trauerschriften in der Christian-Weise- Bibliothek zu Zittau, 4 vols., Marburger Personalschriften-Forschungen, vol. 25/1 (Stuttgart: Jan Thorbecke Yerlag, 1999), 2:1124-26. 3 3 2 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:102. 3 3 3 Doring, "Annales"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:18. This passage is translated in Howard, Mass, pp. 20-21. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 150 In the next few decades, both the school and the choir suffered from the hardships of the Thirty Years' War, and Carpzov mentions the low numbers of pupils enrolled during these years. It was necessary at times to supplement the choir with students who had returned from further training (“von Academien zuriick gekommene Literati”). As a gesture of thanks, the city council treated these outside singers once a year to a party called a Cantor-Bier, since a special type of beer was served at this event. These yearly festivities were discontinued after 1631 due to war, plague, and unruliness at the party (“offtmahls darbei entstandenen Streitigkeiten”).3 3 4 Organization of the Choirs In the period of recovery following the Thirty Years' War, the Gymnasium choir prospered under the leadership of cantors Crusius, Kratzer, Titius and Zieger.3 3 5 The duties of the choir involved singing in church services and for special occasions, usually weddings and funerals. The choir was split into two groups who often traded off duties in the church and cemetery. One of the choirs consisted exclusively of pupils from the first class, and the 3 3 4 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:105. For further information, see Peschek, Handbuch, 2:327- 28; Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:75, n.2; Klaus Wolfgang Niemoller, Untersuchungen zu Musikpflege und Musikunterricht an den deutschen Lateinschulen vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis um 1600, Kolner Beitrage zur Musikforschung, ed. Karl Gustav Fellerer, vol. 54 (Regensburg: Gustav Bosse Verlag, 1969), pp. 37-38; and Johannes Rautenstrauch, Luther und die Pflege der kirchlichen Musik in Sachsen (14.-19. Jahrhundert): Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der katholischen Briiderschaften, der vor- und nachreformatorischen Kurrenden, Schulchdre undKantoreien Sachsens (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1907), pp. 121-22. Werner ( Vier Hunderte, p. 236) mentions similar festivities in other parts of Germany, calling them a Kantoreibier. 3 3 5 Much of the following discussion is based on "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:248-51. See appendix 16 for a translation of this document. See also Peschek, Handbuch, 1:576 for information on the Gymnasium choir. In Krieger's time, this choir was known as the Chorus symphoniacus. Documents that use this term include Hoffmann, Catalogus; quoted in Gartner, Quellebuch, 2:51; and "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:248. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 151 other contained pupils in the third class and older.3 3 6 Sometimes, however, the rector and cantor selected specific groups of pupils to sing at weddings and funerals in the countryside. In addition to these Gymnasium choirs, two other groups of singers were based in the Gymnasium: the Brotschuler from the three lower classes, and 2) a small group of approximately eight pupils assigned to the organist for music performed in the organ loft (“auf der Orgel”).3 3 7 All choir members were required to wear robes, and they incurred fines if they forgot to do so.3 3 8 This monetary penalty and many others are listed in the "Leges," which state that the money from the collected fines is either divided among the industrious choir members or used to purchase choir music and instruments.3 3 9 The Gymnasium choir did not include every pupil enrolled in the upper three classes. Each singer was required to audition, but those needy pupils who did not have sufficient experience or skill could still join the choir if they were devout and hardworking. These unskilled singers were obligated to attend all rehearsals faithfully. For all pupils in the choir, poor attendance and misbehavior were punished by fines, which are carefully listed in the "Leges." The rector and cantor together chose two pupils of special ability, the prefect (Praefectus) and adjunct (Adjunctus), to be leaders in the choir and examples of proper 3 3 6 Hoffmann, Catalogus-, quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:51. 3 3 7 The choir with eight singers is discussed below, p. 170. 3 3 8 The cleaning of choir robes ("Chor Manteln zu reinigen") is included in the 1718 church records for St. John. "Administrationsrechnung ... St. Johannis," 27 (1718), Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 48 (Fach 1505). 3 3 9 "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:251. The assessment of monetary fines for poor behavior in choirs was common in Germany at this time. See Schiinemann, Geschichte, pp. 205-8. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 152 behavior. If the cantor was unavailable to conduct at an event (e.g., one of two simultaneous funerals), the prefect or adjunct was expected to replace him. They occasionally took over rehearsals, as well. Sometimes these pupils took their responsibilities too far; in the "Leges" they are admonished to direct only the arias approved by the rector and cantor. Johann Kuhnau, as prefect at the time of Edelmann and Titius' deaths, was given the duties o f both men, which meant that he had responsibility for all organ and choral music in the church and Gymnasium. While this situation was highly unusual, it was within the scope of Kuhnau's regular duties as prefect to direct the Gymnasium choirs. Rehearsals took place daily, with extra sessions held as needed as long as they did not conflict with lectures given in the Gymmasium. The cantor led rehearsals (“ordinair Singestunde”) for the upper three classes from 12:00 until 1:00 P.M. on Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Friday (concurrent with the music instruction for the fourth and fifth classes led by the Sextus). The scheduling of choir rehearsal at the noon hour was a long-standing tradition in Germany; many school regulations dating from as far back as the sixteenth century specified this time of day.3 4 0 On Thursday and Saturday, the most important rehearsals of the week (“Chorsingstunden”) were held for the Chorus symphoniacus from 1:00 to 2:00 P.M. in preparation for the church services on Friday and Sunday.3 4 1 The Thursday and Saturday rehearsals sometimes included instrumentalists in addition to the customary singers: Since the regular choir rehearsal is also held on Mondays, Tuesday, Wednesdays and Fridays from 12:00 noon until 1:00 P.M. and on Thursdays and Saturdays from 1:00 until 2:00 P.M., in which [rehearsals] choral and 3 4 0 SchUnemann (Geschichte, pp. 82, 89-95) mentions the noontime rehearsal hour in Melancthon's ordinance for Saxony (1528), as well as in regulations for Wittenberg (1533), Wiirttemberg (1559), and Weimar (1562). 3 4 1 Hoffmann, Catalogus-, quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:51. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 153 polyphonic music are studied, and hymns, motets, concertos, and Magnificats are practiced and sung, therefore all singers should be present, especially on Thursdays and Saturdays, when practice is done both with and without instruments and basso continuo.3 4 2 The small group of eight singers that Krieger directed met for two additional rehearsals in preparation for services on Friday and Sunday: And since the [civic] director of choral music too holds rehearsal [which takes place] in the organ balcony on Thursdays from 2:00 until 3:00 and on Saturdays after Vespers, all [singers] whom he requests and needs should present themselves and sing what is put before them, and on Sundays or Fridays after these rehearsals, they should be present to sing at the correct time [for the service] that he has requested.3 4 3 The Saturday rehearsal, which began after the 2:00 Vespers service, probably lasted about an hour, since the "Leges" refer to it as a “Singestunde.” Music Performed Outside the Church The primary function of the Gymnasium choir was to sing in church services, but musical activity outside the church was also an important part of the pupils' lives. Music served as a means of financial support for the pupils and as an integral part of the school's extracurricular activities, with pupils participating as vocalists and instrumentalists. Many of the poorer pupils raised money for their schooling by singing in the city. As early as the fifteenth century and continuing into Krieger's time, pupils sang motets, arias 3 4 2 "Weil auch Montags, Dienstags, Mittwochs und Freitags von 12-1 Uhr ordinair Singestunde gehalten wird, wie Donnerstags und Sonnabends von 1-2 Uhr, in welchen choral- und figural-Music getrieben, Hymni, Muteten, Concerten, Magnificat und insonderheit Donnerstags und Sonnabends cum et sine instrumentis et fundamento exerciret und gesungegen werden: So sollen alle Choralisten sich einfinden, vornehmlich aber des Donnerstags und Sonnabends." "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:249. 3 4 3 "Und weil auch der Director Chori Musici auf der Orgel, Donnerstags von 2-3 Uhr und Sonnabends nach der Vesper auf die Orgel Music Singestunde halt, so sollen alle die er verlanget und von noten hat, bei ihm sich einstellen, was ihnen vorgelegt singen, und des Sonntags oder Freitags hernach, so wie hin gewiesen werden, zu rechter Zeit sich einstellen." "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:249. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 154 and odes in processions through the streets or in front of private homes. According to the "Leges," singing before the doors of private homes took place on Sundays and feast days, with special rehearsals held beforehand by the prefect and adjunct.3 4 4 The "Leges" describe locked boxes ("verschlossenen Buchsen") for monies paid to the choir for their singing, which the prefect and adjunct counted, recorded, and left with the rector. In addition, instruction is given to divide the earnings from funerals and weddings among those who sang for them.3 4 5 Pupils from the lower three classes belonged to a separate choir known as the Brotschulern, since they were often paid with bread as well as money for their weekly singing in Zittau's streets. According to Peschek, the twenty-eight members o f the Brotschulern wore distinctive blue robes and sang for 1) smaller funerals, 2) funerals in two of the burial churches (Trinity Church and Church of the Cross), and 3) private citizens in the streets in front of their houses.3 4 6 Choirs like the Brotschulern were also called Currende, both in Zittau and in other parts of Germany. Known for singing German sacred songs in the streets of cities and villages, they were an important means o f raising money for the Gymnasium.3 4 7 3 4 4 "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:249. 3 4 5 "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:248, 250. 3 4 6 Peschek, Handbuch, 1:576-78 and 2:330 describes this choir's processions and the payments the singers received. For further information on the Brotschulern in Zittau, see Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:253-54; and Samuel Grosser, Lausitzische Merckwiirdigkeiten (Leipzig und Bautzen: D. Richter, 1714), 4:156-57; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:114- 15. 3 4 7 Martin Luther and J. S. Bach both sang in Currende in their youth. See Christoph Wolff, Johann Sebastian Bach: The Learned Musician (New York: W. W. Norton, 2000), pp. 25, 40, 55. A good overview of the Currende in Saxony can be found in Rautenstrauch, Luther, pp. 97-103, 352-55, 429-30. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 155 Music played an ancillary role in many secular Gymnasium activities. For example, most events involving festival processions were accompanied by singing. Yearly parties and ceremonies for Christmas, graduation, and holidays usually included music, as did many one-time celebrations, such as anniversaries. The Gymnasium singers must have been quite elaborate in their farewells (“Valet”) for graduating pupils, for the "Leges" request that such music be registered in advance with the entire faculty.3 4 8 In 1697, Krieger wrote a Lied for a graduating pupil, and the work's title page mentions its performance at a "Valet."3 4 9 Not all secular music-making by the Gymnasium pupils was exclusively vocal. Instrumental music was mentioned by Weise as part o f the 1678 curriculum: Christopher Kratzer, Cantor: .... In Class III. . . . For a single hour after twelve noon, except for holiday periods, first vocal music and then instrumental music will be practiced for one hour.3 5 0 When Krieger came to work in Zittau, he served as both teacher and director of the Gymnasium's instrumental ensemble. On 28 February 1686, only four years into his tenure in Zittau, Krieger was specifically mentioned as leading the collegium musicum for a performance celebrating the one-hundredth anniversary of the Gymnasium. Two slightly differing accounts of this event are extant, both of which are quoted here: Toward evening, as the guests were still gathered, the entire student body came carrying many torches and presented the rector with a printed poem and a cup. They also performed music, under the leadership of Mr. Krieger, 3 4 8 "Leges," quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:249. 3 4 9 Johann Krieger, M. G. Liebreiche Gedancken ["So zeuch wohin dich Gott begleitet"] An einen Sohn guter Hoffnung/ Bei dem bevorstehenden Wechsel Des Gymnasii Mit der Academischen Freiheit/ Den 27. Mart. M. DC. XCVII. heraufigelassen/ Undzum Valet abgesungen (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1697), p. i (RJSMKK 2450f, Samuel No. 22). 3 5 0 "Christophorus Kratzer, Cantor: .... In Classe III Singulis vero post meridiem diebus, nisi quibus otia dantur scholastica, Musicam turn vocalem turn instrumentalem hora prima exercebit." Christian Weise, "Lectionum ordinariarum series (Christian Weises Einladung zum Examen publicum)," 15th Sunday after Trinity, 1678; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:50. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 156 which required no outside players or civic musicians, and nevertheless had different groups of performers on violin, viola da gamba, flute, harp, harpsichord, as well as vocalists.3 5 1 Toward evening the guests were still gathered, and to the sounds of a pleasant serenade, the entire student body presented to the rector a printed congratulatory poem and a silver cup, whereby one had to note as something unusual that despite the great number of vocalists and instrumentalists playing violin, viol da gamba, harp, flute, and oboe, neither the city musicians nor outside musicians were present.3 5 2 The existence of a collegium musicum in the Zittau Gymnasium is also documented in programs from 1697, 1723, 1751 and 1752.3 5 3 In addition, the 1717 celebration in Zittau of the two-hundredth anniversary of the Reformation included three evening performances of secular music (“Abend Music”). The players for one performance are described as “Musicus Instrumentalis,” and another evening's event was held in the Gymnasium; therefore, it is possible that these performances included pupils from the collegium musicum,3 5 4 There is evidence of works by Krieger that could have been played by such an instrumental 3 5 1 "Gegen Abend, als die Gaste noch alle beisammen, kamen die samtlichen Auditores mit sehr viel Facheln, prasentierten dem Rectori ein gedrucktes Carmen und einen Becher und machten durch Anfuhrung Herrn Kriegers eine Musik, dabei sie keinen Extraneum und Stadt-Musicum gebrauchten, und hatten gleichwohl unterschiedene Chore von Violinen, Viol di Gamben, Floten, Harfen, Cembeln und Vokalisten." Doring, "Annales;" quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:129. 3 5 2 "Gegen Abend aber, als die Gaste noch beisammen, uberreichten die samtlichen Scholaren, unter einer angenehmen Serenade, dem Rectori ein gedrucktes Carmen gratulatorium nebst einem silbernen Becher; Worbei man als etwas sonderbahres remarquiren muste, dab ungeachtet die Music in unterschiedenen Choren, an Violinen, Viols di Gamba, Harffen, Flothen, Flautboisten, und Vocalisten bestanden; dennoch weder jemand von denen Stadt-Musicis, noch ein Extraneus darbei gewesen." Carpzov, Analecta, 3:104. 3 5 3 Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:225. 3 5 4 "Nachricht das bey der, von Hlel. Konigl: Maitl: in Pohlen, und Chur-Fiirstl. Durchl. zu Sachsen zugelabenen Celebration des Reformation-Festes, von Tage zu Tage, in und ausser der Kirche vom Solennitaten und Anordnungen observiret worden. Anno 1717." in "Acta betrl. die Feyrung des Reformations-Festes im Jahr 1717," fols. 14r, 20r, 27r, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. A significant portion of this document is quoted in Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 18, pp. xxvii-xxxii. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 157 ensemble. Manuscript copies from the late seventeenth century of "4 Suiten & 1 Caprice a 5 str." were formerly housed in the Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek Hamburg, but are now lost.3 5 5 Instrumental ensembles became popular throughout Germany in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries with the rise of amateur music-making. Zittau was not the only Gymnasium in its region to support such a collegium musicum', the Gymnasiums in Gorlitz and Freiberg also had instrumental ensembles in the late seventeenth century.3 5 5 According to Arnfried Edler, it was not unusual in the seventeenth century for an organist like Krieger to lead the Gymnasium's collegium musicum. The organist was often involved in the practical side of the pupils' music education, in contrast to the more academic instruction they received from the cantor.3 5 7 Another type of secular music performed by the Gymnasium pupils was the incidental music for the Zittau school plays, which reached their greatest fame under Weise. These plays, which were an important part of the pupils' education, gave a prominent role to both vocal and instrumental music. Scholarly coverage of Weise's dramas is quite extensive, and a discussion of these plays and their music is beyond the scope of this dissertation. 3 5 5 Samuel No. 87. The instrumentation of these works, as described on the manuscript, was "2 Dessus, Hautcontre, Taille, B. Concert, B.C." 3 5 6 Emil Platen, "Collegium musicum," In M G G II, Sachteil 2:947. For further information on instrumental training in the seventeenth century, including quotes from school primers, see Butt, Music Education, pp. 20-22, 61-63. 3 5 7 Even though Edler's work focuses on northern Germany, his descriptions of instrumental training closely resemble the situation in Zittau. See Arnfried Edler, "Organ Music within the Social Structure of North German Cities in the Seventeenth Century," in Paul Walker, ed., Church, Stage, and Studio: Music and its Contexts in 17th-Century Germany (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1990), p. 30; and Idem, Der nordelbische Organist: Studien zu Sozialstatus, Funktion und kompositorischer Produktion eines Musikerberufes von der Reformation bis zum 20. Jahrhundert (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1982), p. 67. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 158 CHURCH DUTIES OF THE GYMNASIUM CHOIRS All Gymnasium pupils, whether or not they were members of the choir, were required to attend church every day. These services included morning prayer, evening prayer, and worship services specific to days of the week and the church year's temporal and sanctoral cycles. Before 1689, all of the pupils attended the main service of the week (the Hauptgottesdienst on Sunday) in St. John; in 1689, however, an increase in the number of pupils led to a change in which the three lower Gymnasium classes started attending the Sunday service in Saints Peter and Paul. These younger pupils were seated in a newly- renovated balcony directly above and to either side of the altar.3 5 8 This change from St. John to Saints Peter and Paul may have been necessitated by discipline problems due to the large number o f pupils, since Weise remarks that the new seating arrangement was designed to keep the students quiet during services so they could better learn Christian teachings.3 5 9 Members of the Gymnasium choir sang for all services in the Zittau churches, and in contrast to choirs in some other German cities, they were not supplemented by townspeople or other singers except on rare occasions.3 6 0 In addition, they sang for special services, some weddings, and most funerals.3 6 1 For example, the document "Leges" from the late seventeenth century or early eighteenth century states: "The prefect and adjunct, along with all the singers, should gather at the proper time ... in the choir [balcony] for Matins, masses, 3 5 8 Doring, "Annales"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:116; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:97. 3 5 9 Weise, "Wohlmeinender Vorschlag," Rep. VI-III-1 No. 1, Vol. 1; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:55. 3 6 0 See discussion above, p. 150, concerning a time when the choir was supplemented due to low membership caused by the Thirty Years' War. 3 6 1 Wedding and funeral music is discussed below, p. 296 and p. 307, respectively. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 159 and Vespers before and on high feast days, Sundays, and saints' days .. . ,"3 6 2 The choir sang from the choir balcony in St. John, which was located above the sacristy until 1685, at which time it was moved to a location on the central flying buttress ("aufs Chor im mittelsten Schwiebbogen").3 6 3 The choir, under the direction of the cantor, led the liturgy, which was often monophonic.3 6 4 As early as 1612, there is evidence that both monophonic and polyphonic settings of the liturgy were used in St. John in a rotation from Sunday to Sunday: "Polyphonic singing is alternated, so that on one Sunday plainchant, [and on] the other concerted [music] takes place for the entire Sunday service."3 6 5 The choir was also responsible for singing the liturgy in daily services; for example, Pescheck describes the music for Vespers on Sundays and feast days: The ... Latin None [and] also the Vespers ... on and before Sundays and feast days ... consisted of the three upper classes of the Gymnasium singing and processing at 9:00 and 2:00, accompanied by bell-ringing, out of the school, throught the church, to the choir balcony, where they sing two to three Latin psalms and later also a German hymn . . . ,3 6 6 3 6 2 "Der Praefectus und Adjunctus sollen mit alien Choralisten sich zum Gottesdienste zur rechten Z eit... in der Kirche auf dem Chore einstellen, die Fruhmetten, Messen und Vespern vor und an hohen Fest-, Sonn- und Apostel-Tagen . . . ." "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:249. 3 6 3 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:61. Gurlitt (Zittau, p. 5), however, states that the choir balcony stood above the sacristy until 1757. Perhaps there was more than one balcony designated for the choir. 3 6 4 Unison settings of the liturgy were common in other parts of Germany, as well; for example, monophonic singing took place in Liibeck on ordinary Sundays, while polyphonic music was performed on feast days. Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude, p. 92. 365"D er Cantus figuralis wird abgewechselt, also dab einen Sonntag choraliter, den andern figuraliter das ganze Amt gehalten wird." Kindler et al, "Instructio Cantoris"; quoted in Doring, "Annales"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:74. Since the Saints Peter and Paul church building was not being used at this time, this practice applied to St. John alone. 3 6 6 "Die ... lateinischen Nonen, auch die Vespern ... an und vor Sonn- und Festtagen ... bestanden darin, dab ... um neun und um zwei Uhr die drei Oberklassen des Gymnasiums Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 160 Congregational Song The choir and cantor also led the congregational singing of hymns, which had started in Zittau during the sixteenth century.3 6 7 Beginning sometime after the Reformation, the people sang along with the choir in hymns after the sermon: "The hymns on Sundays after the sermon, dating back to the time of the former [Roman Catholic] Mass, are sung now not only by the choir but also by the congregation."3 6 8 In 1577 the Zittau city council established a new position for a German cantor (Deutscher Sanger) to help teach hymns and other music to the congregation.3 6 9 The 1639 Zittau church order contains a passage about the Gymnasium choir that also refers to the congregation singing hymns: During the communion after the completed Sanctus, two or three motets [are sung by the choir] from the organ balcony or led by the cantor in turn; further, [the service] is concluded with German communion songs or sacred thanksgiving hymns familiar to the common people, until the end of communion.3 7 0 The 1717 celebration of the anniversary of the Reformation included a bulletin with two texts sung by the congregation. Its title page states: "Arias which are [to be] sung by the singend, unter Gelaut, aus der Schule durch die Kirche aufs Chor zogen und dort zwei bis drei lateinische Psalmen, spater auch ein deutsches Lied anstimmten . . . ." Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:405. None and Vespers before Sundays and feast days ("vor Sonn- und Festtagen") refers to services held the previous day. 3 6 7 For information about congregational singing in other cities, see Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude, pp. 97-98, 155; and Stiller, Johann Sebastian Bach, pp. 90, 118. 3 6 8 "Die Lieder Sonntags nach der Predigt, zur ehemaligen MelJzeit, singt nun nicht bios das Singechor, sondern auch die Gemeinde." Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:405. Pescheck does not specify when this change occurred. 3 6 9 See discussion below, p. 162. 3 7 °"... unter der Communion nach vollendeten Sanctus, oder so figuriret wird, auf der Orgel oder durch den Cantor abgewechsselte zwey oder drey Muteten, weiters mit deutschen, den gemeinen Volcke bekannten Gessangen von H. Abendmahl oder Christliche Dancklieder zum Ende der Communion beschliessen." Flaussdorff, "Kurtze Nachrichten, fol. 247; quoted in Floward, Mass, pp. 19-20. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 161 congregation after the sermon in the churches o f ... the city of Zittau for the general [bi-] centenary of the Reformation in 1717."3 7 1 References such as these often indicate that the congregation sang in German rather than Latin, a practice that was similar to that in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Leipzig, where the congregation never sang Latin hymns or liturgical songs.3 7 2 It is likely that hymns in Zittau were performed in alternatim style, in which the stanzas were variously taken by the organ and/or instruments, choir, and congregation. This practice is mentioned for a service in Saints Peter and Paul: "The festive dedication o f the church took place on the feast day of Saints Peter and Paul in 1661 and involved songs that alternated between the choir and the congregation."3 7 3 An unusual case of alternatim accompaniment took place for the 1717 anniversary of the Reformation. An account o f the worship service on Sunday, 31 October, states: "... after that the hymn 'Herr Gott dich loben wir' [the German Te Deum] was sung, accompanied by both organs with trumpets and timpani."3 7 4 The use of two organs, likely played antiphonally, was surely a striking way to provide a hymn introduction or interludes between stanzas. It is not likely that the 3 7 1 Wentzel, Arie ... abgesungen worden, p. i. 3 7 2 Stiller, Johann Sebastian Bach, pp. 87-88. 3 7 3 "Die feierliche Einweihung der Kirche geschah aber am Petri- und Paulifeste 1661, und war m it... Wechselgesang des Chores und der Gemeinde ... verbunden." Morawek, Die Kirche, p. 57. 3 7 4 "... sodann wurde das Lied 'Herr Gott dich loben wir' gesungen, wozu von beyden Orgeln mit Trompeten und Paucken accompagniret wurde." "Acta betr. die Feyrung des Reformations-Festes im Jahr 1717," fols. 7v-8r, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. Portions of this document, which describes worship services and other events over several days, have been quoted by Seiffert in DTB, Jg. 18, pp. xxvii-xxxi. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 162 congregation sang with the organ(s), however, for organ accompaniment of congregational singing did not begin in Zittau until after 1731.3 7 5 German Cantor An important outcome of the Reformation in Zittau was an interest in promoting congregational singing and improving its quality. To this end, in the second half of the sixteenth century the Zittau city council hired a German cantor (Deutscher Sanger)?1 6 This part-time position, always held by a different person from the Gymnasium cantor, was an important part of Zittau's church life until 1833.3 7 7 A pamphlet by Bruno Quinos, a sixteenth-century pastor in Zittau, describes the work o f the German cantor in 1577, not long after the position was established: It is, among other things, especially to be praised that the city council, out of Christian consideration, has ordered and ordained a special German cantor or singer among the churches in this area, so that the common people, particularly the women, girls, and children, might have daily practice in the beautiful Christian psalms and songs in German, at a specific time and hour, and also after various regular offices and divine services.3 7 8 3 7 5 See quotation below, p. 219. 3 7 6 Rautenstrauch {Luther, pp. 180-81) mentions the establishment o f similar positions in Naumburg and Zwickau even earlier in the century. 3 7 7 The position was discontinued in 1833. Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:402. 3 7 8 "Es ist unter andem insonderheit zu loben, dali E. E. Rath, aus Christlichen Bedencken, einen sonderlichen teutschen Cantor oder Sanger in der Kirchen dieses Ortes alleine darauf bestellet und verordnet, damit das gemeine Volck, sonderlich aber von Weibern, Jungfrauen und Kindern taglich zu gewisser Zeit und Stunden, auch nach Verrichtung der andern unterschiedenen und ordentlichen Gottes-Diensten, ihre Ubung in den schonen und christlichen deutschen Psalmen und Gesangen haben mogen." Bruno Quinos, Disce mori, zu deutsch Sterbekunst (Bautzen, 1577); quoted in Christian Altmann, Historia, pp. 143-44. The translation used here is from Howard, Mass, p. 22. For further information on the German cantor in Zittau, see also Friedland, "Die deutschen Sanger," 26-28. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 163 A 1639 Zittau church order indicates that the German cantor taught the congregation for up to thirty minutes at the beginning of the daily services to which he was assigned.3 7 9 The German cantor is known to have used hymnals as reference works, as seen in the 1690 purchase of a hymnal specifically for him.3 8 0 During Krieger's tenure, the German cantor sometimes led hymn singing in Sunday services as well as those held on weekdays, as can be seen in a 1716 description: "... the German cantors in the main church of St. John ... who are accustomed to beginning the German hymns in the worship services on Sundays as at the weekday sermons, in the absence of the cantor .. . ."3 8 1 The German cantor also sang for some occasional services. For example, an account of funeral music in Zittau from 1682 to 1734, written by Zittau cantor Michael Zieger, states that the German cantor sang after the sermon ("Nach der Predigt singt der teutsche Sanger") for lower-class burials (Figural, Choralen, and Medio, but not the lowest level, Minimo).3 8 2 The part-time nature of the German cantor's work can be seen from the amount he was paid. For example, church financial records for St. John state that on 3 September 1682 3 7 9 Haussdorff, "Kurtze Nachrichten," fol. 246; quoted in Howard, Mass, p. 19. 3 8 0 See below, p. 166. 3 8 1 "... deutschen Sanger bei der Pfarr-Kirche St. Johannis ... welche sowohl Sonntags, als in denen Wochen-Predigten, in Abwesenheit des Cantoris, die deutschen Kirchen-Gesange bei dem Gottes-Dienste anzufangen pflegen . ..." Carpzov, Analecta, 3:95. The weekday sermons were usually held on Tuesday and Wednesday. See discussion above, p. 122. 3 8 2 Michael Zieger, "Yon denen Leichen, wie es bey Zeiten des seel. Herrn Crusii, Kratzers, Titii, und von mir so lange ich Cantor gewesen, bey demselben gehalten worden, dienst folgendes zur Nachricht," 1734, fols. 12v, 13r, 13v, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. 1/12 No. 1. Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 18, pp. xviii-xvix) gives excerpts of this document. The three cantors mentioned in the document's title are Simon Crusius, Christoph Kratzer, and Erhard Titius. According to Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 18, p. xix), the cantor could leave the funeral early when the German cantor was there to sing. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 164 the German cantor received a regular quarterly payment of 4 rtl. 20 gr. 8 pf.3 8 3 From 1702 until 1704, he was given an additional 3 rtl. per quarter, which is explained starting with the first entry for 1703 (“Reminisc:,” which is the second Sunday of Lent) as a bonus (“Zusatz” or “Zulage”) for singing before confession ("wegen Singens vor der Beichte"). These payments are seen again in 1709 and 1710, still at 3 rtl. per quarter, but the records from 1711 to 1714 do not mention them.3 8 4 The German cantor working in Zittau when Krieger arrived was Gottfried Paul (d. 1708). Paul served from 1662 until his retirement in 1704 due to old age and frailty ("wegen Alters und Leibes-Schwachheit").3 8 5 Paul studied theology in Leipzig, which Carpzov notes in his entry for Paul in the Analecta ("SS. Theol. Stud. Zittav.").3 8 6 He was replaced in 1704 by Christian Rathelt of Zittau, who served until he died in 1739.3 8 7 3 8 3 "St. Johannis: Cassabuch," 1680-82, Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, A233°l-4 To contrast this amount with a full salary, the quarterly payment given to Johann Krieger on 3 September 1682, also recorded in this document, was 39 rtl. 12 gr. 3 8 4 "Administrationsrechnung ... St. Johannis," 11 (1702):16v-17r, 12 (1703):17v- 18r, 13 (1704):15v-16r, 18 (1709):22v-23r, 19 (1710):26r, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 48. Beneath each entry for these supplemental payments from 1702 until 1704 is an additional entry, usually 3 rtl., for the retired German cantor Gottfried Paul ("dem Emerito alten deutschen Sanger"). Since Carpzov {Analecta, 3:95) states that Paul retired in 1704, perhaps he was assisted from 1702 until 1704 by his successor. An official document was issued by the city council on 8 August 1704, granting Paul a pension of 24 Schock per year to be paid quarterly until his death. "Den Deutschen Sanger betr.," 8 August 1704, fol. 7r, Zittau, Pfarramt, Abt. IV Fach 24 Nr. 1. 3 8 5 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:95. 3 8 6 Ibid. See also Friedland, "Die deutschen Sanger," 27. Gondolatsch ("Die musikalischen Beziehungen ... Leipzig," 454) mentions that Paul matriculated in Leipzig in 1652. He also mistakenly refers to Paul as the organist of Saints Peter and Paul in Zittau. 3 8 7 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:95. Friedland ("Die deutschen Sanger," 27) states that according to Zittau church records Rathelt was a home tutor (Schulhalter)-, Vollhardt {Geschichte, p. 344) mentions this job as the primary employment for many of Zittau's German cantors. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 165 Hymnals Before 1712, when Zittau's first hymnal was published, hymnals from other cities were used in the city's worship services. This practice was not uncommon in other parts of Germany; for example, Nuremburg did not have an official hymnal in the late seventeenth century either.3 8 8 These hymnals from outside Zittau date back to the mid-sixteenth century, when a 1564 Zittau church order mentions the Wittenberg hymnal of 1524. Stobe also comments on the existence of a Leipzig hymnal (from the 1530s) in Zittau.3 8 9 A Nuremberg hymnal from 1660 is mentioned in the 1733 funeral bulletin for Dorothea Kratzer, the widow of Zittau's former cantor, Christoph Kratzer.3 9 0 The primary hymnal used in Zittau in the late seventeenth century was Das Neu Leipziger Gesangbuch, published in 1682 by Gottfried Vopelius (1645-1715).3 9 1 This 3 8 8 Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 6/1, p. xviii. 3 8 9 Stobe, "Musikschatze," (part 1:) 28. 3 9 0 Gottfried Polykarp Muller, A Is Die Wohl-Edle und Tugend-belobte Frau Dorothea Kratzerin geb. Herrmannin Des Eiland Wohl-Ehrwiirdigen und Wohl-Gelehrten Hrn. M. Chrisoph Kratzers Wohl-meritirten Pfarr-Herrns in Eibau, hinterlassene wohlbetagte Wittbe Durch einen solennen Leichen-Conduct Den 7. Decembr. An. 1733. Dem Leibe nach zur sanfften Ruhe in die Erde gebracht wurde, Ubergab nachfolgende Gedancken iiber die Worte: Was mein Gott will das gescheh allzeit &c. Der schmerzlich-betrubten Frauen Tochter und andern Hochgeschatzten Anverwandten Zur trostlichen Uberlegung Gottfried Polycarpus Muller Gymn. Zitt. Dir. (Zittau: Hartmann, 1733), p. 3; Zittau, Christian-Weise- Bibliothek, Zitt. 71/1848 Ossa II, 240. vnDas Neu Leipziger Gesangbuch Von den schonsten und besten Liedern verfasset In welchem Nicht allein des sel. Herrn D. Lutheri und andere mit Gottes Word und unveranderte Augsburgischer Confession uberein stimmende und in Christlicher Gemeine allhier wie auch anderer reinen Evangelischen Orten und Landen eingefuhrete und gebrauchliche Gesange, Lateinische Hymni und Psalmen Mit 4, 5, bis 6 Stimmen deren Melodeyen Theils aus Johann Herman Scheins Cantional, und andern guten Autoribus zusammen getragen, Theils aber selbsten Componiret; sondern auch ... was sonsten bey dem ordentlichen Gottesdienste gesungen wird zu finden, ed. Gottfried Vopelius (Leipzig: Gallus Niemann, 1682; reprint, Harold Jantz Collection of German baroque literature, no. 2596, reel 529, New Haven: Research Publications, 1973), microfilm. For a detailed study o f this Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 166 hymnal and its subsequent editions, used in Leipzig for decades, were the basis for all hymnals published in Leipzig during J. S. Bach's tenure.3 9 2 Its contents, which are mostly settings of hymns for choirs, precluded its general use by the congregation. Shortly after the hymnal's publication in 1682, an entry in the Zittau church records reads: "29 May [1683] to the book dealer Johann Christoph Mieth for the Vopelius hymnal 1 rtl. 3 gr."3 9 3 The hymnal is mentioned again on 14 July 1690 when a copy was purchased for Gottfried Paul, Zittau's German cantor.3 9 4 The fact that only one hymnal at a time was purchased in 1683 and 1690 further points to its use by the musicians and not the general congregation, a practice that was common for hymnals in Germany at this time. The contents o f the earlier hymnals mentioned above are also the type of music intended for choirs, not the congregation, who in Zittau sang "as a rule only commonly-used, memorized, or singly- printed hymns" in the years before 1712.3 9 5 It is not surprising that the Zittau musicians were so quick to use the Vopelius hymnal, since its compiler came from the Zittau area and maintained strong ties to the city hymnal, see Jurgen Grimm, Das Neu Leipziger Gesangbuch des Gottfried Vopelius (Leipzig 1682), Berliner Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, vol. 14 (Berlin: Verlag Merseburger, 1969). 3 9 2 Stiller, Johann Sebastian Bach, p. 36. 3 9 3 "29. May [1683] dem Buchfuhrer Johann Christoff Miether, Vor das Vopeliussische Gesangbuch 1 rtl. 3 gr." "Raytung tiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 4 (1683):7, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 47 (Fach M). Johann Christoph Mieth is identified as a publisher ( Verleger) and bookseller (Buchhandler) in Dresden on the title pages of many publications by Weise. For a listing of Weise's works, with the exception of his Gymnasium publications (Schulschriften), see Diinnhaupt, Personalbibliographien, 6:4179-250. 3 9 4 Stobe ("Musikschatze," [part 2:] 30) quotes a portion of this entry from the church record books but does not cite an exact source. The cost of the hymnal was 1 rtl., 9 gr. For information on Gottfried Paul, see above, p. 164. 3 9 S "... sonst nur 'gebrauchliche' auswendig gelernte oder einzeln gedruckte Lieder." Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:426. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 167 through his family.3 9 6 Vopelius was bom in Herwigsdorf and attended the Zittau Gymnasium (where he served as prefect in the choir).3 9 7 He began studies at the University of Leipzig in 1661, and worked as a teacher and eventually as cantor at the St. Nicholas school in Leipzig from 1676 until his death in 1715. Because many of Vopelius' immediate family members lived in the Zittau area, it can be presumed that he visited the city from time to time and probably met Krieger. His father Christoph Vopelius (1591-1681) served as pastor in Herwigsdorf from 1636 until his death. His older brother Christian Vopelius also worked as a pastor in Herwigsdorf and later in Waltersdorf, both close to Zittau. In 1672, Christian Vopelius married the daughter of Christian Keimann (1607-62), rector of the Zittau Gymnasium during Gottfried Vopelius' time there as a pupil. Gottfried's stepbrother was Tobias Vopelius, who worked as a woodcarver and sculptor in Zittau, specializing in organ cases. Gottfried's nephew Johann Tobias Vopelius (1676-1721), son of Tobias Vopelius, taught for a brief time (1703-4) in the Zittau Gymnasium. In 1712, Grunwald and the bookseller Johann Jacob Schops (1681-1757) published Zittau's first hymnal, Andachtiger Seelen Vollstandiges Gesang Buch.3 9 8 This book, which contained 731 hymns, was reprinted in several subsequent editions and remained in common use in Zittau and most of the surrounding region for a century. Grunwald's goals in publishing a Zittau hymnal were to promote the singing of traditional Lutheran hymns from the sixteenth century and hymns written by local poets which were not likely to be published 3 9 6 The following biographical information on Vopelius and his family can be found in Carpzov, Analecta, 3:117; Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:339, 771; Grimm, Das Neu Leipziger Gesangbuch, pp. 19-38. 3 9 7 Herwigsdorf (now Mittelherwigsdorf) is located northwest of Zittau (see figure 4). 3 9 8 For a full citation, see above, p. 119. Further information about Grunwald's hymnal can be found in Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:426; and Zollner, Das deutsche Kirchenlied, pp. 58-61. Biographical details about Grunwald and Schops are available below, p. 212 and p. 236, respectively. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 168 in other parts of Germany. These local poets included, among others, head pastor Johann Franz, rectors Weise and Hoffmann, and even Grunwald himself. Besides subsequent editions of Andachtiger Seelen Vollstandiges Gesangbuch, ancillary worship books were also prepared. In the same year that his German hymnal appeared, Grunwald also published a collection of Latin hymns with liturgical texts intended for use by the choir in Vespers and other worship services. Grunwald died a few years later in 1716, so a new edition of this Latin hymn collection was undertaken in 1729 by Friedrich Gottlob Herzog (1689-1751) and Christian Gottlob Pitschmann (1681-1746), both pastors in Zittau.3 9 9 In this new edition, some of the Latin texts appeared with German translations, which were either taken from previously published sources or newly prepared by Herzog and Pitschmann. Choir Music In addition to their work leading congregational song, the Gymnasium choirs also performed choral and polyphonic music in church services; their repertoire ranged from monophonic settings of the liturgy to complicated polyphonic music. An account of the cantor's rehearsals describes the wide variety of music they learned and performed: "... choral and polyphonic music are studied, and hymns, motets, concertos, and Magnificats are practiced and sung ... especially on Thursdays and Saturdays, when practice is done both 3 9 9 See above, p. 119, for full citations for these Latin hymnals. For more information about these hymnals, see Otto, Lexikon, 1:546; and Zollner, Das deutsche Kirchenlied, pp. 59-60. Details of F. G. Herzog's life can be found in Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:752; and Zollner, Das deutsche Kirchenlied, p. 61. His father Johann Ernst Herzog (1654-1715) was also an important figure in Zittau church music; see below, p. 212. For biographical information on Pitschmann, who taught in the Gymnasium before becoming a pastor, see Otto, Lexikon, 2:800-802; and Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:203. Otto and Gartner each include a list of his writings, while Zollner (Das deutsche Kirchenlied, p. 61) gives a list of his hymns. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 169 with and without instruments and basso continuo."4 0 0 Certain members o f the choir were also specifically instructed to sing rather complicated polyphonic music: "During communion, four or six tenors and basses should remain in the choir [balcony], because on high feast days and concerted Sundays the "Amen" after communion must be sung polyphonically."4 0 1 Besides performance, another likely reason for such a broad range of genres was its general value for teaching music skills. The contract for Hartwig, Krieger's successor, describes the singers of the choir as "pupils from the local Gymnasium, whom the current cantor trains in musical singing . . . ,"m It is known that in Leipzig, J. S. Bach rehearsed music with the St. Thomas choir that was not immediately performed in a particular worship service; instead, he used these pieces as choral exercises.4 0 3 Some of the choir's music was accompanied on the organ by Krieger, as mentioned in the 1735 contract for his successor: .. he [should] ... play the so-called large [organ] and as needed play the old organ for chanted music."4 0 4 It is possible that his role only 4 0 0 " ... choral- und figural-Music getrieben, Hymni, Muteten, Concerten, Magnificat und insonderheit Donnerstags und Sonnabends cum et sine instrumentis et fundamento exerciret und gesungen werden." "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:249. 4 0 1 "Unter der Communion sollen 4 oder 6 Tenoristen und Bassisten auf dem Chore bleiben, weil an hohen Fest- und figural-Sonntagen das Amen nach der Communion figuraliter muss gesungen werden." "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:249. It is important to note that this group of students sang from the choir balcony, so they were not members of Krieger's chamber choir, which is discussed below. 4 0 2 "... Scholaren von allhiesigen Gymnasio, welche der jedesmahlige Cantor in musicalischen Singen praspariret.. .." "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 5r, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756). 4 0 3 Wolff, Johann Sebastian Bach, p. 249. 4 0 4 "... derselbe ... die also genannte grolie, und nach befinden bey Choral-Music die alte Orgel spiele." "Instruction ... Flarttwig," fol. 3r, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 170 involved introducing pieces rather than directly accompanying them, as can be seen in a 1721 account of the anniversary of the Reformation in Zittau: [The] organist again plays a prelude to the 148th psalm. [The] choir sings the chorale to the 148th psalm "Lobet ihr Himmel den Herrn . . . [The] organist plays a prelude to the Latin hymn "O lux beata Trinitus . . . [The] choir sings the same hymn in German "Der da bist dem in Ewigkeit."4 0 5 The Chamber Choir Even though the choir as a whole performed many types of music, the most difficult repertoire was reserved for a small group of singers under Krieger's direction. This chamber choir appears to have been established during the mid-seventeenth century under Hammerschmidt.4 0 6 During Krieger's years in Zittau, the "Leges" from the late seventeenth or early eighteenth century provides proof of this elite group's existence: And since the [civic] director o f choral music too [in addition to the cantor] holds rehearsal [which takes place] in the organ balcony on Thursdays from 2:00 until 3:00 and on Saturdays after Vespers, all [singers] whom he requests and needs should present themselves and sing what is put before them . . . ,4 0 7 405"Organist prambuliret abermahl auf dem 148. Psalm. Chorus singet den Choral des 148. Psalm. Lobet ihr Himmel den Herrn, &c. Organist prasmbuliret zu den lateinischen Hymno: O lux beata Trinitus &c. Chorus singet denselben Teutsch. Der da bist dem in Ewigkeit." Das Zweyhundertjahrige Gedachtnus der Zittauischen Kirchen-Reformation, wie solches In unterschiedlichen gehaltenen Predigten, Orationibus, und einem Dramate Oratorio Anno MDCCXXI mens. Novembri In Zittau celebriret worden (Zittau: Johann Jacob Schops, 1721), p. 14; Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zitt 17/389. (The former call number for this book was Progr. Zittau 31.) 4 0 6 Kraner ("Zittau," in MGG I, 14:1377) mentions that the structure of Hammerschmidt's compositions and texts points to his use of this small choir, along with instrumentalists, to perform his music. 4 0 7 "Und weil auch der Director Chori Musici auf der Orgel, Donnerstags von 2-3 Uhr und Sonnabends nach der Vesper auf die Orgel Music Singestunde halt, so sollen alle die er verlanget und von noten hat, bei ihm sich einstellen, was ihnen vorgelegt singen . .. ." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 171 While the exact number of singers is not indicated in this document, two sources from the 1730s point to the choir's number as eight.4 0 8 In 1733, an endowed sermon was begun through a gift from the estate of Dorothea Kratzer; this endowment provided funds for a sermon in St. John on Tuesday of Holy Week, with sixteen choir members paid an honorarium for singing. The eight principal singers, probably members of the chamber choir, received a higher stipend than the eight supplemental singers.4 0 9 In 1735, the contract for Krieger's successor makes clear that the chamber choir was made up o f at least eight singers: Herr Hartwig will indeed not be able to perform and execute the church music and other music without good vocal soloists; ... therefore he must be cooperative and hold the customary two rehearsals each week so that at all times eight good singers, who can perform music in the worship service, can be retained . . . .4 1 0 "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:249. It was not uncommon at this time in Germany for organists to lead small groups of elite musicians in music "from the organist's balcony" ("auf der Orgel"). 4 0 8 Sources from other German cities indicate that eight singers was traditional for choirs at this time. See Andrew Parrott, The Essential Bach Choir (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 2000), pp. 96-98. 4 0 9 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:410; and Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:253. By contrast, equal payments for sixteen singers can be seen in the 1728 endowment (Legat or Kornerischen Gestifte) in memory of Anna Dorothea (Muller) Korner, which paid for a sermon and music in the Church of the Cross on the third day of Easter. See Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:410; and Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:205, 253. 4 1 0 "Herrn Harttwigen ohne gute Vocal-Concertisten nicht wohl moglich fallen werde, die Kirchen- und andern Musiquen aufzufuhren, und zu bestellen; ... dahero er die sonst gewohnlichen zwey Singe-Stunden die Woche iiber zu halten und dahin zu cooponiren hat, damit zu jeder Zeit wenigsten 8. gute Concertisten, so die Vocal-Music bey dem Gottesdienste verrichten konnen, beybehalten . . . ." "Instruction ... Harttwig," fols. 4v-5r, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 172 The choir's makeup of eight members was institutionalized in 1752 with the "Finksche Legat," a large endowment given by Christian Fink, a merchant and senator in Zittau.4 1 1 The interest from this fund provided yearly payments to the top eight singers in the choir "since there appears to be a shortage of such persons who could sing in the organist's balcony."4 1 2 These eight singers included four "Konzertisten" (soloists) and four "Ripienisten" (ripieno singers).4 1 3 The mention in this passage of the organist's balcony ("Orgelchor") confirms that this endowment was for members of the chamber choir. As mentioned above, Krieger's rehearsals for the chamber choir were held in the organ balcony of St. John on Thursdays from 2:00 until 3:00 P.M. and on Saturdays after the Vespers service.4 1 4 These two sessions were not the full extent of his rehearsal time for this choir, however, for he also trained other singers as potential future members: "... little by little other [pupils] will be cultivated and perfected who can step into the places of one and another singers after they depart."4 1 5 The timing of the two primary rehearsals was determined by Zittau's important weekly services: "... and on Sundays or Fridays after these rehearsals, they [the singers] should be present to sing at the correct time [for the service] 4 1 1 Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:253; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:411-12, 577, 2:329-30. 4 1 2 1 1 ... da ein Mangel von solchen Personen, welche auf dem Orgelchor singen konnen, sich herfurzutun scheint." Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:253. 4 1 3 Ibid. The four soloists are designated "Diskantist, Altist, Tenorist und Bassist." See below, p. 367, for a discussion of solo and ripieno singers. 4 1 4 This rehearsal schedule was remarkably stable throughout Krieger's tenure; the 1735 contract for his successor also mentions "the customary two rehearsals each week." "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 5r, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756). 4 I5 "... nach und nach auch andere, welche nach Abgang ein und des andern Choralis, in ihre Stellen treten konnen, gezogen und perfectioniret werden." Ibid. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 173 that he has requested."4 1 6 The particular number of singers varied according to the music for a particular week, since only those singers "whom he requests and needs should present themselves" for the rehearsals, and for special one-time rehearsals the singers "who are chosen should in the same way go to the rehearsal that is called."4 1 7 The civic musicians often performed with the chamber choir, for most of their repertoire included instrumental accompaniment. The 1735 contract for Krieger's successor specifically mentions instruments accompanying the choir: "... he should persistently and attendantly be found at the correct time and hour in church, both with the choir and the organ, at the time and with the instruments that will be required and indicated . . . ,"4 1 8 Repertoire As for the repertoire sung by this choir, they certainly sang works composed by Krieger himself. For example, two of Krieger's extant vocal works ("Also hat Gott" and "Nun dancket") are intended for eight singers, thus making it highly likely they were written for the chamber choir. In "Also hat Gott," eight staves are given for singers, with four of these staves intended for ripieno singers (i.e., they enter only in tutti sections). In "Nun 4 1 6 ,1 ... und des Sonntags oder Freitags hernach, so wie hin gewiesen werden, zu rechter Zeit sich einstellen." "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:249. 4 1 7 "... alle die er verlanget und von noten hat, bei ihm sich einstellen ...."; "... diejenigen, so eligiret, zur Probe hingehen, wohin sie berufen werden . . . ." Ibid. 4 1 8 "... besonders aber auch dahin verbindet, dalJ er in der Kirche, sowohl auf dem Chore, als auf der Orgel, wie und zu welcher Zeit und mit was furley Instrumenten es begehret und angegeben wird . . . ." "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 6r, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756). The section of the contract from which this passage is taken covers the organist's relationship with the civic musicians; therefore, the Gymnasium's student instrumental ensemble {collegium musicum) does not appear to have accompanied the chamber choir on a regular basis. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 174 dancket," there are two separate parts for soprano, alto, tenor, and bass, and the second set of parts is designated by the number "2" (e.g., "Basso 2").4 1 9 It is likely that this music for the chamber choir, as well as other concerted works written by Krieger, was sung before (and sometimes after) the sermon, during communion, or at the appropriate place for a liturgical text. In this way, Zittau was no different from many other cities in Germany at this time. Information about the placement of Krieger's works in the liturgy can be found in materials relating to the worship services for the 1717 Reformation anniversary in Zittau. The standard placement of the cantata was after the Gospel and before the sung Creed and sermon. For example, the text of the cantata "Nun dancket" is labeled "Vor der Predigt" (before the sermon), and according to an account of the 31 October service itself, this cantata was performed before the sung Creed.4 2 0 In the same way, a setting of Psalm 122 by Krieger ("Ich freue mich des, das mir geredt ist") was performed before the Creed on 2 November.4 2 1 Even when one of Krieger's cantatas, "Gott ist unser Zuversicht," is designated in the printed bulletin as taking place "Nach der Predigt" (after the sermon), the account of the 1 November service itself states that it was performed 4 1 9 While three of Krieger's Sanctus settings also contain eight vocal parts, it is likely that these parts were added by someone other than Krieger. See discussion below, p. 462. 4 2 a Texte / So die drei Tage Des Jubel-Fests Den 31. Octobr. 1. und 2. Nov. 1717. In der Haupt-Kirche St. Johannis allhier vom Directore Chori Mus. Johann Kriegern / sollen musiciret werden (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1717), p. 1; Zittau, Christian-Weise- Bibliothek, B21 and B22; and "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fol. 7r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3 (Samuel No. 90). A handwritten version of Texte, with the same title as the printed version, can be found in Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3, fols. 35v-43v. 4 2 1 Texte, p. 11; and "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fol. 21v, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. The music for this work is lost, but the account of the service mentions that it was performed with both the old and new organs ("von der alten und neuen Orgel wurde der 122. Ps. musiciret"). The textbook {Texte, p. 11) also mentions the following instrumentation for this work: "a 18. auf zwei Orgeln" (18 parts with two organs). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 175 between the Gospel reading and Creed.4 2 2 The practice of performing a cantata in two parts, before and after the sermon, can also be seen in Zittau. For example, one of the cantatas that Krieger wrote for the 1717 Reformation anniversary, "Frolocket Gott," is divided into two distinct sections, with instructions on the title pages that they be performed "Vor der Oration" and "Nach der Oration" (before and after a speech).4 2 3 In addition, polyphonic music was often performed during the distribution of communion; for example, Krieger's cantatas "Zion jauchzt" and "Sulamith" are designated in the account of services as taking place "Unter der Communion" (during communion) on 31 October and 1 November, respectively.4 2 4 Polyphonic settings of liturgical texts were sung at the appropriate time in the worship service. For the main communion service on Reformation Day, the printed bulletin of texts begins with a "Missa a 17. 8. Voc. 9. Instrum." (mass setting for eight voices and nine instruments).4 2 5 In the same service, a Krieger Sanctus setting for twelve voices and instruments was performed "auf der Neuen Orgel" (in the balcony containing the new organ); this location indicates that the chamber choir sang this work.4 2 6 niTexte, p. 3; and "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fol. 14v, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. 4 2 3 This work was performed on 16 November 1717. "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 28v, 91v-93r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3; and Wentzel, Arie ... abgesungen worden, p. 4. 4 2 4 "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 8r, 15v, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. Texte, p. 1. The presence of eight vocalists for this mass may indicate that it was sung by the chamber choir. 4 2 6 "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fol. 8r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No.3; and Texte, p. 3. The music is not extant. In another service during the festival, the Sanctus setting was performed instead by the large choir with instrumental accompaniment ("das Sanctus aber ward aufn Chor, mit Instrumentis musiciret"). "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fol. 15v, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 176 It is sometimes possible to determine which choir sang a particular piece. For example, the account o f the Vesper service on 31 October distinguishes between music performed "aufn Chore" (in the choir's balcony) by the large choir and music performed "auf der neuen Orgel" (in the balcony with the new organ) by Krieger's chamber choir: After that the Vesper began: the pastor intoned the "Deus in adjutorium," the choir responded "Domine ad adjuvandum;" after that the "Laudate Dominum" was sung by the choir, but the Responsorium, "Laudate Jerusalem," was performed on the "new" organ with oboe and violins; and as the well known "O lux beata Trinitas" was sung again by the choir, the Magnificat was performed on the "new" organ with horns, timpani and violins . . . .4 2 7 The account later states that on the next day, the large choir was given the opportunity to sing with instruments: "... the mass, in contrast to the previous day, was performed with violins from the choir balcony."4 2 8 Despite these and other references to the two choirs, it is not always possible to determine in these sources which choir performed a particular piece. But these sources from the 1717 Reformation anniversary give examples of the various genres performed by the Zittau choirs, all of which are represented among Krieger's extant and lost works: motets, vocal concertos, cantatas, and polyphonic settings of liturgical texts (e.g., Magnificat, Kyrie, Gloria, and Sanctus). 4 2 7 "Hierauf nahm die Vesper ihren Anfang, der Geistliche intonirte das Deus in adjutorium, das Chor respondirte Domine ad adjuvandum, darauff wurde das Laudate Dominum aufn Chore gesungen, auf der neuen Orgel aber das Responsorium, Laudate Jerusalem, mit Hautbois und Violinen musiciret, und als das bekandte: O lux beata Trinitas aufm Chore wiederumb gesungen, das Magnificat auf der neuen Orgel mit Waldhomem, Paucken und Violinen musiciret. ..." "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 10v-l lr, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. The works with violins that are mentioned in this passage almost certainly included lower string instruments, as well. 4 2 8 " ... die Missa aber zum Unterscheid [sz'c] des vorigen Tages aufn Chore mit Violinen gemachet." Ibid., fol. 14v. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 177 As for works written by composers other than Krieger, it is impossible to reconstruct the exact repertoire the choir sang, due to the loss of materials and records from the city's destruction in 1757. But some information about repertoire can be gleaned from various sources related to Krieger. It is known that he had access to the music of Rosenmuller, Capricornus [Bockhorn], and Horn during his years as Kapellmeister in Greiz (1678-81).4 2 9 After Krieger came to Zittau, music by his predecessor Hammerschmidt was available for his use. For example, a 1682 inventory compiled by Curth, the organist of Saints Peter and Paul, listed Hammerschmidt's Fest- und Zeit-Andachten as well as other anonymous works.4 3 0 Many of Hammerschmidt's works are extant in Zittau, although it is not known if these particular copies were used there in the seventeenth or early eighteenth centuries.4 3 1 Krieger's lifelong connections with Kuhnau, which began in 1682 when Kuhnau was a pupil at the Zittau Gymnasium, make it likely that Krieger was quite familiar with his music.4 3 2 Krieger also refers to other composers in his writings and presumably knew their works. In the 1696 foreword to his Partien, Krieger mentions Giovanni Battista Degli Antoni (1660- after 1696) in a discussion of printing techniques for keyboard music.4 3 3 Krieger also mentions the music of Palestrina, Josquin, Caspar Forster, Johann Caspar Kerl, and Jean- Baptiste Lully in a theory treatise that he wrote in the 1720s for Mattheson's journal Critica 4 2 9 See above, p. 42, and appendix 7. 4 3 0 Stobe, "Musikschatze," (part 2:) 30. Stobe does not list the source of this inventory. 4 3 1 This music, both manuscript and printed, is in the Christian-Weise-Bibliothek in Zittau under the following call numbers: B180a, Ps. 20 So 165d , Ps. 20 So 1651 , Ps. 72 279b _ 1 , Ps. 74/2 278112, Ps. 74/2 27912. 4 3 2 See above, p. 78. 4 3 3 Krieger, Partien, p. iii. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 178 M u s ic a l Krieger's authorship of this article reveals his interest in contemporary musical debates, and he was therefore likely to purchase music written by great musicians o f his day, such as Lully. His mention of Palestrina and Josquin in the treatise points to his interest in historical counterpoint.4 3 5 Krieger also had contact with a great deal of repertoire through his brother Johann Philipp in WeiBenfels, who performed works by many German and Italian composers of the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.4 3 6 Thus, the seemingly eclectic nature of Johann Krieger's repertoire stems from its varied sources: connections with composers from Zittau (Hammerschmidt and Kuhnau), access to music through his brother (Capricornus, Forster, Kerl, and Rosenmiiller), and his interest both in historical music (Palestrina and Josquin) and contemporary music (Lully and others). Krieger's superiors expected a high level of competence and hard work from him and his student singers. For example, the following passage describes the organist's work with the chamber choir: "... he will use unflagging diligence so that those pupils from the local Gymnasium, whom the current cantor prepares in musical singing, will be as well 4 3 4 Krieger, "Gedancken iiber die ... Controvers," in Mattheson, Critica Musica, 2:217-18, 220, 223. See further discussion of this treatise below, p. 263. Krieger states (2:217) that he owned a manuscript of Forster's works; since Johann Philipp Krieger studied with Forster in the 1660s, it is likely that Krieger obtained this music from his brother. It is also possible that Johann Krieger met Forster when Johann Philipp was studying with him, since Johann Krieger traveled to Copenhagen at this time. See above, p. 30. 4 3 5 See below, p. 344, for coverage of Krieger's vocal works in stile antico. 4 3 6 See a discussion below, p. 331, of Johann Philipp Krieger's catalog, which documents the works that were performed in the castle church during his tenure there. Johann Krieger knew of this music from his visits with his brother. For coverage o f the Italian and German composers who influenced J. P. Krieger, see Klaus-Jurgen Gundlach, "Johann Philipp Krieger: Das Geistliche Vokalwerk," 2 vols. (Ph. D. diss., Martin-Luther- Universitat Halle-Wittenberg, 1981), pp. 135-40. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 179 trained as possible."4 3 7 The city council was also ready to assist Krieger with discipline if necessary: "... [the] Council will protect him as necessary, and will not fail to enforce, through the superintendants or the Gymnasium director, the punishment owed to disobedient or undiligent pupils, upon being informed in each case."4 3 8 In addition, the organist was expected to maintain a moral lifestyle as an example to his pupils: "He should strive towards a pious, honorable, and sober manner of living, in order that he, as befits a servant of the church, should constantly give a good example to everyone, especially the youth entrusted to him for musical training."4 3 9 CIVIC MUSICIANS While instrumental musicians had worked in Zittau since at least the fourteenth century, the civic musicians as an institutionalized ensemble were not established until after the Reformation.4 4 0 In 1567, the Zittau city council founded this group with the purpose of improving church music: ... and because the honorable city council wanted to see church music placed in a better state, they took on the "instrumental musicians" or "city 4 3 7 "... so wird derselbe unermiideten FleiB anwenden, damit diejenigen Scholaren von allhiesigen Gymnasio, welche der jedesmahlige Cantor in musicalischen Singen praepariret, moglichst perfectioniret werden." "Instruction ... Harttwig," fols. 4v-5r, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756). This passage comes from the portion of the contract describing the chamber choir. 4 3 8 "... Rath ihn nothig schtitzen, und die ungehorsamen oder unfleiBigen Scholaren, auf iedesmahliges Anmelden, durch die Herrn Scholarchen oder Herrn Directorem Gymnasii, zu schuldigen Parition anhalten zu laBen, nicht ermangeln wird." Ibid., fol. 5v. 4 3 9 "Hat derselbe sich eines frommen erbaren und niichternen Lebens Wandel zu befeiBigen, damit derselbe, als ein Kirchen-Bedienter, jedermann, besonders der ihm zur Musicalischen Ubung anvertrauten Jugend, ein bestandig gutes Exempel gebe." Ibid., fols. 2r-2v. 4 4 0 Paul Stobe, "Aus der Geschichte des Zittauer Stadtorchesters," Zittauer Geschichtsblatter no. 41 (19 July 1911 and 2 August 1911): (part 1:) 1-2. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 180 pipers" with the express condition, that they should first of all help achieve the improvement of the worship service.4 4 1 The council hired four musicians from outside Zittau, who chose the name "Kunstpfeiffer" (art pipers), perhaps to distinguish themselves from less-trained musicians already working in the city.4 4 2 Over the years, the civic musicians were also known as "Musicos Instrumentales" (instrumental musicians), "Stadt-Pfeiffer" (city pipers"), "Stadtinstrumentisten" (city instrumentalists), the "Compagnie" (company), "Stadtkunstpfeiffer" (city art pipers), and "Chori musici" (choir of musicians).4 4 3 Many other cities also established corps of instrumentalists in the late sixteenth century, with Zittau's civic musicians among the oldest of such groups in the German-speaking lands.4 4 4 The importance of instrumental musicians in Zittau's church music grew over the years, and therefore the number of civic musicians increased. The organist's balcony in St. John ("das Chor zur Orgel") was expanded twice in the 1660s to accommodate a greater 4 4 1 "... und weil E. E. Rath die Kirchen-Music gerne in bessern Standt gesetzet sehen wolte, nahm man die Musicos Instrumentales oder Stadt-Pfeiffer mit der ausdrticklichen Bedingung an, dab sie zuforderst den Gottesdienst bestellen helffen musten." Carpzov, Analecta, 3:31. According to Gartner, the instrumentalists improved the worship service by playing the choir parts. Thomas Gartner, "Die Zittauer Schule bis zur Grundung des Gymnasium," in Festschrift zur dreihundertjahrigen Jubelfeier des Gymnasium zu Zittau am 9. und 10. Marz 1886 (Zittau: R. Menzel, 1886), pp. 19-20; cited in Rautenstrauch, Luther, p. 122. 4 4 2 Doring, "Annales"; quoted in Vollhardt, Geschichte, p. 344, and in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:123-24; Carpzov, Analecta, 3:9; Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:327. 4 4 3 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:31; "Instruction Wornach sich der angenommene Neue Stadt-Musicus, Christian Schubert von Ohlau aus Schlesien, zu achten," 15 April 1717, fol. 4v, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1; Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:330; Christian Schubert, Zittau, to August II, king of Poland, 24 November 1735, fols. lv-2r, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. The latter two documents are quoted in DTB. Jg. 18, pp. xx-xxi. 4 4 4 Werner, Vier Jahrhunderte, p. 204. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 181 number of instrumentalists and singers.4 4 5 According to Kraner, between ten and fifteen civic musicians worked in Zittau, including apprentices.4 4 6 This large number compared favorably to most other free cities in the German-speaking lands. The costs of such a large establishment must have put pressure on the leader of the civic musicians to cut expenses, which he did partly by taking on younger players. The city council, however, advised him in 1717 to avoid overloading the ensemble with too many apprentices: "He shall ... not willingly burden and diminish the company with the taking on of excess young people."4 4 7 The trumpeters and timpanist in Zittau appear to have been members o f the civic musicians and not a separate group. This differed from the practice in some other German cities, where these instrumentalists belonged to a separate guild. The inclusion of the trumpters and timpanist in the Zittau civic musicians can be seen in a 1686 passage by Doring describing the centennial celebration for the Zittau Gymnasium, in which the trumpeter and timpanist are mentioned as a subset of the civic musicians.4 4 8 Duties In Zittau during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the civic musicians played for the more elaborate church services (i.e., Sundays, church feasts, and Vespers on Saturdays) when concerted music was required. The 1717 contract for the leader 4 4 5 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:61. The expansion of this balcony shows the growing prominence of the concerted music performed there under the leadership of the civic director of choral music. 4 4 6 Kraner, "Zittau," in M G G II, Sachteil 9:2467. 4 4 7 "Soll Er ... die Compagnie mit Annehmung iibriger Jungen nicht beladen und verringern moge." "Instruction ... Schubert," fol. 4v, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. 4 4 8 See below, p. 188. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 182 of the civic musicians, which by inference refers to the entire company, describes the services for which they should perform: He shall be responsible for being present at... the churches, for the choir and organ works, on all Sundays and [church] feasts, also on the high church feasts, [and] for Vespers on Saturdays, at the right time and hour, in good spirits and with attentiveness.4 4 9 The reference to "choir and organ works" implies that the civic musicians provided instrumental accompaniment in two locations: 1) for music in the choir's balcony and sung by the the main Gymnasium choir under the cantor's direction, and 2) for works in the organist's balcony, which included those for the chamber choir conducted by Krieger. The civic musicians also performed for occasional events, especially civic functions and weddings.4 5 0 As part of the 1717 anniversary of the Reformation, the civic musicians performed evening concerts ("Abends gegen 8 Uhr," "Abends nach Tische") o f secular music ("Abend Music").4 5 1 They also joined the pupils in the collegium musicum to play incidental music for the Gymnasium's Singspiele performances, both those performed in the spring for the Shrovetide holidays and those in the summer to celebrate the city elections.4 5 2 4 4 9 "Soll Er schuldig seyn ... in der Kirchen, auf dem Chor- und Orgel-Wercke, ... alle Sonn- Feyer- und Fest-Tage, auch an denen Hohen Fest-Tagen, des Sonnabends zur Vesper-Zeit... zu rechter Zeit und Stunde sich unverdrofien und aufwartig erfinden zu laBen." Ibid., fol. 4r. 4 5 0 Except for keyboard works, no purely instrumental music by Krieger is extant. 4 5 1 "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 13v, 20r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. While the civic musicians performed these concerts on 31 October and 1 November, the Gymnasium pupils played for the Abend Music on the evening of 2 November. Ibid., fols. 27r-27v. 4 5 2 Doring, "Annales"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:123-24, 139; Walther Eggert, Christian Weise und seine Buhne (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1935), p. 113; and Urte Hartwig, "Weise, Christian," in MGG I, 14:426. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 183 The civic musicians also participated each year in a procession held "at New Year's time" ("umb die Neu-Jahrs-Zeit"), for which they were paid an honorarium.4 5 3 Weddings and wedding receptions provided a great deal of income to the civic musicians, providing a critical supplement to their low salaries.4 5 4 It appears that the families paid for this music, since the income of the civic musicians does not include salary or fee payments for most weddings. There must have been a set scale for such fees, however, for the Stadtmusikus' contract refers to "sein behoriges Accidens" (his customary payment) for weddings.4 5 5 Starting in 1725, the city council began to pay a bonus ("10 rthl.") to the civic musicians, likely in addition to the customary fee, for weddings of the aristocracy, since trumpets and timpani were required for such ceremonies.4 5 6 For lower class weddings, however, Zittau's sumptiary laws prohibited brass music.4 5 7 The civic musicians may have periodically flouted these laws, since documents from the time strongly prohibit the improper use of brass music. For example, two contracts for Zittau musicians written in 1717 (for the leader of the civic musicians) and 1735 (for the 4 5 3 "Instruction ... Schubert," fol. 6v, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. 4 5 4 For more information on weddings in Zittau, see below, p. 295. 4 5 5 Ibid., fol. 5v. The amount of the "customary payment," however, is not mentioned in this document. Such payments ("Accidens") were occasional income guaranteed to an employee by virtue of their position but not paid as regular salary. 4 5 6 "Wir Biirgermeister und RathManne, der Stadt Zittau, Uhrkunden und bekennen hiermit," 17 August 1725, fol. 8r, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. In many German cities, trumpeters and timpani players received higher pay than other civic musicians, a reflection of their ancient role as heralds of the nobility. 4 5 7 Brass music in general was strictly regulated in Zittau. For example, the city government passed laws in 1711, 1737, and 1739 concerning the use of trumpets and timpani. Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:331, n. 1. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 184 organist and civic director of choral music) each contain a strong provision, identically worded, that brass music for weddings must be approved in advance: ... that he shall not allow brass music for any bridegroom in the church, [unless] he shall have the prior certain notice, that the bridegroom has settled and come to terms with the organist and [civic] director of choral music concerning the organ music before and after the wedding.4 5 8 In addition, the leader of the civic musicians was instructed to avoid unauthorized loud music for weddings and other festive events, and he was required to receive advance permission to employ certain instruments: ... for weddings and other honorable gatherings, [he] shall know to conduct himself in such a way to be accomodating and pleasurable so that there shall be no cause for grievances or complaints about himself or his players; just as he then also shall not undertake the use of trumpets, timpani, and horns without the foreknowledge and permission of the ruling mayor.4 5 9 Other instruments in addition to brass were likely used at weddings, as seen in the following phrase from this contract: "... his proper fee will be given him, as is customary, also for the weddings where the harpsichord is needed .. . ,"4 6 0 This clause implies that by 1717 the 4 5 8 "... sondern auch deben Interesse darinnen beobachten soil, dab er keinen Brautigam zur Kirchen blase, er habe den zuvor gewibe Nachricht, dab sich der Brautigam wegen des Orgelschlagens, vor und nach der Trauung mit dem Organisten und Directore- Musices verglichen und abgefunden." "Instruction ... Schubert," fol. 5v, Rep. Ha Cp. VI Loc. b6 No. 1; "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 6v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). 4 5 9 "... bey Hochzeiten und andern Ehrlichen Zusammenkunfften, dergestalt willfahrig und vergnuglich zu bezeugen wiben, dab weder iiber ihn selbst, noch seine Leute, einige Beschwerde und Klage zu fuhren, verursachet werden moge. Wie er denn auch ohne Vorwiben und Einwilligung des regierenden Herrn Biirger-Meisters des Gebrauchs der Trompeten, Kessel Paucken und Wald-Horner sich nicht unterfangen soil." "Instruction ... Schubert," fols. 4v-5r, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. 4 6 °"... soil ihn auch von denen Hochzeiten, wo das Clavier gebraucht wird, sein behoriges Accidens wie vor alters, gereichet werden . . . ." Ibid., fols. 5v-6r, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 185 harpsichord was often used as the continuo support for choral singing.4 6 1 It is also clear that the leader o f the civic musicians, and not Krieger, played harpsichord for weddings. The regular duties of the civic musicians also included performing music from the towers of various sites in the city (“Thurmblasen,” “Abblasen”), a custom common throughout the German lands. The 1717 contract for the leader o f the civic musicians states: "He shall be responsible for being present... for the customary playing every morning and afternoon on the tower, at the right time and hour, in good spirits and with attentiveness."4 6 2 According to a 1747 contract, this music took place from Easter until St. Michael's Day.4 6 3 Pescheck states that the civic musicians in Zittau played from the towers of St. John daily from 10:00 A.M. until 11:00 A.M.; this practice, which started sometime before the Thirty Years' War, lasted throughout Krieger's tenure in Zittau and continued far into the nineteenth century.4 6 4 In the summertime the civic musicians also played chorales during the "Mittagstunden" (midday hour) from the towers of the "Budissiner ThUrmer" (Bautzen city gate) and during the "Abendstunden" (evening hour) from the towers of St. John.4 6 5 Music 4 6 1 Stobe, "Aus der Geschichte," (part 2:) 2. While it seems likely that Krieger, as the leading keyboard player in Zittau, accompanied the choir on the harpsichord, Stobe also raises the possibility that the Stadtmusikus himself may have played it. 4 6 2 ,1 Soil Er schuldig seyn ... auf dem Thurme bey dem gewohnlichen Abblasen taglich Vor- und Nachmittags zu rechter Zeit und Stunde sich unverdroben und aufwartig erfinden zu laBen." "Instruction ... Schubert," fol. 4r, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. 4 6 3 Pescheck {Handbuch, 2:334, n. 5) mentions that a large harpsichord was purchased for St. John in 1670. Stobe ("Aus der Geschichte," [part 2:] 2) suggests either the lute or a small harpsichord ("Spinett") as the instruments used before the large harpsichord was available in St. John. 4 6 4 Many German cities enjoyed outdoor brass music at 10:00 A.M. each day, as well as at other times. Don L. Smithers (The Music and History o f the Baroque Trumpet before 1721 (Letchworth, U.K.: Aldine Press, 1973), 120, 122, 152. 4 6 5 Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:331. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 186 from the towers also took place to mark special occasions in Zittau's history. For the 1717 anniversary of the Reformation, the festivities on the main day of the celebration (31 October) began with extensive brass and choral music: Early in the morning at 4:00 A.M., an intrada4 6 6 was played from the towers of both St. John and the city hall, with trumpets and timpani in each location; then from St. John's tower the melody of the hymn "Allein Gott in der Hoh sei Ehr" [the German Gloria] was played with trumpets and timpani alone; this Lied was sung by vocalists antiphonally from both towers, along with "Herr Gott dich loben wir" [the German Te Deum\ and the [Gymnasium] director's arias, [all] without instruments.4 6 7 After that, the melody of the hymn "Nun dancket alle Gott" was played from the towers of the city hall by oboes and horns alone, which Lied vocalists sang antiphonally, again from both towers, along with the psalm "Lobt Gott in seinen Heiligthum" [Psalm 150], Finally the [music] was concluded as in the beginning with an intrada [played] by trumpets and timpani from both towers.4 6 8 To prepare for the various events described above, the civic musicians held "taglicher Musik-Ubung" (daily rehearsals).4 6 9 Their practice sessions took place in homes 4 6 6 "Intrada" is the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century term for a festive ensemble piece used as an entrance work. It is usually homophonic in style and marchlike in character. No examples of this genre are extant in Krieger's oeuvre. 4 6 7 The texts of these arias, which were written by Gymnasium director Wentzel, were published for the occasion. For more information, see pp. 64 and 256. 4 5 8 "Fruhmorgens umb 4. Uhr, wurde von Johannis und RathsThurme auff jeden mit Trompeten und Paucken eine Intrade gemacht, sodann auf den Johannis-Thurme die Melodie des Liedes: Allein Gott in der Hoh sey Ehr, mit Trompeten und Paucken Solo gemachet, welches Lied selbst die Vocalisten auf beyden Thiirmen wechselsweise, nebst: Herr Gott dich loben wir, und des Hn. Directoris Arie ohne Instrumentis sungen. Hierauff wurde auf dem RathsThurme die Melodie des Liedes: Nun dancket alle Gott mit Hautbois und Waldhornern Solo geblasen, welches Lied selbst nebst den Ps. Lobt Gott in seinen Heiligthum, die Vocalisten wieder von beyden Thiirmen wechselsweise sungen. Endlich wurde wie bey den Anfange mit einer Intrade von Trompeten und Paucken auf beyden Thiirmen beschloBen." "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 5v-6r, 20r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. Trombones sometimes joined with trumpets and timpani in playing music from the towers. Ibid., fol. 13v. 4 6 9 Daily rehearsals are mentioned in a 24 November 1735 letter written by the leader o f the civic musicians. Schubert to August II, fols. lv-2r, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. A portion of this letter is quoted in DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxi. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 187 ("Probieren zu Hause"), in one o f the churches ("in der Kirche"), and in other performance venues where music was requested ("welchen Ortes die Music sonst zu bestellen seyn").4 7 0 It is possible that the phrase "rehearsal at home" referred not to a private residence but to the practice room designated specifically for the civic musicians. Such a room ("Gesellen- Stube") is mentioned in a 1735 letter written by the leader of the civic musicians.4 7 1 Krieger also refers to the civic musicians as "sogenannten HaulJ-Leute" (so-called house people), a term possibly related to their practice room.4 7 2 Income The Zittau city council outlined the compensation for the leader of the civic musicians in his 1717 contract. While he received a weekly salary payment ("2 schck [Schock] oder 1 rthl. 22 gr. 8 pf."), they stated that a large portion o f his income should come instead from fees (“Accidentien”) for performing at various events. In addition, his contract mentions in-kind payments for the entire ensemble (“gantze Gesellschafft”): 16 bushels of grain per year and 24 cords of wood (6 of beech and 18 of fir).4 7 3 According to Hermann Techritz, this pay scale compared favorably to the compensation offered to similar musicians in Dresden.4 7 4 4 7 0 "Instruction ... Schubert," fols. 5r-5v, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1; and "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 6r, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). 4 7 1 See below, p. 190. 4 7 2 Krieger, "Gedancken iiber die ... Controvers," in Mattheson, Critica Musica, 2:217. 4 7 3 "Instruction ... Schubert," fol. 6r, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. For a comparison of the Stadtmusici's salary to other musicians and teachers in Zittau, see below, p. 216. Interestingly, the Stadtmusici received his salary on a weekly basis, while Krieger was paid each quarter. 4 7 4 Hermann Techritz, Sdchsische Stadtpfeifer: Zur Geschichte des Statmusikwesens im ehemaligen Konigreich Sachsen (Dresden: Bufra, 1932), p. 17. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 188 The civic musicians as a group also received fees for playing at specific events. On 24 August 1684, for example, they were paid 2 Taler for performing at the Gymnasium play that celebrated the city election.4 7 5 Each year, they were also paid an honorarium for performing in a New Year's procession.4 7 6 Sometimes the city council paid the ensemble in kind for specific events; for example, they allotted jugs of wine as partial compensation for their performance at the 1686 centennial anniversary of the Zittau Gymnasium.4 7 7 In 1731, the Zittau city government established an entirely new payment scale for the Stadtmusikus, which is outlined in table 3. The salary is now given as a yearly amount, paid out in quarterly installments. The shift from a weekly salary, as seen in the 1717 contract, to a yearly salary in the new pay scale was typical of many other Saxon cities at this time.4 7 8 These 1731 pay figures, which are substantially higher than those in the 1717 contract, reflect the Zittau government's awareness that the pay for their civic musicians was not adequate. In 1725, Krieger himself described their compensation as very minimal in the article he submitted to Mattheson's Critica Musica. He blames the poor quality of their music on the lack of adequate compensation and encouragement from their employers: Concerning the instrumental musicians, or so-called house people, it is certain that seldom are found among them ones who have a solid understanding of music, which the all too servile training is the indisputable cause. In Cotala, the comic "art piper" journeyman, these flaws are quite 4 7 5 Doring, "Annales," 24 August 1684, Mscr. bibl. sen. Zitt. A 170/18; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:124. 4 7 6 "Instruction ... Schubert," fol. 6v, Rep. IlaCap. VI Loc. b6No. 1. 4 7 7 Ibid., 1:129. Doring ("Annales"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:124) also mentions that the trumpeters and timpani player required wine for their health ("... Wein ... bezahlte die Stadtpfeifer, welche der Trompeten und Pauken bei den Gesundheiten gebrauchet...." ). 4 7 8 Techritz, Sachsische Stadtpfeifer, p. 17. Weekly salary payments for civic musicians were the norm in Saxony throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 189 freely mocked. The poor encouragement and room and board for the musicians is indeed one of the greatest causes for the decadence of the music . . . 4 7 9 Despite the overall increased compensation, reflected in the higher pay scale of 1731, the Zittau city council decided that year to cancel the civic musicians' allotment of wood. This ruling eliminated heating in their rehearsal room. Christian Schubert, TABLE 3 PAYMENT FOR THE ZITTAU STADTMUSIKUS (1729)4 i Item thl. gL p f Salary Besoldung 101 2 8 Money for Clothing Kleidergeld 13 14 8 Money for Lodging Logiamentgeld 12 - - Playing from towers Abblasen vom - 23 4 Turmer Evening concert Abendmusik 6 - - (election day) (Ratskur) Two special worship Zwei Stiftgottes- 2 - - services diensten Grain Korn - - - bushel 16 4 7 9 "Was die Musicos Instrumentales, oder sogenannten HauB-Leute, betrifft, so ist gewiB, daB selten welche darunter gefunden werden, die etwas solides von der Music verstehen, worzu die allzu servilische Anleitung die unfehlbare Ursache giebt. Im lustigen Kunst-Pfeiffer Gesellen Cotala sind diese Fehler gar aisement raillirt. Das schlechte Encouragement und Pension fur die Musicos ist wohl eine der grosten Ursachen zur Decadence der Music .. .." Krieger, "Gedancken iiber die ... Controvers," in Mattheson, Critica Musica, 2:217. Cotala is the main character in a satirical novel by Printz, which has also been attributed to Kuhnau: Cotala dem Kunst-Pfeiffer-Gesellen [pseud, for Wolfgang Caspar Printz], Musicus vexatus, oder Der wohlgeplagte dock nichtverzagte, sondern jederzeit lustige Musicus instrumentalis (Freiberg: J. C. Meithen, 1690; reprint, Ausgewahlte Werke, ed. Helmut K. Krausse, Die Musikerromane, vol. 1, Ausgaben deutscher Literatur des XV. bis XVIII. Jahrhunderts, Berlin: de Gruyter, 1974). 4 8 0 These payment figures are taken from the following document: “Extract,” 7 April 1731, fols. lOr-lOv, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc b6 No. 1. According to Stobe ("Aus der Geschichte," [part 2:] 2), the wood allotment was cancelled at this time. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 190 the Stadtmusikus,appears to have fought for four years on the local level for the reinstatement of the wood allotment. Finally in 1735, he took his case beyond Zittau by appealing directly to the elector of Saxony, August the Strong, who also served as August II, king o f Poland. In a letter dated 24 November 1735, Schubert explained that the lack of wood severely affected his group's ability to rehearse during winter months, thus lowering the quality o f their playing. He described the impact of this problem on the city's business community by stating that foreign guests (especially from England, and likely visiting to purchase textiles) would be disappointed when they heard poor music in Zittau's churches and other public places. Schubert's appeal achieved some results, for about a year later the king ordered the Zittau city council to restore one-half of the original wood allotment for the civic musicians.4 8 1 Status in Zittau Zittau's civic musicians fell under the protection of a musicians' guild formed shortly after the end of the Thirty Years' War. This organization, founded in 1653 by over one hundred musicians from forty locations, published their statutes with the title "The imperial confirmation of the articles for the instrumental music collegia in the region o f Upper and Lower Saxony and other pertinent places."4 8 2 This agreement gave the civic musicians exclusive rights to handle training, laid out guidelines for settling disputes between players, and discussed various issues related to employment. Although Zittau musicians did not attend the opening gathering or sign the statutes, they were still subject to the rights and 4 8 1 Schubert to August II, fols. lv-2r, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1; and August II, king of Poland, to the Zittau city council, 25 October 1736, fol. 3r, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. 4 8 2 "Kaiserliche Confirmation der Artickel deB Instrumental-musicalischen Collegii in dem Ober- und Nieder-Sachsischen Crais, und anderer interessirten Oerter." The full text of this document is quoted in Moser, Dokumente, pp. 68-70. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 191 responsibilites of the guild. In 1667, for example, the Zittau Stadtmusikus (Florian Ritter) performed for a wedding in Bautzen that sparked a complex legal case to decide if he had violated the guild's 1653 agreement.4 8 3 The 1717 contract for the Stadtmusikus contains a clause about guild membership and dues. It is not clear, however, if this organization was a local group or the Saxon guild mentioned above. The contract states: As is customary elsewhere, and in the interest of better support of a well ordered company, the handling of guild payments, on the usual days, is left to him and cleared up by him [the Stadtmusikus].4 8 4 The civic musicians in Zittau possessed the exclusive right to perform in church services, as stated in the 1735 contract for Hartwig, Krieger's successor: "With respect to the instrumental music, such [music] is carried out without exception by the current civic musicians and their leader . . . . 1 1 4 8 5 They also possessed specific rights to play for weddings. This same contract specifies that the first two weddings are reserved for the civic musicians alone to play, while for the third wedding they were required to pay the "Johannis-Thiirmer" (St. John's watchman) a fee of 1 rtl., even if they played for the ceremony.4 8 6 4 8 3 Rudolf Wustmann, "Sachsische Musikantenartikel (1653)," Neues Archivfur Sachsische Geschichte und Alterstumskunde xxix (1908); cited in Stobe, "Aus der Geschichte," (part 2:) 1. 4 8 4 "So wird ihm auch das Aufwarten bey denen Ziinfften an ihren gewohnlichen Zechetagen zu beBerer Unterhaltung einer Wohlbestelleten Compagnie, wie anderer Orten brauchlich, billig fur andern gelaBen und eingeraumet." "Instruction ... Schubert," fol. 7r, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. 4 8 5 "Anlangende die Instrumental Music, so wird solche von denen iedesmahligen Kunstpfeiffern und Stadt-Musico ohne Ausnahme verrichtet. .. ." "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 5v, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756). This phrase is within a section of the document dealing with church music. 4 8 6 "Instruction ... Schubert," fol. 6v, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. It is unclear whether the “third wedding” refers to the third ceremony in a day or if every third wedding required a payment to the watchman. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 192 The leader of the civic musicians, called the Stadtmusikus, worked under Krieger, who as the civic director of choral music {Director chori musici) was the highest-ranking musician in the city. The contracts for both men, however, do not clearly specify the details o f their working relationship, and technically they both reported directly to the Zittau city council. Their contracts, however, include some similar duties (attending events promptly, hiring musicians, and maintaining good instruments): He [the leader of the civic musicians] shall be responsible for being present at the correct time and hour ... in the churches ... at the time and with the instruments that will be required and indicated. He shall strive at all times to provide and support music with skilled people who are experienced in [their] art, as well as with impeccable instruments . . . .4 8 7 ... he [the civic director of choral music] is responsible to provide for and satisfactorily maintain the music with capable persons well-experienced in the art [of playing and] also provide for and continuously maintain flawless instruments; and exactly as his Instructions likewise to that effect bind him, especially, that he should persistently and attendantly be found at the correct time and hour in church, both with the choir and the organ, at the time and with the instruments that will be required and indicated.4 8 8 The Stadtmusikus also purchased instruments, as the following entry in Zittau's church records indicates: 4 8 7 "Soll er schuldig seyn ... in der Kirchen ... wie und zu welcher Zeit und mit wasvorley Instrumenten es begehret und angegeben wird ... zu rechter Zeit und Stunde sich unverdroBen und aufwartig erfinden zu laBen. Soil Er jederzeit dahin trachten, wie er die Music mit tUchtigen und der Kunst wohlerfahrnen Personen, wie auch untadelhafften Instrumenten versorgenundbestandigunterhalten ...." "Instruction ... Schubert," fol. 4v, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. The leader o f the civic musicians did work to obtain instruments for the ensemble. For example, a 1683 entry in the Zittau church records describes a reimbursement of 12 rthl. to the leader of the civic musicians for procuring a violone (“Bass Violon”). "Raytung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 4:13 (30 July 1683), Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 47 (Fach M). 4 8 8 "... ist selbter schuldig, die Music mit tuchtigen und der Kunst wohlerfahrenen Persohnen, auch untadelhafften Instrumenten zu besorgen und bestandig zu erhalten; und gleich wie ihm seine Instruction hierzu, besonders aber auch dahin verbindet, daB er in der Kirche, sowohl auf dem Chore, als auf der Orgel, wie und zu welcher Zeit und mit was furley Instrumenten es begehret und angegeben wird." "Instruction ... Harttwig," fols. 5v- 6r, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 193 ditto [30 July 1683] To Herr Florian Ritter, leader of the civic musicians, for a violone procured for Saints Peter and Paul Church. Receipt no. 15..... 12 Reichsthaler.4 8 9 Since the civic director of choral music could influence many of the working conditions for the civic musicians, he held ultimate resonsibility for their work. They are also described as "his people" ("seine Leute") in a phrase describing the civic director of choral music's responsibility to appear at music events accompanied by the proper personnel.4 9 0 It was not unusual in German cities at this time for the leading musician to have responsible for the civic musicians. In Leipzig, for example, J. S. Bach served as the supervisor of the civic musicians, auditioning and directing them for the musical events in which he needed them.4 9 1 In Liibeck, the main church of St. Mary's paid the civic musicians to perform in worship services, with some of them assigned to the cantor and others to the organist 4 9 2 Buxtehude himself raised money to cover the civic musicians' participation in the Abendmusiken, in which he served as director (both musically and finanicially). Personnel Three men served as Stadtmusikus during Krieger's tenure in Zittau. Florian Ritter, Christian Haupt, and Christian Schubert all came from Silesia, and they each worked for a long period of time in Zittau. 4 8 9 "dito [30 July 1683] Hr. Florian Rittern Musico Instrumentali Vor einen Bass Violon so zur Kirchen St. Petri und Pauli Verschaffet worden, laut Scheins No. 15..... 12 Rthl." "Raytung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," p. 13, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 47/4 (Fach M). 4 9 0 "Instruction ... Schubert," fol. 5r, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. This phrase appears within the contract for the leader of the civic musicians, thus underlining the ultimate authority of the civic director of choral music. 4 9 1 Wolff, Johann Sebastian Bach, pp. 261-63. 4 9 2 Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude, p. 91-92. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 194 Florian Ritter (1625-85) was born in Lowenberg, Silesia (now Lwowek Slaski, Poland) but worked in the city o f Stettin (now Szczecin, Poland) and at the court of Oels (now Olesnica, Poland) before moving to Zittau in 1657.4 9 3 Ritter was a good friend of Printz, well known as an author, theorist, and cantor. Printz visited Zittau in 1663 to see Ritter and make Hammerschmidt's acquaintance. In his 1690 book Historische Beschreibung der Edelen Sing- und Kling-Kunst, Printz mentions his stay in Zittau: " I became acquainted with this upright musician [Hammerschmidt] in 1663 when I stayed with Herr Florian Ritter, the artistic and at that time duly appointed instrumental musician in Zittau, [and] my very good friend, who later became Herr Hammerschidt's son-in-law."4 9 4 Ritter's proposal to Hammerschmidt's eighteen-year-old daughter proved controversial, for her father objected strongly to the marriage. The city government and clergy sided with Ritter against Hammerschmidt, who then ordered his family to boycott the ceremony, which took place in 1665. Ritter also took part in the 1682 dedication of the castle church in Weifienfels. Archival records there indicate that a harpsichordist (“Cimbelist”) and two trumpeters from Zittau, certainly including Krieger and Ritter, traveled to WeiBenfels to participate in the dedication. This information implies that Ritter's primary instrument was trumpet.4 9 5 4 9 3 The best sources of biographical information about Ritter are his epitaph, quoted in Carpzov, Analecta, 1:114; and Stobe, "Der Zittauer Organist," 14-15. 4 9 4 "Mit diesem wackern Musico bin ich Anno 1663. als ich bei Herrn Florian Rittem / damals Kunstreichen und Wohlbestallten Musico Instrumentali in Zittau / meinem sehr guten Freunde / der hernach Herrn Hammerschmiedes Schwieger-Sohn worden / war / bekannt worden." Wolfgang Caspar Printz, Historische Beschreibung der Edelen Sing- und Kling-Kunst (Dresden, 1690; reprint, ed. Othmar Wessely, Die Grossen Darstellungen der Musigeschichte in Barock und Aufklarung, vol. 1, Graz: Academische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1964), p. 146. 4 9 5 This information about the musicians at the dedication is cited by Friedrich Gerhardt, presumably from archival sources. Friedrich Gerhardt, Schlofi und Schlofi-Kirche Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 195 Christian Haupt (1661-1717) succeeded his teacher Ritter in 1685.4 9 6 Born in Breslau (now Wroclaw, Poland) and raised in poor circumstances, he nevertheless trained as a musician in Breslau, Brieg (now Brzeg, Poland), and Zittau. He studied organ as a young man and received an offer to serve as organist in Schlichtigsheim (now Szlichtyngowa, Poland), which he declined. After Ritter's death, he obtained the position of Stadtmusikus in Zittau through Weise's recommendation. Haupt and Krieger worked closely together for thirty-two years, and Krieger stood as godfather to Haupt's second daughter. Besides being a skilled instrumentalist for the city, Haupt (like Krieger) was an organist and composer. Christian Schubert (d. 1747) succeeded Haupt in 1717. He was born in Ohlau, Silesia (now Olawa, Poland), where his father served as the leader of the civic musicians. Christian Haupt's contract, written at the time he accepted the position in Zittau, contains more documentation about the work of the civic musicians than any other source from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries.4 9 7 Schubert worked as Stadtmusikus in Zittau until his death in 1747.4 9 8 zu Weifienfels: Zugleich ein Beitragzur Geschichte des herzogtums Weifienfels (WeiBenfels: Max Lehmstedt, 1898), p. 41. 4 9 6 Biographical information about Haupt can be found in one of his funeral programs: Johann Christoph Wentzel, Die unangenehme aber heilsame Music Gottes ... Christian Haupt ...(Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1717); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zitt. 71/1848 Ossa II, 68. Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 18, p. xx) quotes an excerpt from this program. See also Stobe, "Aus der Geschichte," (part 2:) 2. “ “ ""Instruction Wornach sich der angenommene Neue Stadt-Musicus, Christian Schubert von Ohlau aus Schlesien, zu achten," 15 April 1717, fols. 4r-6v, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. For other details about Schubert's life, see also Stobe, "Aus der Geschichte," (part 2:) 2. 4 9 8 A complete listing of the civic musicians is not possible, but information about some o f them can be found in table 4. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 196 TABLE 4 CIVIC MUSICIANS IN ZITTAU Name Andr. Reingart Melchior Romer Andreas Rathelt Joh. Bartholomaus Siering Joh. George Hahn Christoph Schultze Augustus Flohr Date4 Instrument 17th c. comett (zink) 1682 ? (apprentice) 1685 ? ("Spielmann") 1686 trumpet 1686 ? ("Spielmann") 1724 ? ("Mus. Instr.") 1724 oboe Source Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:334. DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxii. DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxii. DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxii. DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxii. DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxii. Ibid., Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:335. Instruments As in other cities at this time, each civic musician in Zittau played several instruments, which is clearly seen by the great variety of instruments required in Krieger's music compared to a much smaller number of musicians to play them. Stobe states that the civic musicians played their own instruments for music at secular events.5 0 0 But instruments used for church music were owned by St. John and Saints Peter and Paul rather than the civic musicians.5 0 1 According to Stobe, a list of these instruments available to Ritter in 1657 reads as follows: 4 9 9 This column gives the date of the available documentation for that person. 5 0 0 Stobe, "Aus der Geschichte," (part 2:) 1. 5 0 1 In the German lands, it was common practice for the churches to own the instruments that the civic musicians played for sacred music. Geoffrey Webber, North Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 197 For the church music side [of their work], [Florian] Ritter received the following instruments for use in worship services: 1 alto trombone, 2 tenor trombones, and 1 bass trombone; 2 broken soprano shawms5 0 2 that were unusable, 1 bass dulcian with 2 reeds and 1 "Quart" dulcian without a reed (bocal); 1 pair of timpani; 1 old violin and 1 large double bass, with them a large number of gambas (1 soprano, 2 tenor, and 1 violone).5 0 3 The churches took care to maintain their instruments; for example, on 7 April 1685, they paid 16 gr. for repairs made to a violone (“Bass Violon”) and dulcian (“Fagot”)-5 0 4 Many of the instruments used by the civic musicians were stored in the sanctuary o f St. John: "In 1630, stands and a cabinet for instruments were built near the choir balcony for the civic musicians."5 0 5 Entries in the Zittau church records indicate that the two primary churches possessed certain instruments for use only in that particular sanctuary. For example, a 1682 list of instruments assigned to Saints Peter and Paul includes two violins and two violas (“Violen German Church Music in the Age o f Buxtehude, Oxford Monographs on Music (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), p. 179. 5 0 2 Oboes did not replace shawms in German music until the late seventeenth century. Only two compositions by Krieger, both of them early works, call for shawm, while several of his works have oboe parts. See below, p. 395. 5 0 3 "Kirchlicherseits empfing [Florian] Ritter folgende Instrumente zur Benutzung im Gottesdienste: 1 Alt-, 2 Tenor-, und 1 Quartposaune; 2 zerbrochene Diskantschalmeien, die unbrauchbar waren, 1 BaBdulcian mit 2 Rohren und 1 Quartdulcian ohne Rohr (Mundstiick); 1 Paar Kesselpauken; 1 alte Diskant- und 1 groBe BaBgeige, dazu ein ganzes Stimmwerk tiefer Violen (Gamben), als 1 Diskant-, 2 Tenor- und 1 BaBviole." Stobe, "Aus der Geschichte," (part 1:) 1. Stobe does not cite a source for this information, but Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxii, n. 1) describes it as a city record (without a call number) related to the Deputatio adpias causas (see discussion of this group below, p. 211). This author, however, could not locate this document in Zittau. 5 0 4 "Raytung Uber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 6:27-28 (7 April 1685), Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 47 (Fach M). 5 0 5 "1630 wurden den Kunstpfeiffern neben dem Chore Stande und ein Instrumenthauschen gebaut." Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:328. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 198 di Brazzio”).5 0 6 The entry in the church records quoted above (for 30 July 1683) describes Ritter's procurement of a violone, designated as an instrument for Saints Peter and Paul.5 0 7 The 1735 contract for Krieger's successor Hartwig describes the keyboard instruments belonging to St. John, which include "the harpsichord belonging to this church" ("zu dieser Kirchen gehorige Clavecin").5 0 8 For centuries, the nobility in the German lands had maintained corps of trumpeters and timpani players. Despite their link to the nobility, these instruments were also played in free cities such as Zittau; for example, Hammerschmidt mentions the city's special right to such music in the foreword to the fourth part of his Musicalische Andachten (1646): "... this city Zittau is privileged to employ trumpets and timpani for church music .. . ."5 0 9 See appendix 17 for a list of the instruments designated in Krieger's sacred vocal works, including both his concerted music and the Lieder in Part 1 of Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit. This list is supplemented by names of instruments mentioned in non-musical sources from Zittau in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. The various terms used for these instruments are also given. Krieger desired a wide variety of instruments in his sacred music. For example, in the preface to his vocal collection Neue musicalische 5 0 6 Stobe, "Musikschatze," 30. 5 0 7 See above, p. 193. 5 °8"instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 7r, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). 5 0 9 ,1 ... hiesige Stadt Zittau, bey der Kirchen Music Trompeten und Heerpaucken zugebrauchen privilegiret worden . .. ." Andreas Hammerschmidt, Vierter Theil Musicalischer Andachten Geistlicher Moteten vndt Concerten Mit 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 12vnd mehr Stimmen, nebenst einem gedoppelten General Bafi componirt (Freiberg: Georg Beuther, 1646; reprint, Ausgewdhlte Werke, ed. Hugo Leichentritt, Denkmaler Deutscher Tonkunst, series 1, vol. 40, Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1910; reprint o f 1910 edition, ed. and rev. Hans Joachim Moser, Wiesbaden: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1958), p. x (RISMH 1931, HH 1931). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 199 Ergetzligkeit, he states: "The instruments are varied, particularly in the sacred part [of the collection], in order that a music lover be able to willingly and often present something new without special effort."5 1 0 It should be noted that he designates this variety of instrumentation as more important for Part 1 (sacred Lieder) than for Parts 2 and 3 (secular Lieder and Singspiel arias). It is not always clear which musicians played these instruments— the civic musicians, Gymnasium pupils, Krieger himself, etc.— but it is likely that the civic musicians held responsibility for most of them. While it is almost certain that Krieger himself played the basso continuo parts on organ or harpsichord, it is possible that other musicians occasionally played these instruments. For example, Haupt was a trained organist, and Schubert is known to have played harpsichord for weddings. As for the number of instrumentalists on a given part, the manuscripts o f Krieger's music that survive in parts (as opposed to score format) can give some information. None of these sources include duplicate parts (i.e., one part for Violin 1, one part for Violin 2, etc.). These parts are not written in an exceptionally large format, so it seems likely that a maximum o f two players could have used a given part. Even this many players seems unlikely, however, given the number of civic musicians working in Zittau. Unless they were supplemented by members of the Gymnasium's collegium musicum, which appears to have been done only for special events, the number of players per part was likely only one for most of Krieger's music.5 1 1 5 1 0 "Die Instrumente sind/ vornehmlichen im geistlichen Theile vielfaltig abgewechselt worden/ damit ein Liebhaber offt etwas neues ohne sonderbahre Miihe vorbringen moge." Krieger, NmE, l:vi. 5 1 1 One player per part was the norm for sacred music in Germany at this time. Webber, North German Church Music, p. 179. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER ffl JOHANN KRIEGER IN ZITTAU Johann Krieger maintained an active professional life in Zittau. The terms o f his appointment indicate his regular duties and status, but his activities also extended to many other areas. The frequent occasional services held during his tenure required his efforts as director and composer, and his professional activities included composing, writing, and serving as an organ examiner. In addition, a description of his personal life outlines wedding, baptism, and funeral practices in Zittau in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. APPOINTMENT IN ZITTAU Johann Krieger was hired in 1681 as civic director of choral music {Director chori musici) and organist of St. John, the primary church in Zittau.1 The time o f Krieger's move to Zittau can be determined from documents related to his pay in Eisenberg and Zittau. Krieger personally signed for his last payment in Eisenberg on 3 March 1682.2 His pay in Zittau began to accrue during the second quarter of 1682 (March through May), with his first salary allotment recorded on 4 June.3 Since he participated in his first service in St. John on d u ller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 3; Mattheson, Ehren-pforte, p. 152; "Raytung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 2 (1681):47, 2 (1682): 19, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 47 (Fach M). 2 Johann Krieger, receipt, 3 March 1682, Eisenberger SchloBarchiv II. 2. Nr. 19(14). See also Bohme, Musik, p. 26. 3 The 1682 account books o f St. John contain no quarterly payment for organist on 3 March, but they do record the second quarterly payment on 4 June. "Raytung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 2 (1682): 19, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 47 (Fach M). A different account book for St. John mentions Krieger's name and position (organist) in the entry on 4 June 1682. "St. Johannis: Cassabuch" 4 June 1682, A233o1" 4- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 201 5 April, it is likely that he traveled to Zittau sometime in March, arriving early enough to allow adequate preparation time for this worship service.4 The nature of his appointment was highly unusual, for he was selected without an audition, and no other candidates were considered. This hiring procedure differed from the normal practice in Germany at the time, in which several candidates were tested. For example, only a few months after Krieger was offered his position, five people applied to become cantor in Zittau, and all of them submitted to auditions.5 Krieger understood the unusual nature of his appointment, as seen in Mattheson's description of Krieger's hiring, which was based on autobiographical materials the composer sent to Mattheson: "... in 1681, against all expectation, he received a position from the most noble city council in Zittau ... that he considered as divine providence because he did not know any persons in that c ity " 6 While it was the city council that officially extended the job offer to Johann Krieger, the real force behind his selection was Weise, rector o f the Gymnasium. Weise's stature in Zittau very likely insured that his recommendation would lead to Krieger's unanimous selection. Weise was well acquainted with Krieger's brother Johann Philipp from his tenure as a professor in the Weifienfels Gymnasium (1670-78). In 1677 and 1678, Johann Philipp worked in Halle as court organist for Duke August, who traveled periodically with his court 4 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:95. Both Walther (Lexikon, p. 345) and the author o f the article in Niedersachsishe Nachrichten incorrectly give the date of Krieger’s first service as 5 April 1681. 5 "A 11 hatten Probe gesungen." Doring, "Annales"; cited in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:99, n.5. 6"... im Jahr 1681 sandte ihm, wieder alles Vermuthen, ein Hoch-Edler Rath in Zittau ... eine solche Berufung ein, die er fur eine recht-gottliche Schickung hielt, weil er keinen Menschen dasiges Ortes kannte . . . ." Mattheson, Ehren-pforte, p. 152. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 202 to his hometown of WeiBenfels, where he was building a castle for his son.7 Several years later, Weise wrote a poem for Johann Philipp's wedding; the published document includes the following phrase on its title page: "Created in Zittau out of manifold acquaintanceship and from there sent by Christian Weise."8 Johann Philipp surely had the opportunity in the late 1670s to speak with Weise about his younger brother, although it is unlikely that Johann met Weise in person before his 1681 appointment in Zittau, since Johann stated upon his hiring that he knew no one in that city. Five years later, however, Weise mentioned his friendship with the younger brother as well in a poem for Johann's wedding. The poem's title emphasizes the connections that Weise saw between WeiBenfels and Zittau: With God: WeiBenfelsian, Zittauian, and musical thoughts of friendship as the, God willing, forever blessed Krieger and Forster wedding celebration took place with pleasant satisfaction on 18 November 1686 in Zittau: happily opened with best wishes from Christian Weise, R[ector].9 Weise's mention of the two cities indicates 1) the link between Johann and Johann Philipp, who worked in Zittau and WeiBenfels, respectively, 2) Weise's own contacts in the two cities as a Gymasium teacher in both locations, and 3) the probable role that both Johann Philipp 7 For more information on the history of the duke's family, see Werner, Stadtischen Musikpflege ... Weissenfels, p. 2. 8 "Aus vielfaltiger Bekandtschafft in Zittau geschopffet und von dar aus iiberschicket durch Christian Weisen." Christian Weise, Musicalische und Weifienfelsische Gedancken Bei der Gottgebe glucklich und gesegneten Krieger- und Nicolaischen Das ist Bei einer Weissenfels- undHallischen Liebes-Verbindnifi (WeiBenfels: [Johann] Briihl, 1684), p. i; Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zittau 29a; Altenburg, Thiiringischer Hauptstaatsarchiv, Eisenberger SchloBarchiv II. 15. Nr. 18. Weise (Curidse Gedancken, 1:332-36) published the entire poem; in addition, portions of it are quoted by Werner (Stadtische Musikpflege ... Weissenfels, p. 80). 9 Christian Weise, M G. Weissenfelsische/ Zittauische und Musicalische Freundschaffts-Gedancken/ Als Das/ Gott gebe/ allzeit gesegnete Krieger- und Forsterische Hochzeit-Fest/ Mit angenehmer Vergniigung/ Den 18. Novembr. MDCLXXXVI. in Zittau Vollzogen ward; Frolich und Gluckwiinschend erdffnet/ Von Christian Weisen/ i?[ector], (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1686), p. i; Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zittau 29a (#154). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 203 and Weise played in Johann's appointment in Zittau. Interestingly, Weise likely took a personal role in Johann Krieger's official introduction to Zittau on 5 April 1682. The Zittau church records mention the following reimbursement to Weise: "4. April: Herr Christian Weise (rector) for various musical items during the vacancy o f the [civic] director o f choral music, receipt no. 5.... 2 rtl. 16 gr."1 0 The date of this reimbursement, only one day before Krieger's first service, indicates that Weise may have purchased music for the occasion. Besides Weise's knowledge of Johann through his brother, another factor influencing Krieger's hiring in Zittau might have been his hometown of Nuremberg. Merchants in Zittau and Nuremberg had historically maintained strong trade ties, especially in textiles, and much o f the Renaissance and Baroque architecture in Zittau points to the influence o f Nuremberg. The pre-eighteenth-century contents of the Christian-Weise-Bibliothek also point to connections with Nuremberg.1 1 Therefore, the fact that Krieger was raised and educated in Nuremberg would likely be looked upon favorably in Zittau. Krieger's Title Krieger's title, civic director of choral music (Director chori musici), was unusual for a Zittau organist. Hammerschmidt, his most famous predecessor, was officially designated only as organist of St. John. Hammerschmidt himself used the title "organist" in some of his publications. For example, the title page of his 1642 collection Musicalischer Andacht, Drifter Theil refers to him as “Andr. Hammerschmied, Org. bey S. Johann zur 1 0 "4. April: Herr. Christian Weise Rectori vor unterschiedlich Musicalische Sachen in wehrender Vacanz des Directoris Musici, laut Schemes no. 5.....2 rl. 16 g." "Raytung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," p. 5 (1682), Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 47 (Fach M). ‘'Arnhardt, "Der Zittauer Rektor," in Behnke, Christian Weise, p. 173. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 204 Zittaw in Ober-Lausitz" (Andreas Hammerschmidt, organist of St. John in Zittau, in the region of Upper Lusatia).1 2 Hammerschmidt was not in charge of church music, which was instead the responsibility of the cantor Crusius, who led church services with the Gymnasium choir and the civic instrumentalists.1 3 The structure and texts o f Hammerschmidt's music, however, suggest that it was performed from the organist's balcony ("Musik auf der Orgel"), especially since vocal soloists, basso continuo and concertato style are so prominent in his output. It is likely that Crusius and Hammerschmidt worked together to perform the latter's music. Hammerschmidt's successor Edelmann was also known only as an organist. Not until 1680, when Titius was hired as cantor, was the title "civic director of choral music" used for a musician in Zittau.1 4 After Titius' premature death, this designation was given to Krieger, an organist, and not to the next cantor Zieger. Interestingly, organists in Zittau maintained this title until 1862, almost two hundred years after it was given to Krieger.1 5 There are several possible reasons that Krieger was given the title "civic director of choral music." The people of Zittau were already accustomed to outstanding organist/composers, most notably Hammerschmidt. In addition, Krieger had been recommended highly by Weise, thus paving the way for a top-level appointment. The 1 2 Andreas Hammerschmidt, Musicalischer Andachten, Drifter Theil, Das ist: Geistliche Symphonien, Mit 1. und 2. Vocal-Stimmen, zwey Violinen, sampt einem Violon, Nebenst einem General Bafi fur die Orgel, Lauten, Spinet, &c. (Freiberg, Georg Beuther, 1642; reprint, Ausgewahlte Werke), p. i (RISM H 1929, HH 1929). See a transcription of this title page in the foreword to Hammerschmidt, Ausgewahlte Werke, p. xiv. 1 3 Stobe, "Der Zittauer Organist," 12. 1 4 For example, the title page of music composed for Titius' funeral gives his title (Directoris bey dem Choro musico). Johann Kuhnau, Des seeligen (tit.) Herrn Erhard Titii, p. i. 1 5 Kraner, "Zittau," M G G II, Sachteil 9:2468. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 205 unanimity of opinion to hire Krieger also points to a high degree of respect for Weise among the city's leadership. Lastly, Krieger's last position before Zittau was as Kapellmeister in Eisenberg, and the significance of his title there was not lost on the city council in Zittau. Carpzov's entry on Krieger refers to him as “Director chori musici,” first in Eisenberg and then in Zittau, which would suggest that the Zittau city council felt the singular title of organist would not be sufficient to attract him.1 6 For the rest of his life, Krieger used his title in almost all of his published music. With Krieger installed as the new civic director of choral music, the leadership of music in the city shifted from the cantor to the organist. Doring noted this change in 1682, Krieger's first year in Zittau: "... the organist Johann Krieger was given the directorship of concerted music from the organ [balcony], so that the cantor had nothing more to do with it."1 7 This passage implies that before Krieger the cantor had been responsible for concerted music. In German cities that were not courts, it was common at this time for the cantor to be the leading musical figure. He was also the person most likely to be called Director chori musici, a title that became more frequent as the seventeenth century progressed.1 8 It was not unknown, however, for an organist to assume this title and/or the role as head musician. For example, in Halle several organists either led music or held the title Director chori musici, including Samuel Scheidt, Moritz Edelmann and Friedrich Wilhelm Zachau. This arrangement was also evident in J. S. Bach's application to be organist at the Church of St. 1 6 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:94. See appendix 4. 1 7 " ... ward dem Organisten Joh. Criiger das Direktorium iiber die Figuralmusik auf der Orgel ubergeben, so dab der Kantor nichts mehr damit zu tun hatte." Doring, "Annales," 1682; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:115. !8 Krickeberg, Das Protestantische Kantorat, p. 129. According to Krickeberg (Ibid., pp. 104, 120), many cantors assumed this designation for their publications even if it was not their official job title. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 206 Mary (Marktkirche) in Halle.1 9 In Liibeck, it was the cantor, not Dieterich Buxtehude, who was responsible for concerted music in the church services, but it was clear that Buxtehude was the prominent musician in the city. He was the organizer of the annual concert series in Liibeck (Abendmusiken), performed by the top musicians of the city, and he received more than twice the earnings of the cantor.2 0 During the years of Krieger's childhood in Nuremberg, the title Director chori musici was shared by the organist Paul Hainlein and the cantor Heinrich Schwemmer, and the most powerful musicians there during the seventeenth century were organists. In 1688, Johann Kuhnau described the trend of organists taking over more leadership of church music, which he believed stemmed from the overview of music they enjoyed through the use of tablature and figured bass: And this is one of the reasons why today in by no means a few towns the directorship of ecclesiastical music is at the same time entrusted to the organ directors, as up until now we have seen performed ... at Zittau in the St. John Church.2 1 It is significant that Kuhnau specifically mentions Zittau in this passage, since he worked there only six years earlier and is known to have maintained a friendship with Krieger. 1 9 Kerala Snyder and Douglas Bush, "Scheidt, Samuel," The New Grove II, 22:451; Serauky, Musikgeschichte, 2:295; Friedhelm Krummacher, "Orgel- und Vokalmusik im Oeuvre norddeutscher Organisten um Buxtehude," in Dansk aarbogfor musiJrforskning 1966-67, ed. Nils Schiorring and Soren Sorensen (Copenhagen: Dansk Selskab for Musikforskning, 1968): 86. 2 0 See Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude, pp. 90-92; and Christoph Wolff, Bach: Essays on His Life and Music (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991), pp. 45-47. For a detailed description of the Abendmusiken, see Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude, pp. 56-72. 2 1 "Et haec forsan inter rationes referri potest, cur hodie in oppidis haud paucis Directorium musices ecclesasticae Organicis simul committitur, uti hactenus factum videmus ... Zittaviae ad D. Johannis." Johann Kuhnau, Jura circa musicos ecclesiasticos (Leipzig, 1688), chapter III, section 3; quoted in Krickeberg, Das Protestantische Kantorat, p. 177. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 207 Krickeberg gives an extended discussion comparing the roles of Krieger and Zittau's cantor Zieger in the celebration of the 1717 anniversary of the Reformation. He contrasts the types o f pieces the two men directed and makes special note that Krieger composed his music while Zieger did not. Krieger was clearly the dominant musical leader in the city, a position that in Germany at this time was much more often the role of the cantor.2 2 The increased number of organists serving as musical leaders in the seventeenth century contrasted with the sixteenth century when singers held most of the important positions. The greater role of instrumental music in church life in the seventeenth century strengthened the power of organists, who were needed to play the basso continuo parts when more modern music was performed.2 3 Even musicians not officially working as organists were well known for their playing abilities (e.g., J. S. Bach and Johann Philipp Krieger). Terms of Service An account of Krieger’s working conditions provides an illuminating example of music patronage in Saxon cities during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Much of this information is found in the contracts of Krieger’s successors, but additional details are gleaned from contemporary descriptions of the city’s leadership and documents related to Krieger’s compensation and housing. Contracts No contract for Krieger survives today, but contracts for his successors, Carl Hartwig of St. John and Adolph Gottlob Krieger of Saints Peter and Paul, are extant. The Hartwig contract, available in two almost identical copies, has been published by Max 2 2 Krickeberg, Das Protestantische Kantorat, pp. 136-38. 2 3 Riedel, Quellenkundliche Beitrage, p. 16. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 208 Seiffert, Otto Voli, and Ernst Suchalla, and an English translation can be found in appendix 18.2 4 The contract for Adolph Gottlob Krieger, translated into English, has been published by this author.2 5 It can also be found in appendix 19 in both German and English. Much of the wording in the contract for Adolph Gottlob Krieger is similar to that found in the Hartwig document. The contents of the Hartwig contract were used practically unchanged for his successors at St. John: Gottlieb Krause, who worked until 1753, and then Johann Trier, who served until his death in 1790.2 6 Therefore, it is highly likely that the Zittau city council used Johann Krieger's contract as a model to draw up the contracts for his successors Hartwig and A. G. Krieger. The language of Hartwig's contract supports this conclusion, for it recommends that certain procedures be done "according to previous arrangements ("nach bisheriger Einrichtung").2 7 The practice of using a musician's job description as the template for his successor's contract is described by Seiffert as a common occurrence in the German 2 4 The most complete copy of Hartwig's contract is "Instruction womach sich der angenommene Director chori musici und Organist bey allhiesiger Kirche zu St.: Johannis Karl Harttwig S: S: Theolog Stud, zu achten betr 1735," 24 October 1735, fols. lr-9v, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756); reprint, Bach, Briefe, 1:34-39. Another version, almost identical to the first, is "Acta betr. den Dienst," fols. lr-14v, Rep. VII Cap. 1/5 No. 2 Vol. 1 (Fach 826); reprint, Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 18, pp. xiv-xvi; reprint, VoB, Die sachsische Orgelmusik, pp. 13-14. Both of these contracts are copies, as can be seen from the abbreviation "L. S." {Loco Sigilli) at the end of each document, which means "in place of the seal." The more complete of the two copies ("Instruction ... Harttwig") includes an opening sentence ("Wornach sich ... zu achten") which is omitted in the second copy ("Acta betr. den Dienst"). Additionally, the more complete copy was written by the same person who produced the A. G. Krieger contract, while a different person wrote out the second copy of Hartwig's contract. Therefore, this author will use the more complete copy for all quotations in this paper. 2 5 "Instruction ... Krieger," fols. lr-4v, Abt. IV Fach 2 4 Nr. 2; translated in Stahlke, "The Employment Contract," 29-32. 2 6 Bach, Briefe, 1:33-34. 2 7 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fols. 2v, 7v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 209 lands at this time.2 8 Therefore, the Hartwig and A. G. Krieger contracts together probably give a fairly accurate description of Johann Krieger's responsibilities and compensation. Each organist performed the organ duties in his respective church, with Hartwig as the civic director of choral music also assuming overall responsibility for the city's music. The exact duties of the positions are described below on p. 218. Hartwig's contract states that he should maintain a good working relationship with the cantor so that worship services would take place without interruption and confusion. In a similar fashion, Adoph Gottlob Krieger's contract mentions that he should stay on lasting good terms with both the Director chori musici and the cantor so that the worship service might be conducted in good order. Both organists were also required to arrange for the care and protection of the instruments located in their churches. An itemization of their pay is given in each contract, including allowances for wood and foodstuffs. The contracts for Hartwig and Adolph Gottlob Krieger were issued by the city council, not the city's church leaders, and they were affixed with the seal of the current mayor. The terms of the contracts and the administration of church music in both churches could be changed at any time by the city council; the organists, however, could not alter their contracts or the administration of church music in even the slightest way without the prior permission of the council. Political and Religious Leadership in Zittau The city council at the time of Johann Krieger's hiring included three mayors, three recorders, a lawyer, four jurors, seven aldermen, a number of guild representatives, two 2 8 DTB, Jg. 18, p. xiv. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 210 notaries, and a court clerk.2 9 One of the important political figures in Zittau during Krieger's tenure was Johann Jacob von Hartig (1639-1718), who served on the city council in several capacities from 1671 until 1715, including thirteen terms as mayor. Hartig was almost certainly involved in the decision to hire Krieger, especially given his great interest in music. Hartig was born in Althornitz, just west of Zittau (see figure 4).3 0 He was a pupil at the Zittau Gymnasium, where Hammerschmidt was one of his teachers, and then studied in Leipzig. He then undertook a long period of travel, typical of wealthy young men at that time, which included stays in Venice, Rome, and Paris. He studied music during his years abroad with composers such as Carissimi and Lully, and he became a virtuoso performer on the lute and harpsichord. He is also known to have composed music, although none o f his works survive. In 1699 Hartig served as one of the patrons for Krieger's keyboard collection, the Clavier-Ubung. While the city council was the institution that issued contracts, it is clear from the language of such documents that the musician reported to several entities: [He should] be obedient and compliant respectively to us, the Council, the local Religous Ministry of the City, and the venerable, worthy deputation of the Piarum Causarum in its capacity as inspector of St. John Church.3 1 2 9 "Der Rat, damals im ganzen aus drei Burgermeistern (consules), drei Stadtrichtem (praetores), einem Syndicus, vier Schoffen (scabini), sieben Ratsherren (senatores) und <Ratsfreunden> aus den Zunften, zwei Notaren und einem Aktuar bestehend . . .." Kaemmel, Christian Weise, p. 25. 3 0 Biographical details about Hartig can be found in Carpzov, Analecta, 2:282; Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:335; and Gondolatsch, "Die musicalischen Beziehungen ... Leipzig," 461. 3 1 "... und hat Uns, dem Rathe, dem allhiesigen Geistlichen Stadt-Ministerio und Er: Lobl[ichen] Deputation zu Administration derer Piarum Causarum, als Inspectoribus bey der Kirche zu St. Johannis derselbe alien resp: Gehorsam und gute Willfahrung zu leisten." "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 2v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). This exact wording is also used in A. G. Krieger's contract, with the exception of the name of the church. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 211 The deputation of the Piarum Causarum was a committee of the city council that was responsible for the financial administration of the churches. They are often mentioned in church records of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as the “Deputation ad pias causas.” In the mid-eighteenth century, this committee was made up of three people, and in the mid-nineteenth century, there is evidence that a specific meeting room was reserved for them ("Sessionstube der Deputation ad pias causas").3 2 In addition, the contracts mention the religious ministry of the city as an entity to whom Krieger reported. The “Stadt-Ministerio,” also designated in contemporary documents as "Verbi divini Ministris," "E. Ministerio Eccles." and "Ministerio," was the group of pastors with whom Krieger, as the leading musician in Zittau, must have worked closely.3 3 In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, there were seven pastoral positions in Zittau: 1) “Pastor Primarius” (Primary Pastor), 2) “Archidiakoni” (Archdeacon) or “Mittags-Prediger” (Midday Preacher) in St. John, 3) “Diakoni I” (Deacon I) or “Dienstag-Prediger” (Tuesday Preacher) in St. John, 4) “Diakoni II” (Deacon II) or “Friih- Prediger” (Morning Preacher) in Saints Peter and Paul, 5) “Mittags-Prediger” (Midday Preacher) in Saints Peter and Paul, 6) “Catecheten” (Catechist) and “Mittwochs-Prediger” (Wednesday Preacher) in Saints Peter and Paul, and 7) “Bohmischer Pfarrer” (Bohemian Pastor), who worked with the Bohemian immigrant congregation. 3 2 A document in the Zittau archives dated 23 July 1763 was issued by the Deputati ad pias causas and signed by three people. "Acta betr. die Anschaffung einiger Instrumente zu der Kirchen-Music: Ergangen ao. 1763 vor Em. Er. Hochw. Rathe der Stadt Zittau," fols. 2r-2v, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. 1/13 No. 2 (Fach 843). See also Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:53 for the mention of their meeting room. 3 3 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:51,53, 105. Many documents from this era, such as those quoted here in Carpzov's Analecta, list the names and titles of the city council members, the clergy, and the Gymnasium faculty, with general headings designating each o f the three institutions. The terms "Verbi divini Ministris," "E. Ministerio Eccles." and "Ministerio" are examples of headings indicating the clergy. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 212 Of the many pastors who served Zittau during Krieger's time there, two men were especially involved with music. Johann Ernst Herzog was the primary pastor o f the city from 1696 until his death. Unlike most of the Zittau clergy, he was raised and educated outside the city. It was also unusual that he was appointed primary pastor without being promoted from within the ranks of the Zittau pastorate. Herzog was born in Dresden and educated in Meissen, Wittenberg, and Leipzig. After holding positions in Freyberg (deacon) and Stolpen (pastor), he was called to be court preacher in Dresden, a position of high prestige. After accepting the leadership o f Zittau's clergy in 1696, he was known for his scholarly activities, including an extensive correspondence. Herzog was well known as a great lover of music and had a fine tenor voice. It was certainly a help to Krieger to work with such a gifted pastor who had strong musical interest and ability.3 4 Martin Griinwald (1664-1716) was hired in 1699 as Zittau's first Catechist. He was promoted in 1710 to Midday Preacher in Saints Peter and Paul and in 1715 to Archdeacon in St. John. Griinwald was born in Zittau, where he attended the Gymnasium and was a favorite pupil of Christian Weise. After university study in Leipzig, he received his first position in 1690 as the assistant rector (Conrector) of the Gymnasium in Bautzen, where he also founded an orphanage. After moving to Zittau in 1699, he immediately began work on founding an orphanage there, as well. Besides his accomplishments as a clergyman, educator, social reformer, and author, he greatly contributed to Zittau's musical life by editing and publishing the city's first hymnal in 1712. He is also the author of twenty-six hymns.3 5 3 4 For information about Herzog and a bibliography of his writings, see Otto, Lexikon, 2:114-16. 3 5 For further information on Zittau's 1712 hymnal, see above on p. 167. A bibliography of Griinwald's writings, including a list of his hymns, can be found in Otto, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 213 Compensation Johann Krieger's pay in Zittau was a significant increase from his prior position. At the court in Eisenberg he received a salary of 50 tl., which was supplemented in 1682 by 21 rtl. and 20 gr.3 6 In contrast, his yearly salary in Zittau was 158 rtl. (paid quarterly as 39 rtl. and 12 gr.),3 7 with an additional 6 rtl. per year for teaching the youth.3 8 Krieger's yearly salary was an increase over the pay for his predecessor Edelmann, who had received 150 rtl. per year.3 9 The monetary pay for the organist was supplemented by items received in kind, including fish, game, wood, grain, salt and wine. Krieger also received extra pay for weddings, with the amount depending on which of the three organs in St. John was Lexikon, 1:543-48. See also Carpzov, Analecta, 3:48, 87; and Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:137, 415, 2:752. In addition, Griinwald's will is extant in Zittau: Martin Griinwald, "Trost fur mein liebes Weib . . .," 1716 or earlier, Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, B223. 3 6 Johann Krieger, receipts, Eisenberger SchloBarchiv II. 2. Nr. 19(14). See also Bohme, Musik, p. 26. In Zittau, a Reichstaler and a Taler were equivalent (see Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:73, n.5); therefore it is likely they were also equivalent in Eisenberg. 3 7 Payment records for Krieger in the years 1683-92, 1694-1711 and 1713-19 can be found in "Raytung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 47 (Fach M): 4:33, 5:46; 6:53, 7:31, 8:54, 9:23, 10:19, 11:29, 12:39. See also "Administrationsrechnung," Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 48/1, fol. 18v. Payment records for Krieger in the year 1692 can also be found in "Rechnungen der Johanniskirche zu Zittau 1692," p. 31, Zittau, Pfarramt, A. Abt. Ill Fach 12 No. 1. 3 8 Entries for Krieger's teaching income in the years 1686-88 and 1690-92 can be found in "Ra^hung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 7:12, 8:7, 9:8, 11:20, 12:25, Rep. VII Cap. I/la, No. 47. See also "Administrationsrechnung," 1: fol. 18v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 48. Krieger's teaching income for 1692 is also mentioned in "Rechnung der Johanniskirche," p. 31, A Abt. Ill Fach 12 No. 1. 3 9 "Raytung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 1:39, 2:47, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 47/1 (Fach M). Salaries in Zittau were stable over long periods of time. In 1735, Krieger's successor Hartwig received a yearly salary o f 164 Rthl. ("Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 7v, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 [Fach 756]), which was the same amount paid in 1753 to his successor Krause (Bach, Briefe, 1:34). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 214 used.4 0 Additional honoraria were possible for providing music at wedding receptions. It is also probable that he received bonuses at Christmas, Easter, and for celebrations connected to the city council election4 1 Krieger received his income from both St. John (yearly salary, teaching income, and bonuses) and the Zittau city council (all in-kind items). Wedding income is not mentioned in the church or city records and was probably paid by the families of those getting married. Funeral music was not the responsibility of the organist, but Krieger did write many Lieder for use at funerals. These pieces (both text and music) were published in the programs printed for funerals, many of which are extant.4 2 It is likely that Krieger was paid by the families for writing these Lieder, which were a common type of composition written in the late seventeenth century by organists in northern Germany.4 3 Krieger was also asked to write Lieder for other one-time events, such as baptisms, weddings, special church services, and 4 0 For each wedding, however, Krieger was required to deduct 4 groschen from his fee to pay the organ blower ("dem Calefactori vor das Blasebalgtreten"). "Acta betr. den Dienst," fol. 12v, Rep. VII Cap. 1/5 No. 2 Vol. 1 (Fach 826). 4 1 For example, Krieger was paid 2 rtl. for participating in the election celebration ("Kiiraktus") on 24 August 1684. Doring, "Annales"; cited in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:124. In-kind payments, wedding fees, and bonuses are also mentioned in the 1735 contracts for Krieger's successors: "Instruction ... Flarttwig," fols. 7v-8v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756); and "Instruction ... Krieger," fols. 4v-5r, Abt. IV Fach 24 Nr. 2. Bonuses, however, rarely appear in the church records seen by this author for the period from 1682 until 1719. 4 2 These programs have been recently catalogued in Lenz, Katalog der Leichenpredigten. An older catalog is also available: Friedrich Schneider, Die Fundgrube: Eine Sammlung genealogischen Materials, vol. 19, Leichenpredigten-Sammlung im Besitz der "Christian-Weise-Bibliothek" in Zittau/Sachsen (Regensburg: Korb'sches Sippenarchiv, 1960). Many of these funeral compositions also appear in Krieger's Neue musicalische Ergetzlichkeit. The music for funerals was performed by the Gymnasium choirs and led by the cantor. See below, p. 307. 4 3 Edler, Nordelbische Organist, p. 76. In other regions of Germany, it was more common for the cantor to compose such occasional music. See Ernest Felix Livingstone, "The Theory and Practice of Protestant School Music in Germany as Seen Through the Collection of Abraham Ursinus (ca. 1600)" (Ph. D. diss., University of Rochester, Eastman School of Music, 1962), p. 418. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 215 city festivals. Thus, his compensation package consisted of salary, in-kind items, payment for teaching, and income from special events. This variety of income sources was very common in Germany in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, and thus it is difficult to ascertain exactly how much money musicians actually earned.4 4 Krieger received a higher base salary than all of the Gymnasium teachers except the director.4 5 Table 5 gives both base yearly salaries and overall compensation for the Gymnasium teachers in the year 1731. The figures for overall compensation should be used cautiously since data for income from special events and the value of in-kind items were not always available to this author. Housing From 1661 until 1735, the organist of Saints Peter and Paul was given housing in a building located very close to the church. At that time, it was described as a house on the square that was used to sell pottery (“Topfmarkf’); today this location is called the cloister square (Klosterplatz). This house was shared by the organist and the "Glockner" (sexton) of Saints Peter and Paul, as well as the "Stadthebamme" (city midwife).4 6 It was common at this time for church workers to receive lodging as part of their compensation. For example, the director, cantor, and possibly the associate director (Conrector) of the Zittau Gymnasium were also 4 4 Christoph Wolffs recent biography of J. S. Bach includes an appendix titled "Money and Living Costs in Bach's Time." Many of the sources that Wolff used come from the same time period that Krieger worked in Zittau. See Wolff, Johann Sebastian Bach, pp. 539-41. 4 5 In 1708, the title of the Gymnasium's top teacher was changed from rector to director. See Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:248, n. 1. 4 6 Morawek, Die Kirche, p. 58. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 216 TABLE 5 SALARY FIGURES FOR GYMNASIUM TEACHERS IN ZITTAU (1731) Teacher Rank Yearlv Base Salarv Total Salarv Source' Director4 8 I 319 rtl.23 gr. 371 rtl. 16 gr. 2:155 J. Krieger4 9 n/a 164 rtl. 193 rtl. 13 gr.4 pf. - Assoc, director II 79 rtl. 15 gr. 126 rtl. 11 gr. 2:188 Asst, director5 0 III 69 rtl. 15 gr. 136 rtl. 17 gr. 2:200 Cantor5 1 IV 77 rtl. 15 gr. 4 pf. 124 rtl. 19 gr. 2:205 Fifth Teacher V 52 rtl. 8 gr. 8 pf. 102 rtl.12gr.8pf. 2:209 Sixth Teacher VI 45 rtl. 12 gr. 89 rtl. 6 gr. 8 pf. 2:211 Seventh Teacher VII 45 rtl. 12 gr. 89 rtl. 6 gr. 8 pf. 2:214 Eighth Teacher VIII 45 rtl. 12 gr. 89 rtl. 6 gr. 8 pf. 2:215 Dancing Teacher n/a 150 rtl. 150 rtl. 2:218 granted free housing.5 2 The organist of St. John, however, did not receive this benefit unless he also played for Saints Peter and Paul, as Krieger did starting in 1699.5 3 4 7 These page numbers are for original documents quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch. 4 8 The director was given a large house close to St. John. For a description of this house during Christian Weise's tenure, see Kaemmel, Christian Weise, pp. 23-25. 4 9 For comparison purposes, Krieger's salary is placed in this table even though he was not a teacher in the Gymnasium. Krieger’s salary figures are taken from Hartwig's 1735 contract ("Instruction ... Harttwig," fols. 7v-8v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 [Fach 756]), which was issued only four years after 1731, the date of the other salary figures in the table. 5 0 The salary for the assistant director {Subrector) is greater than that for the higher- ranked associate rector (Conrector) because it includes a 20 rtl. subsidy for obtaining housing. Presumably, the associate rector received free housing. 5 1 The cantor received free housing, and his earnings were in actuality higher than the figures listed because of extra pay for special events. The cantor resided in quarters on Pfarrgasse. See Paul Stobe, "Christoph Demantius: Kantor in Zittau 1597 bis 1604," Zittauer Geschichtsblatter, no. 31 (22 March 1911): 1. Income figures for Zieger, cantor in Zittau during Krieger's tenure, also include the information that his housing was free. See Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:205. 5 2 See above, nn. 48, 50, and 51. 5 3 According to Stobe ("Der Zittauer Organist," 11, 15), Hammerschmidt lived in this house ("Organisten- und Glocknerhaus am Topfmarkt") before he bought his own home in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 217 The organist's house was built in 1661 in connection with the church's renovation, which was completed in 1662.5 4 At that time, Curth was hired as organist of Saints Peter and Paul and presumably moved into the building. But in 1668, he built a home in a village just outside Zittau.5 5 If Curth was not living in the house, perhaps Krieger moved into the Topfmarkt house when he came to Zittau in 1682, even though he was not organist of Saints Peter and Paul at the time. When Curth died in 1692, his successor Vogel would have been eligible to live in this house, but this author has found no records o f Vogel's or Krieger's addresses between 1692 and 1699, the year Vogel died. Presumably, Krieger lived in the house after Vogel's death when he assumed the organist duties at Saints Peter and Paul. Krieger was living in the Topfmarkt house at the time of his own death in 1735, as stated in the entry for him in the St. John death records.5 6 In addition, the contract for Krieger's successor Hartwig mentions that he would live in Krieger's former home: "... the free residence in the organists' house located on the Topfmarkt, of which the deceased Herr Johann Krieger had the benefit."5 7 Interestingly, the free housing was given to the new civic 1656. Stobe explains that Hammerschidt's use of the Topfmarkt house, even though he was the organist of St. John, was possible because Saints Peter and Paul was not in operation (due to damage from the Thirty Years' War) and therefore did not have an organist. Stobe also surmises that Hammerschmidt's purchase of his own home was prompted by the renovation of the church and the city's plans to hire an organist for Saints Peter and Paul. Morawek (Die Kirche, p. 58) states, however, that the house on the Topfmarkt was newly built in 1661; perhaps Stobe is referring to a prior house on the same site. 5 4 Ibid., p. 58. The house stood until 1757, when it was destroyed in the bombardment of the city by Austrian forces. Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:155. 5 5 Morawek, Die Kirche, p. 122. 5 6 "Begrabnisbuch Zittau," 1735, Nr. 206, July, Zittau, Pfarramt. 5 7 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 8v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). Because the house was needed for Hartwig, Krieger's wife was required to move elsewhere. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 218 director of choral music, not the new organist of Saints Peter and Paul, as had been the custom since the mid-seventeenth century. Krieger spent many years sharing the house on the Topfmarkt with the various sextons of Saints Peter and Paul, as well as working with them as colleagues. Both of Zittau's main churches, St. John and Saints Peter and Paul, employed a sexton ("Glockner"), whose duties included opening the church doors,5 8 tending to candles for services,5 9 and baking communion wafers.6 0 Based on his title, he was presumably involved as well with the ringing of bells (Glocken). The sexton attended all church services, including baptisms, weddings, and funerals, and there is evidence that at times he would even read at some services.6 1 Duties Johann Krieger's duties when he began work in Zittau in 1682 included playing the organ, leading vocal and instrumental music, teaching, and composing. Unlike many other organists of his day, he was not required to perform non-musical activities. For example, Buxtehude served as administrator and treasurer of St. Mary's in Lubeck in addition to his duties as organist.6 2 5 8 Haussdorff, "Kurtze Nachrichten," fol. 246. 5 9 Stobe, "Weihnachten," 311. “ "Rechnungen der Johanniskirche," 1692, p. 32, A. Abt. Ill, Fach 12, Nr. 1. 6 1 "Instruction vor dem Glockner zu St. Johannis," 1730, fols. 3v-5r, 15r, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. 1/5 No. 1 Vol. I (Fach 826); "Acta Deputationis Civitatis, die Ritualia bey hiesigen Kirchen, sowohln andere Kirchen und Schulen auch Geistlichen und Schulbediente, angehende Sachen betr.," 1735, fol. 6v, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII, Cap. 1/13, No. 56. “ Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude, pp. 101-2. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 219 The best approximation of Krieger's playing responsibilities on the organ comes from the Hartwig contract.6 3 Several references are made to the organist accompanying intoned hymns, especially for communion, during worship services at St. John. These services included most Tuesday and Friday morning services, Sunday and feast day services (Matins, the main service, the afternoon service, and Vespers), and Vespers on both Saturdays and the days preceding feast days. Krieger played the large organ in the back balcony for most services, and he accompanied choral music on either the large or old organ: "... the same [Herr Hartwig] should be present for the regular worship services, ... [and] in addition play the so-called large [organ] and, as needed, play the old organ for chanted music . . . ,"6 4 Since both of these organs were located in the back balcony o f St. John (“auf dem Orgel”), this choral music was likely performed not by the whole choir but rather by small vocal ensembles accompanied by organ and/or instrumentalists. The organist also accompanied music for soloists and/or instrumentalists from the organist's balcony at the back of the church. The exact details of the organist's role are not clearly defined in Hartwig's contract, with the exception that during Matins he should use the small organ to accompany the Te Deum, which was likely sung by the whole choir and directed by the cantor. Organ accompaniment was not used for congregational hymn singing, however, during most of Krieger's tenure in Zittau, as can be seen by the following quotation from Pescheck's Handbuch: Then a report was made to Dresden, from where on 16 September [1731] a set of instructions resulted, which, for example,... recommended German hymns with organ accompaniment instead of the Latin Vespers on Sundays “ "Instruction ... Harttwig," fols. 2r-4v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). 6 4 "... derselbe, dem ordentlichen Gottesdienste ... abwarte; dabey die also gennante groBe, und nach befinden bey Choral-Music die alte Orgel spiele .. .." Ibid., fol. 3r. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 220 after the afternoon sermon. In 1735, starting on the 21st Sunday after Trinity, the organ was played for all hymns on Sundays and weekdays.6 5 These changes occurred shortly before Krieger's death; therefore for most of his career in Zittau organ accompaniment of hymns was not the norm. It is instead likely that hymn playing on the organ was done in alternation with the choir and congregation, as was common in the German lands at this time.6 6 While Krieger did not accompany the congregation's hymns, it was common for him to play hymn introductions, some of which are extant.6 7 The large number of Krieger's free organ works that survive, especially in his published collection Anmuthige Clavier-Ubung, point to his performance of such pieces in worship services, most likely as postludes.6 8 Krieger also played for occasional services, especially weddings.6 9 Hartwig's contract also states that the organist was required to compose, perform and direct concerted music ("die Vocal- und Instrumental-Music auf denen Orgeln componire, auffuhre und dirigire"), especially in the Sunday morning worship service and on feast 6 S "Da erstattete jene Bericht nach Dresden, von wo am 16. Sept. [1731] ein Rescript erfolgte, welches z. B. ... statt den noch lateinischen Vespem Sonntags nach der Nachmittagspredigt, deutsche Gesange mit Orgelbegleitung empfahl. 1735, seit dem 21. Sonnt. nach Trin. fing man an, zu alien Liedern, Sonn- und Wochentags, die Orgel zu spielen." Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:428. “This alternatim practice is described above, p. 161. 6 7 All of Krieger's surviving chorale works for keyboard, as well as incipits of fragmentary works, are available in Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger, Samtliche Orgel- und Clavierwerke, 2:65-83. “Krieger's predecessor Hammerschmidt also played solo organ works during services. See Howard, Latin Lutheran Mass, p. 24; and Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude, p. 100. 6 9 A general discussion of organist duties at this time can be found in Edler, "Organ Music," 30-31. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 221 days.7 0 It also refers to the organist's role as director o f the chamber choir, which sang with the civic musicians from the organist's balcony: "... Herr Hartwig continues the direction of vocal and instrumental music from the organs in St. John Church . . . ."7 I The organist's direction of Zittau's civic musicians is further explained later in the contract. The organist was to engage the civic musicians for worship services, ensure that they were well- rehearsed, and see to it that their instruments were properly maintained.7 2 It had been customary since the sixteenth century for organists in central Germany to perform instrumental music with civic musicians. But in the seventeenth century this role was expanded in some locations (e.g., Wittenberg, Halle, Zittau, Sangerhausen) to include vocal polyphonic music by a small ensemble of highly-skilled singers accompanied by instrumentalists.7 3 This "Musik auf der Orgel," with its emphasis on basso continuo and concertato style, was more modern than the music performed by the larger choir ("Musik auf dem Chor"), which was in most cases unmeasured monophony, unison chorales, and polyphonic motets in stile antico.7 4 Martin Geek speculates that the newer organist's music 7 0 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 3r, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756). 7 1 "... Herrn Harttwigen die Direction der Vocal- und Instrumental Music auf denen Orgeln in der Kirchen zu St: Johannis verbleibet.. . ." "Instruction ... Harttwig," fols. 4r- 5v, Rep. VII Cap. 1/la No. 9 (Fach 756). The word "continues" in this passage implies that Hartwig's direction of the chamber choir and civic musicians was also done by his predecessor Krieger. 7 2 Ibid., fols. 5v-6v. 7 3 Werner, Stadtische Musikpjlege ... Weissenfels, p. 78; Krickeberg, Das Protestantische Kantorat, pp. 135-38; and Krummacher, "Orgel- und Vokalmusik," 86. 7 4 The designations "Musik auf der Orgel" and "Musik auf dem Chor" also refer to the balconies from which these two types of music were sung. For more information on the distinction between organist and cantor music, see also Martin Geek, Die Vokalmusik Dietrich Buxtehudes und der Jriihe Pietismus (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1965), pp. 60-68; Krummacher, "Orgel- und Vokalmusik," 63-90; Edler, "Organ Music," 22-26; and Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude, p. 95, who provides an overview of research in this area. It should be Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 222 became more common during the Thirty Years' War when a lack of singers made it difficult to perform music in stile antico.7 5 Another reason for the rise in prominence of organists was the growing distinction between two types of cantor—the academic cantor and the Kapellmeister. In cities like Zittau, where an academic cantor was hired, the concerted music was often taken over by the organist. In Zittau this meant that the organist at St. John led the best singers from the Gymnasium choir in concerted music for services: ... therefore he must be cooperative and hold the customary two rehearsals each week, so that at all times eight good singers, who can perform music in the worship service, can be retained . . . .7 6 Much of Krieger's choral music, written with four solo parts, four ripieno parts, and instruments, was intended for these singers. Krieger's role as the director of a choral music ensemble is further confirmed in the rules for the Gymnasium choir ("Leges"), where the pupils in the choir are instructed to inform him if they will be absent: No one should go on a journey or otherwise stay away [from Zittau] without the prior knowledge of the rector, cantor, and also the civic director of choral music, but they should obtain permission ahead o f time, so that nothing in the music will be affected or damaged.7 7 noted that Krummacher's article covers distinctions in practice between northern and central Germany. 7 S Geck, Die Vokalmusik, p. 61. 7 6 "... dahero er die sonst gewohnlichen zwey Singe-Stunden die Woche Uber zu halten und dahin zu cooponiren hat, damit zu jeder Zeit wenigsten 8. gute Concertisten, so die Vocal-Music bey dem Gottesdienste verrichten konnen, beybehalten . .. ." "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 5r, Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 9 (Fach 756). 7 7 "Ohne des Hr. Rectoris und Cantoris wie auch des Directoris der Music auf der Orgel Vorwissen soil keiner verreisen oder sonsten aussen bleiben, sondern veniam zuvor erhalten, damit in der Music nichts gestoret oder geirret werde." "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:250. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 223 They are also urged to remember his position o f authority: "As usual all choir members are bound to give obedience and respect to the rector, the cantor and [civic] director of choral music . . . ."7 S Krieger's duties also included teaching vocal and instrumental music. As mentioned above, he led a small ensemble of singers, for which he was reimbursed with a yearly stipend, over and above his annual salary. Entries for these payments in the church records are marked with the words: "teaching singing to the youth" ("Unterrichtung der Jugend in Singen").7 9 Krieger also had young singers in mind when he published his vocal collection, Neue musicalische Ergetzlichkeit, the title page states that these works were particularly recommended for "virtue-loving youth" ("und der Tugend-liebenden Jugend vomehmlich recommendiret"). In the area of instrumental music, he led the school's Collegium musicum, which performed for secular events in the city.8 0 The organist's work with youth was considered an important part of his job, which is emphasized in his contract: "... he, as befits a servant of the church, should always give a good example to everyone, especially the youth entrusted to him for musical training."8 1 As for teaching keyboard music, his two published keyboard collections, Partien and Clavier-Ubung, contain music that is not overly difficult, thus making them suitable for teaching. The title pages of these collections state that they are intended for all lovers of the keyboard ("Allen Liebhabern des Claviers"), which indicates their usefulness for both 7 8 "Wie sonsten alle Choralisten dem Hr. Rectori, Cantori und Directori der Music auf der Orgel Gehorsam und Respekt zu leisten verbunden sind . . . ." Ibid. 7 9 See above, p. 213. 8 0 See a discussion of the Gymnasium's Collegium musicum above, p. 155. 8 1 "... derselbe, als ein Kirchen-Bedienter, jedermann, besonders der ihm zur Musicalischen Ubung anvertrauten Jugend, ein bestandig gutes Exempel gebe." "Instruction ... Harttwig, fols. 2r-2v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 224 amateurs and students. As the primary organist in Zittau, Krieger possibly had an exclusive license to teach keyboard, which was a privilege that his predecessor Andreas Hammer- schmidt had enjoyed.8 2 Krieger was also a teacher of composition, and the names of two of his pupils are known— Adolph Gottlob Krieger and Tobias Volckmar.8 3 In addition, Christian Vogel and Gottfried Griinewald were almost certainly pupils of Krieger, since they attended the Zittau Gymnasium during the years that Krieger worked there; I have found no 8 2 Max Gondolatsch, "Beitrage zur Musikgeschichte der Stadt Gorlitz" Archiv fur Musikwissenschaft 6 (1924): 330. This author has not found evidence that Moritz Edelmann, the organist who served between Hammerschmidt and Krieger, also enjoyed this privilege, although it seems likely that he would have. 8 3 Biographical information about Adolph Gottlob Krieger is included below, p. 299, in a discussion of Johann Krieger's family. Tobias Volckmar was bom in Reichenstein, Silesia (now Zloty Stok near Wroclaw), and educated at the Zittau Gymnasium, probably in the early 1690s. According to Volckmar's autobiographical entry in Mattheson's Ehren- Pforte (pp. 383-86), Johann Krieger gave him instruction in composition. After some university study in Konigsberg, Prussia, he first worked in his hometown as cantor and organist (until 1698), but eventually settled in Hirschberg (now Jelenia Gora), where he held various positions of music leadership from 1709 until his death in 1756. Most of his compositions, which included arias, motets, cantatas, and keyboard works, are now lost. A collection of chorale fugues containing works by both Volckmar and Krieger points to the relationship between the two men. (See Hans Joachim Schulze, "Volckmar, Tobias," in MGG I, 13:1916-17; and below, p. 133.) This manuscript, now lost, may have been a copy of a collection that Volckmar asked Wolfgang Moritz Endter in Nuremberg to publish; this request is recorded by Mattheson {Ehren-Pforte, pp. 385-86). It is possible that Krieger advised Volckmar to approach Endter, who had published Krieger's two keyboard collections in the late 1690s. Volckmar was prominent enough in his day for Mattheson to include him in the Ehren-Pforte, where he is described on p. 383 in the following manner: A great expert writes to me [Mattheson]: "Our Tobias Volckmar is the incarnate and resurrected Krieger and has very great enthusiasm for devout, serious church music." That is truly no ordinary praise. Ein grosser Kenner schreibt mir [Mattheson] so: "Unser Tobias Volck- mann ist der leibhaffte, wiederlebende Krieger, und hat sehr vielen Eifer fur die andachtige und ernsthaffte Kirchenmusik." Das ist wahrlich kein mittelmassiges Lob. This quotation must have been made in the late 1730s, for Krieger died in 1735 and the Ehren-Pforte was published in 1740. For more information on the publisher Endter, see below, p. 279. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 225 direct evidence, however, of their relationship with Krieger.8 4 All of these men became professional musicians, Volckmar in Hirschberg, A. G. Krieger and Vogel in Zittau, and Grunewald in Darmstadt. Another large component of Krieger's duties involved composing new works. His extensive repertoire, both vocal and keyboard, is primarily music for use in public worship services. Much of the vocal part of this repertoire will be discussed later in this dissertation. In addition to his service music, Krieger was also asked to write Lieder for special events such as baptisms, weddings, funerals, and one-time church services (dedications, victory celebrations, etc.). Most of these Lieder survive in bulletins printed for the occasions or in his Lieder collection Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit. Krieger also wrote music for the Singspiel performances written by Christian Weise and presented by the Gymnasium pupils each spring. In the foreword to Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit, Krieger comments on this compositional activity: "... I, upon assuming the musical directorship in Zittau, received the opportunity to serve Christian Weise through my composition for the customary school 8 4 For information on Vogel, see above, p. 100. Gottfried Grunewald (1675-1739) was born in Eibau (now Eywau) near Zittau. He attended the Zittau Gymnasium from c. 1682 until 1696, eventually serving as prefect; therefore, as the leading music pupil in the Gymnasium, it is certain that he worked closely with Krieger. Grunewald's later musical abilities as a performer and composer also point to studies in composition and keyboard with Krieger during his formative years in Zittau. The younger man's ties with Krieger were further strengthened in 1710 when he married the composer's niece (Johann Philipp's daughter). Grunewald was known as a virtuoso singer, harpsichordist, and pantaleonist, and his operas were performed in Leipzig, Hamburg, and Naumburg. He held the position of assistant Kapellmeister in both WeiBenfels (1709-11) and Darmstadt (c. 1713-39). For more information on Grunewald and the pantaleon, see Werner, Stadtische Musikpflege ... Weissenfels, pp. 74-76. See also Friedrich Noack, "Grunewald, Gottfried," in MGG I, 5:981- 82; and Elizabeth Noack, Musikgeschichte Darmstadts vom Mittelalter bis zur Goethezeit, Beitrage zur mittelrheinsichen Musikgeschichte, no. 8 (Mainz: B. Schotts Sohne, 1967), pp. 178-79. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 226 plays . . . ,"8 5 A detailed analysis of Krieger's Lieder and incidental music, however, is beyond the scope of this dissertation. OCCASIONAL SERVICES IN ZITTAU DURING KRIEGER'S TENURE Krieger's tenure in Zittau was marked by church services or festivals commemorating special events that were beyond the normal routine of the church year. Services of thanksgiving related to military events, memorial services for Saxon rulers, and anniversaries o f historical events all punctuated the normal routine of church life. Services of Thanksgiving Services of thanksgiving were often held in Zittau to mark the current military activity of the Saxon army. Two of Krieger's Lieder, "Ach du hoher Friedens-Fiirst" and "Gott wende dich von deinem Grimme" were written for such occasions. Both songs have texts by Christian Weise and were published in Krieger's 1684 vocal collection Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit (1: nos. 16 and 29). "Gott wende dich von deinem Grimme" was written in connection with the war between Saxony and its allies and Turkey. This is evident from the description of this song ("Auff den Tiircken Krieg") in the index that concludes the collection's first section. The title page of this Lied reads as follows: (XXIX.) As the Elector of Saxony faced the ancient Turkish foe once again on the battlefield, this [Lied] was sung in the Zittau Gymnasium a few days before [the battle] in support of the ensuing successful victory.8 5 Weise later published the text of this Lied in his book Curidse Gedancken, introducing it with the following words, which date the first performance to a few days before the Battle of 8 5 "... ich bei Antretung der Musicalischen Direction in Zittau Gelegenheit bekam Herrn Christian Weisen bei der gewonlichen Theatralischen Spielen mit meiner Composition zu dienen . . . ." Krieger, NmE, l:v. 8 6 "(XXIX.) Als Ihr Churfl. Durchl. zu Sachsen wieder den Erbfeind zu Felde zog Ward um Erhaltung der gliicklich erfolgten Victorie wenig Tage zuvor In dem Zittauischen Gymnasio dieses gesungen." NmE, 1: no. 29. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 227 Vienna on 12 September 1683: "When in 1683 the liberation of Vienna fortunately occurred, I had allowed this aria to be sung a few days earlier for a play in our Gymnasium."8 7 "Ach du hoher Friedens-Furst" was performed at a peace celebration, as described on both its title page and in the index ("Auf ein Frieden-Fest"). Krieger wrote this song between March 1682, when he arrived in Zittau, and March 1684, when he signed the preface to Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit. Because the 1683 victory in Vienna was the most important military victory to occur during this span of time, it is likely that "Ach du hoher Friedens-Furst" was written for the celebration marking this event. A few years later, on 31 January 1686, an edict was issued for all churches in Saxony to hold a communion service ("actus eucharisticus") to celebrate Saxon military advances against the Turks.8 8 Then later in that same year, several "Danckfeste" (services of thanksgiving) were held in Zittau to mark further military progress against the Turks.8 9 One of these events may have been the "Jubel-Fest" (jubilee celebration) in 1686 that is mentioned in a song text by Weise published in Curidse Gedancken. This Lied, "Wir sind mit Gott vergniigt," is introduced with the words: "A parody was soon made of it [the original song] for the festival celebrating the good progress against the Turks in 1686."9 0 8 7 "Als 1683. der Entsatz vor Wien glucklich erfolgte; hatte ich in unserm Gymnasio bei einem Actu wenig Tage vorher diese Arie singen lassen." Ibid., p. 381. Zittau's city leaders did not view the siege of Vienna as a distant threat. Pescheck (Handbuch, 1:40) reports that they took steps at this time to improve the city's fortifications and minimize their vulnerability to the Turks. 8 8 Kaemmel, Christian Weise, p. 39. 8 9 Doring ("Geschichte," entry for 1686) lists worship services on 27 June and 13 October, while Pescheck {Handbuch, 2:384) mentions that a service of thanksgiving (“Dankfest”) was held in 1686 due to a victory over the Turks ("wegen eines Sieges iiber die Tiirken"). See also Morawek, Die Kirche, p. 105. 9 0 "Es ward auch bald noch eine parodie drauf gemacht bei dem Jubel-Feste wegen der guten progressen wider den Tiirken 1686." Weise, Curidse Gedancken, pp. 435-36. The Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 228 The music for this Lied was written by Moritz Edelmann, Krieger's predecessor. Weise mentions that this melody was quite popular, perhaps to explain why he used music by Edelmann, who had died several years previously, rather than Krieger, the current organist: Here I must recall a melody which Herr Moritz Edelmann set for us one time in a Latin comedy. This [song] was extraordinarily loved, and accordingly even women would gladly have joined in the singing.9 1 Many years later, military action closer to Zittau prompted a new round of worship services. From 1704 until 1713, a war was fought between Carl XII, King of Sweden, and August II, King of Poland and Elector of Saxony. In his description of this episode, Pescheck makes several passing references to church services in Zittau for sending off troops, praying for military progress, and celebrating victory.9 2 The war with Sweden affected the city greatly, for foreign troops were housed in Zittau for long periods of time. When Russian troops were garrisoned in the city, their lifestyle and especially their worship practices were topics of great curiosity for the Zittau people. Both Carpzov and Pescheck describe the Russians' worship in detail, with Pescheck mentioning that some o f their services were even held in St. John.9 3 After the Russians left Zittau, the city was occupied by Swedish soldiers. Peace was declared in early 1707, and despite the continued presence of Swedes in Zittau, a service of thanksgiving was held on 6 January 1707. The festivities included a double choir performing antiphonally from the towers of St. John and the city original text of the song, also written by Weise and included in Curidse Gedancken, was "Zittau potentibus excita Regibus," also known as "Ich bin mit Gott vergnugt." Ibid., pp. 432-34. 9 1 "Hier muB ich an die Melodei gedencken welche Herr Moritz Edelmann einmahl bei uns in einer lateinischen Comoedie sezte. Diese ward iiber die massen beliebt und also hatte auch das Frauen-Zimmer gerne mitgesungen." Ibid., pp. 431-32. 9 2 Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:598-607. 9 3 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:49; Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:599-602. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 229 hall. Krieger, as Director chori musici, was surely in charge of this music.9 4 In the days before and after this thanksgiving service, the Swedish soldiers celebrated Christmas (4-6 January) and New Year (14 January) in St. John with music provided by the Zittau Gymnasium choir.9 5 These seemingly unusual favors granted to enemy troops were possible because the Zittau people respected the Swedes, as is explained by Pescheck: "Often one had to experience the harshness of the Swedes, but the actual Swedes are overall friendly, and they maintained good discipline."9 6 Unfortunately, the peace with Sweden celebrated on 6 January 1707 did not last, and the war resumed. Not until 1713 was a final "Danckfest" (service of thanksgiving) held to celebrate peace.9 7 Memorial Services Events in the lives of the Saxon rulers were also commemorated in Zittau. After the city became part of Saxony in 1635, the death of each elector was marked with a memorial service and official periods of mourning. During these times of mourning, the use of music in both worship and secular events was severely restricted. For example, after the elector Johann Georg I died on 18 October 1656, the period of mourning and its accompanying 9 4 Ibid., 2:384, 605. Carpzov {Analecta, 3:50) refers to this service as a "Feste Trium Regum" and a "Danck- und Friedens-Fest." See also Morawek, Die Kirche, p. 105. 9 5 Ibid., 2:605. Pescheck mentions that the Swedes were still using the old calendar ("altem Kalenderstil"), which explains why these celebrations fell on such odd dates. Another Swedish service held in Zittau on 20 May 1707 is also described by Pescheck {Handbuch, 1:118). 9 6 "Oft muBte man die Harte der Schweden fuhlen; doch waren die eigentlichen National-Schweden im Ganzen freundlich, und hielten gute Mannszucht." Ibid., 2:605. (Perhaps the Zittau people also exhibited a greater tolerance for the Swedes because they were Lutheran, too.) 9 7 Ibid., 2:384. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 230 cessation of music lasted for several months.9 8 Carpzov describes the reaction of Zittau and its citizens to the deaths of rulers like Johann Georg I: With such deaths were not only the hearts of the subjects filled with bitter lamentation and sadness, but also through public signs they showed a sympathetic sorrow. Because o f this, music both in the church and outside [the church] in all gatherings was forbidden . . . ." Memorial services for the electors often included Lieder written for the occasion. For example, "Hilff Gott wie glanzet daB Gebaude" {NmE, 1: no. 15) is described in the index of Krieger's collection as a Lied for the death of a royal figure ("Hochftirstl. Person"). Since Johann Georg II died in 1680, only four years before the collection was published, this song may refer to him. The text by Christian Weise might have been written for the elector's memorial and then set later by Krieger for the collection.1 0 0 Another Lied by Krieger, "Der Herr ist mein Panier" {NmE, 1: no. 4) is described on its title page as a song of praise to the elector ("Uber das Churfurst. Symbolum"). It is unclear from the text if the intended elector was the deceased Johann Georg II or his successor Johann Georg III. Johann Georg III died on 12 September 1691, and a memorial service ("Churfursten Trauer BegangniiB") was conducted in Zittau several months later that same year (on 21 9 8 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:42. It is not clear in this source whether the prohibition on music lasted until 14 February or 27 July 1657. The "Leges," written later at the turn of the century, mention that periods o f mourning lasted a year ("ein Trauerjahr"). "Leges"; quoted in Quellenbuch, 2:250. See also Smither, The Music, pp. 126-27. 9 9 "Uber solchen Todes-Fall waren nicht nur die Hertzen derer Unterthanen mit bittern Klagen und Trauren angefullet; sondern man gezeigete auch durch offentliche Merckmahle das hieruber empfundene Leidwesen. Derowegen ward die Music sowohl in der Kirche, als ausser derselben bei alien Zusammenkunfften verboten . . . ." Ibid. 1 0 0 Krieger did not arrive in Zittau until 1682, more than a year after Johann Georg II's death, and the music written for Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit was not written until after he was hired in Zittau. See more information about this collection below, p. 268. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 231 December 1691).1 0 1 The worship included a funeral sermon (“Parentation”), which was immediately followed by the Lied “Wie lieblich ist mein Los gefallen.”1 0 2 This Lied, with text by Weise and music very likely by Krieger, was published for the event.1 0 3 This song was also printed in the later publication of Weise's funeral sermon for the elector, which ended with the words: “Thus it is also best to close today's funeral service by singing: ‘Wie lieblich ist mein LoB gefallen .. . .”’1 0 4 After the worship service, a procession was formed that included approximately one thousand people: 1 0 1 Doring, "Annales," fol. 166v; cited in Joachim Knape, "'Was im Oratorischen Wesen angenehmlich': Eine Kasualrede und Rede-Grundsatze Christian Weises aus dem Jahre 1691," in Behnke, Christian Weise, 64-65. See also Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:329-30. 1 0 2 The service may have also included a prayer that the new elector, Johann Georg IV, ordered to be read throughout Saxony for his father: Allgemeines Gebet/ Welches auff Chur-Fiirstl. Durchl. zu Sachfien/ Hertzog Johann Georgen des Vierten/ Burggrafens zu Magdeburg/ &c. Gnadigste Anordnung/ Nach verrichteten Leich-Sermon Des Durchleuchtigsten Fursten und Herrn/ Herrn Johann Georgen des Dritten/ Hertzogens zu Sachfien/ Jiilich/ Cleve und Berg/ auch Engern und Westphalen/ des Heil. Rom. Reichs Ertz- Marschalls und Churfiirstens/ Landgrafens in Thiiringen/Marggrafens zu Meissen/ auch Ober- und Nieder-Lausitz/ Burggrafens zu Magdeburg/ Gefursteten Grafens zu Henneberg/ Grafens zu der March/ Ravensberg und Barbi/ Herrns zum Ravenstein/ Seiner Churjurst. Durchleucht Hochgeehrten Herrn Vaters/ Hochstseligster Gedachtnifi/ In Dero Chur- FiXrstenthum und Landen andachtig soil gelesen werden (Dresden: Immanuel Bergen [the book printer for the Saxon court]), [1691]; Zittau, Pfarramt, Abt. VI Fach 34 No. 1. 1 0 3 Johann Krieger(?), M. G. Die Trostreichen Worte Psalm. XVI. 6. ["Wie lieblich ist mein LoB gefallen"] Das Lofi is mir gefallen aufs liebliche mir ist ein schon Erbtheil worden; Sollen Nach Anleitung Der letzten Worte Des Durchlauchtigsten Churfiirstens zu Sachsen Herrn Herrn Johann Georg III.: Ich sterbe doch ich hoffe durch Christi Verdienst die Seligkeit zu erben; In Zittau ifit und kunfftig besungen werden Zu erst aber den 21. Dec M. DCXCI. (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1691) (RISMKK 2450a, Samuel No. 16). Krieger is not mentioned as the composer of this Lied, but his position as Director Chori Musici and resident composer in Zittau made it likely he would write for such an important event. 1 0 4 "So wird auch dieses ietzige Begangniis am besten beschlossen werden/ wenn wir singen: "Wie lieblich ist mein LoB gefallen/. . . ." Christian Weise, M. G. Zwey Reden Auff Unterschiedene und hochstschmertzliche Trauer-Falle Des hohen Chur-Hauses Sachsen/ In den Jahren M. DC. XCI. Und M. DC. LXXXVII. abgefasset/ Nebenst einem ausfuhrlichen Bericht an die Liebhaber Der Politischen Beredsamkeit/ von Christian Weisen (Leipzig: Johann Friedrich Gleditsch, 1692), p. 74; quoted in Knape, “Was im Oratorischen Wesen,” 72. The Lied “Wie lieblich ist mein LoB gefallen” is based on Psalm 16:7a. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 232 The government officials and citizens participated in a solemn funeral procession, which began at the city hall, in which 450 men, not counting the peasant farmers, and 172 rows of women, three deep, took part.1 0 5 Johann Georg IV died only three years later on 27 April 1694, and a memorial service for him was held in Zittau on 15 July 1694. Krieger wrote the Lied "Ich sehe nur auf Gottes Willen" for the occasion.1 0 6 Johann Georg IV was succeeded by his brother Friedrich August I (August the Strong), who reigned until his death on 1 February 1733. Memorial services were held for him in Zittau on 11 February and 14 April 1733. No music by Krieger is extant for these services, which is not surprising since in 1733 Krieger was over eighty years old.1 0 7 Interestingly, Pescheck notes that the Zittau people did not hold a funeral procession for August the Strong.1 0 8 This might be explained by his decision in 1697 to become Roman Catholic in order to be crowned king of Poland. His coronation eventually sparked the war mentioned above between Sweden and Saxony, in which Zittau suffered greatly. Also, August the Strong's conversion to Roman Catholicism was highly controversial in Saxony, a bastion of Lutheran orthodoxy. The people of Zittau were greatly concerned about their elector's conversion, since many of them had fled religious persecution 1 0 5 "Die Behorden und die Burgerschaft hielten einen feierlichen Trauerzug, der am Rathhause begann, daran 450 Manner, ohne die Landleute, und 172 Reihen der Frauen, zu drei, Theil nahmen." Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:330. 1 0 6 Johann Krieger, M. G. Trostliche Gedancken ["Ich sehe nur auf Gottes Willen"] iiber Das Christ-Furstliche Lied Was mein Gott wil/ das gescheh allzeit/ &c. Welches Der Durchlauchtigste Chur-Fiirst zu Sachsen/ Herr Herr Johann Georg IV. Glorwiirdigsten Andenckens/ eine wenige Zeit vor dero Hochst-Seligen Abschiede in freudiger Andacht abzusingen Christloblichst befohlen haben: Wie solche Bei der Betreuesten Stadt Zittau/zu erst am allgemeinen Trauer-Begangniis/ Hernach bei vielen andern Gelegenheiten Zu inbriinstigen und GOttergebenen Gedachtnusse dienen sollen (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, [1694]) (R1SMKK 2450g, Samuel No. 20). The attribution of this Lied to Krieger is evident from the words "Aria J. K." which are written above the music. 1 0 7 The last mention of Krieger's compositional activity is from 1726, over seven years earlier. See discussion below, p. 260. 1 0 8 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:332. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 233 in Bohemia earlier in the century. Their fears were soon assuaged, however, when August the Strong issued an edict ensuring religious freedom in Saxony.1 0 9 In thanksgiving for this assurance, a celebratory Te Deum was sung in Zittau on the twentieth Sunday after Trinity in 1697.1 1 0 Interestingly, historical accounts of August the Strong’s later visit to Zittau (24-25 May 1721) make no mention of a worship service, even though his visit included a Sunday.1 1 1 Anniversaries Anniversaries of historical events were common events during Krieger's tenure in Zittau. One of the earliest was the centennial anniversary in 1686 of the Gymnasium's founding.1 1 2 The celebration was planned for 28 February, which was the Thursday before Ash Wednesday and the beginning of Shrovetide week ("Fastnachtswoche"). This date was chosen not for historical reasons but because it was a convenient time for a celebration. On the preceding Sunday, 24 February, the upcoming events were announced in both St. John and Saints Peter and Paul, with the sermon in both churches devoted to a discussion o f the Gymnasium and its history. The centerpiece of the anniversary was a speech by Weise on 28 February, which was followed by a polychoral Te Deum; other music in the program included choral works and arias. Later that evening, Krieger led the Gymnasium pupils in a musical concert.1 1 3 Pescheck specifically mentioned the high quality o f the music 1 0 9 Carpzov (Analecta, 3:46-48) gives the texts of two versions of this edict. 1 1 0 Pescheck ,Handbuch, 1:331. '"Ibid., 2:409-11. 1 1 2 This event is described in the following sources: Doring, "Annales"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:128-29; Carpzov, Analecta, 3:104; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:552-53, 573, 2:384; Kaemmel, Christian Weise, p. 37. 1 1 3 See a discussion of this concert above, p. 155. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 234 ("ausgezeichnete Musik") for these events.1 1 4 Later in the year, shortly before the "Gregoriusfest," the Gymnasium held another anniversary event.1 1 5 The text of a song performed at this occasion, "So wird der Grund gelegt," was later published by Weise in Curidse Gedancken.m The composer of this song, however, is unknown. Another important anniversary in Zittau was the centennial observance in 1708 of a great fire that had destroyed three-fourths of the city. On 7 June 1708, services of remembrance and thanksgiving ("GedachtniB- und Danck-Fest") took place in both St. John and Saints Peter and Paul, with special mention made that no major fire had afflicted the city for an entire century.1 1 7 In 1717, the Saxon govennment ordered the entire land to celebrate the two- hundredth anniverary of the Reformation.1 1 8 The climax of the three-day celebration was 31 October, the date that Luther had posted the ninety-five theses in Wittenberg. The priority placed on this event can be seen by its length, for ordinarily only Christmas, Easter and Pentecost received three days of celebration. Besides the main anniversary, celebratory events were also held throughout the month of October and at the end o f the calendar year. ll4Pescheck, Hcmdbuch, 1:573. 1 1 5 The "Gregoriusfest" was held in Zittau each year in the week after Quasimodogeniti, which is the first Sunday after Easter. For more information on the "Gregoriusfest" in Zittau, see Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:130-32 and 2:228-30. 1 1 6 Weise, Curidse Gedancken, pp. 287-88. 1 1 7 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:35, 49; Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:384. Pescheck mistakenly gives the date of this anniversary as 7 January 1708. There were also new occasions for celebrations marking deliverance from natural disaster. For example, a special service ("Begehung des Aerntefestes") was held in 1720 to mark the end of a famine. See Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:385. 1 1 8 The document ordering this celebration is still extant in Zittau: Chursachsische Verordnung das Reformationsjubelfest zu feiern 1717 (Dresden, 8 September 1717); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Th. 8° 349A/1.4.10. (The former call number of this document was C40.) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 235 Krieger wrote a great deal of music for this anniversary, and more documentation survives from this event than for any other in his lifetime.1 1 9 Only four years later, the city continued its Reformation celebration by commemorating the two-hundredth anniversary of Protestantism in Zittau. The anniversary events that year began on 24 February 1721, when the Gymnasium mounted a dramatic oratorio based on the Gospel of Luke, praising the Zittau Reformation. This play was given at Shrovetide, the traditional time for such performances. A printed program is extant, with a synopsis of each scene, a list of actors, and several aria texts.1 2 0 The main commemoration of the anniversary, however, took place the following autumn. A five-day celebration began on All Saints Day, 1 November, which was the date that Zittau's first Protestant pastor was installed.1 2 1 The church portion of the festival lasted two days, followed by three days of secular events in the Gymnasium. The entire proceedings were published together in one booklet {Das Zweyhundertjdhrige Gedachtnus), which includes orders of worship, sermons and speeches, a history of the Zittau Reformation, aria texts, a synopsis o f a Singspiel, and other items. The Gymnasium events included speeches (3-5 November), at which times arias were also sung. On 4 November, a drama about the Zittau Reformation was premiered, 1 1 9 For a more detailed discussion of the music for this anniversary, see below, p. 253. 1 2 0 Adam Erdmann Mirus [associate rector], Q. D. B. V . Initia Doctrinae Evangelicae Per Lusatiam Superiorem Sparsae in Actu Oratorio-Dramatico die XXIV. Februar. Anni M DCC XXI. Post Peractam a Domino Salutem, Quo Zittavia Ante CC. Annos Lucem Evangelii Aspicere Coepit, Nonnulli Juvenes Hora Tertia Pomeridiana Ex Grato In Deum Animo Repetent, His Ut Magnifici Curiae Proceres, Omnesque Rei Literariae Patroni, Fautores Atque Amici Benevolas Praebere Aures Dignentur, Precibus Summis Invitat M. Adam Erdmann Mirus, Gymn. Con-Rect (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1721); Zittau, Pfarramt, Abt. V Fach 31 Nr. 1. 1 2 1 Secondary sources of information on this event can be found in Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:385-86; Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:234, 243-44; and Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 18, pp. xxxii, xxxviii. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 236 with a repeat performance the following day.1 2 2 The drama was preceded by a musical prologue, which in the booklet covers five pages o f recitative and aria texts for three characters ("Zittavia," "Religio" and "Providentia").1 2 3 Unfortunately, no music for the prologue survives. Surprisingly, Krieger's name is not mentioned even once in the program for this five-day celebration.1 2 4 As the city's leading musician and composer, he was surely involved in the music for these events. While I have found no documentation explaining why Krieger's name was omitted, two observations come to mind. First, between 1717 and 1721 the Zittau government appears to have changed their primary publisher from Michael Hartmann to Johann Jacob Schops. Hartmann handled most of the documents relating to the 1717 Reformation festival, and Krieger had a long-standing working relationship with Hartmann, who printed most of the composer's occasional music in the years between 1684 and 1697.1 2 5 But most of the sources related to the Zittau Reformation celebration in 1721, as well as many documents for Zittau events in the next decades, were printed by Schops. In addition, there is no record of collaboration between Schops and Krieger.1 2 6 Secondly, 1 2 2 "Theatralische Unterredungen Von dem Anfang und Fortgang Der Zittauischer Kirchen-Reformation," in Das Zweyhundertjdhrige Gedachtnus, pp. 207ff. 1 2 3 "Musicalisches Vorspiel, Womit Die Theatralische Vorstellung Der vormahligen Zittauischen Kirchen-Reformation den 4. und 5. Novembr. MDCCXXI angesungen wurde," in Das Zweyhundertjdhrige Gedachtnus, pp. 200-206. According to Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxxviii) and Samuel {Cantata, p. 411), a second copy of the libretto is extant in Berlin, but this author was unable to locate it. 1 2 4 Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxxii) takes special note of the complete absence of Krieger's name, especially since he is so prominently mentioned in the sources for special events in prior years. 1 2 5 For biographical information on Hartmann, see below, p. 331. 1 2 6 Johann Jacob Schops (1681-1757) was born in Eilenburg near Leipzig. In 1705, he opened a bookstore in Zittau and worked there until his death shortly after the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 237 Krieger's involvement in the 1717 Reformation festival was very extensive, with music that he most likely wrote over the span of many years. Thus, this event served as the culmination of his compositional career in Zittau. In 1717, he was already sixty-five years old and therefore may have chosen to lessen his involvement with church music in Zittau in the following years, including the 1721 anniversary. It should be noted, however, that Krieger remained active as an organist until the day before his death at the age of eighty-three. In 1730, only a few years before Krieger's death, Zittau commemorated the two- hundredth anniversary of the Augsburg Confession.1 2 7 Like previous anniversaries of Reformation events celebrated in Zittau, this three-day anniversary (25-27 June) was observed primarily by the churches and the Gymnasium. Communion services with special music were held on all three days, and a large offering was collected for the poor. The secular celebration included an outdoor party ("Gartenfest"/"Convivium"), in which city officials gave money to the Gymnasium teachers, possibly for refreshments ("zu einem Schmause"). Lieder were written and performed to commemorate the anniversary. None of the documents from this event that were seen by this author mention Krieger, however. PROFESSIONAL LIFE The preceding discussion describes Krieger's regular duties, as well as his involvement with important one-time events in the religious life of Zittau. Besides these activities, however, Krieger also maintained an active professional life. He was known as a composer and keyboard performer in both Zittau and other cities. His regular job duties took on an added dimension in 1700, when he was named organist of Saints Peters and Paul, and bombardment of the city. He published such important Zittau books as Carpzov's Analecta (1716) and several of Zittau's early hymnals. Several of these books were printed, however, in Leipzig. See also Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:615-16,2:835. I 2 7 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:427, 2:381, 386. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 238 his reputation as an organist led to his selection as an examiner for an important new instrument in Gorlitz. In addition, Krieger followed theoretical debates held among musicians of his day and contributed his viewpoints by publishing a lengthy theoretical treatise in Mattheson's Critica Musica. Performances in WeilJenfels and Eisenberg Krieger took care to maintain his ties to WeilJenfels, where his brother served as Kapellmeister, and to Eisenberg, where he himself had served as Kapellmeister before moving to Zittau. In October 1682, within a year of assuming his position in Zittau, Krieger traveled to WeilJenfels for the dedication of the castle church there. The celebration, which lasted from 31 October until 5 November, involved six worship services, and an outline of the various services indicates that most of the music was composed by Johann Philipp Krieger.1 2 8 Many of the works require large numbers of musicians; for example, fifteen pieces have more than fifty parts, and a triple-choir setting of Psalm 150 for sixty-six parts ("con tre Chori a 66. di J. P. K.") served as the primary piece in the main service on 1 November.1 2 9 Since there were not enough musicians in WeilJenfels to perform these works, performers from neighboring cities (Eisenberg, Gotha, Merseburg, and Zeitz) were invited. In addition, a harpsichord player (“Cimbelist”) and two trumpeters came from Zittau; while their names are not given, these performers almost certainly included Johann Krieger and Florian Ritter, the leader of the Zittau civic musicians.1 3 0 The program for the dedication U iEinweihungs-Gedachtnis Der Fiirstl. Sachfi. Schlofi-Kirchen Auff der Neu- Augustus-BurgZu Weifienfels (WeilJenfels, 1682); Halle, Universitatsbibliothek, Ye 1775. 1 2 9 Ibid., p. 2. 1 3 0 Gerhardt, Schlofi undSchlofi-Kirche, p. 41. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 239 prominently mentions Duke Christian of Eisenberg, Krieger's former patron, as the honored guest at the festivities, and the entire Eisenberg Kapelle participated in the music.1 3 1 Two years later, Krieger was invited to Eisenberg for the performance of the opera Ur sprung der Monarchie, which was scheduled for 7 May 1684, the birthday of the Eisenberg duchess. The timing of this performance would have coincided with Johann Philipp's wedding on 25 May in nearby WeilJenfels, making it highly likely that Johann Krieger planned to attend both the wedding and the opera in the same trip. These events also occurred only two months after Krieger finished composing his vocal collection, Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit, which he dedicated to Duke Christian. For reasons unknown today, the opera was postponed until 30 August, and there is no firm evidence that Krieger attended either his brother's wedding or the opera performance.1 3 2 It seems likely, however, that Krieger did travel to WeilJenfels at this time, because the following year, a large number o f his works were performed there.1 3 3 The surviving libretto for the opera, which does not contain music, gives no indication of the work's attribution.1 3 4 Bohme argues that the opera was written by Johann Krieger based on a document dated August 1684 that describes a permission request for the mEinweihungs-Gedachtnis, p. 1; Bohme, Musik, pp. 34, 38, 40-41. 1 3 2 Bohme {Musik, p. 122) gives the date of the opera performance based on a diary entry dated 2 September 1684 (Gotha, Staatsarchiv, E. XI. Nr. 18). 1 3 3 DTB, Jg. 18, pp. xxxiv-xxxviii. w Ur sprung der Romischen Monarchie ... (Eisenberg: Christian Herrgott, 1684), Gotha, Universitats- und Forschungsbibliothek, Poes. 4° 2164-2165 (33) R. Bohme {Musik, p. 115, n. 107) mentions another exemplar of this libretto in Berlin (Staatsbibliothek, T. mus. 9, Nr. 3.) that I was unable to locate. A facsimile of libretto's title page, the text of the foreword, a list of actors, and a synopsis of the plot are all given by Bohme {Musik, pp. 115- 20), and he discusses the opera in detail (Ibid., pp. 24-25, 27-29, 85-86, 121-22, 129-31). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 240 "Capellmeister" and Christian Weise to attend the performance.1 3 5 It is not clear from this document who was asked for permission, but it was likely the Zittau city council, based on the nature of the request. A single document requesting the presence of these two men means that Johann Krieger is the "Capellmeister," since he lived in the same city as Weise and had been called by this title during his tenure in Eisenberg.1 3 6 Johann Krieger is likely to have visited WeilJenfels at various times throughout his life, given the close relationship he maintained with his brother. Only one other visit is documented, however. Werner mentions an opera performed on 18 July 1710 in which "Johann Crieger" participated as a guest musician.1 3 7 The designation o f this person as a guest precludes Johann Philipp or his son Johann Gotthilf Krieger, who also worked in WeilJenfels. Another confirmation of Johann Krieger's presence for this performance can be seen from an analysis of his works used in the worship services at the WeilJenfels court, as documented in Johann Philipp's catalog. Only four works by Johann Krieger were played in WeilJenfels that year, and their performances took place on Easter, Pentecost, Trinity Sunday, and May 1, the Feastday for Philip and James. This grouping of works in a short span of time (from Easter until Trinity Sunday) may indicate that Johann Krieger was 1 3 5 Altenburg, Thuringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, DFR. F. III. Nr. 10a, fol. 28r-29r; this document is quoted in Bohme, Musik, p. 121. 1 3 6 While Johann Philipp Krieger's title in WeilJenfels was also Kapellmeister and he possibly led the court music in Eisenberg, he could not be the person mentioned in the document because he did not live in the same city as Weise. Mattheson (Critica Musica, 6:173) describes Johann Philipp Krieger as a visiting Kapellmeister ("Capellmeister von Haus aus") in Eisenberg, but scholars (Bohme, Musik, p. 28; Jung, Geschichte, 1:123; Fuchs, Studien, p. 117) disagree about the exact role he played in Eisenberg's music life. 1 3 7 Wemer, Stadtische Musikpflege ... Weissenfels, p. 109. There is evidence that in 1686 Krieger visited Leipzig, which is close enough to WeilJenfels to mean a possible trip there as well. See the quotation above, p. 110, which describes Krieger delivering a payment in Leipzig for the new Dressel organ in Zittau. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 241 present for the performances. In the two years preceding 1708, the works by Johann Krieger were spread throughout the year, and in the three years after 1708, none of his works were performed at all. Krieger's ties to his brother Johann Philipp and to WeiBenfels were extremely valuable for his professional life as a musician and composer. He learned much about musical trends and styles from Johann Philipp, who had traveled extensively and made professional contacts with musicians throughout Europe. The rich music library at WeiBenfels provided scores for study and supported performances of a wide variety of music.1 3 8 During Johann Philipp's tenure as Kapellmeister, the duke of WeiBenfels supported the musical establishment lavishly, attracting musicians from outside locations. For example, while works by Johann Philipp were the mainstay of the court's opera performances, visiting productions from Leipzig and Hamburg were also mounted. Johann Krieger was also influenced by the intellectual climate in WeiBenfels, with figures such as Neumeister, Beer, Riemer, and Christian all playing prominent roles there at various times during their careers.1 3 9 While J. S. Bach's ties to WeiBenfels are well documented, there is no direct evidence that he and Johann Krieger ever met. Bach's first connection to WeiBenfels may have occurred as early as 1702, when an organist's position at a nearby church came available.1 4 0 In 1713, Bach wrote a cantata to celebrate the duke's birthday, and his 1 3 8 The breadth of the music collection can be seen from Johann Philipp's catalog of performances in WeiBenfels; for more information on this catalog, see below, p. 331. 1 3 9 The primary history of WeiBenfels' musical life is Werner, Stadtische Musikpflege ... Weissenfels. Recent research on Johann Philipp Krieger and music in WeiBenfels can be found in Gundlach, "Johann Philipp Krieger"; and Torsten Fuchs, “Studien.” 1 4 0 Fuchs, "Studien," 1:155. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 242 connections to the court remained strong for many years.1 4 1 Johann Krieger's own ties to WeiBenfels make it likely that Bach heard Krieger's music and possible that at some point Krieger himself might have met Bach. Bach certainly knew of Krieger's keyboard collection, Clavier-Ubung, through Mattheson’s mention of it in Der vollkommene Kapellmeister.1 4 2 Dedication of the Dressel Organ Within three years of Krieger's arrival in Zittau, the city leaders decided to invest in a new organ for St. John. The organ in the rear balcony, called the "middle" organ, was demolished in 1684 and replaced by a new three-manual Dressel instrument.1 4 3 The new organ was dedicated on 19 August 1685, the Sunday before the feast day of St. Bartholomew. The worship service for this occasion gave Krieger the opportunity to display his skills as a performer, music director, and composer. Two manuscript accounts of the event state that the organ was played well, with Doring specifically mentioning Krieger as the performer.1 4 4 Special music was planned, as described in an early eighteenth-century account of the dedication: On 19 August, the Sunday before Bartholomew, the large organ was dedicated here in Zittau. Before the sermon, Psalm 150 was beautifully 1 4 1 Wolff, Johann Sebastian Bach, pp. 134-35, 208, 216-17. Bach's second wife Anna Magdalena came from WeiBenfels, where her father was a court trumpeter, and Bach became the visiting Kapellmeister there in 1729, three years after Johann Philipp's death. 1 4 2 See further discussion below, p. 373. 1 4 3 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:61. See above, p. 107, for a more detailed discussion o f the Dressel instrument. 1 4 4 "Chronicon Zittaviense Haupt B," 1689(7), fol. 1169r (1685), Zittau, Christian- Weise-Bibliothek, A95; and Doring, "Geschichte," fol. 144r (1684), A240 (the account of the 1685 dedication appears in the entry for 1684). See Pescheck, Handbuch, 1 :xi-xii for a description of the "Chronicon Zittaviense." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 243 performed with all manner of music, and after the sermon the hymn "Herr Gott dich loben wir" [was sung].1 4 5 This setting of Psalm 150 was a cantata ("Halleluja Lobet den Herrn") composed by Krieger for the dedication. The title page of the work reads: The St. John Church will have heard the present newly-written composition at the dedication of the new organ [:] kindly presented to us as a gracious memorial of this day by Johann Krieger, [civic] director of choral music, on 19 August 1685 in Zittau.1 4 6 The second page of the work (figure 12) contains the title, a list of the instruments, and Krieger's name (“Johann Krieger Junior”).1 4 7 Psalm 150 emphasizes the praise of God with instrumental music, especially in verses three to five: Praise him with trumpet sound; praise him with psalter and harp! Praise him with timbrel and dance; praise him with strings and pipe! Praise him with sounding cymbals; praise him with loud clashing cymbals!1 4 8 1 4 5 "Von 19ten- August Sonntags vor Bartholmai wurde allhier in Zittau die grofie Orgel eingeweihet, und vor der Predigt der 150ten- Psalm wurde schone mit allerhand Music musiciert, und nach der Predigt das Lied: Herr Gott dich loben wir." "Chronicon Zittaviense Haupt C," 1713(7), fol. 752r (1685), Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, A96. This passage is numbered "1399" with the annotation "die grofie Orgel wird eingeweihet" (the large organ is dedicated) included in the margin. The hymn mentioned in this quotation is a German translation of the Te Deum. 1 4 6 "Der Kirchen St: JOHANNIS wird Gegenwartige Composition bey der Einweihung Des Neuen Orgel-Wercks gehoret worden[:] Zu gutem uns geneigtem Andencken iibergeben von Johann Kriegern Chor: Mus: Dir. Zittau den 19 Aug: 1685." Krieger, "Halleluja Lobet den Herrn," fol. lr. 1 4 7 The term “Junior” likely refers to his status as a younger brother of Johann Philipp Krieger rather than as a means of distinguishing him from his father, also named Johann Krieger, who was not a musician. 1 4 8 "Lobet ihn mit Posaunen, lobet ihn mit Psalter und Harffen! Lobet ihn mit Pauken und Reigen, lobet ihn mit Seyten [Saiten] und Pfeifen! Lobet ihn mit hellen Zymbeln, lobet ihn mit wol klingenden Zymbeln!" This version of the text is taken from the vocal parts for Krieger's "Halleluja Lobet den Herrn." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 244 n iitjanaiL / t * y & * 0 ^Jffc “ £,.'0/101 ci. J iffs t c Jump, C ,, Lffffff 2r&ur*i**, (J #&.£//; j0$4yrf. cJff# /*rln.. Zsfyrj/r* * < ‘V . - ■ & J 4 A J s \ Figure 12. “Halleluja Lobet den Herrn,” fol. 3r. Source: Zittau, Christian-Weise- Bibliothek, B140c. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 245 Thus, Psalm 150 gave Krieger ample opportunity to use instrumental music to dedicate a new instrument, the Dressel organ. The extensive list of instruments mentioned in this psalm probably inspired Krieger to employ an unusually large number o f instruments in the piece. The forces for this work are enumerated on fol. 3r o f the manuscript (figure 12): eight vocal soloists, four ripieno singers, two trumpets, timpani, two cometti (zinks), three trombones, two recorders, two violins, dulcimer,1 4 9 harp, cymbals,1 5 0 two violas, dulcian, and two organs.1 5 1 This list of forces does not mention harpsichord (“clavicembalo”) and violone, which are both included among the parts. The cantata's use o f two organs is especially appropriate since the worship service celebrated an organ dedication. Krieger's use of cymbals (or bells as a substitute) and dulcimer is more typical of secular than sacred music. For example, cymbals are instruments found in Turkish janissary music. Turkish bands started to become popular in Europe in the late seventeenth century, and their sound and instrumentation were often imitated in European opera and band music of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In Zittau, the Turkish armies represented a clear 1 4 9 The "Cymbal" (dulcimer) part is notated in treble and bass clef for two voices (i.e., two mallets). In "Halleluja Lobet dem Herrn" (mvt. 3) this instrument and harp are used as solo instruments to set the text "lobet ihn mit Seyten [Saiten] und Pfeiffen" (praise him with psalter and harp). The psaltery and dulcimer are related instruments. 1 5 0 The "Cymbeln" part is used as a solo instrument in "Halleluja Lobet dem Herrn" (mvt. 5) to set the text "Lobet ihn mit hellen Zymbeln, lobet ihn mit wol klingenden Zymbeln" (Praise him with sounding cymbals, praise him with loud clashing cymbals). This "Cymbeln" part is notated in bass clef and begins the work with only tonic and dominant notes, although later (in mvt. 5) the pitches are more diatonic. Crotales are pitched cymbals, but they are high-pitched instruments as opposed to the low-pitched part in bass clef in Krieger's cantata. Perhaps Krieger used bells instead of cymbals due to the instruments he had available. Interestingly, however, bass clef is one of the options used today for notating modern cymbal parts. 1 5 1 The text of this list of instruments reads as follows: "Halleluja Lobet den Herrn in seinem Heiligthum a 32 8 Voc 4. Ripien 2 Tromb e Tymp. 2 Com: 3 Trombon 2 Flaut 2: Viol. Cymbal: Harpf Cymbeln 2 Violen e Fagotto doi Organo Johann Krieger Junior." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 246 military threat, and Krieger wrote his setting of Psalm 150, with its inclusion of janissary instruments, only two years after European forces defeated the Ottoman empire in Vienna.1 5 2 Krieger's cantata is unusual in its early use of janissary instruments, as well as their presence in a sacred work.1 5 3 While the hammered dulcimer is not considered a janissary instrument, there is some conjecture that it entered Europe from Byzantium; therefore, it may have had a "Turkish" or at least a foreign connotation to Krieger.1 5 4 The dulcimer was ordinarily considered a secular instrument for the lower classes, most commonly used for dance music.1 5 5 Krieger's choice of cymbals, cornetti, and dulcimer for a sacred cantata, especially one performed at such an important occasion, is highly unusual and clearly motivated by the text of Psalm 150.1 5 6 It is likely that Zittau's civic musicians were supplemented by student performers, for it was not unusual for the Gymnasium Singspiele to require thirty to forty 1 5 2 Krieger's Lied "Gott wende dich von deinem Grimme," which celebrates the European victory in 1683, is discussed above, p. 226. 1 5 3 Pachelbel also used cymbals and harp in his motet setting o f Psalm 150. Johann Pachelbel, "Lobet den Herrn in seinem Heiligthum," Tenbury, U.K., Library of St. Michael's College, ms. 1208 (Nr. 6). 1 5 4 David Kettlewell, "Dulcimer," in The New Grove II, 7:683-84. '“References to the dulcimer in sacred music of the late seventeenth century are rare. Buxtehude used this instrument in only one of his sacred works: Dieterich Buxtehude, “Wie wird erneuet, wie wird erfreuet,” Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, reprint, ed. Soren Sorensen, Copenhagen: Wilhelm Hansen, 1977 (BuxWV 110). In addition, Snyder (Dieterich Buxtehude, p. 372) quotes a 1706 passage by Martin Heinrich Fuhrmann (1669-after 1745) that suggests the Hackbrett (a hammered dulcimer) was possibly used to fill out the continuo in church music. 1 5 6 While the text o f Krieger's cantata uses the term psalter, his setting of this text with a dulcimer is understandable. Some scholars distinguish the instruments by their playing method (psalters are plucked while dulcimers are struck), but the instruments are essentially the same. Kettlewell, "Dulcimer," 1:620. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 247 instrumentalists.1 5 7 The large number of performing forces for "Halleluja Lobet den Herrn" may have also been inspired by Johann Philipp's double-choir setting o f the same text for sixty-six vocalists and instrumentalists. As discussed above, Johann Krieger played harpsichord for this work's premiere at a worship service on 1 November 1682 to dedicate the WeiBenfels castle church. Krieger was well paid for the organ dedication, as documented in the church records for 1686. While his regular salary was paid on a quarterly basis, special remunerations came only once a year. On 6 May 1686, he received two non-salary payments: 6 rtl. for a year of teaching and 10 rtl. for the upcoming dedication of the new organ.1 5 8 Organist of Saints Peter and Paul After the death of Christian Vogel, the organist of Saints Peter and Paul, Krieger was asked to add the duties of Vogel's position to his workload. The date that Krieger assumed these duties, however, varies according to different sources. While Vogel actually died on 3 August 1699, Carpzov gives his death date as 3 August 1698, which is incorrectly stated one year too early; most subsequent scholars have repeated Carpzov's error.1 5 9 Carpzov does not specify when Krieger began the organist duties of Saints Peter and Paul, but it can be assumed from other entries in Carpzov's book that a successor usually began work when his predecessor died.1 6 0 Krieger's funeral program, however, states that he 1 5 7 Eggert, Christian Weise; cited in Urte Hartwig, "Weise, Christian," in MGG I, 14:426. 1 5 8 "Raytung iiber Einnahme und AuBgabe," 7:12, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 47 (Fach M). 1 5 9 For information on Vogel, see above, p. 100. 1 6 0 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:95. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 248 received the position in Saints Peter and Paul in January 1701.1 6 1 Since no other organists were appointed between the tenures of the two men, this author believes that Krieger assumed the organist duties of Saints Peter and Paul shortly after Vogel's death, but was not granted the official title until January 1701. It is unlikely that Krieger took over Vogel's duties for any length of time before his death, since Vogel was healthy enough to be married on 25 November 1698, only eight months before he died.1 6 2 With the addition of his new position, Krieger's full title was now "[Civic] Director of Choral Music and Organist of the Churches of St. John and Saints Peter and Paul."1 6 3 Krieger's duties as organist of Saints Peter and Paul can be surmised from the 1735 contract for his successor there, Adolph Gottlob Krieger.1 6 4 These included playing the organ for worship services, providing concerted music for major festivals and selected Sundays, supervising instrumentalists and vocalists, and providing for the maintenance o f the organ. Because Johann Krieger was responsible for music in Zittau's two primary churches, it was necessary to avoid schedule conflicts on Sundays when both churches were holding services simultaneously. The performance of concerted music was therefore alternated between St. John and Saints Peter and Paul every other Sunday. Krieger and the best singers and instrumentalists performed in the church that was scheduled for concerted music, while 1 6 1 "... die Vocation aber zu Kirche St. Petri und Pauli erhielte er im Jan. 1701." Muller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 6. Mattheson, who used Krieger's funeral program as his primary source, mentions that Krieger assumed duties at Saints Peter and Paul twenty years ("zwantzig Jahre hernach") after he began work in Zittau in 1681, placing his assumption of the new duties in 1701. Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 152. 1 6 2 "Traubuch Zittau," 25 November 1698. 1 6 3 "Directoris Chori Musici, und bei der Kirchen zu St. Johannis und zu St. Petri und Pauli Organistens in Zittau." This title is taken from the cover of Krieger's funeral bulletin (Muller, Die besten Gedancken, p. i). '“ "Instruction ... Krieger," fols. lr-5v, Abt. IV Fach 24 Nr. 2. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 249 the other church received a plainchant version of the liturgy performed by the Gymnasium choir and a second organist under the direction of the cantor.1 6 5 This second organist was probably one of Krieger's pupils, such as Adolph Gottlob Krieger.1 6 6 The contracts for Krieger's two successors describe this alternation of venues. Within these documents, quoted below, the phrases "according to former practice" ("nach bisheriger Einrichtung") and "as has been the practice thus far" ("wie auch zeithere im Brauch gewesen") make clear that this alternation between the churches took place during Krieger's tenure.1 6 7 The honorable, venerable, and most wise Council will still further amply allow that in both churches, St. John and Saints Peter and P aul... , the concerted music on Sundays may be performed in alternation, in order that in this way the vocal soloists and instrumentalists, as has been the practice thus far, can be used and employed for the church music in both churches in alternation.1 6 8 Next, since the honorable, venerable, and most wise Council has decided that until further notice concerted music should alternate from one Sunday to the next between St. John and Saints Peter and Paul, as has been the practice, he [A. G. Krieger] will attend to the performance and direction of concerted church music on the high and full [church] feasts, as well as on 1 6 5 Rautenstrauch {Luther, pp. 181, 360) describes this alternation o f performing groups between churches in Saxony (Dresden, Leipzig, Nordhaus, Zittau, and Zwickau). For further information on this practice in Leipzig, see Stiller, Johann Sebastian Bach, pp. 75- 80; and Wolff, Johann Sebastian Bach, p. 254. '“While Tobias Volckmar was also a pupil of Krieger, he left Zittau in the mid- 1690s, long before Johann Krieger assumed the organist duties at Saints Peter and Paul. Therefore, Volckmar was not available to serve as a second organist, as some scholars have stated. See above, p. 224. 1 6 7 These contracts are the earliest documents seen by this author that describe the alternation of concerted and plainchant music between the two churches. There is a 1612 document, however, that mentions concerted and plainchant music alternating every other week in St. John. See discussion above, p. 159. 1 6 8 "En: Er: und Hochweiser Rath noch femer weit gestatten, dab in denen beyden Kirchen zu St: Johannis und St: Petri und Pauli ... , die Figural-Music an denen Sonntagen wechselsweise moge ausgefuhret werden, damit solchergestalt die Vocal-Concertisten und Instrumentisten, nach bisheriger Einrichtung zur Kirchen Music in beyden Kirchen wechselsweise konnen gebrauchet und employiret werden." "Instruction ... Harttwig," fols. 7r-7v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 250 the feast of Saints Peter and Paul, in the same way as on Sundays when concerted music is called for. On each one of those Sundays, however, when plainchant is called for, he is to leave the direction to the cantor and on these occasions accompany on the organ without argument. . . ,1 6 9 Johann Krieger received additional compensation for his new duties at Saints Peter and Paul. His pay was increased by the amount of the organist's salary at that church, which was 63 rtl. 8 gr., according to the account books for the church from 1695 until 1704.1 7 0 Another important benefit of the new position was free lodging in the organist and sexton's house for Saints Peter and Paul. This building, located on the Topfmarkt, was Krieger's residence in 1735 as documented in the Zittau death records: "Monday, 18 [July 1735] at 9:00 A.M. a bell was tolled for the honorable Herr Johann Krieger, the aged deserving organist and [civic] director of choral music from here [Zittau] on the Topfmarkt [market square for pottery]."1 7 1 Krieger's housing is also mentioned in the contract for his successor Carl Hartwig: ... in addition to which the available residence in the organists' house on the Topfmarkt, of which the deceased Herr Johann Krieger had the benefit, will I 6 9 "Hiernachst da En. Er. und Hochweiser Rath entschlofien, dab bis zu femerer Anordnung die Figural-Music in der Kirche zu St: Johannis und Petri et Pauli einen Sontag um den andern, wie auch zeithere im Brauch gewesen, wechBeln solle, so wird derselbe die Auffuhrung und Direction der Figural-Kirchen-Music an denen hohen und gantzen Fest- Tagen, ferner am Tage St: Petri et Pauli, ingleichen an denen Sonntagen, wenn die Figural- Music trifft besorgen. An denen Sonntagen aber, da das Choral eintrifft, dem iedesmahligen Herrn Cantori die Direction und Auffuhrung iiberlaben, und hierbey auf der Orgel ohne Wiederrede encompagniren .. .." "Instruction ... Krieger," fols. 2v-3r, Abt. IV Fach 24 Nr. 2. 1 7 0 "Administrationsrechnung iiber der Kirchen St. Petri Pauli uberkommenen ZuwachB, wie auch verrichtete AuBgeben," 1692-1731, 4 (1695): fol. 6v; 4-13 (1696-1704), Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. I/lb No. 17 (Fach N). Several volumes are missing from these records (1711, 1713, and 1723-30), and this author was able to review only the volumes from 1695 until 1704. None of the salary entries in this source give the name o f the organist. 1 7 1 "Montag, 18. hora 9 ist eine PulB ausgelautet worden Tit. Herrn Johann Kriegern, alten wohlverdienten Organisten und Director Choir Musices alhier am Topffmarckte." "Begrabnisbuch Zittau," 18 July 1735. Today, the Topfmarkt is known as the Klosterplatz. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 251 again be vacated and made available to him; which he [Hartwig], however, will do his best to maintain it... ,1 7 2 The actual location of this house is given in Zittau's housing records (Hauserchronik) as Briiderstrasse 13 on the Topfmarkt in the Bautzen (Budissin) quarter of the city. Pescheck mentions that this house was destroyed in the 1757 bombardment of Zittau and later rebuilt. Marginalia in the Hauserchronik entry for this house state that it was again destroyed in 1945 at the end of World War II.1 7 3 This house is described in the Hauserchronik as the former organist and cloister sexton's house ("Organisten und Kloster- Glockners Hauss"), which underlines its historical connection to Saints Peter and Paul (also called the Klosterkirche). In addition, the name of the street ("Briiderstrasse") refers to the Franciscan brothers who founded this church.1 7 4 Free housing was unique to Saints Peter and Paul, and it was not part o f the compensation package for the organist of St. John in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. For example, Flammerschmidt had to vacate these quarters in the early 1660s when Saints Peter and Paul was restored and an organist was hired.1 7 5 In 1735, however, free housing for the organist of Saints Peter and Paul was discontinued, and the right to live in the Saints Peter and Paul house was instead granted to 1 7 2 ,1 ... Woruber demselben auch die freye Wohnung in dem an den Topffmarckte gelegenen Organist-Hause, wie solche der verstorbene Herr Johann Krieger genoBen, noch fernerweit eingeraumt und gegonet wird; die er aber best moglichst zu conserviren . . .." "Instruction ... Harttwig," fols. 8v-9r, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). 1 7 3 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:155-56; "Hauserchronik: Register und Anzahl derer Sammtlichen Bierhoffe und privat-Hausser der Stadt Zittau," 1600ff, p. 263, Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, A197. The date that this source was written is not available. ,7 4 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:25. 1 7 5 Stobe, "Der Zittauer Organist," 11. Because financial records do not survive for Hammerschmidt's time period, it is not known if his compensation included funds for housing. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 252 the organist of St. John and the civic director of choral music.1 7 6 Adolph Gottlob Krieger, the organist of Saints Peter and Paul, was given money to find his own lodging.1 7 7 Organ Dedication in Gorlitz Gondolatsch has outlined the musical ties between Zittau and Gorlitz starting in fifteenth century, including a discussion of Krieger's role as an examiner for the 1703 organ in Saints Peter and Paul Church (Pfarrkirche) in Gorlitz.1 7 8 Krieger's relationship to Gorlitz had begun earlier, however, for in 1699 he had included a government official there as one of the dedicatees for his keyboard collection Clavier-Ubung}1 9 Krieger's vocal music was also known in Gorlitz and likely performed there, for Abraham Petzold (1659-1702), the organist at Saints Peter and Paul (Gorlitz) from 1695 until his death, owned vocal works by both Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger. This music was sold in 1703 to Martin Music, the newly-appointed cantor in Stettin (now Szczecin, Poland), who listed it in an index he maintained for his music collection.1 8 0 Saints Peter and Paul (Gorlitz) was destroyed by fire in 1691, and the losses included the organ, which had been completed in 1688 by Andreas Tamitius of Dresden.1 8 1 1 7 6 See above, p. 217. 1 7 7 "Instruction ... Krieger," fol. 4v, Abt. IV Fach 24 Nr. 2. 1 7 8 Max Gondolatsch, "Musikalische Beziehungen zwischen Gorlitz und Zittau [part 1]" Zittauer Geschichtsbldtter Jg. 7, no. 10 (October 1930): 39-40. 1 7 9 Krieger's predecessor, Hammerschmidt, also dedicated music to persons in Gorlitz and served as an organ consultant there and in other cities in Upper Lusatia (Oberlausitz). Howard, Mass, 37-40. I 8 0 W. Freytag, "Musikgeschichte der Stadt Stettin im 18. Jahrhundert" (Ph.D. diss., University of Greifswald, 1936), p. 140. See also Gundlach, "Johann Philipp Krieger," 1:28- 29,2:340. 1 8 1 Andreas Tamitius was the father of Zittau organ builder Johann Gottlieb Tamitius. See above, p. 116. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 253 In 1703, a new instrument was installed by Eugen Casparini (1623-1706) and his son Adam Horatio Casparini (1676-1745). Eugen Casparini, born Johann Caspar in Sorau, was a well known organ builder who spent much of his career in Italy. The organ that he built for Saints Peter and Paul (Gorlitz) survived until the 1920s, when all but the fa?ade was replaced.1 8 2 On 23 June 1703, the Gorlitz city council sent a letter to Krieger requesting his services as organ examiner, to which he responded affirmatively.1 8 3 The signature on Krieger's letter is one of the few extant examples of his handwriting (see figure 13).1 8 4 The examination itself took place on 5 July 1703, with Krieger joined by Zittau organ builder Ratzel and the newly appointed organist at Saints Peter and Paul (Gorlitz), Christian Ludwig Boxberg (1670-1729). In 1697, Ratzel had submitted a bid to build the new organ for Saints Peter and Paul (Gorlitz) but had lost the contract to the Casparinis.1 8 5 1717 Reformation Festival Very little documention about Krieger's professional activities survives for the period from 1699 until 1717 or in the years after 1717. But the large amount of vocal and choral music that survives from the 1717 Reformation festival in Zittau indicates that during 1 8 2 Dahnert (Historische Orgeln, pp. 132-34) gives the disposition of the 1703 instrument and photographs of its facade (ibid., Illustrations #26-28). 1 8 3 Both letters are extant: Gorlitz city council to Johann Krieger, Zittau, 23 June 1703, in “Acta die Orgel in der Kirche zu St. Petri und Pauli hierselbst, deren Bau und Reparaturen betr.," fol. 79a, Gorlitz, Ratsarchiv, RAG: Rep. I, S. 84a, Nr 121; Johann Krieger, Zittau, to Gorlitz city council, 29 June 1703, in “Acta die Orgel,” fols. 80r-80v, RAG: Rep. I, S. 84a, Nr. 121. Gondolatsch ("Musikalische Beziehungen ... Gorlitz, 40) quotes a portion of the letter written by the Gorlitz city council. Gondolatsch also quotes the Gorlitz financial records (6, 7 and 9 June 1703), which cite reimbursements to Krieger for food and for transportation by horse from Zittau. 1 8 4 The rest of the letter is written in another hand. 1 8 5 Flade, Der Orgelbauer, p. 5-6. For more information on Ratzel, see above, p. 114. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. * ? iA 11 w 0 4r&r Figure 13. Krieger’s Signature in a Letter to the Gorlitz City Council. Source: “Acta die Orgel,” 29 June 1703, fol. 84a, RAG: Rep. I, S. 84a, Nr. 121. the preceding years he continued to compose and carry out his duties as Zittau's leading musician. Krieger's music for the Reformation festival represents a wide variety of styles and genres, which makes this event an important summary of his work as a composer of vocal and choral music. More documentation survives from this festival than for any other single event in Krieger's lifetime.1 8 6 For example, a program printed for the main three days o f the festival contains the texts of most of the musical works performed in the worship services.1 8 7 After the anniversary festival, music for some of these works was bound together 1 8 6 For a description of the source material for the cantatas performed in the 1717 Reformation festival, see p. 322. The cantatas themselves are discussed below, pp. 401-436. mTexte / So die drei Tage Des Jubel-Fests Den 31. Octobr. 1. und 2. Nov. 1717. In der Haupt-Kirche St. Johannis allhier vom Directore Chori Mus. Johann Kriegern / sollen musiciret werden (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1717); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, B21 and B22, (Samuel No. 90). A handwritten version of Texte, with the same title as the printed version, can be found in Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3, fols. 35v-43v. It was common in Saxony at this time for texts to be published for congregational use. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 255 with the following handwritten dedication by the Zittau city council that indicates that the music in the volume was written by Krieger: The enclosed musical pieces, performed for worship services in the main church o f St. John for the festively celebrated Lutheran anniversary in the year 1717 [are] presented herewith by the most noble and most wise Council as a lasting remembrance of this blissful event granted from God, from the civic director of choral music, Johann Krieger, appointed by the same [Council].'8 8 The entire anniversary lasted three days, from 31 October until 2 November.1 8 9 The length of this festival underscores its importance, since a three-day observance was customary only for major church events such as Christmas, Easter and Pentecost. Certain aspects of this Reformation celebration extended even beyond the three-day time frame; for example, a special Vespers service and a performance of outdoor music occurred a day earlier, and several secular events, such as plays and speeches, took place later, even into December. The primary day of the anniversary, 31 October, began with music at 4:00 A.M., and the festivities included three worship services and a secular evening concert (“Abendmusik”). A wide variety of performance forces was featured (e.g., choirs, organ, vocal soloists, civic musicians, and outdoor brass), and a large number of vocal genres was included (e.g., arias, chorales, mass movements, and cantatas). The next two days 1 8 8 "Innliegende Musicalische Stiicke so bey dem Ao. 1717. in Zittau glucklich celebrirten Lutherischen Jubilaso in der Haupt-Kirche St. Johannis Zum Gottesdienste gebraucht worden, Uberreichet hiermit E. Hoch Edlen und Hochweisen Rathe zu bestandigen Andenken dieser von Gott verliehenen Gliickseeligkeit der von Selbigem bestellte Dir. Chor. Mus. Johann Krieger." Johann Krieger, "Actajubilaei Lutherani De An. 1717 pars. II," fol. 9r, Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, B22. The description of this volume as “pars. II” (part 2) refers to its status as a companion volume to "Actajubilaei Lutherani A. 1717" (Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, B21), which contains programs and other textual materials related to the festival. 1 8 9 The account o f the anniversary given here is primarily taken from "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 4r-28v, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 256 (1-2 November) were also marked by worship services in the morning and afternoon, and a second Abendmusik was given on 2 November in one o f the Gymnasium auditoriums, with the pupils singing lyrics written by the Gymnasium director Johann Christoph Wentzel.1 9 0 Besides these church and city events, the Gymnasium also marked the anniversary. On Monday, 1 November, the Gymnasium director Johann Christian Wentzel gave an address in Latin in the Gymnasium, and his speech was preceded and followed by portions of a lengthy multipartite aria, "Du Hochst-erwunschste Zeit," for which he had written the text.1 9 1 According to a program containing the aria's printed text, it was sung to the chorale tune "Nun danket alle Gott."1 9 2 Krieger wrote three variations based on this melody, each marked for several specific stanzas of the aria.1 9 3 On Thursday, 4 November, Wentzel repeated his speech in the city library, this time in German for the benefit of those who did not understand Latin. Once again, portions of "Du Hochst-erwunschste Zeit" were 1 9 0 The program for this Abendmusik is extant: Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Th. 8° 349A/1.4.10 (former call number: C40). A handwritten version o f the program can be found in "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 121r-123v, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. Krieger is not mentioned as the composer o f this music. 1 9 1 The first half of the aria was sung before the speech, and the second half was performed afterward ("... halb vor der Oration, und halb nach derselben . .. ."). "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fol. 20r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. 1 9 2 Wentzel, Arie ... abgesungen worden, p. 6. This source contains the text but no music for "Du Hochst-erwiinschste Zeit." 1 9 3 Johann Krieger, "Du Hochst-erwunschste Zeit," 1717(7), Zittau, Christian-Weise- Bibliothek, B22 (Samuel No. 24b). This aria, performed in alternatim fashion, features a tenor solo accompanied by violins, oboes, trumpets and continuo (Variation 1), a soprano solo with violin and continuo (Variation 2), and a tenor solo with violins and continuo (Variation 3). This instrumentation is indicated in the manuscript, but a description o f the first performance ("Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 19v-20r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3) mentions the use of oboe, violin, Waldhom, and timpani. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 257 performed before and after the speech.1 9 4 The account of the anniversary then mentions the addition of "... the same one [aria] which was sung in the church festival before and after the sermon."1 9 5 This concluding aria was probably Wentzel’s "Ach ja, Herr Jesu," since the program containing its text describes it as an "Aria which was sung in the church by the congregation after the sermon for the Reformation festival in 1717."1 9 6 Then on 16 November, the Gymnasium's third teacher C. G. Pitschmann (later a pastor in Zittau) delivered an oration in which two works by Krieger were performed, the aria "Also preisen wir die Zeiten" and the cantata "Frolocket Gott."1 9 7 The latter work is a double cantata, with the first half performed before the oration and the second half ("Geht also geht ihr matten Seelen") sung after the oration. It is the only cantata for the 1717 anniversary which was performed outside the worship services; all the other works sung at secular events were arias. 1 9 4 Ibid., fol. 27v. Wentzel and Weise are Krieger's only known librettists. For biographical information on Weise, see below, p. 439. Johann Christoph Wentzel (1660- 1723) was born in Marcksuhl in Thuringia, spent his early years in Eisenach, and studied at the university in Jena. Wentzel was a scholar in many fields, including medicine, theology, and rhetoric, and he was also known as a musician. He served in Altenburg as director of the Gymnasium before being hired in 1713 to the same position in Zittau. (Prior to Wentzel's tenure, the head of the Zittau Gymnasium was designated rector.) Carpzov, Analecta, 3:105, 111; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:555. 1 9 5 "... derselben, welche in der Kirche das Fest iiber unter der Predigten gesungen worden." Ibid. 1 9 6 "Arie Welche in denen Kirchen ... Bei dem ... Reformations-Feste / M DCC XVII. Unter denen Predigten von der Gemeine abgesungen worden." Wentzel, Arie ... abgesungen worden, p. i. According to this program (p. 1), the melody for "Ach ja, Herr Jesu" is the chorale "Nun freut euch lieben Christen gemein." Unlike "Du Hochst- erwunschste Zeit," however, no settings of this melody by Krieger are extant. For further information on the two orations by Wentzel, see Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:243. 1 9 7 Johann Krieger, "Also preisen wir die Zeiten," 1717(7), Zittau, Christian-Weise- Bibliothek, B22 (Samuel No. 23c). The program, which includes the texts of the aria and cantata, is extant: Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Th. 8° 349A/1.4.10 (former call number: C40). A handwritten copy of the program can also be found in "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 85r-93r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 258 Several dramas were performed by the Gymnasium pupils as an additional part of the anniversary. A Latin play, Memoria Secularis Ecclesiae, written by the Gymnasium's assistant rector Adam Erdmann Mirus, was performed on 9 November and included two German arias by Krieger.'9 8 Friedrich dem Weisen, with text by Wentzel and music by Krieger, was performed on 23 November, and the title page of the program mentions that this Singspiel served as the "festive conclusion of the Reformation anniversary.'"9 9 The texts o f six Krieger arias from this Singspiel survive in a printed bulletin, and music for five o f them is extant.2 0 0 Even though the anniversary was officially concluded in November, several related dramas also took place in December. Pescheck mentions school comedies for 1 9 8 A handwritten libretto of Memoria Secularis Ecclesiae, including the texts for Krieger's arias, can be found in "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 70r-84v (arias: fols. 81r, 82r- 84v), Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. The music for the two arias also survives: Johann Krieger, "Zittau preise deinen Gott" and "Ihr Feinde weichet weg," 1717(7), Zittau, Christian-Weise- Bibliothek, B22 (Samuel Nos. 23a and 23b). See also Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:243. 1 9 9 "... Zum gliicklichen SchluB Des Evangelischen JubiIasi . . . ." Johann Christoph Wentzel, Das Glorieuse Leben und Regierung Des theuresten Churfiirstens zu Sachsen Friedrichs des Weisen/ Wurde Mil hoher Genehmhaltung E. Hoch-Edlen und Hochweisen Rathes Der hochldblichen Koniglichen und Churfurstlichen Sachfi. Sechs-Stadt Zittau/ Den 23. Novembr. 1717. Zum gliicklichen Schlufi Des Evangelischen Jubilcei In einem modesten Dramate Zum beweglichen Beispiel Christlich-Evangelischer Bestandigkeit (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1717); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, B21, B22, and Th. 8° 349A/1.4.10 (former call number: C40); Zittau, Pfarramt, Abt. V Fach 31 Nr. 1. A handwritten copy of this program can be found in "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 55v-62v, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. This program is not a libretto, but rather a plot synopsis and a list of actors. 2 0 0 Johann Christoph Wentzel, Etliche Arien Welche Bei gliicklichen Schlufi Des Evangelischen JUBIL/EI In einem Dramate Von dem hochstloblichen Chur-Fiirsten zu Sachsen Friedrich dem Weisen Den 23ten Novembr. 1717. in Zittau musiciret worden (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1717); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, B22 and Th. 8° 349A/1.4.10 (former call number: C40); Zittau, Pfarramt, Abt. V Fach 31 Nr. 1. A handwritten copy of this program can be found in "Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 63r-66r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3. Handwritten copies of the music survive for five of the six arias given in the program. See Samuel, Cantata, pp. 410-11 for further information on these arias. The use of Friedrich dem Weisen as the conclusion of the entire anniversary celebration is further shown by the title of the first aria: "Das Jubel-Fest geht nun zu Ende" (The jubilee comes now to an end). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 259 the anniversary held in the city hall on 5, 6, and 7 December.2 0 1 Another drama, titled Jesus Der Anfang und das Ende and written by Wentzel, was performed even later on 22 December.2 0 2 While this last drama contained music, no mention is made that Krieger was the composer. Krieger played a critical role in the entire anniversary celebration, composing, directing, and/or performing the majority of the music. In addition, his compositions included cantatas, which were the most interesting and complex music performed at the event. The importance of this anniversary for the study of Krieger's vocal music can hardly be overemphasized, since sources from this festival contain more of his music than can be found in any other single location. Because the archival record is scanty for his activities in Zittau from 1700 until 1717, this one event in 1717 provides a glimpse into his achievements in the years before the festival. The Reformation anniversary is also important for Zittau's music history in general, since its documents describe liturgical practices there in great detail. This information is especially valuable because so many Zittau documents from this time period were lost due to the city's destruction in 1757. Retirement For the period from the Reformation festival until the year of his death, I have found very little documentation of Krieger's activities in Zittau as music director. Landmark events occurred in Zittau during these years, such as the two-hundredth anniversaries of the Reformation in Zittau (1721) and the Augsburg Confession (1730). In addition, the music for Holy Week in 1725 and 1726 was highly unusual (new settings of the passion and 2 0 1 Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:385. 2 0 2 The program is extant in the Zittau Pfarramt (Abt. V Fach 31 Nr. 1). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 260 resurrection stories).2 0 3 Krieger, however, is not mentioned in any of the sources pertaining to these events. Krieger did play a prominent role, however, in the dedication on 23 January 1726 of a newly built church in Niederoderwitz, a village near Zittau. A program for the event describes the worship service in detail. Five of the vocal works were written by Krieger, and an appendix to the program gives their complete texts. The attribution of these works to Krieger is clear from the title of the program, which ends with the following phrase describing the appendix: Along with a supplement of biblical texts and God-given thoughts in a devotion for the dedication that is [both] sung and played, drawn up by L. C. S. and set to music by Johann Krieger, [civic] director of choral music in Zittau.2 0 4 The five works given in the program's appendix are "O Grosser Gott, wie herzlich ist," "Wie lieblich sind deine Wohnungen Herr Zebaoth," "Siehe da, eine Hutte Gottes bei den Menschen," "Heilig, heilig, heilig ist unser Gott," and "Nun dancket alle Gott." The first work, sung by the choir after the opening prayer and before the Gloria, was intended for the chorale melody "Es ist das Heil uns kommen her." No settings by Krieger of this melody 2 0 3 Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:328. 2 0 4 "Nebst einem Anhange biblischer Texte und Gott-ergebener Gedancken Zur singenden und spielenden Einweihungs-Andacht aufgesetzet von L. C. S. Und in Composition gebracht von Johann Kriegem, Chor. Mus. Direct, in Zittau." Bericht / Wie das von Grundaus neu-erbaute Nieder-Oderwitzische Gottes-Haus/... undsodann dem Dreieinigen Gott zu seines heil. Nahmens Ehren, und schuldigsten Danck vor alle dabei erwiesene Gnade, Schutz, Beistand und Seegen, mit hertzlichen Gebeth, Gesang und Vortran des gottl. Worts, vermittelst seiner Gnaden Verleihung, An. 1726. den 23. Jan. solleniter eingeweihet werden soil, nach Anweisung M. Samuel Manitii, in das 33gste Jahr Pfarrers daselbst. Nebst einem Anhange biblischer Texte und Gott-ergebener Gedancken Zur singenden und spielenden Einweihungs-Andacht aufgesetzet von L. C. S. Und in Composition gebracht von Johann Kriegem, Chor. Mus. Direct, in Zittau (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1726), p. i; Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Lus. XVIIIn. Gondolatsch ("Die musicalische Beziehungen ... Gorlitz," 40, n. 40) states that another copy of this program is extant in Gorlitz. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 261 survive or are mentioned in other seventeenth- and eighteenth-century sources. The second work, called a "Concerte" in the description of the service, was sung after the Gospel and before the creed and sermon. "Wie lieblich sind deine Wohnungen Herr Zebaoth" is based on Psalm 84:2-5, with arias interspersed between settings of the verses. The WeiBenfels catalog mentions two settings of this text by Johann Krieger that were performed in 1687 (with six voices and ten instruments) and in 1688 (for four voices and five instruments).2 0 5 If Krieger used one of these prior versions, he must have revised it, for the presence of non- biblical texts and the label "aria" are seen only in his late works.2 0 6 The third Krieger work in the service was "Siehe da, eine Hutte Gottes bei den Menschen," sung directly after the sermon and based on the sermon text, Revelation 21:3. A Krieger setting o f this text for four voices and six instruments is mentioned in the WeiBenfels catalog for 1709. The Niederoderwitz program states that the work was performed "vom ersten Chor" (by the first choir) followed by a rendition of the chorale "Komm, Heiliger Geist, Herre Gott" by "der ander Chor" (the other choir).2 0 7 The Sanctus in the service, sung in German rather than the usual Latin, took place during the distribution of communion. No Krieger setting of the German Sanctus survives or is mentioned in other seventeenth- and eighteenth-century 2 0 5 The 1688 setting was likely the same one used in 1687 but scaled down for smaller forces. See discussion below, p. 333. This work is also mentioned in the catalogs from Rudolstadt and Liineburg. Bernd Baselt, "Die Musikaliensammlung der Schwarzburg- Rudolstadtischen Hofkapelle unter Philipp Heinrich Erlebach (1657-1714)," Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Martin-Luther-Universitat Halle-Wittenberg, suppl. (1963): 123; and Max Seiffert, "Die Chorbibliothek der St. Michaelisschule in Liineburg zu Seb. Bach's Zeit," Sammelbande der Internationalen Musikgesellschaft ix (1907-8), 609. 2 0 6 For a discussion of form in Krieger's late cantatas, see below, p. 405. 2 ( > 1 Bericht, p. 5. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 262 sources.2 0 8 The final Krieger work in the service, performed after the Benediction, was "Nun dancket alle Gott." Its text is not taken from the chorale of the same name, but rather from the Apocrypha (Ecclesiasticus 50:24-26). This piece, described as a "Concerte" in the program, could have been one of the two Krieger settings of this text performed in WeiBenfels in 1691 and 1693.2 0 9 Following the performance of Krieger's "Nun dancket alle Gott," the chorale "Nun dancket alle Gott" was sung by the congregation. The title page of the program mentions a person with the initials "L. C. S.," whose identity is not known and whose role in the dedication is unclear. Perhaps he served as the organizer of the dedication service and/or the librettist for some or all of Krieger's works performed that day.2 1 0 It seems unlikely, however, that "L. C. S." would have provided texts for any works written decades earlier, if in fact the three works in the program that were performed in WeiBenfels between 1687 and 1709 ("Wie lieblich sind deine Wohnungen Herr Zebaoth," "Siehe da, eine Hiitte Gottes bei den Menschen," and "Nun dancket alle Gott") were actually repeat performances rather than new works by the same titles. To summarize, if Krieger used all previously-composed works rather than composing any new settings, it is unlikely that their texts were written by "L. C. S." If, however, Krieger wrote some or all new music for the occasion, "L. C. S." must be considered as a possible collaborator. 2 0 8 The WeiBenfels catalog lists two settings by Johann Philipp Krieger of the German Sanctus ("Heilig, heilig, heilig"), one of which survives: Johann Philipp Krieger, "Heilig, heilig, heilig ist der Herr Zebaoth," Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Mus. ms. 12155/5. This work, however, does not have the same text as the work performed in the 1726 worship service in Niederoderwitz, which contains extensive poetic interpolations to the traditional Sanctus text. 2 0 9 It is not the same work, however, as Krieger's "Nun dancket," heard at the 1717 Reformation festival, since the texts are not the same. 2 1 0 See the quotation above, p. 260. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 263 For the period from 1726 until shortly before Krieger's death in 1735,1 have found no documentation of Krieger's activities. The scarcity of references to his activities in the years following the Reformation festival seems to indicate that he decreased his conducting and composition activities as a form of semi-retirement. The account o f his last day, however, indicates that he remained active as an organist in Zittau throughout his retirement, for he is described as playing organ for worship services until the day before he suffered a fatal heart attack.2 1 1 He also took time to follow musical affairs beyond Zittau, as can be seen by his contribution in the early 1720s to an important theoretical debate of the day. Theoretical Writing In 1725, Krieger published a lengthy article in Mattheson's journal Critica Musica, the first music periodical in Germany and an important forum for musical issues of the day.2 1 2 Krieger's essay was one of several responses by various musicians to a controversy over music theory between Mattheson and Buttstett. Johann Heinrich Buttstett (1666-1727), a student of Pachelbel, spent most of his life in or near Erfurt. He eventually became the leading organist there, serving at the Preacher's Church (Predigerkirche) from 1691 until his death in 1727. His many pupils included Friedrich Georg Kauffmann (1697-1735) and Johann Gottfried Walther (1684-1748). The controversy between Buttstett and Mattheson took place within the larger context of the shift in harmonic practice and theory from modality, solmization, and the use 2 1 1 Miiller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 3; Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 153. 2 1 2 Krieger, "Gedancken iiber die ... Controvers," in Mattheson, Critica Musica, 2:216-29. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 264 of church modes to tonality and the use of twenty-four keys.2 1 3 The specific debate between Buttstett and Mattheson began with the latter's publication in 1713 of Das neu-erdffnete Orchestre, which criticized traditional German music theory of the seventeenth century and instead proposed newer ways of viewing music.2 1 4 Buttstett responded in 1716 with the treatise Ut, Mi, Sol, Re, Fa, La, Tota Musica et Harmonia Aetema, which defended the rules of traditional music theory and countered point by point almost every argument raised in Das neu-erofjhete Orchestre.™ In 1717, Mattheson published Das beschiitzte Orchestre, effectively responding to Buttstetfs objections. Mattheson dedicated Das beschiitzte Orchestre to thirteen prominent musicians of the day, including Krieger.2 1 6 In the foreword to the book, Mattheson quotes a letter that 2 1 3 A thorough account of this change can be found in Joel Lester, Between Modes and Keys: German Theory 1592-1802, Harmonologia Series No. 3 (Stuyvesant, New York: Pendragon Press, 1989). 2 1 4 Johann Mattheson, Das neu-erdffnete Orchestre, Oder Universelle und griindliche Anleitung/ Wie ein Galant Homme einen vollkommenen Begriff von der Hoheit und Wiirde der edlen MUSIC erlangen / seinen Gout darnachformiren /d ie Terminos technicos verstehen und geschicklich von dieser vortrefflichen Wissenschafft raisonniren moge (Hamburg, 1713); reprint, Hildesheim and New York: Georg Olms, 1997). 2 1 5 Johann Heinrich Buttstett, Ut, Mi, Sol, Re, Fa, La, Tota Musica et Harmonia Aetema, oder, Neu-eroffnetes, altes, wahres, eintziges und ewiges Fundamentum Muscies entgegen gesetzt dem Neu-erojfneten Orchestre, und in zweene Partes eingetheilet, in welchen, und zwar im ersten Theile, des Herm Authoris des Orchestre irrige Meynungen in Specie de Tonis seu Modis Musicis, wiederleget, im andern Theile aber das rechte Fundamentum Musices gezeiget, Solmisatio guidonica nicht allein defendiret, sondern auch solcher Nutzen bey Einfiihrung eines Comitis gewiesen, dann auch behauptet wird, dass man ereinst im Himmel mit eben den Sonis, welche hier in der Welt gebrduchlich, musiciren werden (Leipzig: Otto Friedr. Werthem, [1716]; reprint, [Rochester, New York: Sibley Music Library, Eastman School of Music, 198-?], microfiche. Further information on the Mattheson/Buttstett controversy can be found in Christian Muller, "Buttstett, Johann," in M G G II, Personenteil 3:1438-39; and Lester, Between Modes, p. 119-32. 2 1 6 These musicians are George Bertouch (1668-1743), Johann Joseph Fux (1660- 1741), Johann David Heinichen (1683-1729), George Frideric Handel (1685-1759), Reinhard Keiser (1674-1739), Johann Philipp Krieger (1649-1725), Johann Krieger (1652- 1735), Christian Ritter (b. 1645-50, d. after 1717), Johann Christian Schmidt (1664-1728), Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 265 makes clear that Krieger had read Mattheson's first book and viewed it favorably. Mattheson writes, quoting Krieger's letter: Precisely, Das neu-erdffnete Orchestre has procured for its editor the patronage and correspondence of heretofore in part unknown yet excellent virtuosos. Among them are the great contrapuntalist Herr Joh[ann] Theile...; Herr Johann Krieger, the famous Kapellmeister, formerly in Gotha [j/c], now director of music in Zittau, who in a letter to the excellent musician, Herr Kuhnau in Leipzig, written in Zittau on 15 April 1716 , wrote about me [Mattheson] and Das neu-erdffnete Orchestre: "The treatise which he published has pleased me incomparably well; and I have read through it several times . . . ,2 1 7 In the foreword to Das beschiitzte Orchestre, Mattheson asked the dedicatees to serve as competent judges ("Judices competentes") and send him their "completely impartial, free, and honest opinion[s]" ("ein gantz unpartheiisches ffeies und auffrichtiges Urtheil") of his theoretical work.2 1 8 Several years later, in the 1725 edition of Critica Musica, Mattheson published the responses that he had received.2 1 9 While many of the writers sent letters, Krieger's reply was a thirteen-page treatise, much of it organized like Buttstett's Ut, Mi, Sol Augustin Strieker (d. after 1720), Georg Philipp Telemann (1681-1767), and Johann Theile (1646-1724). Mattheson, Das beschiitzte Orchestre, pp. iv-vi. 2 1 7 "Eben das Orchestre hat seinem Verfasser die Gunst und Correspondence ihm vorhin zum Theil unbekannter/doch vortrefflicher Virtuosen zu Wege gebracht. Als da sind der grosse Contrapunctiste Herr Joh. Theile ... ; Herr Johann Krieger / der beruhmte Capellmeister/ ehmahls zu Gotha [sic\l nun Director der Music zu Zittau / der in einem Briefe an den vortrefflichen Musicum, Herrn Kuhnau in Leipzig/ von mir und dem Orchestre, sub dato Zittau den 15. April 1716 so schreibet: Mir hat das Tractagen / so von ihm heraus kommen /unvergleichlich wohl gefallen; und habe es etliche mahl durchgelesen, &c " Ibid., p. 16. 2 1 8 Ibid., p. xi. 2 1 9 Mattheson, Critica Musica, 2:179-288 (titled "Die Orchester-Kanzeley"). Several important musicians of the day joined Krieger in supporting Mattheson, including Kuhnau, Handel, Heinichen, Telemann, and Johann Philipp Krieger. Fux, however, criticized Mattheson's views on modes. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 266 as a commentary on various chapters in Das neu-erdffnete Orchestre.2 1 0 Krieger extends his discussion, however, by also refuting specific chapters from Ut, Mi, Sol. Mattheson introduced the article by describing the formal nature of Krieger's contribution and the care with which he prepared it: The following article will contribute towards a more careful explanation of the matter, since it was worked out with great diligence. This writing from ... Herr Johann Krieger ... was submitted, indeed not, as the others, in the form of a letter, but rather as a much more impartial response.2 2 1 Mattheson repeated his opinion of Krieger's article at its conclusion: "It would be superfluous to provide a commentary to Johann Krieger's clear presentation."2 2 2 Krieger strongly supported Mattheson in breaking away from traditional music theory, including the use of solmization and modes. The following two passages from Krieger's treatise give a flavor o f his discussion: That one should nowadays still be always governed by the ancient rules of composition, would be already laughable to say, let alone to practice; but from such [rules], however, no one is prevented from taking the best and applying them at the correct time; and Das beschiitzte Orchestre was required to once again call for those essential rules that are impossible to discard, and for this reason to be sure has earned no censure from the adversary [Buttstett].2 2 3 2 2 0 0nly Fux submitted a longer reply than Krieger. For a discussion o f Krieger's treatise, see Walter Schenkman, "Portrait of Mattheson, the Editor, Together with his Correspondents," Bach: Journal o f the Riemenschneider Bach Institute xxv no. 2 (Fall- Winter, 1994): 79-81. 2 2 1 "Es wird also ... die folgende piece ein merckliches, zu genauerer Erlauterung der Sache beitragen: weil sie mit vielem Fleifl ausgearbeitet worden. Es ist dieselbe Schrifft von ... dem Herrn Johann Krieger ... eingesandt worden: zwar nicht, wie die ubrigen, in Form eines Briefes, sondern vielmehr eines unpartheiischen responsi." Ibid., 2:215. 2 2 2 "Es ware etwas uberfluBiges, den deutlichen Vortrag des Hrn. Joh. Kriegers mit einem Commentario zu versehen." Mattheson, Critica Musica, 2:229. This translation is taken from Schenkman, "Portrait," 81. 2 2 3 "DaB man sich heutiges Tages nach denen uhralten Regeln der Composition noch immer richten solle, ware schon lacherlich zu sagen, geschweige denn zu practiciren, aus solchen aber das beste zu nehmen, und a propos anzubringen, ist niemanden verwehret, und Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 267 I say this: the doctrine of solmization and modes belongs to ancient music, and it is assumed, as a part of the same [ancient music], that one can also make use of the same [doctrine of solmization and modes] in musical examples, in the way that historians treat this matter; but concerning their use in today's music, I consider them unnecessary, troublesome, and inadequate things.2 2 4 Most of Krieger's article is a chapter-by-chapter commentary on the writings of Mattheson and Buttstett. He closes, however, with a lengthy discussion related to the introduction of Neu-erdffnete Orchestre, which Mattheson titled "Einleitung vom Verfall der Music und dessen Ursachen" (Introduction to the Decline of Music and its Cause). Krieger comments that in addition to the several points given by Mattheson, censorship must also be considered a significant problem leading to the decline of music. Krieger does not cite specific instances of censorship in this passage, but he had personal experience with the problem. In the 1690s he and Weise had faced opposition to their Singspiele performances from the clergy in Zittau.2 2 5 Mattheson's choice of this lengthy article for his journal Critica Musica points to the reputation that Krieger enjoyed among his contemporaries. Krieger's support of more also hat das Orchestre nothwendig diejenigen Regeln, die unmoglich zu verwerffen sind, wieder anfuhren miissen, und hat deBwegen bei dem Gegner wohl keine Censur verdienet." Krieger, "Gedancken uberdie ... Controvers," in Mattheson, Critica Musica, 2:219. 2 2 4 "Ich sage so: die Doctrin de Solmisatione & Modis gehoret ad Musicam antiquam, und ist als ein Theil derselben anzunehmen, man kan auch in demonstratione musica sich derselben bedienen, wie auch historice von der Sache handeln; alleine, dem Nutzen bei der heutigen Musique nach, halte ich solche vor unnothige, beschwerliche, und unzulangliche Dinge." Ibid., 2:227. 2 2 S In 1689, the Gymnasium's Singspiel performances were cancelled even though Weise had already written the plays for that season and rehearsals had begun. The reasons for the clergy's opposition, outlined in Eggert (Christian Weise, p. 282), are mostly practical rather than religious (e.g., the plays take time away from the pupils' studies). Despite support from the city council and the public for Weise, Singspiele performance did not take place again in Zittau until 1703. It is possible that Weise did not mount the productions out of anger with the clergy rather than because they were specifically banned. See DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxiv; Eggert, Christian Weise, pp. 281-87; and Roloff, "Christian Weise," 11-13. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 268 modern ideas about music also shows him to be a progressive thinker of his day and not bound to the traditional rules of the past. In addition, his publication of a written article about music added to the reputation he had obtained as a composer, for in his era distinguished musicians were expected to be scholarly as well as practical.2 2 6 Krieger, already known for his works of learned counterpoint, viewed music as an academic endeavor, equal to other sciences. In the closing section of his treatise, Krieger describes music as a noble science ("edlen Science"), similar to other branches of knowledge ("wie andre Wissenschafften”).2 2 7 MUSIC PUBLICATIONS The majority of Krieger's composition output is liturgical; most o f this music is lost and the extant works survive only in manuscript. But a large number of Krieger's continuo Lieder, arias, and keyboard compositions were published during his lifetime in three music collections: Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit (1684), Partien (1697), and Clavier-Ubung (1699). From 1684 until 1697 Krieger also wrote Lieder that were published in programs for occasional services, such as weddings and funerals. Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit The newfound stability of Krieger's permanent position in Zittau allowed him to publish some of his music.2 2 8 In 1684, only two years after his arrival in Zittau, his first and 2 2 6 Wolff (Johann Sebastian Bach, pp. 45-46) discusses this expectation in regard to Buxtehude. 2 2 7 Krieger, "Gedancken liber die ... Controvers," in Mattheson, Critica Musica, 2:229. 2 2 8 In 1677, Krieger attemped to publish a large number of ricercar settings of chorales, but they were instead lost to thieves (see discussion above, p. 36). His time between that year and 1682, when he began working in Zittau, were marked by numerous moves. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 269 largest collection of music, the Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit, appeared in print.2 2 9 Weise described the genesis of Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit in his 1683 foreword to Neue Jugend-Lust.2 3 0 He criticized the programs published for the Gymnasium Singspiele in Zittau, noting that their poor print quality led to performance problems in Krieger's arias. Weise felt that Krieger's Singspiel arias were good enough to deserve better notation, and he looked forward to their future publication in folio format (i.e, the format of Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit). In addition, he commented that since some members o f the music public did not value Singspiel arias, the future publication would also contain sacred and secular Lieder, all with texts by Weise and music by Krieger. Weise concluded by stating that most of the music planned for the collection was little known and had never before been published. Krieger himself also described the project in his preface to Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit. He also felt that its appeal to the public would be limited if it only contained Singspiel arias. Therefore, he had asked Weise for permission to search through Weise's papers to find texts that could be set to music. Krieger described Weise as 2 2 9 The preface and song titles of NmE, part 1 can be found in Rafael Mitjana, Musique Religieuse I, Catalogue Critique et Descriptif des Imprimes de Musique des XVIe et XVIIe Siecles: Conserves a la Bibliotheque de l'Universite Royale d'Uppsala, vol. 1 (Uppsala: Almquist & Wiksell, 1911), 1:207-11 (no. 111). For the contents of NmE, Parts II and III, see Ake Davidsson, Musique Religieuse II, Musique Profane, Musique Dramatique, Musique Instrumentale, Additions au Tome lan d Recueils de Musique, Religieuse et Profane, Catalogue Critique et Descriptif des Imprimes de Musique des XVIe et XVIIe Siecles: Conserves a la Bibliotheque de l'Universite Royale d'Uppsala, vols. 2-3 (Uppsala: Almquist & Wiksells, 1951), 2:69 (no. 329), 3:120 (no. 399). 2 3 0 Christian Weise, Christian Weisens Neue Jugend-Lust: Das ist Drey Schauspiele: I. Vom verfolgten David II. Von der Sicil. Argenis, III. Von der verkehrten Welt. Wie selbige Anno M D C LXXXIII. Von den gesamten Studirenden im Zittauischen Gymnasio aufgefuhret worden (Frankfurt and Leipzig: Christian Weidmann, 1684; reprint, Sdmtliche Werke, ed. John D. Lindberg, vol. 1, Historische Dramen, Berlin: de Gruyter, 1971), p. 603. Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxiii) quotes this passage, but does not give his source. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 270 reluctant to allow this, so Weise himself chose a large number of his sacred and secular texts for Krieger to set.2 3 1 Once Krieger received the texts from Weise, he worked quickly and completed the Lieder by 1 March 1684, the date of the collection's foreword. Krieger chose Christian Weidmann of Leipzig as his publisher, most likely on Weise's advice. Weise had strong ties to Leipzig from his days there as a university student, and the city had an excellent reputation for publishing. Over his lifetime, much of Weise's oeuvre was published there. In the years shortly before the publication of Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit, Weidmann published several of Weise's works.2 3 2 Therefore it seems likely that Krieger's choice of Weidmann and Koler as his publisher and printer was probably facilitated by Weise's contacts in Leipzig.2 3 3 Krieger and Weise dedicated Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit to Duke Christian of Saxony. Krieger had served Duke Christian as Kapellmeister in Eisenberg (1681 and early 1682) before he moved to Zittau.2 3 4 Weise was possibly acquainted with the duke, as well, 2 3 1 Krieger, NmE, 1 :v. Perhaps Weise was also persuaded to cooperate with Krieger because of his predecessor Hammerschmidt's reputation for Lieder. 2 3 2 Weidmann, with the printing services of Johann Koler, handled seven o f Weise's publications between 1680 and 1684 (more than any of the other publishers and printers in Leipzig). For a list of Weise's publications during these years, see Diinnhaupt, Personalbibliographien, 6:4210-20. Even though Weise wrote all of the texts in NmE, it is not included in Dunnhaupt's bibliography because he omitted Weise's writings for the Gymnasium ("Schulschriften"). 2 3 3 It was common at this time for publishers and printers to be different people. See Donald W. Krummel, "Printing and publishing of music, §11. Publishing," in The New Grove II, 20:359. 2 3 4 Bohme (Musik, pp. 24-25) discusses various reasons why this collection was dedeicated neither to Duke Christian of WeiBenfels nor Duke Christian of Merseburg. While this information is of interest, Bohme does not definitively determine the dedicatee of the collection. It is clear, however, from the duke's title in the collection's dedication that the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 271 because Weise had worked in WeiBenfels (which is close to Eisenberg) before becoming rector of the Zittau Gymnasium; Duke Christian took up residency in Eisenberg in March 1677, and Christian Weise did not leave WeiBenfels for Zittau until June 1678. In Weise's portion of the preface to Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit, which is a two-page poem addressed to Krieger, he also mentions Duke Christian with the following lines: "He [God] sends him something [NmE\ / so that he will already comprehend / that my endeavors do not forget the 'white rocks' [WeiBenfels]."2 3 5 The date of this collection dedicated to Krieger's former employer coincided fairly closely with the duke's invitation for Weise and Krieger to attend an opera performance in Eisenberg. As shown above, it is likely that Krieger wrote this opera.2 3 6 The invitation for Weise and Krieger, written in August 1684, was to a performance on 30 August 1684, which was a postponement from the intended date of 7 May 1684. Therefore, the original plans for the opera placed its performance only two months after the completion o f Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit on 1 March 1684. The songs in Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit are written for one to four voices, with basso continuo accompaniment and occasionally other instrumental parts. The collection was published in two partbooks, one with the “Hauptstimmen” (vocal and keyboard parts) and the other with the “Nebenstimmen” (instrumental parts). The contents of the collection Eisenberg ruler was intended. All of his lands are included in his title, and this list matches other documents from Eisenberg; for example, see Bohme, Musik, p. 116. 2 3 5 "Er schick ihm etwas zu/ so wird er schon ermessen/ DaB mein Bemiithe nicht den Weissen Fels vergist." Krieger, NmE, l:viii. Weise uses a play on words here, for the name of the city also refers to one of its geographical features. Historical records in WeiBenfels indicate that the city took its name from a "castle on the white mountain" ("Kastell auf dem weiBen Berge"). "Burgerbuch"; quoted in Fuchs, Studien, p. 16. 2 3 6 For more information on this opera in Eisenberg, see above, p. 239. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 272 are divided into three sections, which are described on the title page as “Geistlichen Andachten, Politischen Tugend-Liedern Und Theatralischen Sachen” (sacred prayers, political songs of virtue, and theatrical excerpts).2 3 7 This arrangement reflects seventeenth- century music theory, in which style distinctions between church, chamber, and theatrical music are clearly delineated. Part 1 contains thirty sacred songs for various religious occasions, such as weddings, funerals, organ dedications, etc. These strophic songs have simple melodies and are more conservative in style than the rest of the collection. Part 2 includes thirty-four secular songs on satirical texts, which Krieger designates as “Tafelmusik” (table music) in his foreword to the collection.2 3 8 This music is more difficult than that found in Part 1, with freer melodies and more ornamentation. Part 3 contains musical selections from five of the six Singspiele performed in Zittau during the 1683 and 1684 Shrovetide festivals.2 3 9 Krieger was well aware that the Singspiel selections in Part 3 would be difficult for some of his potential buyers. Therefore, he took care to mention in his preface that many of the songs in the rest o f the collection were accessible: "Since mostly it was the intention that the songs not be too difficult and yet are set in the conventional style .. . ."2 4 ° At this time, the popularity of continuo Lieder with both the amateur and professional market was 2 3 7 Krieger, NmE, l:i. 2 3 8 Ibid., l:v. 2 3 9 Further discussion of the music in Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit can be found in August Reissmann, Geschichte des Deutschen Liedes (Berlin: J. Guttentag, 1874), pp. 120- 23; Kurt Fischer, "Gabriel Voigtlander, Ein Dichter und Musiker des 17. Jahrhunderts," Sammelbande der International Musikgesellschaft Jg. 12 (1910-11): 84-87; and Hermann Kretzschmar, Geschichte des Neuen Deutschen Liedes (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1966), pp. 100-102. 2 4 0 "Da auch meistentheils darauf gesehen worden dafi die Sachen nicht allzuschwer und gleichwol nach der ublichen Manier gesetzet wurden . . . ." Krieger, NmE, p. v. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 273 declining. Amateurs preferred more traditional songs that were easier to perform, since current Lieder contained operatic and cantata elements that made them difficult. Professional singers, on the other hand, tended to avoid continuo Lieder in favor of more up- to-date opera and cantata arias.2 4 1 Therefore, Krieger's inclusion of songs in Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit that reflected various levels of difficulty shows his attempt to appeal to a wide market.2 4 2 His choice of title also indicates his awareness of trends in musical taste at that time. The term "Ergotzen," which means "delight," "joy," and "amusement," gave the collection a much stronger slant toward a galant aesthetic that was gaining in popularity at this time. Pachelbel later used a similar title when he published Musicalische Ergdtzung, a collection of trio sonatas.2 4 3 Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit was considered important enough to be listed in Beughem's 1688 bibliography, the best of its kind for northern Europe in the late seventeenth century.2 4 4 Unfortunately, the success of Krieger's collection was not far-reaching, as can be seen from its scarcity in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century inventories and in twenty-first century library holdings.2 4 5 2 4 1 John H. Baron, "Lied, §11. Generalbass Lied," in The New Grove II, 14:668. 2 4 2 Krummacher mentions that the marketability of a seventeenth-century collection depended upon both the variety and simplicity of its musical contents. See Friedhelm Krummacher, Die Uberlieferung der Choralbearbeitungen in der fruhen evangelischen Kantate, Berlin Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, vol. 10 (Berlin: Merseburger, 1965), pp. 62- 65. 2 4 3 Johann Pachelbel, Musicalische Ergdtzung bestehend in Sechs Verstimmen Partien a 2. Violin nebst den Basso Continuo, welche Denen Liebhabern der Edlen Music zur Recreation gesetzt (Nuremberg: J. Chr. Weigel, 1693; reprint, Courlay, France: Editions J. M. Fuzeau, 1992). 2 4 4 Beughem, Bibliographia, p. 341. See a discussion of this source above, p. 7. 2 4 5 Samuel (Cantata, pp. 387-88 [No. 1]) provides the most recent comprehensive list of source information for Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit. He gives locations o f surviving Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 274 Lieder for Occasional Services As the leading musician and composer in Zittau, Krieger was often asked to write songs for occasions other than regular worship services. Twenty of these Lieder survive today, all published in commemorative programs between 1684 and 1697.2 4 6 These songs exemplars and manuscript versions of individual songs, as well as listings of modern editions and secondary literature. It should be noted that in the seventeenth century, manuscript versions of pieces in a published collection were nearly always copies, making the printed collection the primary source. For more information, see Walker, German ... Vocal Music, p. xiii. Listed below are changes in source information that have occurred since the publication of Samuel's book, as well as additional exemplars found by this author. 1. The exemplar listed as missing from Deutsche Staatsbibliothek in Berlin (DSBB [Furstenstein]) is now located at the Biblioteka Jagiellonska in Krakow, Poland, with the following call number: Mus. ant. pract.K320. 2. In addition to the locations given by Samuel, another exemplar (RISMKK 2448) is located at the Ratsbibliothek in Zwickau. 3. The complete call number for the exemplar in Uppsala is "Utl. vok. mus. tr. 827." In addition, the Uppsala collection contains manuscript copies of individual songs from Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit, all in keyboard tablature. Many of them are also notated for voices and instruments. The manuscript copies are for the following songs, all from part 1 o f the collection: "Der Herr ist meine Zuversicht" (Vok. mus. i hs. 69:14), "Der Heyland fahret auf' (Vok. mus. i hs. 27:11), "Gott giebet seinen Regen" (Vok. mus. i hs. 27:11), "Gott Lob, die Kirche bliiht" (Vok. ms. i hs. 84:105c), "Herr straf mich nicht" (Vok. mus. i hs. 27:13), "Ich will in Frieden fahren" (Vok. mus. i hs. 57:14), "Ihr Hirten verlasset" (Vok. mus. i hs. 84:105b), "Kommt, ihr entlegnen Heyden" (Vok. mus. i hs. 69:14), "Lobt Gott" (Vok. mus. i hs. 69:14), "So wollen wir mit Gott" (Vok. mus. i hs. 84:105, Vok. mus. i hs. 27:17), and "Wie selig ist ein mann" (Vok. mus. i hs. 84:105a, Vok. mus. 27:17). 4. The texts for three songs can be found in Weise's Curidse Gedancken: "Wol dir, du hast es gut" (1: no. 20) on p. 449, "Ich traue nicht" (2: no. 4) on p. 448, and "Die Losung ist Geld" (2: no. 17) on p. 447. 5. NmE is listed in the late seventeenth-century inventory of the collection in Romhild. See Erdmann Werner Bohme, Die friihdeutsche Oper in Thiiringen: Ein Jahrhundert mitteldeutscher Musik- und Theatergeschichte des Barock (Stadtroda: Emil u. Dr. Edgar Richter, 1931; reprint, Giebing/Obb.: Emil Katzbichler, 1969), p. 150. 2 4 6 These songs are listed in RISMand Samuel, Cantata, pp. 389-93: KK 2448a (Samuel No. 5), KK 2448b (Samuel No. 6), KK 2448c (Samuel No. 7), K 2449/KK 2449 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 275 were written for important events in the lives of prominent Zittau residents, such as mayors, city council members, clergy, or rectors. The occasions for which they were composed included weddings (10), funerals (7), memorial services for Saxon electors (2), and one work for a pupil graduating from the Gymnasium. While Krieger sometimes wrote Lieder for the annual worship service accompanying the city elections (Ratswahl), only the text was printed in the programs for those occasions, and the composer was not credited.2 4 7 Most of these songs are attributed to Krieger, with his name and title prominently displayed on their title pages.2 4 8 Four of the songs also mention Krieger inside the program, above the music. These designations vary from a simple listing of his initials ("Aria J. K.") to his name ("Aria di Joh. Krieger" and "Aria Johann Kriegers") to his full name and title ("Johann Krieger/ Direct. Chor. Music.").2 4 9 Two of these cases are the ones where Weise is mentioned as librettist, and Krieger was careful to make sure his own role as composer was also acknowledged.2 5 0 Two of the songs have been attributed to Krieger even though he is not mentioned as the composer, since the occasions for which they were written (a memorial (Samuel No. 9), KK 2449a (Samuel No. 8), KK 2449b (not cited in Samuel, Cantata), KK 2449c (Samuel No. 11), KK 2449d (Samuel No. 10), KK 2449e (Samuel No. 13), KK 2449f (Samuel No. 14), KK 2449g (Samuel No. 12), K 2450 (Samuel No. 15), KK 2450a (Samuel No. 16), KK 2450b (Samuel No. 17), KK 2450c (Samuel No. 18), KK 2450d (Samuel No. 19), KK 2450e (Samuel No. 21), KK 2450f (Samuel No. 22), KK 2450g (Samuel No. 20), and KK 2450h (Samuel No. 4). 2 4 7 See below, p. 324, for a discussion of this music for elections. 2 4 8 His title is listed on the title pages in several ways: Chor. Mus. Dir. - , Chor. Mus. Direct.; Chor. Mus. Dir. in Zittau-, Chor. Mus. Dir. Zitt.; Chor. Mus. Z[ittau]. Dir.; Chori Mus. Direct.', and Direct. Chor. Music. Krieger's title is included with his name for all but one of the songs (E W K K 2448a). 2 4 9 RISMKK 2450g, KK 2450f, KK 2450e, KK 2450b. 2 5 0 R1SMKK 2450e, KK 2450b. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 276 service for Johann Georg III, elector of Saxony, and a funeral for an unbaptized child) were serious enough to warrant Krieger's attention as the leading musician in the city.2 5 1 Six o f the texts are inspired by Bible passages which are cited and/or quoted on the title page of the song.2 5 2 These Scripture references, however, are not directly quoted in the poems themselves. Christian Weise, as rector of the Gymnasium, is the likely author of all the texts, although his name is mentioned in only two of the programs.2 5 3 His authorship can be verified for seven more of the songs, however, due to their publication in other sources. Six o f these other song texts are in Curidse Gedancken, Weise's discussion of German poetry, and one is in his Zwey Reden.2 5 4 The librettists for the rest of Krieger's Lieder for occasional services are not known. These occasional Lieder, strophic in form, were almost all designated as arias by Krieger himself; a few o f them, however, contained no genre classification at all. Krieger's Lieder included pieces with a wide range of performance forces. Eleven of the twenty occasional Lieder are for four voices (SATB), with no separate staff for continuo or even figured bass symbols above the bass part. These works were probably sung by the Gymnasium choir (“Choro Musico”), as mentioned on the title page of one of the eleven 2iW M K K 2450a, KK 2449d. 2 5 2 RISM K 2449/KK 2449, KK 2449e, KK 2448a, KK 2449a, K 2450, and KK 2450a. 2 5 2 RISM KK 2450b, RISMKK 2450e. 2 5 4 The poems in Weise's Curidse Gedancken which Krieger set to music as occasional Lieder are found on the following pages: 1:383-84 (RISM KK 2449/KK 2449), 1:384-86 (RISMKK 2449d), 1:423-24 (RISMKK 2449f), 1:424-26 (RISMKK 2449g), 1:443 (RISM KK 2448b), and 1:443-45 (RISMKK 2450h). The poem in Weise's M. G. Zwey Reden is given on pp. 74-75 (RISMKK 2450a). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 277 works.2 5 5 In addition to these eleven works for SATB, the other nine occasional Lieder are written for a solo voice (usually soprano but in one case, alto) with instrumental accompaniment. Three of these solo Lieder call for one or more obbligato string instruments and basso continuo, and two of the Lieder contain bassoon in addition to the obbligato strings and continuo. The remaining four solo Lieder are scored for a fairly large ensemble (two violins, two violas, two trumpets, bassoon, timpani, and organ). The instrumental parts are usually employed in ritornellos (called “Rittornello” or “Sinfonia”) between the stanzas, with the singing accompanied only by basso continuo. In three cases, however, the instru ments also introduce the Lied with an independent “Sonata” or “Sinfonia.”2 5 6 In all o f the Lieder with instrumental accompaniment, the continuo part contains figured bass symbols. Krieger wrote most of his occasional Lieder for residents of Zittau, and this music was published there by Michael Hartmann (1650-1733).2 5 7 Two of Krieger's twenty extant Lieder were published outside Zittau, however. "Der Safft tritt in die Baume," a soprano solo written for a wedding in 1691, was published in Dresden by Riedel, the Saxon court printer. Krieger attended the wedding and sang the Lied, as mentioned on the work's title 2 5 5 RISM K 2449/KK 2449. 2 5 6 RISM KK 2449c, KK 2449f, KK 2450d. 2 5 7 Hartmann was born in Bema near Lauban (today Luban, Poland) and trained in Gorlitz. He took over the business of the Zittau printer Johann Caspar Dehne (d. 1671), whose widow he married in 1674. Over time he collected numerous sets o f movable type, including multiple fonts for German and Latin, as well as Greek, Bohemian, and Wendish. Hartmann was joined in 1710 by Christian Stremeln (1674-1741), who had been trained in Dresden by the Saxon court printer Johann Riedel. Hartmann and Stremeln, who married Hartmann's daughter, worked together until the elder man's death in 1733. Hartmann's reputation rested on more than sixty years of service to the scholarly community in Zittau and Upper Lusatia (Oberlausitz), including numerous publications of Weise's works. Details about Hartmann can be found in Otto, Lexikon, 2:29-30; Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:619-21; and Christian Knauthe, Annales Typographici Lusatiae Superioris oder Geschichte der Oberlausitzischen Buchdruckereien (Gorlitz, 1740; reprint, ed. R. Olesch, Slavistische Forschungen, vol. 30, Cologne: Bohlau Verlag, 1980), pp. 70-75. Information about Stremeln is given in Knauth, Annales, pp. 73-75; and Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:617, 621. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. page: "Geschopffet und besungen von Johann Krieger Chor. Mus. Dir. Zitt.” (created and sung by Johann Krieger, civic director of choral music in Zittau).2 5 8 This text, written by Weise, was published two years later in his treatise on poetry, Curidse Gedancken.2 S 9 "Treue Liebe muB bestehen in der siissen Harmonie," with text by Weise and music by Krieger, was published by Conrad Neumann in Hamburg.2 6 0 It was performed at the 1695 wedding of Johann Heinrich Biittner, civic director of choral music in Liineburg, and Anne Catherina Funcke, probably a relative of the Liineburg cantor Friedrich Funcke (1642-99). This occasion gave leading musicians in Liineburg, who likely all attended the wedding, the opportunity to hear a work by Krieger.2 6 1 The title page of this work mentions that Weise sent it from Zittau ("Aus Zittau iibersendet") and that it was "presented as a monument of everlasting affection" ("zum Denckmahl einer immerwahrenden Affection vorgestellet"). Krieger's name does not appear on the title page but rather above the music itself. The 2 5 8 Johann Krieger, Gliickwiintschende Hochzeit-Gedancken ["Der Saffit tritt in die Baume"] iiber den 20. Tag des Jenners Da der Safft wieder in die Baume tritt Bei der Schaffer- undArnoldischen Liebes-Verbindung Aus wohlmeindender schuldigen Congratulation Geschopffet und besungen von Johann Krieger Chor. Mus. Dir. Zitt. (Dresden: Riedel, 1691) (RISM KK 2449c, Samuel No. 12). 2 5 9 Weise, Curidse Gedancken, pp. 424-26. Weise mentions in connection with this Lied that a guest named Fabian Sebastian attended this wedding, but this author has not been able to identify his identity. 2 6 0 Johann Krieger, M. G. Ein Musicalischer Das ist Ein Frolicher Vater-Segen ["Treue Liebe muB bestehen in der siissen Harmonie"] Wird (Tit:) Hrn. Johann Heinrich Biittern Wolbeliebten Directori Chori Musici bei St. Johannis zu Liineburg Als Er Die Wol Erbare Viel-Ehr- und Tugendbegabte Jfr. Annen Catharinen Des Wol-Ehrwiirdigen Grofi- Achtbahren und Wolgelahrten Hrn. Friderici Funccii Wolmeritirten Pastoris in Romstedt Eintzige Jungfer Tochter D. 10. April M DCXCV. sich Ehelich solte beilegen lassen; Aus Zittau iibersendet und zum Denckmahl einer immerwahrenden Affection Vorgestellet von Christian Weisen Gymnas. Red. (Hamburg: Conrad Neumann, 1695) (RISMKK 2450e, Samuel No. 21). 2 6 1 Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxxviii, n. 1. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 279 prominence of Weise's name on the program's title page indicates that the connections between Liineburg and Zittau probably stemmed from Weise rather than Krieger. Published Keyboard Music After the appearance of Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit, more than ten years passed before Krieger published his keyboard collections, the Partien (suites) in 1697 and the Clavier-Ubung (mostly preludes and ricercars/fugues) in 1699.2 6 2 Krieger prepared these two collections for publication at about the same time, for in his foreword to the Partien, he mentions the upcoming appearance of the Clavier-Ubung: Moreover it is undecided whether this modest experiment [the Clavier- Ubung] will be well received by the music-loving public: but inasmuch as I understand that my applied efforts are not completely in vain, then I could publish as soon as possible eight ricercars and with them eight fugues, mostly with three to four subjects and written exactly in such [ricercar] style.2 6 3 Krieger chose Endter of Nuremberg as his publisher. Endter had grown up with Krieger, for the two men were only a year apart in age and had studied music with the same 2 6 2 The first complete edition of the two collections together was published in 1917 by Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 18, pp. 1-74), and this source includes facsimile reproductions o f the collections' title pages, forewords, and, in the case of the Clavier-Ubung, the afterword. A facsimile edition of the Clavier-Ubung appeared in 1997: Johann Krieger, Anmuthige Clavier-Ubung, Performers' Facsimiles 162 (New York: Performers' Facsimiles, [1997]. The most recent complete edition was prepared in 1999: Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger, Samtliche Orgel- und Clavierwerke (Complete Organ and Keyboard Works), eds. Siegbert Rampe and Helene Lerch, 2 vols. (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1999). The best scholarly coverage of Krieger’s keyboard music is by Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 18, pp. xlvii-liv), Riedel (Quellenkundliche Beitrage, pp. 170-73), Thomas (“Keyboard Music”), and the prefaces to Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger, Samtliche Orgel- und Clavierwerke, vols. 1-2. 2 6 3 "Im ubrigen steht es dahin / ob diese geringe Probe von den Liebhabern genehm gehalten werde: Dafern ich aber vernehmen solte / dab meine angewendete Miihe nicht gantz vergebens gewesen / so konten mit ehsten acht Ricercari, nebenst acht Fugen, mehrentheils von drei bib vier Subjectis eben auf solche Manier heraus kommen." Krieger, Partien, p. iv. A facsimile of this passage can be found in DTB, Jg. 18, p. 4. When it was published, the Clavier-Ubung contained five ricercars and seven fugues, as well as nine preludes, two toccatas, a chaconne, and a fantasia. An unlabeled fugue concludes the Toccata in C; if it is included in the tally of fugues, there are eight of them as Krieger described in the passage above. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 280 teachers, Schwemmer and Wecker. In addition, by 1690 Endter had already published three music collections by Johann Philipp Krieger.2 6 4 Mattheson described Endter in the Ehren- Pforte as .. the famous Nuremberg book dealer . . . ,"2 5 5 Krieger described Endter in the foreword to the Partien: "It appears then that the heavens have chosen a man for us who understands both music and the art of printing."2 6 6 Endter was on the forefront of new publishing techniques for music, working closely with Wecker to develop a new method of printing from type.2 6 7 Changes in music printing were sorely needed, since the increasing complexity of music during the seventeenth century was not sufficiently matched by improvements in printing. Movable type was not a good method for printing smaller note values, since beaming was rarely used and flagged notes were difficult for performers to read. Also, the diamond-shaped notes common to this method of printing were not successful for chords in keyboard music. These problems were eventually solved with copper engraving, but this printing method was not employed in 2 6 4 Endter came from a long line of music publishers in Nuremberg, a city known as an important publishing center in the second half of the seventeenth century. W. M. Endter worked as a book printer and dealer, owned a paper mill, and served as the commissioner for foreign book dealers in the city. For information about the Endter family, see Friedrich Oldenbourg, Die Endter:Eine Niimberger Buchhandlerfamilie (1590-1740) (Munich and Berlin: R. Oldenbourg, 1911); and Lore Sporhan-Krempel and Theodor Wohnhaas, "Zum Niimberger Buchhandel und graphischen Gewerbe im 17. Jahrhundert," Archiv fur Geschichte des Buchwesens xiii (1973): 1034-35. Oldenbourg includes an illustration o f W. M. Endter on p. 26. For a list of items published by the Endters, see Theodor Wohnhaas, "Die Endter in Niirnberg als Musikdrucker und Musikverleger," in Quellenstudien zur Musik: Wolfgang Schmieder zum 70. Geburtstag (Frankfurt: C. F. Peters, 1972): 201-4. 1 6 S " ... den beriihmten, nurnbergischen Buchhandler . .. ." Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 391. 2 6 6 "Es scheinet dann es habe uns der Himmel einen Mann ausersehen der zugleich die Music und die Drucker-Kunst verstehet." Krieger, Partien, p. iii. 2 6 7 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, pp. 392-93. The two men knew each other for decades, going back to Endter's days as Wecker's student. As adults, they were close personal friends, and Endter wrote much of the entry for Wecker in the Ehren-Pforte (pp. 390-94). Endter also published Wecker's major music collections. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 281 Germany until late in the century, and even then its use was limited due to its high cost. All of the factors mentioned above caused a marked reduction in the amount of music printed throughout Europe in the seventeenth century.2 6 8 Especially in the second half of the century, therefore, much music circulated in manuscript copies because printing was too difficult, ineffective, or expensive. Krieger himself commented on some of these issues in his foreword to the Partien: "... such things [pieces for keyboard] are entirely too tiresome to copy by hand, copper engravings are much too costly, and also [they] serve only for a single work each time."2 6 9 Wecker and Endter took steps to refine printing from type so that it would be more effective for keyboard music. They reduced the size of the noteheads and rounded their shapes, thus making chords easier to read. They also used beams instead of flags, which assisted the player in more easily reading rhythmic groupings. Their first publication printed with these new methods was Wecker's Geistliche Concerte (1695), followed in 1697 and 1698 with Krieger's two keyboard collections.2 7 0 The advertising for Krieger's Partien in the Leipzig trade fair catalogue specifically mentioned the new printing method: "Johann 2 6 8 This trend is dramatically illustrated in a chart compiled by Lorenzo Bianconi that contains selected publication data for music in seventeenth-century Europe. See Lorenzo Bianconi, Music in the Seventeenth Century, trans. David Bryant (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), p. 76. For more information on manuscript versus printed transmission of music in this era, see Krummacher, Die Uberlieferung, pp. 45-87. 2 6 9 "... dergleichen in Quantitat mit der Feder zu copiren / gar zu miihselig / die Kupfer aber allzu kostbar fallen / und auch nur jedesmal zu einem eintzigen Werck dienen." Krieger, Partien, p. iv. 2 7 0 Georg Caspar Wecker, XVIII. Geistliche Arien auf die vornehmste hohe Fest-Tage im gantzen Jahr samt etlichen andem so bey vorfallenden Kirchen-Solennitaten zu gebrauchen (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Moritz Endter, 1695) (RISM'W 475); two concertos in DTB, Jg. 6/1, pp. 69-79, 80-92. For more information on Wecker and Endter's printing innovations, see Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, pp. 392-93. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 282 Krieger's Sechs musicalische Partien ... printed with newly-invented typeface."2 7 ' Krieger was quite pleased with the way his collection looked, describing the effect of the new printing methods in his foreword to the Partien: "... the musical notes are presented in the same form and shape in print as if they were written by hand [with a pen] or engraved in copper . . . ."2 7 2 Krieger devoted several paragraphs in this foreword to a description of Endter's new printing methods.2 7 3 These innovations did not become far-reaching in scope, however, for over the next decades copper engraving became more common, and clearer forms of typeface printing were developed.2 7 4 Sechs musicalische Partien Krieger finished compiling his Partien in the summer of 1696, as can be seen by the date of the collection's foreword (25 August 1696), and Endter published it in Nuremberg the following year. No doubt in hope of securing sales, Krieger dedicated the collection to the Schdnerischer Collegium Musicum in Nuremberg, an organization for amateur musicians; presumably, he had maintained contacts originally forged there during his youth and/or his stay there in the 1670s. Krieger wrote the suites in this collection with non professional players in mind, which also shows his concern for marketing the publication. The contents of the collection were intended for use in the home, since the title page 2 7 1 "Johann Krugers sechs Musicalische Partien ... mit neu inventirten Noten gedruckt." Catalogus Universalis, (1696), p. 32. 2 7 2 "... die Musicalischen Noten in selbiger Form und Gestalt in Druck vorzustellen / als wann sie mit der Feder geschrieben oder in Kupfer gestochen waren . ..." Krieger, Partien, p. iii. 2 7 3 See Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger {Samtliche Orgel- und Clavierwerke, p. xxxi) for a discussion of the new printing method and for translated excerpts from Krieger's foreword. 2 7 4 Eitner, "Johann Krieger," 131-32; and Stanley Boorman, "§I. Printing," The New Grove II, 20:337-38. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 283 mentions the spinet [small harpsichord] and the clavichord. In his foreword to the Partien, Krieger states that the pieces are not too difficult and that the collection included fashionable French dances that would be more popular than serious art pieces.2 7 5 Krieger also used the current popularity of Italian music in Germany at this time as a means to sell his collection by having the foreword printed in Italian as well as German.2 7 6 Krieger's collection was part of a new trend in music publishing that emphasized keyboard music for amateur players. Riedel describes this change as starting in 1689 with Kuhnau's Neuer Clavier Ubung/ Erster Teil, and continuing with similar publications of music by Johann Jacob Froberger (1616- 67), Johann Caspar Ferdinand Fischer (d. 1746) and Krieger. By 1700, most purchasers of keyboard music were amateurs, not professionals.2 7 7 The organization of Krieger's collection is described in its title: Johann Krieger's Six Musical Partitas consisting o f Allemandes, Correntes, Sarabands, Doubles, and Gigues along with assorted Bourrees, Minuets, and Gavottes; [for] all lovers o f the keyboard to be played on a spinet [small harpsichord] or clavichord [and] set in a singing style.™ All of the suites include an allemande, corrente, saraband, and gigue, with a double variation of the saraband sometimes placed before the gigue.2 7 9 The suites do not have preludes, although the first one begins with a fantasy, which serves to open the entire collection. This 2 7 S Krieger, Partien, p. iv. 2 7 6 Riedel (Quellenkundliche Beitrage, p. 14, n. 21) cites this foreword but incorrectly attributes it as the foreword to Krieger's Clavier-Ubung (which is only written in German). 2 7 7 Riedel, Quellenkundliche Beitrage, pp. 15, 53, 177. The trend toward increased sales to amateurs was especially strong in central Germany (Ibid., p. 165). 2 7 8 Johann Kriegers Sechs Musicalische Partien, bestehende in Allemanden, Courenten, Sarabanden, Doublen und Giquen, nebst eingemischten Boureen, Minuetten und Gavotten, alien Liebhabern des Claviers/ auf einem Spinet oder Clavichordio zu spielen/ nach einer arieusen manier aufgesetzt. 2 7 9 This order was standard for suites in late seventeenth-century and early eighteenth-century Germany. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 284 fantasy's length and independence make it unlikely that Krieger intended it to be performed as part of the first suite.2 8 0 Krieger's inclusion of the Italian corrente, in quick triple time, rather than the more stately French courante is a sign of the popularity o f Italian music in his day. Several of the suites have between one and four dances after the gigue (menuet, bourree, gavotte, rondeau), but these movements are not meant to be played with the suite, since most of these extra dances are in keys than those of the suites to which they are attached. Krieger mentions in the foreword to the collection that these pieces are intended to round out the pages in the collection: "Where some space or room occurs, I have filled the same with a few minuets, bourrees, and gavottes . . . ,"2 8 1 The Partien were not as popular with the public as Krieger and Endter had hoped. Endter wrote in his afterword to the Clavier-Ubung that he was perplexed at the poor sales of the Partien, especially among the members of the Schdnerischer Collegium Musicum to whom it was dedicated. The poor sales of the Partien contributed to their narrow dissemination and the scarcity of copies surviving today.2 8 2 While Krieger's music itself may have been unpopular, it is also possible that the Partien did not sell well because the market for amateur keyboard music was already flooded. Several collections by other composers had sold in large numbers in the years before the publication of Krieger's Partien. These included Kuhnau's Neue Clavier Ubung (Part 1, 1689; Part 2, 1692) and their subsequent 2 8 0 Apel, The History, p. 663. 2 8 1 "Wo einig Spatium oder Raum vorgefallen / hab ich selbigen mit etlichen Menuetten / Bureen und Gavotten erfullet...." Krieger, Partien, p. iv. For more discussion of these extra dances, see Thomas, “Keyboard Music,” pp. 217-18, 243-45. 2 8 2 Besides the five exemplars listed in RISM (K 2451), a copy that was formerly in Berlin's Joachimsthalschen Gymnasium is now located in Krakow at the Biblioteka Jagiellonska (Mus. ant. pract. K325). Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxv, n. 6) also mentions an exemplar in a library in Hamburg, which Samuel (Cantata, p. 388) specifies as the Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 285 editions in 1692 (Part 1), 1695 (Parts I and II), and 1696 (Part 2); posthumous collections of J. J. Froberger's suites published in 1693, 1696, and 1697, with a subsequent edition of the 1693 collection issued in 1695; and J. C. F. Fischer's Pieces de clavessin (1696), which were so successful that they were published again only two years later as Musicalisches Blumen-Buschlein.2 8 3 Anmuthige Clavier-Ubung Krieger and Endter continued with their original plan to publish a second collection of keyboard music, in hopes of recovering financially from the debts incurred with the Partien. By the end of 1698, Krieger had completed the composition of the Clavier-Ubung, signing the foreword on 20 December 1698. It was then advertised in the Spring 1699 trade fair catalogs for both Frankfurt and Leipzig.2 8 4 Endter felt strongly that the quality of Krieger's music justified the risk of its publication, as he states in the collection's afterword: ... in composition [Krieger] is one of the most famous artists, the likes of which are rare in the Holy Roman Empire, and the majority of those who are acquainted with and love keyboard instruments and music will want to highly treasure and praise his unusual inventions and wonderful compositions.2 8 5 2 8 3 Johann Kuhnau, Neuer Clavier Ubung (Leipzig, 1689 [part 1] and 1692 [part 2]; reprint, ed. Laura Alvini, Firenze: Studio per edizioni scelte, 1996) (RISMK 2982-90, KK 2982a, KK 2987); Johann Jacob Froberger, Diverse ingegnosissime, rarissime & non mai piii viste curiose partite (Mainz: Ludwig Bourgeat, 1693; reprint, Diverse—partite, ed. Robert Hill, 17th century keyboard music, vol. 4, New York: Garland, 1988) (R1SMF 2026- 29); Idem, Divese [sic] curiose e rare partite musicali (Mainz: Ludwig Bourgeat, 1696; reprint, Diverse—partite (RISMF 2030); Idem, 10 Suittes de clavessin (Amsterdam: Pierre Mortier, [c. 1697]; reprint of 2d ed. [c. 1710], Diverse— partite) (RISMF 2033); Johann Caspar Ferdinand Fischer, Les pieces de clavessin (Schlackenwerth, 1696; reprint, Samtliche Werke fur Klavier und Orgel, ed. Ernst von Werra, Leipzig, 1901; reprint, Wiesbaden: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1984) (RISMFF 979a); Idem, Musicalisches Blumen-Buschlein [2d edition of Les pieces de clavessin], Augsburg, 1698; reprint, Performers' Facsimiles, vol. 196, New York: Performers' Facsimiles, 1997) (RISMF 980). 2 M Cata'logus Universalis, (1699), p. 23; and Gohler, Verzeichnis, p. 46. 2 S 5 "... von der Composition eines so hochberuhmten Kunstlers ist / dessengleichen wir im Romischen Reich wenig haben / und der sonsten von alien des Claviers und der Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 286 While the praise in this statement may be partly a function of Endter's need to advertise, his faith in Krieger's music is evident from his willingness to risk the publication of the Clavier- Ubung despite losses from the Partien. Krieger dedicated the Clavier-Ubung to a series of individual patrons, most of whom were important figures in Zittau (including mayors, members of the city council, the head pastor, and the rector o f the Gymnasium).2 8 6 Krieger also reached beyond Zittau in his dedications, choosing in addition a government official in Gorlitz and three individuals in Nuremberg. One of the Nuremberg dedicatees was Georg Friedrich Niimberger, a mint- master ("wohlbestallten Miintzmeistern in Niirnberg"), who came from a musical family and maintained membership in the Kauffmannischer Collegium Musicum, another amateur musical group in Nuremberg.2 8 7 While it appears that Krieger prepared this entire collection for publication in a very short span of time, in actuality he composed many of the pieces much earlier. Seiffert describes a manuscript source of Krieger's fugues, "XV Fugues pour L'Orgue par Mr. Krieger," that was signed "Johann Krieger 1680"; according to Seiffert, the contents of this Music Verstandigen und Liebhabem / um seiner raren Inventionen und herrlichen Composition willen / hochgeschatzet und gepriesen wird." Krieger, Clavier-Ubung, afterword. 2 8 6 The patrons for Krieger's Clavier-Ubung included Johann Jacob von Hartig (1639- 1718), who served several terms as Zittau's mayor. Hartig, bom in Althornitz near Zittau, studied in Zittau and Leipzig and received his early music instruction from Andreas Hammerschmidt. During extensive travels abroad, Hartig studied music with Carissimi, Rosenmiiller, Lully, and Gautier. Hartig was a composer, keyboard player, and master lutenist, and he maintained a collection of instruments. For more information on Hartig, see Otto, Lexikon, 2:22-24; Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:732; Gondolatsch, "Die musikalische Beziehungen ... Leipzig," 461; and Curt Reinhardt, "Johann Jakob von Hartig und Ehrenfried Walther von Tschimhaus," Neues Lausitzischer Magazin 106 (1930): 11-28. 2 8 7 More information about this group and its members can be found in Wagner, "Beitrage," p. 150. Johann Philipp Krieger dedicated his collection Lustige Feldmusik (1704) to the Kauffmannischer Collegium Musicum. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 287 manuscript included all the ricercars and fugues that were later published in the Clavier- Ubung,2 8 8 There is evidence from Mattheson that Krieger was busy composing ricercars during his 1677 stay in Nuremberg, some or all of which may have appeared in the 1680 manuscript and subsequently in the Clavier-Ubung.2 8 9 Krieger's interest in keyboard writing can also be dated by a manuscript (Kodex E. B. 1688) that contains several his works, five of which can be dated to 1683 or 1684.2 9 0 While none of the pieces in this manuscript is repeated in the Clavier-Ubung, their style is similar to that found in the Clavier-Ubung, thus increasing the likelihood that the contents of the Clavier-Ubung were written long before their publication in 1699. Krieger was well known for his interest in fugues, and Weise singled out this genre in a poem he wrote for the composer's 1686 wedding: "On the other hand, everything in Zittau will also ring when Krieger's art appears in every fugue."2 9 1 The title Clavier-Ubung was not new to Krieger, for Kuhnau first used it for his two collections of partitas, the Neuer Clavier-Ubung (Part 1, 1689, and Part 2, 1692). J. S. Bach 2 8 8 Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 18, pp. 1 , lviii. Seiffert located this source in the Institut fur Kirchenmusik in Berlin (Ms. H 5753). This author could not locate this manuscript, which was probably moved or destroyed in World War II. See also Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger, Samtliche Orgel- und Clavierwerke, 1 :xxxiv-xxxv. 2 8 9 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 151. 2 9 0 New Haven, Library of the Yale Music School, Kodex E. B. 1688 (Samuel No. 38). For a discussion of this manuscript, see Riedel (Quellenkundliche Beitrage, pp. 99-105, 171-72) and Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger {Samtliche Orgel- und Clavierwerke, 2:lvi- lviii). The pieces by Krieger in this source were published in 1960 and again in 1999: Johann Krieger, Praludien und Fugen, ed. Friedrich Weilhelm Riedel, Die Orgel, Series 1, Werke alter Meister, Nr. 3 (Lippstadt: Kistner & Siegel, 1960); Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger, Samtliche Orgel- und Clavierwerke, vol. 2. 2 9 1 "Hingegen wird auch hier in Zittau alles klingen/ Nachdem sich Kriegers Kunst in alle Fugen schickt." Christian Weise, M G. Weissenfelsische/Zittauische undMusicalische Freundschaffts-Gedancken/Als Das/ Gott gebe/allzeit gesegnete Krieger- und Forsterische Hochzeit-Fest/Mit angenehmer Vergniigung/ Den 18. Novem.br. M D C LXXXVI. in Zittau Vollzogen ward; Frolich und Gluckwunschend erdffnet/ Von Christian Weisen/ R[ector] (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1686); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zitt. 29a (#154). This poem was reprinted in Weise, Curiose Gedancken, 2:147-51. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 288 used the title Clavier-Ubung several decades later, following Kuhnau's and Krieger's concept of the term by emphasizing partitas (like Kuhnau) and also including many other types of keyboard pieces in his collection (like Krieger).2 9 2 Unlike most publications of this era, the Clavier-Ubung contains a wide variety of genres: prelude (9), fugue (7), ricercar (5), toccata (2), fantasy (1), and chaconne (1). The pieces in Krieger's Clavier-Ubung are mostly preludes and contrapuntal movements (fugues and ricercars), most of which are paired. In this way, Krieger's collection foreshadows J. C. F. Fischer's Ariadne musica (1702 and 1715) and J. S. Bach's Das wohltemperirte Clavier (Part 1, 1722; Part 2, 1738-1742).2 9 3 The number of keys for such matched sets in Krieger's Clavier-Ubung is eight, with the following keys included: C, d, e, F, G, g, a, and B flat. While this key scheme involves fewer keys than the number found in Fischer's or Bach's later collections (nineteen and twenty-four matched sets in different keys, respectively), Krieger has taken care to include at least one matched set for each diatonic scale degree. Krieger's Clavier-Ubung received outstanding praise from his contemporaries. In the journal Critica Musica, Mattheson referred to Krieger's music in the Clavier-Ubung: "These fugues by Herr J. Krieger are unrivalled."2 9 4 Mattheson also lauded Krieger's fugues 2 9 2 Johann Sebastian Bach, Clavier-Ubung (Leipzig, 1731 [part 1]; Leipzig: Christoph Weigel, 1735 [part 2]; Leipzig, 1739 [part 3]; Nuremberg: Balthasar Schmids, 1741-42 [part 4]; reprint, Neue Ausgabe Samtlicher Werke, ed. Johann-Sebastian-Bach-Institut Gottingen and Bach-Archiv Leipzig, series IV, vol. 2; series V, vols. 1-2, Kassel: Barenreiter, 1954- ) (R1SMB 476ff). See Christoph Wolff, "The Clavier-Ubung Series," in Bach: Essays, 189- 90. 2 9 3 Johann Caspar Ferdinand Fischer, Ariadne musica neo-organoedum (Schlackenwerth, 1702; Augsburg, 1715); reprint, Samtliche Werke fur Klavier und Orgel, ed. Ernst von Werra, Leipzig, 1901; reprint, Wiesbaden: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1984) (RISM F 982, F 983); and Johann Sebastian Bach, "Das wohltemperirte Clavier," 2 vols., 1722, 1738- 42; reprint, Neue Bach Ausgabe, series V, vol. 6 (BWV). 2 9 4 "Es ist was unvergleichliches um diese Fugen des Herm J. Kriegers." Mattheson, Critica Musica, 2:222. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 289 in Der vollkommene Capellmeister, making reference to their emphasis on counterpoint rather than the more modern galant style: This man's worth is that one can remember him as among the best and most thorough contrapuntists of this century, and anyone who has the opportunity to analyze his fugues will derive great gain from them; although the so- called gallantry may not be so abundant as the strength of the phrases encountered in them. One cannot live both in the present and the past.2 9 5 The theorist Christopher Raupach (1686-1744), who worked as organist in Stralsund, used Krieger's music as teaching material and in performance. It is likely that the music he mentioned came from Krieger's two published keyboard collections.2 9 6 It is possible, however, that he knew Krieger's work through manuscript copies. For example, many of Krieger's keyboard works from the Clavier-Ubung survive in manuscript copies, attesting to the interest they raised among his contemporaries.2 9 7 Even in the late eighteenth century, Johann Georg Sulzer included J. S. Bach, Jean-Henri d'Anglebert, Johann Jacob Froberger, Johann Krieger, and Arcangelo Corelli in a list of composers skilled in contrapuntal 2 9 5 "Es ist dieser Mann werth, daB man ihn unter die besten und griindlichsten Contrapunctisten dieses Jahrhunderts zum Andencken mit obenansetze, und wer Gelegenheit hat, seine Fugen zu untersuchen, wird grossen Nutzen daraus schopffen; obschon die sogenannte Galanterie nicht so reichlich, als die Festigkeit der Satze darin anzutreffen sein mogte." Mattheson, Der vollkommene Kapellmeister, p. 442. 2 9 6 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, pp. 282-83. Christopher Raupach had ties to Zittau through his father, George Raupach (d. 1700). The elder Raupach was born in Kauffung near Liegnitz (now Legnica, Poland), which is in Upper Lusatia (Oberlausitz). As a young man, George Raupach very likely studied in Zittau with Andreas Hammerschmidt; he was eventually named organist in Tondem (today Tonder in Denmark), where his son Christopher Raupach was born in 1686. The younger Raupach worked as organist in Stralsund for most of his career and was known as a music theorist, as well. Ibid., p. 282; "Raupach (Christoph)," in Grosses Universal Lexicon, 30:1136; and Geoffrey Norris and Klaus-Peter Koch, "Raupach," The New Grove II, 20:856. 2 9 7 For more information, see Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger, Samtliche Orgel- und Clavierwerke, l:xxxiii. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 290 writing.2 9 8 For each of these composers, Sulzer cited one or more of their works as examples, and for Krieger he cited the entire Clavier-Ubung. Krieger's music, especially the Clavier-Ubung, seems to have played an important role in Handel's musical training. When Handel moved from Hanover to London, his belongings included a copy of Krieger's Clavier-Ubung, which was one of the few German music collections that he brought to England. Handel eventually gave both the Clavier- Ubung and an autograph manuscript of one of his own works to an acquaintance (Bernard Granville), who wrote in the manuscript: This original [manuscript] is of Mr. G: F: Handells own Hand Writing Given by him to Mr. Bernard Granville .... The Printed Book [Krieger's Clavier-Ubung] is by one of the Celebrated organ-Players of Germany; Mr. Handel in his youth formed Him Self a good deal on His Plan & said that Krieger was one of the best writers of His time for the Organ, & to Form a good Player, but the Clavichord must be made use of by a beginner, instead of Organ, or Harpsichord.2 9 9 Handel also learned Krieger's music from a handwritten notebook dated 1698, which the younger composer had mostly copied personally. Most of the pieces in the collection were vocal and instrumental works by late seventeenth-century composers, who like Krieger, came from central and southern Germany. The notebook, which is unfortunately now lost, was described in 1799 as containing "exercises" and "scientific" works (i.e., contrapuntal works) that were possibly assigned to Handel by his teacher Zachau.3 0 0 It is almost certain, 2 9 8 Sulzer, Allgemeine Theorie, pp. 637-38. The composers are listed in the order that Sulzer cited them. 2 9 9 Donald Burrows and Martha J. Ronish, A Catalogue o f Handel's Musical Autographs (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), p. 267. 3 0 0 Robert Hill, "'Der Himmel weiss, wo diese Sachen hingekommen sind': Reconstructing the Lost Keyboard Notebooks of the Young Bach and Handel," in Bach, Handel, Scarlatti: Tercentenary Essays, ed. Peter Williams (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1985): 167-71. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 291 therefore, that Krieger's music in this notebook was contrapuntal in nature, making the Clavier-Ubung a possible source.3 0 1 Despite the praise the Clavier-Ubung received from Krieger's peers, the collection did not sell very well.3 0 2 The collection's title, with its emphasis on the organ, may have discouraged amateurs, who made up most of the commercial audience and tended to play harpsichord or clavichord. The collection was also learned and somewhat old-fashioned, as noted by Mattheson in the quotation above, and these qualities made it less attractive to amateurs. Its retrospective nature is not surprising, considering its emphasis on counterpoint and the fact that Krieger wrote much of the music more than fifteen years before its publication. 3 0 1 Handel's contacts with Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger and their music were greatly facilitated by the close proximity of WeiBenfels to Halle, Handel's home until 1703. His father made the twenty-mile trip to WeiBenfels every two weeks to fulfill his duties as surgeon to the duke. In addition, Handel's father had known some of the WeiBenfels musicians since the 1670s, when the court had been located in Halle. In addition, the Handels were distantly related to the Kriegers. All of these factors surely gave the younger Handel abundant opportunities to experience musical life at the WeiBenfels court. See John Butt, "Germany—Education and Apprenticeship," in The Cambridge Companion to Handel, ed. Donald Burrows, Cambridge Companions to Music (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1997): 15-16. Not only would Handel have heard cantatas performed in the court chapel, but it is quite possible that he studied a particular cantata by Johann Krieger, Gelobet sey der Herr, which Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 6/1, p. xl) identified as a manuscript copy made by Zachau. According to J. P. Krieger's catalog, this cantata had been first performed in WeiBenfels in 1689, only four years after Handel's birth. Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxxv. 3 0 2 The small number of copies surviving today points to a narrow dissemination. Besides the exemplars listed in RISM(K 2452, KK 2452 and K 2453), an additional one can be found today in the music library of the Gemeente Museum in The Hague, Netherlands (call number 27 A 54 kluis and RISM Nr. 88479). A manuscript copy o f the Fugue in D Major (Clavier-Ubung, no. 19), in J. G. Walther's hand, was destroyed in World War II, but a modern edition of it survives in DTB, Jg. 18, pp. 193-98. (Seiffert discusses the attribution of this work in DTB, Jg. 18, pp. lii-liii.) Other manuscript copies of pieces from the Clavier- Ubung are listed in Samuel's entry for the collection (Cantata, pp. 388-89); the call number for Mus. ms. 6715, however, has been changed to Am. B. 448, and this manuscript is now housed in the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz. See also Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger, Samtliche Orgel- und Clavierwerke, 1 :xxxii-xxxiv. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The Clavier-Ubung was the last music collection that Krieger published. Despite the poor sales of his three collections, he still wanted to publish more of his music, as can be seen in a letter he wrote to Mattheson on 15 April 1716: If my publisher ... had not leased out the printing business, then perhaps [I] would have progressed with my work: in which case then I would have still wanted to allow some pieces to appear [in print]. Until now it had not occurred to me to risk publishing them myself. Because, however, one of my sons [Adolph Gottlob] ... would like, after my death, to still share the remainder [of my music] with the world, as I have gathered without doubt a great quantity of partitas, chorales, and other sorts of pieces.3 0 3 Self-publishing was a risky undertaking in the early eighteenth century, as Krieger mentions in this passage.3 0 4 The financial outlay was high, and sales were in no way guaranteed. In addition, there was little protection against others marketing the works as their own, which Krieger knew from personal experience.3 0 5 Johann Philipp Krieger, who had more resources than his brother, attempted self-publication only one time with the collection Musicalischer Seelen-Friede .3 0 6 3 0 3 "Wenn mein Herr Verleger, schreibt er, die Buchdruckerei nicht verpachtet hatte, so ware vieleicht mit meiner Arbeit fortgefahren worden: da ich denn noch etliche Sachen hatte wollen ans Licht treten lassen. Der Selbstverlag ist mir bisher nicht in den Sinn kommen, daB ich es damit hatte wagen sollen. Weil aber einer meiner Sohne [Adolph Gottlob] ... so mag er, nach meinem Tode das noch ubrige der Welt mittheilen: indem ich sicherlich eine grosse Menge von Partien, Choralen, und andern Gattungen beisammen habe &c." Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, pp. 152-53. Krieger refers in this passage to his publisher being out of the printing business. In 1717, W. M. Endter turned his firm over to his son-in- law, who had already been working for him for some time. Oldenbourg, Die Endter, p. 27; and Christoph Petzsch, "Endter," in Neue deutsche Biographie (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1953-77), 5:498. 3 0 4 For information on self-publication in this era, see Riedel, Quellenkundliche Beitrage, p. 53; and Krummacher, Die Uberlieferung, pp. 61-62. 3 0 5 See above, p. 36. 3 0 6 Johann Philipp Krieger, Musicalischer Seelen-Friede, Publiciret, In teutschen und lateinischen Psalmen, Wie auch andern Texten, Bestehend In zwantzig Stucken, a 3. Voce Sola, Mit ein und zwey Violinen, Theils obligat theils aber beneplacito, Meistens zu alien Zeiten zu gebrauchen, GOtt zu Ehren und dem Nachsten zur Ubung der Gottseligkeit, Von Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 293 It is possible, however, that the limited commercial success of Krieger's three collections and the financial risks of self-publication were not the only reasons that he ceased publishing his music. At the same time that he was finishing work on his last publication, the Clavier-Ubung, his responsibilities in Zittau increased with the addition of the organist duties at Saints Peter and Paul. This new position surely added a great deal of time to an already heavy workload. It is not surprising that Krieger's publication of occasional Lieder for funerals, weddings, and other occasions, which range in date from 1684 until 1697, also ceased at about this time. PERSONAL LIFE An account of Krieger's marriage, family life, and death is valuable, not only from a biographical perspective, but also as documentation of musical and religious life in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Germany. The relatively rigid class structure of this era dictated many aspects of personal life. Besides regulations concerning everyday life, such as clothing and job duties, restrictions based on social class also applied to such special events as weddings, baptisms, and funerals. Music, almost always present at such occasions, was also strictly regulated.3 0 7 Wedding Krieger probably met his future wife, Martha Sophia Forster (1663-1738), not long after his 1682 arrival in Zittau, for by 1684 he was seriously contemplating marriage. Weise makes reference to Krieger's future nuptials in a poem written on the occasion of Johann Johann Philipp Krieger, Fiirstlicher Sachsischer Capell-Meister zu Weissenfels. In Verlegung des Authoris (Nurnberg, 1697); Zurich, Zentralbibliothek, AMG XIII 146 and 146 a-c (RISM K 2455). Only selected cantatas from this collection have been published in modern editions. 3 0 7 A regulated system of social classes was not unique to Zittau. See Buelow ("Protestant North Germany," 202-3) for a description o f this system in Lubeck. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 294 Philipp's wedding in WeiBenfels on 25 May 1684: "Thus here [in Zittau] his brother [Johann] considers imitating the decision ... And if [Johann Philipp] meets with heaven's favor there by the Saale, so the same luster may also turn toward the Neisse."3 0 8 The words "imitating the decision" refer to Johann following Johann Philipp's example and getting married. The two brothers are designated in this poem by the rivers in the cities where they worked— the Saale in WeiBenfels and the Neisse in Zittau. Johann Krieger married his bride two and a half years later on 18 November 1686.3 0 9 Martha Forster came from Lobau, a sister city of Zittau in the six-city economic union (Sechsstadtebund). Her father was Gottfried Forster (1635-83), a native of Zittau who worked as a licensed doctor and medical officer in Lobau. He was also employed as the personal physician to the count of Gallasch. Her mother was Marien Forster, whose maiden name was Taunin.3 1 0 Weise wrote a congratulatory poem for Krieger's wedding, just as he had done two years earlier for Johann Philipp's ceremony.3 1 1 From the poem's title, it appears that Weise might have recited it to open the wedding reception: "Wedding celebration ... opened happily and with congratulations by Christian Weise" ("Hochzeit-Fest... Frolich und 3 0 8 "So denkt sein Bruder hier den Rath-SchluB nachzuahmen/... Und wenn des Himmels Gunst der Saale dort begegnet/ DaB sich dergleichen Schein auch zu der Neisse lenkt." Weise, Musicalische ... Gedcmcken, p. 3; and Weise, Curiose Gedancken, 1:336. This passage is also quoted in Werner, Stadtischen ... Weissenfels, p. 80. 3 0 9 Weise, M. G. Weissenfelsische ... Freundschaffis-Gedancken, p. i. According to the Zittau church records ("Traubuch Zittau"), the date of the proclamation was the 22nd Sunday after Trinity, 1686. 3 1 0 Miiller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 4; Carpzov, Analecta, 3:132; and "Krieger," [c. 1726-35], in "Collectanea," A58. The dating of this second document, a genealogical chart on the Krieger family, can be determined from biographical information about the people described in it. This source also gives Martha Krieger's birthdate as 6 February 1663. 3 1 1 Weise, M G. Weissenfelsische ... Freundschajfts-Gedancken\ Weise, Curiose Gedancken, 2:147-51. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 295 Gluckwiinschend eroffnet/ Von Christian Weisen"). Within the poem, Weise refers to the new organ in St. John and to Krieger's musical abilities. One passage reads: Everything is new to him: the organ displays its pipes While the shiny lustre laughs from golden boughs: There he will approach his keyboard with such power Which will still make new ventures in the manner of the old art.3 1 2 Apart from Weise's poem, exact details about Krieger's wedding ceremony and reception are not known. Some information, however, can be assumed based on the city's regulations for weddings. The Zittau Hochzeit-Ordnung of 1616 was reissued forty-seven times, so it was likely still in force at the time of Krieger's wedding.3 1 3 According to this document, wedding festivities lasted for three days. Children and servants were not allowed to attend, and the price for the bride's floral headpiece was strictly regulated.3 1 4 Carpzov mentions twelve large pews or chairs (“Stuhle”) near the altar, which were reserved for wedding guests. The amount and type of music at weddings was regulated by the government according to social class. Most wedding services probably included organ music, for the 1735 contract for Krieger's successor Hartwig specifies his pay for playing organ at weddings.3 1 5 The choice of organs (large, old, or small) was likely a function o f the bride 3 1 2 "Es wird ihm alles neu: die Orgel zeigt die Pfeiffen/ Indem der blancke Glantz aus giildnen Zweigen lacht: Da wird Er Sein Clavier mit solcher Krafft begreiffen/ Die nach der alten Kunst doch neue Proben macht." Weise, M G. Weissenfelsische ... Freundschaffts-Gedancken, p. 2; Weise, Curiose Gedancken, 2:149. "Golden boughs" refers to the gilded decoration on the organ, while the phrase "in the manner of the old art" is likely describing Krieger's contrapuntal abilities. 3 1 3 Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:380. The text of this document can be found in Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:704-6. 31 4 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:719. 3 1 5 "Instruction ... Harttwig," fol. 8v, Rep. VII Cap. I/laN o. 9 (Fach 756). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 296 and groom's social class. Hartwig's contract also mentions that the organist played both before and after the wedding ("Orgelschlagens vor und nach der Trauung").3 1 6 For higher social classes, additional vocal or instrumental music was allowed. While most of Krieger's extant music for weddings consists of strophic Lieder, in some cases the music was more elaborate. For example, the Gymnasium choir and/or the civic musicians performed in some weddings.3 1 7 In one instance, Krieger even wrote music for a Singspiel that was performed at a 1688 wedding reception.3 1 8 The libretto of this work features a chorus and four soloists (Flora, Amor, Zephyrus, and Boreas). According to the title page, Krieger participated as a singer ("... besungen von Johann Krieger"). For Krieger's own wedding, there is evidence in Weise's wedding poem that a vocal solo took place, which indicates he belonged to one of the higher social classes.3 1 9 Weise's poem contains the following lines that mention the solo and also compare Krieger's love of his wife and of music: "After the prelude, the assistant [adjunct] will sing ... But behold, Herr Krieger wants in Forster's love to find whatever should serve him even further towards sweet art."3 2 0 3 1 6 Ibid., fol. 6v. 3 1 7 "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:250; "Instruction ... Schubert," fols. 4v-5v, Rep. Ha Cap. VI Loc. b6 No. 1. The first source refers to the choir, while the second source is the 1717 contract for Christian Schubert, the leader of the civic musicians. 3 1 8 Johann Krieger, M. G. Der Amandus Tag/ Welcher sonsten Den Winter ankiindiget/ und die Blumen verjaget; Gleichwohl aber anjetzo Bei der Hartig- und Butschkischen Vermahlung/ Mitten im Winter Zu allerhand angenehmen Blumen die Hoffnung macht. Wird Den 26. Octobr. M D C LXXXVIII. In einer Gluckwunschenden Taffel-Musick/Erfreulich besungen von Johann Kriegern/ Chor. Mus. Dir. (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1688); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zitt. 29a. 3 1 9 At his death in 1735, Krieger received a Quasi burial, which placed him in the second-highest rank of six social classes in Zittau. See discussion below on p. 301. 3 2 0 "Nach dem Prsembul wird der Adjuvante singen/... Doch seht/ Herr Krieger will in Forsters-Liebe finden/ Was Ihm zur siissen Kunst noch ferner dienen sol." Weise, M. G. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 297 Wedding receptions were also strictly regulated by social class. The manner in which beer and wine were served, the number of guests, and the size of the house party (friends of the bride who helped serve) were all specified in the wedding statutes. The second social class, to which Krieger belonged, was allowed five tables of guests and twelve members of the house party (“Jungfrauen”). Monetary penalties were exacted for disobeying the rules, especially if a family threw a bigger wedding than their social class warranted. Ostensibly, the reason for the restrictions was to prevent poorer people from going into debt in an attempt to imitate the wealthy.3 2 1 The civic musicians were often hired to play for wedding receptions, which provided a significant part of their income. It was customary for the city council to give a wedding bonus to employees, and the church records show that Krieger received three rtl. and eight canisters o f wine on the day of his wedding.3 2 2 The next Sunday, which was the twenty-second Sunday after Trinity, the Krieger/Forster marriage was announced from the pulpit.3 2 3 Children and Baptisms Krieger and his wife lived into advanced age, and their marriage lasted nearly fifty years before he died in 1735. Their nine children included three who died in infancy and six who lived to adulthood. Krieger seems to have taken an interest in the education of his sons, for three of them studied law and presumably received assistance from their father to do so. Two of Krieger's children achieved prominence in their careers, which are described below. ... Freundschaffts-Gedancken, pp. 2-3; Weise, Curiose Gedancken, 2:150. The adjunct was one of two student leaders in the Gymnasium choir (see discussion above, p. 151). 3 2 1 Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:719. 3 2 2 "Raytung iiber Einnahme und Auflgabe," 7:24-25 (18 November 1686), Rep. VII Cap. I/la No. 47 (Fach M). Johann Ratzel, who performed maintenance on Zittau's organ, was also given a wedding bonus (2 rtl.) in 1691. Ibid., 12:31 (160ctober 1691). 3 2 3 Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxv. Seiffert does not cite his source. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 298 Most of this biographical information is drawn from the Zittau church records, Krieger's funeral bulletin, and a contemporary genealogical chart.3 2 4 Christian Philipp (born 26 February 1692, baptized 27 February 1692, died in Wagen 28 November 1746) was a godson of Weise. He studied first in Wittenberg around 1712 and then continued his education in Leipzig. Next he worked as the secretary for the count of Nalle and also as an attorney in Hamburg.3 2 5 At the time Johann Krieger's funeral bulletin was written (1735), Christian Philipp was employed in Hamburg as a lawyer and as the royal secretary of the Wiirtemmberg court, a position which he still held at the time of his death.3 2 6 In 1721, Mattheson published a poem by Christian Philipp in his Das forschende Orchestre.3 2 7 Mattheson thought highly of Christian Philipp Krieger, describing him in the Ehren-Pforte as a famous lawyer and a man of uncommon merit ("Ein Mann von ungemeinen Verdiensten").3 2 8 Christian Philipp and Mattheson surely knew each other personally, for both men spent much of their careers in Hamburg. 3 2 4 "Taufbuch Zittau," 1692 and 1698; "Begrabnisbuch Zittau," 1738; Muller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 3; and "Krieger," in "Collectanea," A58. 3 2 S “Krieger,” in "Collectanea," A58. 3 2 6 A funeral bulletin for Christian Philipp Krieger is extant: D. C. Herold, Bei dem schmertzhafften Hintritte des Hochedelgebohren / Hochgelahrten und sehr beriihmten Herrn Christian Philipp Krieger/ Dero zu Wurtenberg-Ols Hochfurstlichen Durchlauchtigkeiten Regierungs-Secretarii und in der Kaiserlichen freien Reichs-Stadt Hamburg wohlverdienten Rechts-Consulenten, uberreichte diese wenige Zeilen Der / iiber den Todt Ihrer beiden Herren Briider Leidtragenden und hochstgebeugten anwesenden Jungfer Schwester/ ein dem hochbetriibten Trauer-Hause ([Hamburg]: Siilau, 1746); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Kapsel Zitt. 71, K298a. 3 2 7 Johann Mattheson, Das forschende Orchestre, oder desselben Dritte Eroffnung. Darinn Sensus Vindicice Et Quartce Blanditice, D. i. Der beschirmte Sinnen-Rang Und der Schmeichelnde Quarten-Klang/ Allen unpartheiischen Syntechnitis zum Nutzen und Nachdenken (Hamburg, 1721; reprint, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1976), pp. xvii-xx. 3 2 8 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 152 and supplement, p. 7. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 299 Adolph Gottlob (born 5 July 1698, baptized 6 July 1698, buried 30 July 1738 in Zittau) was educated in Leipzig and WeiBenfels.3 2 9 In his father's funeral bulletin (1735), he was described as a law student and musician ("Juris studiosus und Musicus"). He succeeded his father as organist of Saints Peter and Paul and had possibly served as substitute there for many years. According to a letter written by Johann Krieger and published in Mattheson's Ehren-Pforte, Adolph Gottlob chose music as his profession against his father's wishes. This letter also states that the younger Krieger hoped to publish his father's music posthumously; unfortunately, this project did not come about, probably due to Adolph Gottlob's own death only three years after his father's passing.3 3 0 Adolph Gottlob is described in the Zittau genealogical records as being devoted to music ("[er] legte sich auf die Music").3 3 1 Baptisms in Zittau usually began with a procession (“Zuges zur Taufe”) to the baptismal font.3 3 2 The ceremony sometimes included a song written and published for the occasion. Many of Krieger's Lieder were written for baptisms, although there is no evidence that he composed any for his own children. Kuhnau made reference to music for baptism anniversaries and birthdays in his description of Zittau's musical life in Der musicalische Quacksalber: "I won't talk here about the name days, birthdays, and other happy events 3 2 9 Adolph Gottlob's date of birth is incorrectly given as 5 July 1697 in "Krieger," in "Collectanea," A58. Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxvi) and Vollhardt (Geschichte, p. 350) refer to Adolph Gottlob as "Johann Adolph." 3 3 0 Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, pp. 152-53. 3 3 1 "Krieger," in "Collectanea," A58. 3 3 2 Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:132. A detailed description of the baptismal font in St. John can be found in Carpzov, Analecta, 1:58-60. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 300 where the congratulations frequently tend to be delivered via music."3 3 3 Since the Zittau public so often included music in their anniversaries of baptisms, it can be surmised that the baptisms themselves, and especially the parties to celebrate them, were marked with music. Indeed, baptisms in Zittau usually included a banquet ("Tauf-Essen"), and in 1683 the Saxon authorities ruled that these meals could no longer take place on Sundays.3 3 4 Baptisms in Zittau normally took place a day or two after birth, but three of Krieger's children were baptized immediately, probably due to ill health.3 3 5 The swiftness with which sickly babies received baptism indicates that the death of an unbaptized child was extremely troubling. For example, the 1688 funeral in Zittau for a stillborn (and therefore unbaptized) baby included the following Lied by Krieger: "Wie kan sich unsere Seele gramen" (How can our souls grieve).3 3 6 Unlike many other occasional Lieder published in Zittau, the text of this song was given not only with the music but also alone on 3 3 3 "Ich will itzo nicht von den Nahmens- und Geburths-Festen der Leute oder andern Gluckes-Fallen reden, da die Gratulationes offters durch Music pflegen abgestattet zu werden .. . ." Kuhnau, Der musicalische Quacksalber, p. 136. The translation given here is by John R. Russell {The Musical Charlatan, p. 86). In this passage, Kuhnau does not elaborate on this music because he instead wants to describe more unusual circumstances in which music was performed in Zittau. 3 3 4 Carpzov, Analecta, 3:44. This restriction on Sunday celebrations also extended to other festivities, including weddings. Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:422. 3 3 5 Dorothea Sophie (born and baptized 10 March 1689) lived only a few months and was buried 30 June 1689. Johanna Dorothea and Carl Christian (bom and baptized 26 January 1694) also died in infancy. "Krieger," in "Collectanea," A58; "Taufbuch Zittau," 1689 and 1694; "Begrabnisbuch Zittau," 1689 and 1694. 3 3 6 Johann Krieger [?], M. G. Der gewisse Trostl ["Wie kan sich unsere Seele gramen"] Welchen Christliche Eltern bei Unverhoffier und betrubter Beerdigung Eines Todt- Gebohrnen Und also Ungetaufften Kindes/Im Hertzen glaubig erwegen/ Und Mit dem Munde frolich besingen konnen/ Wird Vielen andern zu guter Nachricht eroffnet/ Den 5. Febr. M D C LXXXVIII (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1688) {RISMKK 2449d, Samuel No. 10). Krieger's name does not appear on this score, but as the only composer working in Zittau, it was customary for him to write occasional Lieder for funerals. The text of this Lied, by Christian Weise, was published in Curiose Gedancken, 1:384-86. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 301 the back cover, with an explanation that the additional printing of the text would make the words easier to read. It appears that the gravity of the occasion warranted an extra effort to provide comfort to the grieving. Only six other occasional Lieder by Krieger, out o f a total of twenty, include a separate printing of the text; five of these Lieder were written for funerals of Saxon electors or high-ranking officials in Zittau and/or their family members.3 3 7 Reputation in Zittau Krieger's position in Zittau's social structure can be determined by the type of funeral he was given, which is described in the Zittau death records books as a “Quasi” 3 3 7 Johann Krieger, M. G. Trostliche Gedancken-, Idem, M. G. Die Trostreichen Worte; Idem, M G. Das rechte/ das neue/ das stete/ das beste Licht/ ["Ach Gott du bist mein rechtes Licht"] Wird Bei Christldblicher Beerdigung/ Des Wohl-Ehrwiirdigen/ Grofi- Achtbaren/ und Hochgelahrten Herrn M. Zacharia Seligmannes/ Wohlverdienten Archidiaconi bei der Haupt-Kirche S. Johannis in Zittau/Den 5. Augusti Anno 1687 ... Christlich erwogen Und dem Choro Musico zu fortsetzung alles erwunschten Trostes iibergeben Von Johann Kriegern/ Chori Mus. Direct. (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1687) {RISM K 2449, KK 2449, Samuel No. 9); Idem, M. G. Das edelste Kleinod ["Das ist ein edler Mann"] Eines Von Gott gesegneten Ehe- Standes Welches Herr M. Gottfried Edelmann Wohl-meritirter Seel-Sorger in Holtzkirch An der Wol-Erbarn an Ehr- und Tugend Hochbelobten Jungfer Marien (Tit.) Hm. Joachim Gunthers Hoch-ansehnlichen Biirgermeisters in Lauban Beliebtesten Jungfer Tochter Den 24. April. M DCXCI. gefunden hat (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1691) (RISMKK 2449f, Samuel No. 14); Idem, M. G. Die Selige Liebes-Leichen ["Gott liebet dieses Kind"] Des wertbesten Heilandes Marc. 10. 16. Er hertzet sie/ Er leget die Hande aufsie/ und segnet sie. Werden Tit. Hm. Caspar Christian Seligmannen/ Vornehmen JCto, ingleichen Hochmeritirten Scabino und Gerichts-Assessori in Zittau/ So dann auch Dessen liebwerthesten Ehe-Liebsten Fr. Johannen Christianen gebohrnen Kifilingin; Als Sie Ihr angenehmstes Tochterlein Christianen Gottlieb/ Den 3. Febr. M D C LXXXIX. verlohren hatten/ Und den 6. hieraujf solches Zu Ihrer Verwahrung bringen Hessen/ Trostreich vorgestellet und besungen Von Johann Kriegern/ Chor. Mus. Direct. (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1689) (RISMKK 2449e, Samuel No. 13); A Lied written for a graduation is the only Krieger song with a separate text that was not intended for a funeral: Idem, M. G. Liebreiche Gedancken. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 302 ceremony.3 3 8 This type of funeral was reserved for people in the second-highest of six levels in Zittau society. Two Zittau documents from before and after Krieger's tenure (1678 and 1777) both mention the types of people who belonged to this second social class: ... tradespeople on the city council, the four junior Gymnasium teachers, citizens, officials and the entire group of registered brewers, also various others: young people of rank and the children of distinguished parents, retain [the right to the] Quasi [burial].3 3 9 Scholars, friends of the city, merchants, certified brewers, and in general, all who have the rights of citizens receive this type of burial, as do their children; for those, however, who are not citizens, it is not allowed [to receive a Quasi burial].3 4 0 These documents show that people in Zittau's second class received a Quasi funeral, and the later source defines all recipients of Quasi funerals as “Burger” (citizens). Therefore, since Krieger received a Quasi burial, he was also a citizen of Zittau.3 4 1 Krieger's status as a citizen is further supported by a 1706 document for a city-wide event, in which the names of prominent Zittau figures are listed; Krieger's name appears under the category o f "Ex ordine Civium" (ordinary citizens), along with a medical doctor, curator, and actuary.3 4 2 3 3 8 "Begrabnisbuch Zittau," 1735, Nr. 206, July. 3 3 9 "... Hand Wercks Herrn des Rathes, 4. Unter Schul Collegen, Burger, so ein Aemtern und das gantzen Brau Urbars, auch unterschiedl: Jungen Leuten nach Standes und Vornehmer Eltern Kinder, bey denen Quasi verbleiben." "Leichen Ordnung Wie solche En: Hoch Edl: und Hochw: Rath Anno 1678. auf die Glockenrey gegeben," fol. 6r, Zittau, Stadtarchiv, Rep. VII Cap. 1/12 No. 1. 3 4 0 "Diese Art des BegrabniBes erhalten die Litterati, Rathsfreunde, Kaufleute, Brauberechtigten, und uberhaupt alle, so im burgerrechte stehen, vor sich und ihre Kinder, denen aber, so nicht Burger sind, wird es nicht verstattet." Leichenordnung bei der Seeks- Stadt Zittau (Zittau: Gottlieb Benjamin Franken, 1777), p. 12; Zittau, Christian-Weise- Bibliothek, Zitt. 6, 57. 3 4 1 0nly certain people were given the designation of citizen {Burger), and this term did not apply to the vast majority of residents. 3 4 2 Carpzov, Analecta, 1:52-53. A listing (Burgerbuch) of the citizens in Zittau during Krieger's lifetime was not available to this author. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 303 Many of Zittau's musicians were members of the second level of Zittau society. Burial records for the leaders of the city instrumentalists (Ritter, Haupt, and Schubert) and other organists (Curth and Vogel) indicate that they all received Quasi burials.3 4 3 Haupt and Schubert are described as "Burger" in their entries, although Krieger and the others were not. Hammerschmidt was also a citizen.3 4 4 The highest level of Zittau society consisted of pastors, leaders of the city government, and the top four teachers in the Gymnasium. Therefore, Zieger as cantor received a Beyer-Predigt funeral, which was reserved for the upper class of Zittau society.3 4 5 While Krieger's status in Zittau society was officially delineated by his position as a citizen, he also earned the respect of others through his work and abilities. Throughout his career in Zittau, he was supported by prominent people in the city. Many of the Zittau's leaders or their spouses, including representatives from the political, educational, religious, and commercial sectors of Zittau's leadership, served as godparents for his children or patrons for his printed keyboard collection, the Clavier-Ubung.3 4 6 Krieger also worked closely with the rectors/directors of the Gymnasium, and two of them (Weise and Wentzel) served as his librettists. G. P. Muller wrote of his relationship with Krieger in the opening of the composer's obituary: 3 4 3 "Begrabnisbuch Zittau": Florian Ritter (1685, May), Christian Haupt (1717, March), Christian Schubert (1747, Nr. 489, November), Johann Curth (1692, July), and Christian Vogel (1699, August). 3 4 4 Theodor Veidl, "Andreas Hammerschmidt," Zittauer Geschichtsblatter no. 67 (26 June 1912): 1; and Jack Schmidt, "The 'Musicalische Andachten' o f Andreas Hammerschmidt," (Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, 1993), p. 12. 3 4 5 "Begrabnisbuch Zittau," 1735, Nr. 24, February. 3 4 6 Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 18, p. 32; "Taufbuch Zittau," 10 March 1689, 29 July 1690, 27 February 1692, 26 January 1694, 6 July 1698, 17 September 1700, 12 January 1705. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 304 During so many conversations that I have carried on in the past, and not without enjoyment, with the well-merited and venerable senior, [the] honorable Herr Johann Krieger, who is famous for his art and industry, [and] to whom we now pay our last respects . . . ,3 4 7 Muller also gave the following description of Krieger: "His faithfulness in his post, his steady diligence, his good reputation among everyone, his love towards his duty and his friends, and other further virtues are known by everyone."3 4 8 It is impossible to measure Krieger's piety from the scant sources available today, and it is difficult to distinguish true religious belief from the customary language and practices of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The following points, however, may shed some light on Krieger's religious viewpoint. He chose to leave the world of the German courts to spend over fifty years of his career working for the church in Zittau. The majority of his works are set to sacred texts or written for use in church. In his funeral bulletin, Muller mentioned that he and Krieger had spoken recently about the composer's upcoming forty-ninth wedding anniversary; Krieger's plans for the occasion included collaboration with Muller on "ein musicalisches Gedichte zum PreilJ seines Schopfers und Erhalters” (a vocal composition in praise of his creator and sustainer).3 4 9 The account of Krieger's death mentions his “Morgen-Andacht" (morning prayers), implying that prayer was a daily ritual for him.3 5 0 Krieger's last words were pleas to God for help, and the sermon 3 4 7 "Unter so vielen Unterredungen, die ich vormahls mit dem wohl-meritirten, und von seiner Kunst und FleiB beriihmten, Ehrwiirdigen GreiB, Tit. Herrn Johann Kriegern, dem wir nunmehro die letzte Ehre erweisen, nicht ohne VergnUgung gepflogen habe . .. ." Muller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 1. 3 4 8 "Die Treue in seinem Amte, der stete FleiB, die gute Reputation bei jedermann, die Liebe gegen die Seinigen, und seine Freunde, und andere Tugenden mehr, sind jedermann bewust." Ibid., p. 3. 3 4 9 Ibid.,p. 1. 3 S 0 Ibid., p. 3. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 305 at his funeral included the composer's “Gedenck-Spruch” (personal motto), which expresses his faith: The motto, which our highly-esteemed Herr Krieger chose for himself and which he also sought in his life: Lord, teach us to ponder that we must die, so that we might become wise if the Lord [would] lead us to this discovery.3 5 1 Death and Funeral Muller's obituary describes the circumstances surrounding Krieger's death in great detail, and Mattheson took this account almost verbatim in his biography o f Krieger in the Ehren-Pforte,3 5 2 The Zittau church records contain entries for expenses related to Krieger's death, funeral, and burial: Monday, 18 [July] at 9:00 A.M. one pulse [of the church bells] was tolled for the honorable Herr Johann Krieger, senior well-deserving organist and Director Chori Mnsices, [who lived] here [in Zittau] on the Topjfmarckt 9 gr., 4 pf. Friday, 22 [July] at 9:00 A.M. one pulse [of the church bells] was tolled for Herr Johann Krieger, well-deserving organist and Director Chori Musices here [in Zittau] 9 gr., 4 pf. Friday, 22 [July], A Quasi [funeral] was paid for and Herr Johann Krieger, deserving organist and Director Chori Musices here [in Zittau] was buried in [the cemetery of] the Church of the Holy Cross......6 gr., 3 pf.3 5 3 3 5 1 "Der Gedenck-Spruch, welchen sich unser Werthgeschatzter, und in seinem Leben sowohl versuchter, Herr Krieger erwehlet: Herr lehre uns bedencken, dali wir sterben mussen, auf daB wir klug werden, hat uns auff diese Erfindung gefuhret." MUller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 2. 3 5 2 Muller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 3; Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, pp. 151-53. 3 5 3 "Montag, 18. hora 9 ist eine PulB ausgelautet worden Tit. Herrn Johann Krieger alten wohlverdienten Organisten und Director Chori Musices alhier am Topffmarckte - Rth. 9 Gr. 4 Pf. Freitag, 22. hora 9 ist eine PulB ausgelautet worden Herrn Johann Kriegern, wohlverdienten Organisten und Director Chori Musices alhier - Rth. 9 Gr. 4 Pf. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 306 The first entry refers to the announcement of Krieger's death through the tolling o f the church bells. Each day at 9:00 A.M., the bells were tolled for fifteen minutes (“eine PulB”) if someone o f prominence in the city had died in the previous twenty-four hours.3 5 4 Another round of bell tolling was done four days later for Krieger's funeral. As a member of Zittau's second social class, Krieger was entitled to two periods of bell-tolling. This practice is described in the city records for 1678: ... tradespeople on the city council, and also the citizens who sit in administration and public office, scholars, and the four junior Gymnasium teachers .... Some years ago, however, all of these received two pulses of [bell] tolling, [the first] on the day that they died and [the second] later on the day of their burial.3 5 5 Few specifics are known about Krieger's funeral and burial, but much can be surmised from funeral practices in Zittau. The order of service for Zittau funerals is outlined in a 1734 account written by cantor Zieger only one year before Krieger's death.3 5 6 In this document, Zieger describes the choir's duties for funerals, starting in the time of his predecessor Simon Crusius, who worked in Zittau from 1629 until 1678, and through Freitag, 22. Ist vor ein Quasi bezahlt und zum Fleiligen Creutz beygesetzet worden Herr Johann Krieger, wohlverdienter Organist und Director Chori Musices alhier - Rth. 6 Gr. 3 Pf." "Begrabnisbuch Zittau," 1735, Nr. 206, July. 3 5 4 "Leichen Ordnung," fol. 5v, Rep. VII Cap. 1/12 No. 1; and Zieger, "Von denen Leichen," fol. 9r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/12 No. 1. 3 5 5 "... denen Handwercks Herrn beym Rathe, wie auch Burgem, welche in Verwaltung und Amtem sitzen, Literatis und 4. untem Schul Collegen .... Vor etlichen Jahren aber haben diese alle erhalten, daB Ihnen 2. PulB ausgelautet worden, alB den Tag, wenn sie gestorben, und hernach an BegrabnuB Tage." "Leichen Ordnung," fols. 5r-5v, Rep. VII Cap. 1/12 No. 1. This document legislates a change to only one period of bell- tolling for this social class, but the custom of two periods of bell-tolling was in practice earlier, as can be seen in Krieger's case. 3 5 s Zieger, "Von denen Leichen, fols. 9r-15r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/12 No. 1. For information on Protestant funeral practices in the German lands, see Graff, Geschicht, 1:354- 65. Graff (p. 364) also mentions Christian Weise's views on the style of funeral sermons. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 307 Zieger's own tenure as cantor (1682-1734). Like most other aspects of life in Zittau, funeral practices were regulated by social class. The descriptive terms used for funerals, from highest class to lowest class, were Maxima (or Beierleichen), Quasi (or grofie Figuralia), Figuralia, Choralia, Media and Minima,3 5 7 The music for funerals was the responsibility of the cantor and choirs, not the organist. As a rule, different choirs would alternate for these ceremonies, which was necessary because the number of funerals in Zittau was quite high.3 5 8 For example, the choirs sang for more than 350 funerals per year in the period from 1682 until 1687 (the first years of Krieger's tenure in Zittau).3 5 9 For a Quasi funeral such as Krieger's, the event began with a gathering o f people, including schoolteachers and choir members, in the street outside the deceased person's home.3 6 0 The choir sang a Lied or a motet at this time. Then as the entire group processed to the church, the choir sang one or two Lieder more. Ordinarily, the second Lied would be "Aus Tieffer Noth," but in the case of "an honorable person, scholar, respected friend o f the city council, city official, or citizen, another burial Lied would be sung instead of'Aus tieffer 3 5 7 Zieger, "Von denen Leichen," fol. 9r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/12 No. 1. According to Pescheck {Handbuch, 2:330), the term Figuralia originated because concerted music ("Figuralsingen, d. h. Motettengesang") was performed at larger funerals designated for the upper classes ("Das Figuralsingen war sonst nur bei den groBten Begrabniflarten xiblich"). Pescheck does not explain the term Choralia in this passage, but presumably the music for Choralia and other lower-class funerals was plainchant (also known as Choralsingen). The word Quasi, which means "nearly" or "almost," was presumably chosen for second- class funerals because they were elaborate but not so complex as a Maxima funeral for citizens of the highest class. 3 5 8 For further information about the choirs and their alternate participation at funerals, see above, p. 150. 3 S 9 Doring, "Annales"; cited in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 1:76. 3 6 0 Teachers in the Gymnasium were often paid for their participation in funerals. Ibid., 1:77-78. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 308 Noth."'3 6 1 According to Pescheck, the singing of specified Latin songs in funeral processions ("bestimmte lateinische Gesang bei Leichenziigen") was a Zittau practice dating back to at least 1564 and continuing until 1790.3 6 2 The Church of the Holy Cross, where Krieger's funeral and burial took place, was the most frequently used sanctuary in Zittau for funerals. Many prominent figures in Zittau's history are buried in its cemetery.3 6 3 Krieger's wife and all of their surviving children were present at his funeral.3 6 4 The program printed for the service was six pages in length and included a two-page account of Krieger's life.3 6 5 In the Zittau funeral programs seen by this 3 6 1 "Vor der Thiire wird nur ein Lied oder Motetta gesungen. Zu Processe ein oder zwey Lieder. Das andere Lied ist vor diesen gewesen: Aus Tieffer Noth schrey ich zu dir. Allein ist der Verstorbene eine honorable Person, Gelehrter, ansehnlicher Raths-Freund, Raths-Bedienter oder Burger, so wird anstatt: Aus tieffer Noth &c. eine ander Grabe-Lied gesungen." Zieger, "Von denen Leichen," fol. 1 lv, Rep. VII Cap. 1/12 No. 1. See also Pescheck ,Handbuch, 1:576. Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 18, p. xviii) translates much of this document, but omits some sections. Zieger (fols. 9v-10r) goes into great detail about where the various teachers marched in such processions in order to keep order among the pupils and encourage their singing. 3 6 2 Pescheck ,Handbuch, 1:406. 3 6 3 See Carpzov, Analecta, 1:105-15 and Pescheck, Handbuch, 1:120-21 for names of famous Zittau figures buried there. 3 6 4 Both of Krieger's funeral programs mention the family members who attended. Muller (Die besten Gedancken, p. i) refers to "The sorrowing widow and her entire deeply sorrowful family" ("Der bestiirtzten Frau Wittwen/ und gesammten hertzlich-betriibten Familie"). The program for the actual burial mentions "A most sorrowful widow with all of her deeply distressed children" ("Eine hochstbetriibte Wittwe/ Und mit Ihr hertzlich- bekummerte sammtliche Kinder"). M. G. Bei dem Grabe Des Cum Tit. Herrn Johann Kriegers/ Wolhverdienten Organisten und Directoris Chori Musici In Zittau, Welcher den 18 Julii Anno 1735. unvermuthet Im Herrn seelig entschlassen, Und den 22 Julii Zum Heil. Creutze beigesetzet ward, Nehmen nochmahls mit tausend Thranen Wehmuthigen Abschied Eine hochstbetriibte Wittwe/ Und mit Ihr hertzlich-bekummerte sammtliche Kinder (Zittau: Johann Christian Stremeln, 1735), p. i; Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zitt. 71/1849 Lugens133. 3 6 5 The title page of this program mentions that it was used at Krieger's funeral: "At the solemn funeral" ("Bei dem solennen Leichen-Begangnili"). Muller, Die besten Gedancken, p. i. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 309 author, a biography is an unusual feature; the programs are normally only four pages in length and do not include such an account. The sermon for Krieger's funeral was also printed in the bulletin, which was not done for all funerals. Krieger's position, long years of service, and stature in the community certainly led to the extra care taken with this program. Zieger describes a Quasi funeral service in the following manner: In the church a Lied or motet is sung before the sermon.3 6 6 "Nun laBt uns den Leib begraben." Pastor. Versicles and Collect [prayer]: The chorus responds.3 6 7 After that yet another Lied; if the women have not yet arrived, yet another Lied is sung. After the sermon: a Lied or motet or previously composed aria. Next after some verses or a Lied, especially if there is no funeral sermon, in order that it not end so starkly. Note. Because it so often happens that Herr Rector composes an aria and Herr Krieger composes a motet on the funeral text; therefore I have always been required to sing the aria by Herr Rector after the sermon; the motet, however, [is performed] before the sermon as soon as the men come into the church. Herr Krieger has tried many times to have his motet sung after the sermon and the aria by Herr Rector sung before the sermon, but Herr Rector has not wanted to yield on this at all, objecting that Herr Krieger is not to order or prescribe anything concerning this matter to him [the rector], me [Zieger], or the choir.3 6 8 3 6 6 The performance of motets at funerals was a common practice in eighteenth- century Germany. For example, most of J. S. Bach's motets were composed for memorial services. See Stiller, Johann Sebastian Bach, p. 94. 3 6 7 While much of the service consisted of music reserved for a Quasi funeral, the following three items applied to funerals of all social classes: 1) the chorale "Nun laBt uns den Leib begraben," 2) "Versicles and Collect," and 3) the words "The chorus responds." 3 6 8 " fn dec Kirche vor der Predigt wird ein Lied oder Motetta gesungen. Nun laBt uns den Leib begraben. Pastor. Versic. & Collect: Chorus respondet. Hierauf noch ein Lied; ist das Weibs-Volck noch nicht ankommen, wird noch eins gesungen. Nach der Predigt: Ein Lied oder Motetta oder vorverfertigte Aria. Darauf nach etliche Verse oder ein Lied, zumahl wenn nicht parentiret wird, damit es nicht so Kahl ablauffe. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 310 According to Zieger's account of funeral practices in Zittau, a motet was sometimes sung early in the funeral, and a Lied, motet, or aria was performed after the sermon. Most of this music was sung by the choir, whose participation was highly valued. For example, any choir member who was absent from a funeral incurred a fine, and the penalty for a Maxima funeral service was the same as for missing the main service on Sunday morning.3 6 9 For a Quasi funeral, the choir was sometimes drawn from all classes in the Gymnasium, making it a larger group than the customary ensemble for lower-class funerals: All of the singers should also go faithfully to funerals, and indeed if it is a Maxima [funeral for a high official] they should all present themselves and after the sermon appear again to sing. They should also deliver [their singing] if the funeral is a Quasi [funeral of second rank]. Note. Here of course only one choir of pupils from the top class needs to return again to sing. For figural or choralia [funerals of third and fourth ranks], only one choir (because the choirs are strong) of pupils from the top class should appear along with the prefect or adjunct.3 7 0 N[ota] B[ene]. Weil es sich auch offt zu getragen, dafi Herr Rector eine Arie, und Hr. Kruger, eine Motette auf den Leichen-Text componiret: so habe ich des Herrn Rectoris Arie allezeit nach der Predigt singen miifien; die Motetta aber vor der Predigt, so bald das Manns-Volck in die Kirche kommen. Hier hat Herr Kruger vielmahl versucht, es dahin zu bringen, dafi seine Motetta mochte nach der Predigt, und des Herrn Rectoris Aria vor der Predigt gesungen werden: Allein der Herr Rector hat durchaus nicht weichen wollen, vorwendende, Herr Kruger hatte Ihm, mir und dem Chore in dieser Sache nichts zu befehlen und vor zu schreiben." Zieger, "Von denen Leichen," fols. 1 lv-12v, Rep. VII Cap. 1/12 No. 1. 3 S 9 "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:251. 3 7 0 "Die Choralisten allesamt sollen auch zu den Leichen fleissig mitgehen, und zwar wenn ein Maximum ist, sich alle einstellen, und nach der Predigt alle zum Absingen wiedererscheinen, also auch es halten, wenn ein Quasi ist. Notandum. Hier kann zwar nur ein Chor von Primanem nach der Predigt zum Absingen wiederkommen. Sind aber funera figuralia oder Choralia, so soli nur ein Chor (Weil die Chore stark sind) von den Primanem mit dem Praefecto oder Adjuncto erscheinen." "Leges"; quoted in Gartner, Quellenbuch, 2:249. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 311 Muller specifically mentions in his sermon that the composer had written music for his own funeral: How long has it been, beloved mourners, since your husband and father, our senior who has gone to eternity, has drafted for himself death and funeral music? Without a doubt thoughts of death brought him to do this.3 7 1 While the title of this music is not given, it may have been a setting of the ode printed in the funeral program and performed at the funeral service. This ode, which contains seven stanzas and begins with the words "So komme, stiller Todt" (So come, quiet death), was likely written by MUller. Poets usually designated their funerary verse to be sung to a familiar chorale tune, in this case, the melody "Auff meinem lieben Gott, trau ich." This chorale was likely one of Krieger's favorites, for earlier in his life he set it to music.3 7 2 A piece by Krieger with the text Auff meinem lieben Gott can be found in the catalog kept by Johann Philipp Krieger; while the music is not extant, it is known from the catalog that it was written for four voices and five instruments and performed in WeiBenfels in 1690.3 7 3 The catalog of the music collection in Rudolstadt also mentions a setting by "J. K." of Auf meinem lieben Gott for four voices and five instruments.3 7 4 A keyboard reduction of a 3 7 1 "Wie lange ist es, geliebte Betriibte, da dero Mann und Vater, unser in die Ewigkeit gegangener Greili, sich selbst eine Sterbens- und Todten-Music aufgesetzet? Sonder Zweiffel haben ihn die Todes-Gedancken darauff gebracht." Muller, Die besten Gedancken, p. 2. 3 7 2 It was common practice in Germany at this time for people to choose a hymn for their own funeral. Patrice V eit,"»... Daheime seine Zeit mit Singen, mit Beten und Lesen zugebracht«: Uber den Umgang mit Kirchenliedem im Aussergottesdienstlichen Kontext," in Die Quellen Johann Sebastian Bachs: Bachs Musik im Gottesdienst, ed. Renate Steiger (Heidelberg: Manutius Verlag, 1998): 329-35. 3 7 3 Seiffert, DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxxiv. 3 7 4 Baselt, "Die Musikaliensammlung," 119. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 312 Krieger motet based on this melody is extant in a copy by Paul Stobe, who was the church music director in Zittau in the early twentieth century.3 7 5 Stobe does not cite his source, but he designated the composer as "Johann Krieger."3 7 6 The work is a four-part contrapuntal setting without text, with each entry based on successive phrases of the chorale melody.3 7 7 A separate program was printed for Krieger's burial, titled M. G. Bei dem Grabe des Cum. Tit. Herrn Johann Kriegers, contains a long poem in honor of Krieger. The poem's title (With God. At the grave of the fully honorable Herr Johann Krieger) indicates that it was read as Krieger was buried. The poem was written by Krieger's family or on their behalf, since the text contains the phrases "mein liebster Mann" (my loving husband), "Wir Kinder" (We children), and "O Vater" (O father).3 7 8 Appropriately, the poet mentions a well-loved chorale ("Gelobt sei Gott"), which was presumably a favorite of Krieger’s: 3 7 5 For bibliographic information about this work, see appendix 1. This keyboard reduction does not have a call number, but I found it in a loose-leaf collection o f Stobe editions alongside a published edition of another Krieger Lied: Idem, "Selig, wer an Gott gedenkt" in NmE, 1: no. 1; reprint, Gottliches Andenken: Selig, wer und Gott gedenkt v[on] Christian Weise (Rektor d. Zittauer Gymnasiums), ed. Paul Stobe, Zittau, 1913); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Mus. fol. 44. The location of "Auf meinen lieben Gott" is no longer known (correspondence, 28 Feburary 2001, Uwe Kahl, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zittau), but this author possesses a photocopy. 3 7 6 Stobe also includes the information that "Auf meinen lieben Gott" is taken from a secular melody by Jacob Regnart ("Venus du und dein Kind [Cupid]"). Jacob Regnart (born c.1540-45, died 1599) worked for the Habsburg court in Vienna, Prague, and Innsbruck. He published a great deal of music during his lifetime and is best known for his German Lieder for three voices. His works frequently appear in German inventories of the seventeenth century and were listed in anthologies until 1655. Walter Pass, "Regnart, Jacob," in The New Grove II, 19:118-19. 3 7 7 The poetic meter of the Trost-Ode mentioned above does not match this four-part setting, due to its contrapuntal nature. 3 7 8 M G. Bei dem Grabe, p. 1. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 313 “You have what you sought, the goal is now achieved, Now is played in God's choir: ‘Gelobt sei Gott’ [Praise be to God].”3 7 9 Krieger's grave was likely destroyed in the years of rebuilding following Zittau's bombardment in 1757. In recent years, a search took place for Hammerschmidt's grave, which is in the same cemetery where Krieger is buried. Hammerschmidt's grave was not found, making the possibility of locating Krieger's grave unlikely.3 8 0 Successors Krieger's hard work and stature in the Zittau community can be seen by the fact that two full-time people, Adolph Gottlob Krieger and Carl Hartwig, were required to replace him. Carl Hartwig was born 18 August 1709 in Olbemhau and studied theology in Leipzig, where he was also a pupil of J. S. Bach.3 8 1 In 1733, he applied unsuccessfully for the position of organist of St. Sophia in Dresden, competing with Christian Grabner and W. F. Bach, the latter of whom was chosen. In 1735, he was hired in Zittau as organist o f St. John and civic director of choral music and served there until 1748. He died in Zittau and was buried 5 August 1750. Like Krieger, Hartwig was known as a composer. Gerber lists a series of surviving works by Hartwig, primarily instrumental, and Gondolatsch mentions an extant cantata in Gorlitz.3 8 2 During Hartwig's tenure in Zittau, the Dressel organ ("large 3 7 9 "Du hast, was Du gesucht, der Zweck is nun erzieht, Nun wird in Gottes Chor: Gelobt sei Gott, gespielt." Ibid., p. 2. 3 8 0 Interview with Erich Prowig, archivist in the Zittau Pfarramt, 27 April 1994. 3 8 1 Information about Hartwig can be found in Pescheck, Handbuch, 2:764; Vollhardt, Geschichte, Supplement, p. 489; Eitner, Quellen-Lexikon, 5:33; Flade, Orgelbauer, p. 93; and Flade, "Orgelbauerlexikon," p. 1159. Olbernhau is located near Chemnitz on the border with the Czech Republic. 3 8 2 Emst Ludwig Gerber, Historisch-Biographisches Lexicon der Tonkiinstler, welches nachrichten von dem Leben und Werken musikalischer Schriftsteller, beruhmter Componisten, Sanger, Meister auf Instrumenten, Dilettanten, Orgel- und Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 314 organ") in St. John was replaced by the new Silbermann instrument. Hartwig was the main force in persuading Zittau's leadership to purchase the new organ, and he served as examiner and composed music for its dedication.3 8 3 Instrumentenmacher, enthdlt (Leipzig: Johann Gottlob Immanuel Breitkopf, 1790-92; reprint, Historisch-biographisches Lexikon der Tonkiinstler (1790-1792) und Neues historisch-biographisches Lexikon der Tonkiinstler (1812-1814), ed. Othmar Wessely, 3 vols., Graz, Austria: Akademische Druck- u. Verlaganstalt, 1977), 1:588; and Gondolatsch, "Musikalische Beziehungen ... Gorlitz," 40. 3 8 3 Flade, Orgelbauer, p. 93. For further information on the replacement o f the Dressel organ, see above, p. 117. When St. John was destroyed in the bombardment of 1757, the new Silbermann organ was also lost. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. JOHANN KRIEGER AND SACRED VOCAL MUSIC IN ZITTAU, 1682-1735 VOLUME II by Mary Benson Stahlke A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY MUSIC (HISTORY AND LITERATURE) May 2002 Copyright 2002 Mary Benson Stahlke Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 1 CONTENTS VOLUME II LIST OF TABLES.......................................................................................................... iv LIST OF FIGURES......................................................................................................... v LIST OF EXAMPLES....................................................................................................vi Chapter 4. KRIEGER’S SACRED VOCAL MUSIC Musical Sources.............................................................................................315 Motets..............................................................................................................340 Concertos and Biblical Cantatas................................................................. 360 Madrigal and Mixed Madrigal Cantatas.................................................... 400 Style and Performance Practice...................................................................437 Attribution.......................................................................................................472 5. CONCLUSION........................................................................................................479 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Music by Johann Krieger.......................................................................... 484 2. Music by Composers other than Johann Krieger.................................489 3. Manuscript Sources before 1800........................................................... 496 4. Printed Non-Music Sources before 1800.............................................. 500 5. Books and Articles Written after 1800..................................................509 Appendix 1. Worklist of Johann Krieger's Sacred Vocal Music................................ 528 2. Selected Compositions by Adam Krieger and Johann Krieger listed in the Leipzig and Frankfurt Messkatalogen.................................543 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. iii 3. Selected Compositions by Adam Krieger and Johann Krieger as listed in Beughem's Bibliographia Mathematica (1688).................. 544 4. Organists in Zittau (1567-1735)............................................................... 545 5. Obituary for Johann Krieger Excerpted from his Funeral Program.... 546 6. Biography of Johann Krieger from Mattheson's Ehren-Pforte (1740)550 7. Inventory of the Obergreiz Castle: Items Related to Music (1681).... 555 8. Gymnasium and Music Leaders in Zittau (1629-1735).........................558 9. Record of the 1611 Renovation of the "Old" Organ in St. John Church................................................................................559 10. Disposition of the 1684 Dressel Organ in St. John Church (1737)......561 11. Disposition of the Weindt Organ in Saints Peter and Paul Church (1661).....................................................................................................563 12. Liturgical Information about Communion in the Agenda (1540)........565 13. Zittau Church Calendar during Krieger's Tenure: Temporal Cycle.... 566 14. Zittau Church Calendar during Krieger's Tenure: Sanctoral Cycle.... 575 15. Orders of Worship: 1717 Reformation Services in Zittau.................... 579 16. "Leges" (Rules for the Gymnasium Choir)..............................................588 17. Instruments Used in Krieger's Sacred Vocal M usic.............................. 594 18. Contract for Carl Hartwig (1735)............................................................. 597 19. Contract for Adolph Gottlob Krieger (1735).......................................... 607 20. Editorial Method and Critical Notes.........................................................613 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. iv LIST OF TABLES Table Page 6. Similarities between Interior Paired Movements in “DiB ist der Tag”.............................388 7. Elements of Arch Form in “Gott ist unser Zuversicht” ...................................................... 421 8. Keyboard Designations and Keys in Four Sanctus Settings by Krieger......................... 463 9. Attribution of Selected Works by Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger........................... 475 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. V LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 12. “Halleluja Lobet den Herrn,” fol. 3r...................................................................................... 244 13. Krieger’s Signature on Letter to the Gorlitz City Council (1703).................................... 254 14. Title Page of “Gott ist unser Zuversicht” ............................................................................. 337 15. Title Page of “Nun dancket” .................................................................................................. 339 16. Symmetry of Movements in “Nun dancket” ........................................................................420 17. Symmetry of Performance Forces in “Sulamith” Arias.....................................................420 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. vi LIST OF EXAMPLES Example Page 1. Magnificat a 4: mm. 1-7..........................................................................................................345 2. Magnificat a 4: mm. 113-21................................................................................................... 347 3. Magnificat a 4: mm. 155-68................................................................................................... 352 4. Magnificat a 4: mm. 337-46................................................................................................... 353 5. “Dancksaget dem Vater”: mm. 71-4 (Soprano) and mm. 84-7 (Soprano)....................... 356 6. “Dancksaget dem Vater”: mm. 195-6 (Alto) and mm. 197-8 (Alto)................................357 7. Sanctus a 2: mm. 32-3.............................................................................................................364 8. “Danket dem Herrn”: mm. 189-92........................................................................................ 365 9. “Gelobet sey der Herr”: mm. 238-48, selected parts........................................................ 378 10. “DiB ist der Tag”: mm. 9-10, 13-14,25-26..........................................................................381 11. “Ruhmet den Herrn”: m. 184................................................................................................. 382 12. “Gelobet sey der Herr”: mm. 215-17....................................................................................382 13. “Danket dem Herrn”: m. 238 .................................................................................................382 14. “DiB ist der Tag”: mm. 42-9............................................................ 391 15. Sanctus a 10: mm. 54-7...........................................................................................................394 16. “Zionjauchzt”: mm. 55-63..................................................................................................... 408 17. “Geht also geht”: mm. 42-3.................................................................................................... 418 18. “Gott ist unser Zuversicht”: mm. 1-4....................................................................................422 19. “Gott ist unser Zuversicht”: mm. 96-7..................................................................................423 20. “Gott ist unser Zuversicht”: mm. 96-102, vocal parts........................................................ 428 21. “Jesu, meine Freude,” in Das Neu Leipziger Gesangbuch, pp. 780-1 .............................429 22. “Frolocket Gott”: mm. 1-8..................................................................................................... 432 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. vii 23. “Geht also geht”: ram. 1-3...................................................................................................... 434 24. “Gott ist unser Zuversicht”: mm. 73-81 ............................................................................... 447 25. Magnificat a 4: mm. 61-4........................................................................................................454 26. Sanctus a 2: mm. 12-14...........................................................................................................455 27. “Riihmet den Herrn”: mm. 188-97........................................................................................ 456 28. “Gott ist unser Zuversicht”: mm. 49-50............................................................................... 458 29. “Gott ist unser Zuversicht”: mm. 75-6..................................................................................458 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 315 CHAPTER IV KRIEGER’S SACRED VOCAL MUSIC Most of the sources of Krieger's sacred vocal music are either manuscripts, usually gathered in collections, or listings in inventories and catalogs from the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. It is often difficult to determine whether Johann Krieger or Johann Philipp Krieger is the composer o f a given work. Therefore, the sources described below include manuscripts and inventory/catalog entries of works attributed to Johann Krieger. Other works, however, are strongly attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger with only minimal evidence pointing to Johann Krieger; these works are not included in the discussion below. After each source (manuscripts and inventories/catalogs) is described, the relevant information from them is given for selected works by Johann Krieger. This gathering of data shows that twenty of Krieger's extant works can be firmly attributed to him. These twenty works are the subject of an analysis of his musical style, organized by genre: 1) motets, 2) concertos and biblical cantatas, and 3) madrigal and mixed madrigal cantatas. This analysis concludes with a description of certain style features seen in all o f Krieger's genres and a discussion of performance practice issues related to basso continuo instrumentation. Lastly, works of questionable attribution are addressed using information from the sources (both manuscripts and inventories) and from the style of the works themselves to provide insights into the identity of the composer— Johann Krieger or Johann Philipp Krieger. MUSICAL SOURCES The sources of Krieger's extant sacred vocal music (motets, concertos, and cantatas) are manuscripts that survive from the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. None of his sacred vocal works were published during his lifetime. In addition, contemporary Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 316 inventories and miscellaneous other sources give titles of Krieger works for which the music does not survive. Each of these collections and inventories, as well as a few sources of other types, is given below with a listing of the works by Johann Krieger contained or mentioned in each one.1 All abbreviations for libraries and archives are taken from RISM. Collections The following libraries/archives contain extant works (music and/or text) attributed to Krieger. Attribution designations on the manuscripts are given, although it is often not known if they were added after the work was copied. Works attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger are listed only when there is a question of attribution to Johann Krieger; if a work is solidly attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger, it is not discussed here. For complete bibliographic entries of the extant sacred vocal works (including those for which only text survives), see the worklist in appendix 1. Berlin: Staatsbibliothek, Preussischer Kulturbesitz (D-B) The Bokemeyer collection contains manuscripts in score format because they were assembled for collection purposes rather than for performance.2 These scores originated in Gottorfer, where the court Kapellmeister Johann Philipp Fortsch (1652-1732) and his successor Georg Osterreich (1664-1735) provided the first inventories o f the collection in the late seventeenth century. After the court went out of existence in 1702, Osterreich owned the scores for a time, but sold them in 1718 to Heinrich Bokemeyer (1679-1751), ’Most of these collections and inventories are described in Krummacher, Uberlieferung, pp. 88-279. 2 The history of the Bokemeyer collection and a detailed discussion of its contents are found in Harold Kummerling, Katalog der Sammlung Bokemeyer (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1970). Works attributed to Johann Krieger and Johann Philipp Krieger are found on pp. 117 and 118. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 317 who added to the collection. After several subsequent owners, the scores entered the collection of the PreuBische Staatsbibliothek in 1844. Four works in the Bokemeyer collection attributed to Johann Krieger are: Also hat Gott ("J: Krieger") Danket dem Herrn ("Joh: Krieger") DiB ist der Tag ("Jo. Krieger") Riihmet den Herrn ("Joh: Krieger") One of the works attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger is: Gelobet sey der Herr ("J. P. Krieger")3 The only work attributed to both brothers (Johann Krieger and Johann Philippp Krieger) is: Der Herr ist mein Licht und mein Heil ("Joh. Krieger" and "Joh. Ph. Krieger")4 Works attributed to "Krieger" are: Confitebor tibi Domine ("Krieger") Dancksaget dem Vater ("Krieger") Gloria in excelsis Deo ("Krieger") Preise Jerusalem ("Krieger") Wacht auff, ihr Christen alle ("Krieger") Besides the manuscripts in the Bokemeyer collection, several other sources in the Berlin Staatsbibliothek contain works attributed to “Krieger” or Johann Krieger. For example, Mus. ms. 12145 contains one work attributed to "Krieger": Sanctus a 8 fragment: "Generalbafi" and "Continuo" parts ("Krieger") Mus. ms. 12146 contains one work attributed to "Krieger": Sanctus a 10 ("Krieger") 3 The designation "Joh. Phil. Krieger" was added to the manuscript by a modern hand. Samuel, Cantata, p. 399. 4 The cover of this score (Mus. ms. 30224 [no. 7]) lists “Joh. Philip Krieger” as the composer, while the first page of music is marked “Joh. Krieger.” Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 318 Mus. ms. 12147 contains one work attributed to Johann Krieger: Laudate Dominum omnes gentes ("Gio: Krieger il minore") Mus. ms. 12148 contains three works attributed to Johann Krieger: Sanctus a 2 ("Johan Krieger") Sanctus a 4 ("Joh. Krieger") Sanctus a 10s ("J. Krieger" and "Joh: Krieger") Mus. ms. 12149 contains one work attributed to Johann Krieger: Magnificat a 10 ("G. Krieger") Mus. ms. 30088 contains one work attributed to Johann Krieger: Magnificat a 4 ("Giov. Krieger" and "G. Krieger") Mus. ms. 30221 contains two works attributed to Johann Krieger: Sanctus a 2 ("Johann Krieger") Sanctus a 8s ("J. Krieger") Mus. ms. 30309 contains one work attributed to Johann Krieger: Laudate Dominum omnes gentes ("Johann Krieger jun: gebohren zu Niirnberg 1652.") Dresden: Sachsische Landesbibliothek—Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek (D-Dlb) Samuel Jacobi (1652-1721) worked as cantor of the Furstenschule in Grimma, near Dresden. From 1680 until his death, he gathered manuscripts (in parts, not scores), and his collection is the largest of its type for central German composers in the Baroque era. Approximately 450 works survive today from a formerly much larger collection. A catalog o f the collection (on cards) was assembled by Bernd Base It before its move in 1962 to the 5 This is a different work than the Sanctus a 10 (Mus. ms. 12146) mentioned above. 6 This is the same work as the Sanctus a 8 (Mus. ms. 12145) mentioned above. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 319 Landesbibliothek in Dresden.7 The collection has been catalogued again (with new call numbers) in its current location. Jacobi designated Johann Krieger's works in the collection with the symbol for Mars, the god of war (Krieg). The only work in the Grimma collection attributed to Johann Krieger is: Laudate pueri Dominum ("Kruger" and "[Johann Krieger]")8 This same work is extant in another copy that is unattributed: Laudate pueri Dominum The only work attributed to "Krieger" is: Der Herr ist mein Licht und mein Heil ("Krieger")9 One of the works attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger is: Dominus illuminatio mea ("J. P. Kriegher") The music collection of the St. Nicolai Church in Luckau, also housed in the Landesbibliothek, includes a cantata by "Krieger" which was performed in 1778 and 1782. No concordances to either Johann Krieger or Johann Philipp Krieger exist for this work, and it is doubtful that either brother was the composer:1 0 Ehe den die Berge worden ("Krieger") 7 Baself s catalog is available at the Institut fur Musikwissenschafit in Halle. 8 A later hand has added the designation "[Johann Krieger]" on the manuscript. 9 This is a different work than the "Der Herr ist mein Licht und mein Heil" in the Bokemeyer collection mentioned above. 1 0 Gundlach, "Johann Phillip Krieger," 1:24. This work, titled In Festo Trinitatis and scored for SATB, 2 FI, 2 Vn, Va, Violono, and Organ, is catalogued as Mus. F 434. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 320 Eisenach: Archiv der evangelisch-lutherischen Kirche in Thiiringen (D-EIl) A sack holding 262 manuscripts was discovered during a 1968 roof repair o f the church in GroBfahner (near Erfurt). The church had purchased most of the manuscripts in 1727 from a caretaker in Eschenbergen, near Gotha, and the collection contains primarily works by Thuringian composers. In addition to the music, a catalog also survives.1 1 The church office in GroBfahner has closed, and the collection is now housed in Eisenach at the Archiv der evangelisch-lutherischen Kirche in Thiiringen.1 2 One work in the GroBfahner collection is relevant for this dissertation: Preise Jerusalem1 3 London: The British Library (GB-Lbl) One work is attributed to Johann Krieger: Cantate Domino canticum novum ("Giov. Krieger")1 4 Two works are attributed to "Krieger": Confitebor tibi Domine ("Krieger") Delectare in Domino ("Krieger") “Ibid., 1:20. 1 2 Hans Jung of Weimar is preparing a catalog of the collection. Correspondence, Frau Lampe, 5 February 2001, Archiv der evangelisch-lutherischen Kirche in Thiiringen, Eisenach. 1 3 According to a telephone conversation with archivist Frau Lampe, this work is attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger. The manuscript is too fragile to duplicate, and this author was not able to see it in person. 1 4 This work is otherwise strongly attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 321 Uppsala: Universitetsbibliothek (S-Uu) Gustav Diiben (1624-90) served in Stockholm as the court Kapellmeister and as the organist of the German church. He collected approximately 1500 sacred vocal compositions, many from outside Sweden. Duben's son gave the collection to the University of Uppsala in 1732.1 5 The following anonymous work in the Diiben collection matches a work at the Dresden Landesbibliothek that is attributed to "Kruger": Laudate pueri Dominum (“Kruger”) Two of the works attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger are: Der Herr ist mein Licht und mein Heil ("J. P. Kruger") In Te Domine Speravi non Confundar ("Johan Philip Kruger") The following works are housed in the university archive in Uppsala, but are not part of the Diiben collection. One manuscript, which the library dates to the second half of the seventeenth century, is attributed to Johann Krieger: Dominus illuminatio mea ("Johanne Kriegero") The following anonymous work, tentatively dated to 1664, has a concordance with a work by Johann Krieger that is listed in the Ansbach inventory:1 6 Dixit Dominus 1 5 Folke Lindberg, "Katalog over Diibensamlingen i Uppsala universitetsbibliotek: Vokalmusik i handskrift, med en inledning," 1942; Uppsala, Universitetsbibliotek. A new database catalog is currently in preparation (correspondence, 6 March 2001, Anders Edling, Uppsala Universitetsbibliotek). See also Bruno Grusnick, "Die Dubensammlung: Ein Versuch ihrer chronologischen Ordnung" Svensk tidskrift for musikforskning 46 and 48 (1964 and 1966): [1964] 27-82 and [1966] 63-186. 1 6 See below, p. 326. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 322 Wolfenbuttel: Herzog August Bibliothek (D-W) The manusripts in the Wolfenbuttel collection contain very little information about their copyists or former owners.1 7 One work is attributed to "Krieger": Exaltabo te Domine fragment— only soprano and basso continuo parts ("Krieger") Zittau: Christian-Weise-Bibliothek (D-ZI) An authorized copy of the following cantata prominently gives Krieger’s name on both the title page and the list of instruments (see figure 12): Halleluja Lobet den Herrn ("Johann Krieger Chor: Mus: Dr. Zittau" and "Johann Krieger Junior") This cantata was written for the 1685 dedication of the Dressel organ in St. John. "Actajubilaei Lutherani A. 1717. pars I I ... J. Kriegero autore" (B22) contains the music that Krieger composed for the 1717 Reformation anniversary in Zittau, as indicated in the title o f the collection ("... J. Kriegero autore"), by the dedication to the collection, and by the presence of his name on some of the title pages.1 8 The sacred vocal works in "Acta jubilaei Lutherani A. 1717. pars II" are: Frolocket Gott (with a second half titled "Geht also geht")1 9 Gott ist unser Zuversicht ("Joh. Krieger") Nun dancket ("Joh. Krieger") 1 7 The best published catalog of the manuscript collection is Emil Vogel, Die Handschriften nebst alteren Druckwerken der Musik-Abtheilung, Die Handschriften der Herzoglichen Bibliothek Wolfenbuttel, ed. Otto von Heinemann, part 8 (Wolfenbuttel, 1890). 1 8 See above, p. 255, for the text of the collection's dedication. The title pages of "Frolocket Gott" and the arias in this collection do not specify the composer, although the collection's title page indicates that Krieger wrote these works. 1 9 The manuscript of this cantata contains no composer designation. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 323 Sulamith ("Joh: Krieger") Zion jauchzt ("Joh Krieger") Two of these cantatas (“Nun dancket” and “Sulamith”) are likely autograph works.2 0 The texts for these cantatas, with the exception of "Frolocket Gott," are included in the printed program Texte, which opens the collection. The text of "Frolocket Gott" is printed in a different program (Th. 8° 349A/1.4.10 [former call number C40]), which also survives in handwritten form ("Acta betr. die Feyrung," fols. 85r-93r, Rep. VII Cap. 1/9 No. 3). A Krieger work survives in a modern transcription, probably copied by Stobe, who was director of church music in Zittau in the early twentieth century: Auf meinen lieben Gott ("Johann Krieger") I found this manuscript in the Christian-Weise-Bibliothek with a printed modern edition (1913) of another Krieger work, edited by Stobe: "Selig wer an Gott gedenkt" (NmE, 1: no. I).2 1 This short four-part work is an untexted imitative setting of the chorale tune. A subtitle states that the melody was originally a secular tune by Jacob Regnart: "Venus du und dein Kind [Cupid]."2 2 Several composers in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries incorporated this melody in their works, and Schein published it as a contrafactum in 1727 with the text "Auf meinen lieben Gott." The melody was subsequently used in multiple Protestant hymnals and arranged by many composers in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.2 3 2 0 See discussion below, pp. 336 and 338. 2 1 Krieger, Gottliches Andenken, Mus. fol. 44. The location of "Auf meinen lieben Gott" is no longer known (correspondence, 28 Feburary 2001, Uwe Kahl, Christian-Weise- Bibliothek, Zittau), but this author possesses a photocopy. 2 2 See discussion above, p. 312. 2 3 Ibid., 19:119. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 324 Even though Krieger's setting appears to be intended for keyboard, concordances to a Krieger vocal work with this title can be found in the WeiBenfels and Rudolstadt catalogs. While this instrumental setting may be unrelated to the vocal settings mentioned in these catalogs, it is the only surviving example of a Krieger work based on this chorale melody. The texts for the following sacred vocal works survive in programs housed in the Christian-Weise-Bibliothek: Der Herr ist gross Ihr Vater freuet Euch Preise Jerusalem2 4 These compositions were performed for the worship services accompanying the Zittau city elections. The texts of these works, which include both biblical passages and free poetry, are printed in the programs published for these occasions.2 5 These programs do not mention the composer of these works. Because Weise published these texts in Curidse Gedancken, a book that he wrote about poetry, he is therefore identified as the author of the non-biblical portions of the texts.2 6 In Weise's introduction to these texts, he states that the musical settings were composed by “Herr Krieger,” although he unfortunately did not distinguish 2 4 The text of this work is an expanded version of the text in the Berlin setting described above. 2 5 Johann Krieger (?), M. G. Gliickwunschende Andacht/ ["Der Herr ist groli"] Bei der Gott gebe gesegneten Raths-Wahl in Zittau/Den 22. Augusti MDCLXXXVI. Nach Anleitung der Worte Psalm 99. vers. 2. 3. 4. ... Abgestattet Vom Choro Musico (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1686); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zitt. 29e; Idem (?), Der Inhalt Des CXXII. Psalmes: Ich freue mich des/ das mir geredt ist/ dafi wir werden in das Haufi des Herrn gehen/ &c. ["Ihr Vater freuet Euch"] Wird Bei der von Gott gesegneten Raths-Wahl in Zittau/ Den 23. Aug. MDCLXXXV. In der Kirche Singende und wiinschende vorgetragen Vom Choro Musico. (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1685); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zitt. 29e; Idem (?), Gott ergebene Kirchen-Andacht/ ["Preise Jerusalem"] Bei der Glucklich- undgesegneten Raths-Wahl in Zittau/Den 19. Aug. MDCLXXXVIII. ausgelassen Vom Choro Musico (Zittau: Michael Hartmann, 1688); Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, Zitt. 29e. 2 6 Christian Weise, Curidse Gedancken, pp. 451-55. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 325 between Johann Krieger and Johann Philipp Krieger. Weise wrote this introduction to explain the practice of rewriting texts for specific occasions: There are many changes in sacred [church music] works when such verses are fixed for a specific time [i.e., event], I nevertheless want to publish [in Curidse Gedancken] something that I have arranged for music for the council elections as a favor to Herr Krieger.2 7 A program from a church dedication in 1726 gives the texts of several works by Johann Krieger.2 8 The title page of the program identifies Krieger as the composer ("Und in Composition gebracht von Johann Kriegem, Chor. Mus. Direct, in Zittau"). Heilig, heilig, heilig ist unser Gott [German Sanctus] Nun dancket alle Gott2 9 O Grosser Gott [a setting of "Est ist das Heil uns kommen her"] Siehe da, eine Hutte Gottes Wie lieblich sind deine Wohnungen Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Inventories and Catalogs The following list contains entries for works by Johann Krieger and Johann Philipp Krieger in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century inventories and catalogs. The entries given, however, are only for works that also survive with music and/or text in at least one other location. As in the previous discussion of manuscript sources, the listings of works attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger include only those works for which attribution between the two brothers is problematic; if a work is solidly attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger, it 2 7 "In Kirchen-Musicken giebt es viel Aenderungen/ wenn dergleichen Verse zu gewisser Zeit angebracht werden. Ich will doch etwas setzen/ dab ich unsern Hrn. Kriegern zugefallen/ bei der Raths-Wahl/ nach der Music eingerichtet habe." Ibid., p. 449. This section of Weise's treatise gives the texts of four works performed for the city elections, including an aria from Johann Krieger's Neue musicalische Ergetzligkeit (1: no. 20). 2iBericht, pp. 5-7. See discussion above, p. 260. 2 9 This is not the same work that was performed at the 1717 Reformation anniversary (the texts are not the same). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 326 is not discussed here. Where applicable, the listings below include entry numbers, page/folio numbers, and/or dates of first performance for the various inventories/catalogs. Ansbach In the seventeenth century, the court of Ansbach (near Bayreuth) owned the largest collection of music manuscripts in southern Germany. An inventory of the collection was made in 1686 after the death of the ruling earl.3 0 Works in the inventory attributed to Johann Krieger are: Cantate Domino3 1 ("a 3. 2. Violin. C[anto]. solo. J. Krieger") fol. 1032 Confitebor tibi Domine ("Kruger juniore ... a 4. Voc. ex G [flat] nur in partitura.") fol. 952 Confitebor ("Kruger juniore ... a 9. 5. strom. 4 Voc. ex D.") fol. 952 Dixit Dominus ("Kruger juniore ... a 10. 5. Instr. 5 Voc. ex A.") fol. 952 Dixit Domin. ("a 5. Voc. 5. Instum. Joh: Krieger") fol. 1050 Der Herr ist mein Licht ("Kruger juniore ... a 4. 2 Instr. 2 Voc. ex C dur.") fol. 952 Ich freue mich3 2 (“a 5. Voc. et 5. Instr. Joh. Krieger”) fol. 1051 Laudate Dominum ("Kruger juniore ... a 5. Voc. ex F.") fol. 952 Laudate pueri Dominum ("Kruger juniore ... a 10. 5. Instr. 5. Voc. ex D.") fol. 952 One of the works attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger is: Exaltabo te Domine ("Kruger seniore ... a 6. 5 Instr. Canto [soprano] solo, ex G [flat].") fol. 950 One of the works attributed to Johann Krieger or Johann Philipp Krieger (but not further distinguished in the Ansbach inventory) is: 3 0 Entries for Johann Krieger and Johann Philipp Krieger are found in Richard Schaal, Die Musikhandschriften des Ansbacher Inventors von 1686, Quellen-Kataloge zur Musikgeschichte (Wilkhelmshaven: Heinrichshofen's Verlag, 1966), pp. 22-24, 65, 75. 3 1 This work (“Cantate Domino canticum novum [Psalm 95]”) is strongly attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger in other sources. 3 2 This work is strongly attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger in another source. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 327 Dixit Dominus (listed in a section titled "Musicalia Von Joh: Philipp Kriigern. seniore und Von seinem Bruder Johann Krugern minore seu juniore ... a 10. 5. Instr. 5. Voc. exF.") fol. 949 Freyburg Freyburg is a small town near Naumburg where Johann Philipp Krieger and his son Johann Gotthilf Krieger occasionally led performances by the WeiBenfels court Kapelle. In 1962 Werner Braun published inventories of the Freyburg/Unstrut music collection dated 1709 and 1751.3 3 Two works in the 1709 inventory are attributed to Johann Krieger: Dominus illuminatio mea ("B. S. [bass solo] et violino con Contin: J.K.") fol. 2 In Te Domine speravi ("T[enor]. & 2. Violino. di J. Krieger.") fol. 15 One of the works attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger is: Der Herr ist mein Licht und mein Heil ("a 4. J. Ph. Krieger") fol. 16 Grofifahner The catalog that accompanies the GroBfahner collection mentions five compositions written by "Krieger" or "Kruger."3 4 One of these works ("Rhumet den Herrn") has a concordance with a work by Johann Krieger that is extant in Berlin: [Rhumet] den Herrn3 5 ("Krieger" or "Kriiger") 3 3 Werner Braun, "Die alten Musikbibliotheken der Stadt Freyburg/Unstrut," Die Musikforschung xv (1962): 123-45. 3 4 Gundlach, "Johann Philipp Krieger," 1:20. For a description of the GroBfahner collection, see above, p. 320. 3 5 The catalog has sustained water damage, making a portion of this title unreadable. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 328 Halle Adam MeiBner (1655-1718) was the organist of St. Ulrich Church in Halle. The inventory of his music collection is dated the year of his death.3 6 One work in MeiBner's inventory is attributed to "Krieger": Gelobet sey der Herr ("a 10 ... (ladiert) Kruger") no. 110 Leipzig In 1918 and 1919 Schering published five inventories of music from the former library of the St. Thomas school.3 7 One of these lists documents the music sold to the Leipzig city council by the widow of Gottfried Kiihnel, who died in 1684 after serving two years as the organist of St. Thomas Church. One of the works from the Kiihnel inventory attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger is: Der Herr ist mein Licht und mein Heil ("J. P. Kruger ... a 4") p. 286 Luneburg Friedrich Emanuel Praetorius assembled a large collection of vocal music during his tenure as cantor at the Michaelisschule in Luneburg. His successor Augustus Braun compiled an inventory of the collection when he became cantor in 1696. Although the inventory is now lost, it survived into the early twentieth century and listings of its contents were published.3 8 According to the inventory, the school purchased Krieger's Neue 3 6 Serauky, Musikgeschichte, pp. 76-87. 3 7 Arnold Schering, "Die alte Chorbibliothek der Thomas Schule in Leipzig," Archiv fur Musikwissenschajt (1918/1919): 275-88. 3 8 The portion of the inventory describing printed works was published by W. Junghan, "Joh. Seb. Bach als Schuler der Partikularschule zu St. Michaelis in Luneburg," Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 329 musicalische Ergetzligkeit in 1693, about ten years after its publication. Several manuscript copies of Johann Krieger's arias are included in the inventory, but only the concerted works are given here: Also hat Gott die Welt geliebet ("a 10 ou 14. 6 Strom. 4 Voc. in Cone. 4 in Rip. (A [natural])") no. 53 Dominus illuminatio mea ("a 2. BaBo solo e Violin Solo. (A).") no. 232 Wie lieblich sind deine Wohnungen ("a 9 ou 16. 4 Viol. Fag. CATB in Cone. CATB in Rip. (A)") no. 1031 Two of the works attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger are: Der Herr ist mein Licht u. mein Heil ("a 5. 2 Violin. Fag. C e B (C)") n o .179 In te Domine speravi ("a 4. 2 Violin. Fag. Ten. Solo (D [flat])") no. 513 Rudolstadt An inventory of the music collection at the court of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt was prepared between 1697 and 1700, and published in the early twentieth century by Kinkeldey.3 9 It is known in most secondary sources as "Rudolstadt I." Philipp Heinrich Erlebach (1657-1714), who became court Kapellmeister in 1681, prepared another inventory of the music collection in the second decade of the eighteenth century. This inventory was published by Base It in 1963 and is known as "Rudolstadt II."4 0 The music collection was lost when the castle burned in 1735, but the two inventories survived. All entries below Programm des Johanneums zu Luneburg (Luneburg, 1870): 26ff; cited in Krummacher, Uberlieferung, p. 174. The entries for manuscript works by Johann Krieger and Johann Philipp Krieger are found in Seiffert, "Die Chorbibliothek," 609-10. 3 9 0 . Kinkeldey, foreword to Philipp Heinrich Erlebach nebst einigen Notizen zur Geschichte der Rudolstadter Hofmusik, DDT, series 1, vol. 46/47 (Leipzig, 1914), pp. xxiiff. 4 0 Baselt, "Die Musikaliensammlung," pp. 105-34. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 330 refer to Baselt's publication unless otherwise noted. Works in the Rudolstadt inventories attributed to Johann Krieger are: Auf meinen lieben Gott ("a 9, 5 Strom., 4 Voci di J. K.") no. 612 Der Herr ist mein Licht und mein Heil ("J. K. ... f. 2 Chore") no. 669 Two of the works attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger are: Also hat Gott ("doi chori di Giov. Fil. Krieger") no. 602 Confitebor tibi Domine ("J. P. K.") no. 630 Some of the works attributed to "Krieger," "Krieg.," or "K." are: DiB ist der Tag ("a 10, 4 Voci, 6 Strom, di K.") no. 668 Exaltabo te Domine ("a 6, 5 Strom., Soprano di Krieger") no. 679 Gelobet sey der Herr ("a 10, 4 Voci, 6 Strom, di Krieger in tuplo") no. 714 Gloria in excelsis Deo ("a 10 di Krieg.") no. 723 In Te Domine Speravi non Confundar ("a 6 di Krieg.") no. 761 A work by Johann Philipp Krieger that is anonymous in the inventory is: Der Herr ist mein Licht und mein Heil4 1 ("a 2 Voci, 2 Stromenti") no. 658 An anonymous work in the Rudolstadt inventory could be a work by either Johann Krieger or Johann Philipp Krieger, based on concordances with other sources:4 2 Wie lieblich sind deine Wohnungen ("a 9") no. 879 Stettin In 1698 Martin Music was appointed cantor in Stettin (now Szczecin, Poland) and discovered that most of the school's music had disappeared. He began purchasing music in 1700, and compiled three different inventories of the new collection. In 1936 Freytag 4 1 This is not the same work as the version for two choirs listed above for Johann Krieger. 4 2 For example, Johann Krieger wrote a work with this title for a church dedication in 1726, for which the complete text survives (see discussion above, p. 260). The WeiBenfels catalog lists a setting of this text by Johann Philipp Krieger, first performed in 1701. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 331 published these inventories as part of his dissertation shortly before they were destroyed.4 3 One of the inventories listed music purchased in 1703 from Abraham Petzold, who served as organist in Gorlitz (near Zittau) from 1695 until 1702.4 4 Two of the works attributed to Johann Krieger in this inventory are: Haurietis aqvas in gaudio4 5 (“a 5. Voc. et 5. Strom. ... Sign. Jean Krieger”) Nun dancket alle Gott ("4. Voc. et 6. Strom. ... Jean Krieger") Weifienfels In 1684 Johann Philipp Krieger began to keep a catalog of the works performed in the castle church in WeiBenfels. After his death in 1725, the catalog was continued until 1732 by his son Johann Gotthilf Krieger.4 6 The catalog, organized according to the liturgical year, is complete except for entries in 1697 and 1698. Johann Philipp Krieger wrote the entries in this catalog himself, taking great care with it; for example, the catalog contains detailed entries for over thirty years of performances (often more than one per week) and only four entries out of more than 2800 are labeled as anonymous works.4 7 The care with which Johann Philipp kept this catalog, as well as the close relationship that Johann Krieger and Johann Philipp Krieger maintained throughout their lives, argues for the accuracy o f the 4 3 Entries for Johann Krieger and Johann Philipp Krieger can be found in Freytag, "Musikgeschichte der Stadt Stettin,” p. 140. 4 4 Johann Krieger dedicated a new organ in Gorlitz in 1703, the same year that Petzold sold music to Stettin. See above, p. 252. 4 S This work is strongly attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger in other sources. 4 6 The WeiBenfels catalog is extant: Johann Philipp Krieger and Johann Gotthilf Krieger, "Ordnungen / Wie der Gottesdienst in der Neu-Augustus Burgischen SchloB Kirchen zu WeiBenfelB auszustellen und zu halten sey," 1684-1732, Magdeburg, Konsistorium der Kirchenprovinz Sachsen, Rep. H. 4 7 Krummacher, Uberlieferung, p. 223. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 332 attributions between the two brothers in this source. Johann Philipp would certainly know if he himself had composed a work, and there is no reason to suspect that he would take credit for a work actually composed by his brother.4 8 The WeiBenfels catalog compiled by Johann Philipp Krieger and his son Gotthilf is the most important source available for information on Johann Krieger's compositional output. It contains over 200 entries for Johann's works performed in WeiBenfels which range from 1685 until 1720. The number of his works receiving their first performance there was highest in the 1680s (95 works), and with each succeeding decade the number decreased (45 in the 1690s, 25 in the 1700s, and 6 in the 1710s). These figures do not, however, reflect subsequent performances, which were numerous. In 1916 and 1917 Seiffert published lists of Johann Philipp and Johann Krieger's works in this catalog (up to the year 1725), and Gundlach is preparing a new edition of the entire catalog.4 9 A typical entry in the WeiBenfels catalog gives the work's title, instrumentation, date of performance (i.e., the event in the liturgical year), and for Magnificat and Mass settings, a brief musical incipit. Seiffert's worklists from the catalog usually give only the first date of performance for a work. Krieger's compositions in the WeiBenfels catalog that are now lost will not be listed here, since this information is readily available in DTB, Jg. 18. Entries in the catalog for extant sacred vocal works attributed to Johann Krieger are: 4 8 It is possible, of course, that there may be some inaccuracies in the catalog concerning attribution between the brothers. Gundlach ("Johann Philipp Krieger," 1:114-15) mentions two works attributed to Johann Krieger ("Der Herr ist mein Licht" and "In Te Domine Speravi") that he believes should have been designated in the catalog as works of Johann Philipp Krieger. 4 9 DDT, series 1, vols. 53/54, pp. xxiv-lii; DTB, Jg. 18, pp. xxxiv-xxxviii; correspondence, 11 February 2001, Klaus-Jiirgen Gundlach, Templin. The publisher o f the new edition will be Verlag Dr. G. Schewe in Sinzig. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 333 Also hat Gott ("a 13 con doi Chori") 1691 Auf meinen lieben Gott ("a 9. 4 voc. 5 Instr.") 21st Sunday after Trinity, 1690 Cantate Domino5 0 ("a 9. 4 voc. 5 Instr.") 13th Sunday after Trinity, 1687 Confitebor tibi Domine ("a 4") 20th Sunday after Trinity, 1686 Dancksaget dem Vater ("a 9. 4 voc. 5 Instr.") Reformation, 1688 Danket dem Herrn ("a 9. 4. voc. 5 Instr.") Annunciation, 1687 Dili ist der Tag ("a 10. 4 voc. 6 Instr.") Pentecost, 1687 Dominus illuminatio mea ("a 2. B. Viol.") 17th Sunday after Trinity, 1690 Exaltabo te Domine ("a 6. 5. Instr.") Easter, 1696 Gelobet sey der Herr ("4 voc.") Vespers on eve of Pentecost, 1689 Gloria in excelsis Deo5 1 ("a 10. 4 voc. 6 Instr. Tromba") 3rd Day of Christmas, 1688 Der Herr ist mein Licht und mein Heil5 2 ("a 13.8 voc. 5 instr.") Jubilate 1692 Der Herr ist mein Licht und mein Heil5 3 ("a 4. CB 2 viol.") Bartholomew, 1695 In Te Domine Speravi non Confundar ("a 3. T[enor], 2 Viol.") Exaudi, 1688 Magnificat a 4, 1st Sunday in Advent, 1687 Magnificat a 10 ("a 10. 4 voc. 6 Instr.") Palm Sunday, 1689 Nun danket alle Gott ("a 10. 4 voc. 6 Instr.") 14th Sunday after Trinity, 1691 Preise Jerusalem ("a 10. 5 voc. 5 Instr.") Sts. Peter and Paul, 1687 Singet frohlich Gott5 4 (“a 2. A[lto]. Viol.”) Easter, 1702 Wie lieblich sind deine Wohnungen ("a 16. 6 voc. 10 Instr.") 3rd Day of Pentecost, 1687 Wie lieblich sind deine Wohnungen5 5 ("4 voc. 5 Instr.") St. James, 1688 5 0 This work (“Cantate Domine canticum novum [Psalm 97]”) is strongly attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger in other sources. 5 1 There is also an entry for a Gloria ("a 10 4 voc 5 inst. Tromb.") by Johann Philipp Krieger, performed in 1718. 5 2 This is possibly the same work mentioned above in the Rudolstadt inventory ("f. 2 Chore”). 5 3 Another setting of "Der Herr ist mein Licht und mein Heil" is attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger in the WeiBenfels catalog. This work is designated "a 6. T[enor], 5 Instr." and was first performed for the Presentation of Our Lord in 1694. This work was likely the one found in Johann Philipp Krieger's collection of cantatas, Musicalischer Seelen-Friede (published in 1697), which is scored for tenor, two violins, and basso continuo. 5 4 This work was written by Johann Philipp Krieger and appears in his published collection Musicalischer Seelen-Friede. 5 5 This work is likely a reduced version of the one performed in 1687 (based on the entry from the Luneburg entry, given above). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 334 The following extant works are among those in the WeiBenfels catalog attributed to Johann Philipp Krieger: In Te Domine Speravi non Confundar ("SB, 4 instr.") 12th Sunday after Trinity, 1701 Wie lieblich sind deine Wohnungen, St. James, 1701 Works Attributed to Krieger Based on the evidence available in the sources described above, twenty vocal works can be firmly attributed to Johann Krieger. For each of these works, presented below in alphabetical order, the relevant information concerning their attribution to Krieger is summarized below in the following manner: 1) list of extant manuscripts, 2) details of entries from inventories and catalogs, when available, and 3) in some cases, commentary. While some of the sources given here contain attributions to Johann Philipp Krieger, the majority of the evidence in each case points to Johann Krieger. Instrumentation is included for works in which more than one source of information (manuscript or inventory entry) is available. The RISMabbreviations used below for each work are provided above (pp. 3 lb- 322) in the individual descriptions of libraries and archives. "Also hat Gott" D-B, Bokemeyer collection, [SATB, SATB, Vn I-II, Va I-II, Den, Be], " J: Krieger"5 6 Luneburg inventory, no. 53, "a 10 ou 14. 6 Strom. 4 Voc. in Cone. 4 in Rip. (A [natural])," Johann Krieger, Rudolstadt inventory, no. 602, "doi chori di Giov. Fil. Krieger" WeiBenfels catalog, first performed in 1691, "a 13 con doi Chori," Johann Krieger "Dancksaget dem Vater" D-B, Bokemeyer collection, SATB, Vn I-II, Va I-II, Viola da gamba, Be, "Krieger" WeiBenfels catalog, first performed in 1688 (Reformation), "a 9. 4 voc. 5 Instr.," Johann Krieger 5 6 See appendix 20 for a list of voice and instrument names used in this dissertation. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 335 "Danket dem Herrn" D-B, Bokemeyer collection, [SATB, Vn I-II, Va I-II, Den, Be], "Joh: Krieger" WeiBenfels catalog, first performed in 1687 (Annunciation), "a 9. 4. voc. 5 Instr.," Johann Krieger The WeiBenfels catalog also lists several subsequent performances, with the work attributed to Johann Krieger each time.5 7 "DiB ist der Tag" D-B, Bokemeyer collection, [SATB,] Vn I-II, [Va I-III, Den, Be], "Jo. Krieger" Rudolstadt inventory, no. 668, "a 10, 4 Voci, 6 Strom, di K." WeiBenfels catalog, first performed in 1687 (Pentecost), "a 10. 4 voc. 6 Instr.," Johann Krieger "Dominus illuminatio mea" D-Dlb, Mus. 2102-E-501, B, Vn, Org, "J. P. Kriegher" S-Uu, Vok. mus. i hs. 57:10, B, Vn, Org, "Johanne Kriegero" Freiberg inventory, fol. 2, "B. S. [bass solo] et violino con Contin: J.K." Luneburg inventory, no. 232, "a 2. BaBo solo e violino Violin Solo. (A).," Johann Krieger WeiBenfels catalog, first performed in 1690 (17th Sunday after Trinity), "a 2. B. Viol.," Johann Krieger "Frolocket Gott" (with a second half titled "Geht also gehf') D-ZI, B22 (no. 12/13). This work is attributed to Krieger in the title of the collection ("... J. Kriegero autore"), as well as its dedication.5 8 "Gelobet sey der Herr" D-B, Bokemeyer collection, [SATB, Vn I-II, Va I-III, Be], "J. P. Krieger"5 9 5 7 DTB, Jg. 18, p. xxxiv. 5 8 See above, p. 255, for the text of the collection’s dedication. 5 9 According to Seiffert (DTB, Jg. 6/1, p. xl), this manuscript was copied by Zachau, who did not designate a composer. The designation "Joh. Phil. Krieger" was added by a later hand. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 336 Halle inventory, no. 110, "a 10 ... (ladiert) Kruger" Rudolstadt inventory, no. 714, "a 10, 4 Voci, 6 Strom, di Krieger in tuplo" WeiBenfels catalog, first performed in 1689 (Vesper for eve of Pentecost), "4 voc.," Johann Krieger The WeiBenfels catalog entry includes the words "aus Mangel der Musici," which means there was a shortage of musicians. "Gelobet sey der Herr" is listed again in 1693 (Cantate Sunday) and 1710 (Sexagesima) with more performers: "a 10. 4 voc. 6 strom." Subsequent performances also took place in 1701, 1702, and 1704 with the reduced forces first heard in 1689 ("4 voc."). All of the entries in the WeiBenfels catalog designate Johann Krieger as the composer.6 0 "Gott ist unser Zuversicht" D-ZI, B22 (no. 3). This work is attributed to Krieger in the title of the collection ("... J. Kriegero autore"), the dedication of the collection, and by his name ("Joh. Krieger") on the title page.6 1 “Gott ist unser Zuversicht” is likely an autograph work, as seen from a comparison with other examples of Krieger's handwriting (see figure 14 for the title page of “Gott ist unser Zuversicht” and figures 3 and 13 for examples of Krieger's handwriting from sources dated 1682 and 1703, respectively).6 2 “Ibid. 6 1 See above, p. 255, for the text of the collection’s dedication. 6 2 Eitner (Quellen-Lexikon, 5:451) describes “Gott ist unser Zuverischt” as an autograph. See below (“Nun dancket”) for a discussion of another possible autograph work. Three keyboard autographs by Krieger appear to have been lost during the twentieth century. The chorale-prelude “In dich hab ich gehoffet, Herr” (Samuel No. 27), signed by Krieger on 21 January 1697, and an untitled work labeled battaglia (Samuel No. 26) were formerly located in Ms. H5741 at the Institut fur Kirchenmusik in Berlin. Dr. Franz Bullman at the Hochschule der Kiinste in Berlin told this author on 3 June 1992 that this collection was almost completely destroyed during World War II. A recent edition of Krieger's keyboard music, however, describes possible scenarios by which these works may have survived, but unfortunately the editors were not able to locate them. Johann and Johann Philipp Krieger, Sdmtliche Orgel- und Clavierwerke, 2:xlvi-xlvii, liii. The editors include editions of these two works (pp. 80-83, 87-90) based on Seiffert's editions in DTB, Jg. 18, pp. 205-7,210-12. Another Krieger autograph is a canon from 1692 formerly found in a Zittau album for Andreas Knebel (1652-1741): "Stammbuch des Andreas Knebel von Zittau," 1692, p. 43 (no. 103), Zittau, Christian-Weise-Bibliothek, B158. Eitner ("Johann Krieger," 134) saw this canon in the late nineteenth century, but Samuel {Cantata, pp. 387-411) did not include it in his worklist. When I observed the album in 1992, the page with Krieger's canon was Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Figure 14. Title page of “Gott ist unser Zuversicht.” "Laudate Dominum omnes gentes" D-B, Mus. ms. 12147, SSATB, Org, "Gio: Krieger il minore" D-B, Mus. ms. 30309, SSATB, "Fondamente," "Johann Krieger jun: gebohren zu Nurnberg 1652" Ansbach inventory, fol. 952, "Kruger juniore ... a 5. Voc. ex F." "Flalleluja Lobet dem Herrn" D-ZI, B140c. This cantata is the earliest surviving sacred vocal work in Krieger's oeuvre. It is attributed to Krieger in its title pages ("Johann Krieger Chor: Mus: Dr. Zittau"), through the elaborate designation to Krieger ("Johann Krieger Junior"), and by its performance at the 1685 dedication of an organ in Zittau.6 3 missing. In the Baroque era, composers often wrote canons as their entries in albums (also called autograph books). Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude, p. 218. “Figure 12 is a reproduction of the instrument list in "Halleluja Lobet den Herrn." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 338 Magnificat a 4 D-B, Mus. ms. 3008, [SATB,] cembalo, "Giov. Krieger" and "G. Krieger" WeiBenfels catalog, first performed in 1687 (1st Sunday in Advent), music incipit matching Mus. ms. 3008, Johann Krieger Magnificat a 10 D-B, Mus. ms. 12149, SATB, Vn I-II, Va I-III, Violone, Org, "G. Krieger" WeiBenfels catalog, first performed in 1689 (Palm Sunday), "a 10. 4 voc. 6 Instr.," Johann Krieger "Nun dancket" D-ZI, B22 (no. 1). This work is attributed to Krieger in the title of the collection ("... J. Kriegero autore"), the dedication o f the collection, and by his name ("Joh. Krieger") on the title page.6 4 “Nun dancket” is likely an autograph work, as seen from a comparison with other examples of Krieger's handwriting (see figure 15 for the title pages of “Nun dancket” and figures 3 and 13 for examples o f Krieger's handwriting from sources dated 1682 and 1703, respectively).6 5 "Riihmet den Herrn" D-B, Bokemeyer collection, [SATB, Vn I-II, Va I-II, Den, Be], "Joh: Krieger" GroBfahner catalog, " [Rhumet] den Herrn," "Krieger" or "Kruger" Sanctus a 2 D-B, Mus. ms. 12148/2, ST, Ob, Org, "Johan Krieger" D-B, Mus. ms. 30221, S, [T], Ob, [Org], "Johann Krieger" Sanctus a 4 D-B, Mus. ms. 12148/1, SATB, Vn I-II, Va, Be, Org, "Joh. Krieger" 6 4 See above, p. 255, for the text of the collection’s dedication. 6 5 Eitner (Quellen-Lexikon, 5:451) describes “Nun dancket” as an autograph. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 339 Figure 15. Title page of “Nun dancket: Sanctus a 8 D-B, Mus. ms. 12145, "GeneralbaB," "Continuo," "Krieger" D-B, Mus. ms. 30221, [SATB, Ob I-III, Bsn, Org], "J. Krieger"6 6 Sanctus a 10 D-B, Mus. ms. 12148/3, SATB, SATB, Vn I-II, Va I-III, Den, Be, "J. Krieger" and "Joh: Krieger" 6 6 The title page of Mus. ms. 12145 designates the instrumentation given here. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 340 "Sulamith" D-ZI, B22 (no. 4). This work is attributed to Krieger in the title of the collection ("... J. Kriegero autore"), the dedication of the collection, and by his name ("Joh. Krieger") on the title page.6 7 "Zionjauchzt" D-ZI, B22 (no. 2). This work is attributed to Krieger in the title of the collection ("... J. Kriegero autore"), the dedication of the collection, and by his name ("Joh. Krieger") on the title page.6 8 MOTETS Krieger's extant motets are the Magnificat a 4 (1687), the Sanctus a 4 (1699), and "Laudate Dominum omnes gentes" (n.d.). In addition, one of his biblical cantatas, "Dancksaget dem Vater," contains several lengthy passages written in motet style. In 1706 Martin Fuhrmann defined the motet in Germany as "... a church harmony, four voices strong (sometimes more) without instruments, set according to Hammerschmidt's standard, in which the voices make fugues and concertize only a little or not at all."6 9 Fuhrmann's mention of a "Hammerschmidt standard" alludes to the strong influence of Hammerschmidt's style in Germany during the late seventeenth century. In 1646 Hammerschmidt himself described his motets as "full-voiced" and indicated that they could be performed with or 6 7 See above, p. 255, for the text of the collection’s dedication. Eitner (Quellen- Lexikon, 5:451) describes “Sulamith” as an autograph. 6 8 See above, p. 255, for the text of the collection’s dedication. Eitner (Quellen- Lexikon, 5:451) describes “Zionjauchzt” as an autograph. 6 9 Martin Fuhrmann, Musicalischer-Trichter (Frankfurt an der Spree [Berlin], 1706); translated in Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude, pp. 153-54. The emphasis on fugues in this passage ("the voices make fugues") does not imply strict fugal form; rather, Fuhrmann is suggesting a homogeneous contrapuntal texture instead of the contrast typical of concertato writing. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 341 without basso continuo.7 0 Thus a motet in the late seventeenth century was a sacred work for four or more voices written in continuous counterpoint with an optional basso continuo accompaniment. Krieger himself noted the importance that churches in his day placed on music in stile antico, as seen in the following passage from his 1726 theoretical treatise: "As far as the ecclesiastical style with ligatures is concerned ... such [music] is also still happening in many places devoted to the Protestant religion."7 1 Krieger would certainly have been well aware of the music and style of his famous predecessor at St. John, and his three extant motets follow some aspects of "Hammer schmidt's standard" quite closely— sacred texts, four or more vocal parts, optional basso continuo accompaniment, and imitative counterpoint. In addition, Krieger used stile antico and Latin texts in all of his motets, while Hammerschmidt's works represent a different stream of motet writing that eventually led in central Germany to primarily homophonic textures and German texts.7 2 Krieger's motets are all settings of Latin liturgical texts.7 3 In St. John, the Sanctus was sung during the elevation at the primary service on Sundays. The main service on feastdays included a concerted setting of the Sanctus, also sung during the elevation. 7 0 Snyder, Dieter ich Buxtehude, p. 153. 7 1 "Was den Stylum Ecclesiasticum ligatum betrift... wie solches auch in vielen, der Evangelischen Religion zugethanen Orten, noch immer geschiehet." Krieger, "Gedanckeniiber die ... Controvers," inMattheson, CriticaMusica, 2:222. Krieger's mention of music in "ecclesiastical style with ligatures" is a reference to stile antico motets, which are strongly influenced by sixteenth-century counterpoint when ligatures were still commonly used. At the time Krieger wrote this treatise, his own composition of motets had ceased over two decades earlier. His last dated work in this genre was written in 1699. 7 2 Daniel Melamed, J. S. Bach and the German motet (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 15-16. 7 3 Many of J. S. Bach's compositions in stile antico are also settings of liturgical texts. Christoph Wolff, "Bach and the Tradition of the Palestrina Style," in Bach: Esssays, 103. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 342 The Magnificat is the centerpiece of the Vespers service, which was held in late seventeenth- century Zittau on Saturdays, Sundays, and the eve of feastdays.7 4 Krieger's Magnificat a 4 is a fairly lengthy work, which may point to its use on major feastdays. "Laudate Dominum omnes gentes" is one of the psalms traditionally used for Vespers (Psalm 117), although Krieger chose to set only a small portion of the psalm text (vv. 1 -2). In addition to writing motets for regular worship services, Krieger also composed funeral motets, as seen in Zieger's description of funeral practices in Zittau.7 5 Krieger's choice o f the motet for this purpose was typical for late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century German composers, who felt that the learned style of this genre appropriately matched the gravity of a funeral. The Latin texts in all of his motets also show Krieger's view of the motet as a serious genre.7 6 In general, Latin was commonly used for liturgical settings and funeral music at this time, especially in cities like Zittau with Latin schools and a bent toward Lutheran orthodoxy. The churches in Krieger's hometown of Nuremberg also celebrated mass in Latin throughout his childhood, a practice that continued there until the nineteenth century. Krieger's motets, concertos, and cantatas (both extant and lost) include a high percentage with Latin texts (well over one-third of his oeuvre).7 7 Krieger's motets are written for four or five equal voice parts— SSATB for "Laudate Dominum" and SATB for the Magnificat a 4 and the Sanctus a 4. According to several 7 4 For a description of Vespers and communion services in St. John, see p. 125 and p. 127, respectively. 7 5 See above, p. 309. 7 6 During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, motets in stile antico, like Krieger's, were almost exclusively settings of Latin texts. Wolff, "Bach and the Tradition," in Bach: Essays, 88. 7 7 Webber, North German Church Music, p. 99; and Frank Senn, Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997), p. 333. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 343 writers in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, motets in Germany were usually performed with several singers on each voice part ("full-voiced," according to Hammerschmidt).7 8 In Zittau, the main Gymnasium choir sang motets as part of their repertoire; this group, directed by the cantor, was larger than the chamber choir, which generally had only eight singers. All of Krieger's motets have a homogenous texture, with all the voices usually sounding at any given time. Thus, it likely that Krieger's motets were sung with multiple singers per part. The manuscript source for the Sanctus a 4 contains an additional set of vocal parts which were likely added by someone other than Krieger.7 9 Their presence, however, further suggests that motets in this era could be performed with more than one singer per part. In two of Krieger's motets (the Magnificat a 4 and "Laudate Dominum"), the only instrumental part is the basso continuo; it doubles the bass voice exactly, implying the possibility of unaccompanied performance.8 0 The source for the Sanctus a 4 contains instrumental parts (two violins, viola, harpsichord, and organ), but like the vocal parts described above, the three string parts and the harpsichord part were probably added by someone other than Krieger. In any case, the string parts double the voices exactly, again leaving open the option of a cappella singing. The cotta parte nature of these string parts points to their later addition to the manuscript in the eighteenth century, for in 1739 Mattheson describes this performance practice as a feature of his own era ("in recent times"): 7 8 Butt, Music Education, pp. 111-13; Webber, North German Church Music, pp. 177-78; Parrott, The Essential Bach Choir, pp. 29-33. 7 9 See below, p. 462. 8 0 All three motets contain tasto solo passages for the basso continuo at the beginning of sections. In these passages, the keyboard player doubles the voices for their entrances and resumes chordal playing after at least three of the singers have entered. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 344 The earlier motets consisted of fugues or fugal sections, without instruments, without basso continuo; though in recent times one admits not only basso continuo, but also has that which the voices sing doubled by sundry instruments to play along, and thinks it proper. But the players play not a single note more than, different from, or less than the singers, which is an essential condition of motets.8 1 The very title "Sanctus a 4" also points to the later addition of string parts and four ripieno vocal parts, for without them the performing forces match the title (SATB and organ).8 2 Therefore, it appears that Krieger wrote all of his motets for four or five voice parts and basso continuo alone. Interestingly, while two of the motets (Sanctus a 4 and "Laudate Dominum") specify organ as the continuo instrument, the Magnificat a 4 calls for harpsichord.8 3 As for a bass-line instrument doubling the keyboard part, this author has found no direct evidence of this practice in these motets. Krieger composed his motets in the stile antico tradition, with motet-style imitative counterpoint (see example l).8 4 This type of writing, with points o f imitation for each short phrase of the text, creates a homogenous style and texture across the entire work. Each phrase of text usually receives its own motive, with a new point of imitation beginning when 8 1 "... und aus solchen Fugen, oder FugenmaBigen Satzen bestunden die ehmaligen Moteten, ohne Instrumente, ohne General BaB; wiewol man in den jiingern Zeiten nicht nur den General-BaB zugelassen, sondem auch eben dasjenige, was die Stimmen singen, durch allerhand Instrumente verstarcket, und mit zu spielen fur gut erachtet hat. Doch machen hierbei die Spielende keine Note mehr, anders, oder weniger, als die Sanger, welches ein wesentlicher Umstand der Moteten ist." Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister, p. 75; translated in Melamed, J. S. Bach, p. 12. 8 2 In descriptions of music in this era, it is common for the number o f parts listed in the title (in this case "a 4") to omit the basso continuo instrument. 8 3 For information on Krieger's use of harpsichord and organ as basso continuo instruments, see discussion below, p. 459. 8 4 See appendix 20 for conventions used in the musical examples found in this dissertation. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 345 Alla breve [Soprano] [Alto] [Tenor] [Bass] Harpsichord $ Ma - gm fi - cat ■ e - Ma fi - cat Ma r ~rr Do ma me m ma me cat gni Ma cat gm Hpschd Example 1. Magnificat a 4: mm. 1-7. the next textual phrase begins.8 5 The motives, which are quite restricted in range (usually a fourth or fifth), start with the same pitches (as would be the case with a head-motive) but 8 5 The text and its motive are almost always linked, so that if two phrases of text are set simultaneously, the two motives are also heard at the same time (e.g., "Laudate Dominum," m. 15ff). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 346 then differ as they approach the cadence. Entrances of each motive usually occur alternately in the tonic and dominant of the current key, and the answers almost always imitate the theme without inversion.8 6 An interesting exception, however, occurs in the Magnificat a 4 (m. 113ff). Krieger's use of inversion-like writing for the phrases "a progenie" (from generation) and "in progenies" (to generation) underlies their similarity of the texts (see example 2). The first two words (“a progenie”) appear with an ascending half-note and whole-note scale ("a"), while the second phrase (“in progenie”) is wed to a descending stepwise motive in whole, half, and quarter notes ("b"). The "b " motive contains the same intervals as "a" but instead they are inverted (i.e. descending). It is not an exact inversion, however, because the rhythm is changed and the stepwise motion in both "a" and "b" is confined only to the head-motive; the notes following each motive vary in each voice, partly in response to the harmony. The two motives first appear in the order "a" (bass), "b" (tenor), "b" (alto), and "a" (soprano) as points of imitation. Thus the entire phrase (“a progenie in progenies”) appears simultaneously, even though the tenor and alto have omitted the first two words. With subsequent repetitions of the text, however, each voice part does sing the textual phrase (with its two motives) in its entirety. Krieger's text-painting in this passage ties the two textual ideas together, yet his variation of the motives underscores the differences in meaning between them. For example, the predominance o f longer notes (common in stile antico) in "a" refers to past generations, while the presence of shorter notes in "b" (common in more modern music) represents future generations. Meter Krieger's three motets are predominantly written with half and whole notes ("white note" notation), which is typical of stile antico. The time signature of "Laudate Dominum" 8 6 This practice differs from that found in Krieger's keyboard ricercars (also in stile antico), which usually feature inverted answers. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 347 [Soprano] [Alto] [Tenor] [Bass] Harpsichord J U S J U S - J U S pro pro - ge [ H im r f ....... 1 — i.. L ] _ : ---------------------v - » . > ' ,.j ------------ [S] [A] [T] [B] Hpschd pro - ge e in_ Jr I 1 -M V -- 6--------J---- r —---------- V f u - 1 “ 1 1 1 pro - ge - es pro ge - ni - es pro - ge Example 2. Magnificat a 4: mm. 113-21. is 0, with the descriptive term "Alla breve" appearing repeatedly in both exemplars of the work. The original parts of the Sanctus a 4 (SATB and organ) are all notated with 0, while many of the parts added later are not.8 7 The Magnificat a 4 is not in j, as would be expected, but other features of this work indicate that it should be used. For example, even though the 8 7 For a discussion of the parts added later, see below, p. 462. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 348 Magnificat a 4 is in common time (C), the title page and first page of music prominently include the words "Alla breve." Thus, all of Krieger's motets should be performed in 0, as was customary for motets in the late seventeenth century. Two of Krieger's motets (Magnificat a 4 and Sanctus a 4) employ a constant meter throughout, and most of the third ("Laudate Dominum") is notated in alia breve meter. In addition, none of Krieger's motets contain a tempo designation.8 8 In "Laudate Dominum," however, the seamless contrapuntal texture and meter is broken by a short middle section in 3/1 (mm. 96-108), which represents a change in meter, tempo, and texture (to homophony).8 9 All of these changes are used to highlight the text, which is the beginning o f the Gloria patri: "Gloria Patri et filio et spiritui sancto" (Glory to the Father and Son and Holy Spirit). The highly unusual time signature (3/1), not found in any other work by Krieger, depicts the Trinity through numerical symbolism (the equivalence of "3" and "1"). This time signature, considered old-fashioned in Krieger's day, was expected to be used in music with a slow tempo (slower than fi). The antique nature and slow tempo of 3/1 probably symbolize the long-standing nature of the Trinity and its gravity as a Christian doctrine.9 0 This interpretation is reinforced by stepwise motion in the bass line for the initial statement of the Gloria patri text. It moves downward by step, starting and ending on the first scale degree; 8 8 This is in direct contrast to the concertos and cantatas, which have abundant changes of time signature and often include numerous tempo designations. 8 9 The 3/1 time signature appears in all of the parts in both exemplars of this motet (Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Mus. ms. 30309 and Mus. ms. 12147), with the exception of the organ part in Mus. ms. 12147, which is notated in 3/1 but has an incorrect time signature of 3/2. 9 0 Webber {North German Church Music, pp. 78, 135-37, 190) describes some seventeenth-century views of the 3/1 time signature. He states that it was already obsolete in the 1670s, which is one or two decades before Krieger wrote "Laudate Dominum." Krieger's work is undated, but most of his motets, concertos, and biblical cantatas are dated between 1685 and 1699. Krieger's other two motets are dated 1687 (Magnificat a 4) and 1699 (Sanctus a 4). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 349 this passage is especially striking considering the narrow range of the motives in the rest of the work. Krieger likely intended that this complete scale, which serves as the harmonic foundation of this passage, would symbolize the fundamental (complete) nature o f the Trinity as the foundation of Christian theology. Form and Key Structure The Sanctus a 4 is the only work among all of Krieger's motets, concertos, and cantatas that is not divided into sections, probably because it is brief (65 measures). It is significantly shorter than the other two motets (346 measures for the Magnificat a 4 and 168 measures for "Laudate Dominum"); in fact, its entire length is roughly the same as a single section in the other two motets (59-99 measures). The form o f the Sanctus a 4 is based on the phrases of its liturgical text, which are each set as a point of imitation. The overall plan of this work, therefore, is as a single movement with a homogeneous contrapuntal texture. The other two motets, "Laudate Dominum" and the Magnificat a 4, are divided into sections based on their texts. "Laudate Dominum" has three sections; a passage from Psalm 117 (vv. 1-2) makes up the first section, while the Gloria patri is divided between the second and third sections (the third section begins with the word "Sicut"). The Magnificat a 4 has five sections, with the biblical passage set in the first three sections (Luke l:46b-48, 49-51, and 52-55) and the Gloria patri in the final two (divided similarly to "Laudate Dominum"). As in the Sanctus a 4, the phrases of text in these two works are written as successive points of imitation leading to cadences.9 1 In "Laudate Dominum," however, this regularity of style changes for the last phrase of text, "Et in secula seculorum Amen" (world without end, Amen), which Krieger singles out for word-painting. This text is first set as 9 1 The only exception to this style is the declamatory section of "Laudate Dominum," (mm. 96-108), which is discussed above. It should also be noted that the contrapuntal writing in the Magnificat a 4 is much more seamless than in the other two motets, with many more elided phrases. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 350 points of imitation (beginning in m. 129) similar to the prevailing style of the entire motet. This passage cadences in m. 141 on B flat, a key center not yet seen in this motet. At the cadence, the first statement of the word "Amen" is set with quarter and eighth notes, which is a texture absent in the motet up to this point. The text (“Et in secula seculorum Amen”) is repeated several times and is set with a series of sequences following the circle of fifths. The music does not come to a conclusion again until the end of the work, where a very strong plagal cadence (in whole notes and breves) marks the final "Amen."9 2 The final phrase, which is extended with sequences and repetitions of the text, is an effective setting of the words "Et in secula seculorum" (world without end). The plagal cadence, foreshadowed in m. 141 and fulfilled in the final measures, is the traditional setting for the word "Amen." Krieger's motets are written in major mode, all three being in F major.9 3 The Sanctus a 4 contains interior cadences only on C and F. The cadences in this work reflect modal practice, which restricts final cadences to the first, third, and fifth scale degrees. The three sections of "Laudate Dominum" all begin and end in F major; in addition to the expected interior cadences on C and F, this work also includes a deceptive cadence in m. 58. The Magnificat a 4, a very long piece, contains a more complex key structure. Besides the expected interior cadences on F and C, one cadence occurs on B flat, and half-cadences and deceptive cadences are seen occasionally. The second and fifth (final) sections of the work conclude with an F major chord in first inversion (I6) and and a plagal cadence, respectively. 9 2 As in "Laudate Dominum," the text of the Magnificat a 4 also concludes with the Gloriapatri (ending with the word "Amen") and a final plagal cadence. In contrast, the Sanctus a 4 ends with the words "your glory" ("gloria tua"), and Krieger instead chose a a strong authentic cadence to close the work. 9 3 The fact that all three extant motets are written in the same key is probably coincidental, since incipits of Krieger's motet-style works in Johann Philipp's catalog are also in other keys (e.g., E minor, A minor, G minor). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 351 The cadential structure of the Magnificat a 4 helps delineate the form o f the text (in five sections). The first section, in which Mary speaks of herself (Luke 1:46b-48), is primarily in the main key of the work, F major. When the text turns in the second section to a description of God (1:49-51), the key changes briefly to B flat major, which has not been heard before this point. The second section moves quickly on to C major, however, which is the prevailing key for the second section and serves as a dominant preparation for a strong conclusion in F major. In the closing passage of the second section, the first cadence in F major is immediately followed by a general pause (m. 158), the only one found in Krieger's extant motets (see example 3). This sudden silence in the midst of seamless counterpoint is a striking setting of the word "dispersit" (scattered), and it marks a change in the text from a description of God to an account of his deeds. Following the general pause, seven measures of music lead to the first plagal cadence in the work. These seven measures are mostly homophonic, and this texture (unusual for this work) emphasizes the text: "superbos mente cordis sui" (the proud in the imagination of their hearts). Both the homophonic passage and the plagal cadence lend a strong sense of closure to the section.9 4 The text of the motet's third section continues with an account o f God's actions; the key o f F major, that so effectively closed the second section, also continues. The third section, which at ninety-nine measures is the longest in the motet, remains primarily in F major. This stability o f key lends weight to the section, which is the centerpiece of the motet as a whole and sets the final phrases of the biblical text (Luke 1:52-55). The fourth and fifth sections of the work set the two phrases of the Gloria patri. The cadence on C at the midpoint of the Gloria patri is the only section break in the entire work that ends on a chord other than F major. This 9 4 Many works composed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries have closing plagal cadences, often for the word "Amen." By the late seventeenth century, these cadences were considered old-fashioned, and Krieger's prominent use of them in the Magnificat a 4 further underscores the archaic style of this motet. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 352 [Soprano] [Alto] [Tenor] [Bass] Harpsichord o di * sper - sit su - per - bos m en - su - o di - sper - sit su - per - bos men - o di - sper - sit su - per - bos men - su - o di - sper - sit 4 3 su - per bos men P [S] [A] [T] [B] te cor dis su - te cor dis su - te cor - dis su - te cor - dis su Hpschd Example 3. Magnificat a 4: mm. 155-68. choice o f cadence, with its strong dominant feel, points to the unity o f the Gloria patri text despite its separation across two sections of the work. In the motet's last section, the final eight measures (see example 4) include techniques similar to those used to close the second section. For example, the entire last section is primarily written in C major, thus setting up a Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 353 [Soprano] [Alto] [Tenor] [Bass] Harpsichord men A rum A men A - cu - lo rum A - m en A A - 4 3 men A ________ aL A _ Q [S] [A] m [B] Hpschd U 2______ n Example 4. Magnificat a 4: mm. 337-46. strong return to the main key of F major in m. 339. As in the second section, Krieger once again provides finality by closing with homophony (on the final word "Amen") and a strong plagal cadence. Unlike the second section, however, he omits the general pause, which Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 354 would not be appropriate for the concluding words of the text: "Et in secula seculorum Amen" (world without end, Amen). Motet Style in Other Krieger Works A large number of Krieger's works with liturgical texts (seventeen masses and nineteen Magnificats) are listed in his brother's WeiBenfels catalog. While most of these compositions are unfortunately lost, the catalog includes short musical incipits for them because their texts are frequently seen in the catalog, and Johann Philipp Krieger felt that musical incipits were necessary to identify specific masses and Magnificats