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Border crossing: the experience of international students from Latin America in a California community college

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Border crossing: the experience of international students from Latin America in a California community college

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Content BORDER CROSSING: THE EXPERIENCE
OF INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS FROM LATIN AMERICA
IN A CALIFORNIA COMMUNITY COLLEGE
by
Nancy L. Kidder
Dissertation
Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of
The University of Southern California
in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements
for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
The University of Southern California
Professor Nelly P. Stromquist, Chair
Professor Linda Serra Hagedorn
Professor Elaine Bell Kaplan
Summer, 2000
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UMI Number: 3090948
UMI
UMI Microform 3090948
Copyright 2003 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company.
All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against
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Nancy Louise Kidder Nelly P. Stromquist
ABSTRACT FOR THE DISSERTATION
BORDER CROSSING: THE EXPERIENCE
OF INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS FROM LATIN AMERICA
IN A CALIFORNIA COMMUNITY COLLEGE
ABSTRACT. This qualitative study explores why international students from Latin
America elect to leave their country and study in a California community college; how
their actual experiences compare with their expectations, including strategies for
negotiating cultural differences; and the future consequences they anticipate as a result of
their study. Given the geographical proximity and increased trade opportunities between
the United States and Latin America, there is strong potential for expanded educational
exchange in the future. Recent emphasis on the desirability of increasing student
mobility between the countries of the American continents has heightened awareness of
the need for greater understanding of border crossing. The study develops and advances
a grounded theory of comparative opportunity to explain how students’ values influence
the decision-making process for international study in interaction with political,
sociological, and economic factors in the home and host country over the temporal stages
of their experience. Comparative opportunity theory focuses on understanding border
crossing by international students within the context of comparative factors and
conditions between the home and host countries and institutions, as perceived by the
students, including the non-traditional, but rapidly growing choice of the community
college. The study builds upon previous models of student mobility identifying home
and host country factors to explain international student flow at the macro level. The
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comparative opportunity theory adapts a conditional matrix and dialectical model to: (1)
better explain the phenomenon of student mobility at the level of the student’ s decision
making process and (2) place greater emphasis on the student’ s role in constructing
actions and strategies for success through international study. The findings reveal that
border crossing into the community college involves a high level of interaction between
multidimensional factors; which vary according to rather discrete temporal stages and
include several unique and widely varied purposes, creative routes, e.g., reverse transfer,
and complex strategies and outcomes. The study will be of interest to researchers of
student mobility, educators in positions to promote educational exchange in the American
hemisphere, and practitioners working with international students.
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Table of Contents
Tables and Figures........................................................................................ iv
Chapter I DESCRIPTION OF THE STUDY........................ 1
Statement of the Problem................................................................................... 3
Purpose of the Study........................................................................................... 9
The Research Questions..................................................................................... 11
Theoretical Framework...................................................................................... 12
Summary............................................................................................................... 16
Chapter II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE....................... 17
Models of Student Mobility.............................................................................. 17
Goals and Economic Trends in International Education............................... 28
The Experience of International Students in the United States.................... 34
Comparative Opportunity of International Study.......................................... 41
Summary.............................................................................................................. 46
Chapter III METHODOLOGY.................................................. 48
Research Design.................................................................................................. 48
The Research Question...................................................................................... 50
Sample and Population...................................................................................... 50
Overview of the Institution................................................................................ 52
Instrumentation................................................................................................... 53
Triangulation........................................................................................................ 55
Data Collection................................................................................................... 56
Data Analysis....................................................................................................... 59
Delimitations of the Study................................................................................. 61
Limitations of the Study.................................................................................... 62
Methodological Approaches for Researching the Student Experience... 62
Summary.............................................................................................................. 65
Chapter IV FINDINGS................................................................... 66
The Voices of Border Crossing....................................................................... 67
Stage I: Comparative Opportunities............................................................... 71
Socio-cultural Dimensions for Border Crossing............................................ 71
Value of Academic Achievement ................................... 72
Value of Language Acquisition.......................................................... 83
Value of Developing Cultural Skills.................................................. 92
Political Dimensions for Border Crossing..................................................... 105
Value of Quality Educational Offerings............................................ 106
Value of Political and Civil Stability............................................ 117
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Economic Dimensions of Border Crossing............................................... 122
Value of International Living Standards...................................... 122
Value of Cost Benefit in Higher Education................................. 126
Value of Competitive Preparation for Careers................................ 134
Stage II - Comparison of Experiences and Expectations and Strategies
for Negotiating Difference................................................................. 140
Socio-cultural Dimensions of Border Crossing........................................... 141
Political Dimensions of Border Crossing..................................................... 184
Economic Dimensions of Border Crossing................................................... 205
Stage III - Realizing Future Goals................................................................. 221
Socio-cultural Dimensions for the Future..................................................... 222
Political Dimensions for the Future................................................................ 240
Economic Dimensions for the Future............................................................ 250
Summary............................................................................................................ 265
Voices of Border Crossing.............................................................................. 266
Chapter V CONCLUSIONS........................................................ 267
Comparative Opportunities Stage I:
Motivating Factors and Values for Decision-making...................... 267
Comparative Opportunities Stage II:
Comparisons between Expectations and Experiences,
and Strategies for Negotiating Differences....................................... 275
Comparative Opportunities Stage III:
Realizing Goals and Anticipating Consequences............................. 285
Comparative Opportunity Theory.................................................................... 288
Limitations of the Study.................................................................................... 289
Implications........................................................................................................ 291
APPENDIXES................................................................................................... 295
A Pilot Studies: Student Interactive Evaluation Matrix...................... 296
B Summary of Factors from Four Models of Student Mobility 297
C Fagerlind and Saha's Dialectical Model of Education and
Development Dimensions................................................................. 29 8
D Strauss and Corbin's Conditional Matrix.......................................... 299
E International Student Mobility: A Dialectical Model
of Dimensions and Conditions.......................................................... 300
F Comparative Opportunity Theory: Analysis of Student
Mobility Models By Socio-Cultural, Political, and
Economic Dimensions........................................................................ 301
G Nom de Vox: Student Names and Abbreviated Demographics... 302
H Comparative Opportunity Theory: Categorical Linkages
to Existing Student Mobility Models............................................... 303
BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................................................................... 304
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Tables
No. Page
Table I Comparative Opportunity Theory: 69
Values for Decision-Making in International Study
Table II Matrix of Comparative Opportunity Theory 70
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Chapter I
DESCRIPTION OF THE STUDY
What a shallow culture, after all, is that of one’s first education.
Superimpose a second education upon this first one
and again a third one upon the second.
Break up the soil of your mind by ploughing it more than once
and in different directions.
—Alphonse Gratry, The Well-Springs
The signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the
expansion of other regional free trade negotiations have heightened interest in increased
educational exchange within the Americas. International students from Latin America
currently represent the third largest regional group of international students in the United
States, following the regions of Asia and Europe, yet compose only eleven percent of the
total international students in the United States. After several years of declining
enrollments in the United States, enrollments of international students from Latin
America have begun to increase once again to 55,436, though failing to reach their peak
in the early 1980’s, and still ranking a distant third in comparison with their number two
rank by region in the 1960’s and 1970’s (Davis, 1996, 1999).
Regional discussions have focused on how a number of complex political,
economic and social changes increase the necessity, advantages, and the desirability of
increased mobility in higher education within this same region (Altbach, 1994). Yet,
despite these discussions and increased emphasis on educational exchange, the actual
experience and perspective of international students from this developing region remains
a highly neglected area of research. The question needs to be asked as part of the
discussion on international education, what is the educational experience of this particular
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group of international students in the United States? The answer to this question is
necessary to inform discussions regarding increased student mobility within the
Americas.
In the field of international education, community colleges are rapidly emerging
as prominent host institutions for international students, despite their relatively recent
entry. With increases of over 32 percent between 1993 and 1998, international students
selecting an associate degree institution in the United States now total 81,285, or 17
percent of the total international student enrollments, and 35 percent of all undergraduate
international students (Davis, 1996). Additionally, twenty-five percent of international
students enrolled in baccalaureate programs in the United States are transfers from
community colleges (Raby and Tarrow, 1996). Since community colleges are the most
uniquely democratic of institutions of higher education in the United States, in terms of
their open access philosophy, they offer an unusual educational opportunity for
international students, especially those from developing countries with typically less
democratic educational traditions. Research on the selection of community colleges by
international students and the quality of their experiences in these institutions is limited,
yet necessary to inform greater understanding of student mobility trends by region of
origin.
Since the 1950’s, California has consistently been the leading state for
international student enrollments in the United States (Davis, 1996), and increasingly
attracts a higher proportion of students in comparison to other regions and states. This is
not surprising given the ethnic and cultural diversity, high levels of international trade,
and the wide-range of opportunities offered by its system of higher education. In a list of
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the top forty associate degree institutions attracting international students to the United
States, fifteen California community colleges are represented, with nine of them located
in Southern California alone (Davis, 1999). These factors, combined with the size of
California’s Latino population, present a promising environment for a qualitative
research study exploring the phenomenon of international students from Latin America in
selecting a Southern California community college and a comparison of their
expectations with their actual experiences. The diversity of United States institutions of
higher education and international students by region requires more in-depth exploration
for understanding the experience of international students and possible interrelationships
between these areas of growth.
Statement of the Problem
The Student Perspective
Students from developing countries increasingly seek the opportunity to study in
more modern industrialized countries, especially the United States, and account for
approximately eighty percent of the total international students in this country (Davis,
1999). Only recently have international students from Latin America begun to contribute
once again to that growth, particularly in the percentage of students from this region at
the undergraduate level, typically one of the highest by region at over 60 percent. The
risk international students take in going away to “college” is much greater than simply
leaving their home for a residential experience at a college or university in another city or
state. There are financial, cultural, social, and personal risks involved in international
study, as indicated by the historical dominance of research studies reflecting the
adjustment problems of international students in general and from developing countries
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more specifically (Hammer, 1992). Most international students leave their family and
friends behind (the typical international student is single), and all students encounter a
different culture as well as a foreign educational system. They are required to face
educational, cultural and support issues above and beyond those of most other students.
This is particularly true for women, whose roles may be prescribed differently in their
home country and culture. Yet the phenomenon of international study may also be
considered as exceptional, rather than problematic.
A high percentage of international students are funded by personal and family
resources, particularly at the undergraduate level 81 percent with the largest percentage
found among international students attending associate degree programs 86 percent
(Davis, 1999). The comparative cost effectiveness of community colleges over other
institutions of higher education in the United States is undoubtedly a factor in the
growing number of international students who select the community college, a unique
institutional model unavailable to them in their home country. The inclusive costs of
international study are typically higher for international students than those in their home
country, and students are required as a condition of admission to provide documented
verification of funds sufficient to support one year of study. An international education
represents a higher educational investment cost than in the home country, with the added
risk associated with what are to some extent intangible benefits.
Students from developing regions often come from a country with a strong
colonial history currently resisting foreign influences, and/or facing issues of economic,
political, and socio-cultural dominance or dependency, and today, globalization is often
viewed as a form of neocolonialism. In selecting a more modern, industrialized country
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in which to study, international students confront a wide variety of differences between
their educational experiences in their home country and those in their selected host
country. They have been exposed to media articles on the emerging global economy, free
trade negotiations, and the competition for jobs, as well as the export of American
culture. 1 The influence of these factors on the mobility of students from Latin America,
however, is largely unknown. This is a curious phenomenon, given the geographic
proximity of the United States and Latin America, the more recent economic accords
opening trade and communication, and pronouncements regarding the importance of
educational exchange in the region.
Demographic data regarding international student motivation for international
study is highly aggregated, and research studies on international students from Latin
America are rare, resulting in a lack of knowledge about the key elements, including
gendered factors which influence student mobility in comparison with their actual
experiences in a foreign country and educational system. For example, though men have
historically been the international student adventurers in leaving their own country for
study in another, women currently represent 46 percent of the international students at the
undergraduate level in the United States, a growth factor that has been little researched
(Davis, 1999). The cultural background of the student and the culture or cultures of the
host country heavily influence the experience of border crossing, yet demographic data is
highly aggregated. The Institute of International Education’s annual report on
international educational exchange collects demographic information regarding
1. The term “American” is used throughout the study to refer to residents and characteristics of the United
States, consistent with students’ usage of the term. Students referred to themselves in terms of their
country and nationality, not the continental region.
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international students by country from most institutions in the United States, and reports
it in a summary form. This data is a potential source for further disaggregating
demographic data about international students, but does not explore the decision-making
processes and experiences of international study.
There are two annual evaluative surveys on student experience conducted in a
limited number of participating institutions of higher education, which include
international students: the Freshman Survey, sponsored by the Cooperative Institutional
Research Program (CIRP) at the University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA) and the
American Council on Education, and (2) the International Student Satisfaction Report,
from USA Group Noel-Levitz. However, neither study collects data regarding the
student’s country or region of origin. Research has focused on the experience of
international students in general, rather than on the processional antecedents to
international study and selection of a particular institution by region, gender, and other
characteristics. Integration of the decision-making process with the student’s actual
experience and the consequences they anticipate has been overlooked. These issues need
to be explored and understood for the benefit of international students and the
development of appropriate and supportive policies by institutions promoting
international study.
The Institutional Context
The emergence of international students from Latin America as a focus for
increased participation in higher education in the United States requires analysis of the
student experience within the context of the institutional setting. International students
are increasingly important to institutions of higher education in the United States, as the
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need for preparing all students for a more global society and work force has become more
widely recognized. The presence of international students on a college or university
campus does not alone ensure a more “international” experience for all students, but is
considered a key component of a strategic plan to internationalize an institution (Rudzki,
1995).
As student diversity has become more highly valued, international student
programs have emerged as an important element of the multicultural recognition
programs on many campuses. This is particularly true in community colleges where, due
to socio-economic factors, community college students are less likely to be able to afford
study or travel opportunities in other countries. Yet the demographics of international
students historically reflect complex forces that are most often external to the institutions,
with students from specific world regions predominant for extended periods of time.
Statistics have captured these trends by region and by country, but research that would
assist institutions in attracting students that would be uniquely served by their institution-
-and most likely to be successful— is limited, particularly for community colleges. As a
result, institutions interested in attracting larger numbers of international students have
primarily depended upon existing trends initiated by individual student efforts, rather
than cultivating educational exchange based on policy or a philosophy of mutual benefit
to domestic and international students.
A 1997 analysis by John Deupree raises the question Does U.S. Higher Education
Need a Foreign Policy? Though Deupree considers this question in the context of United
States study abroad programs, a preliminary review of institutional policies regarding
international students in the United States appears to raise the same question, and
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warrants a resounding “Yes!” in response. Goodwin and Nacht have also identified the
failure of higher education in the United States to develop coherent policies with regard
to international students, as well as to effectively address the fuller issue of
internationalizing higher education (1983, 1991). Research on international students by
region in a specific institutional context is a prerequisite for responsible policy
development and successful program implementation for these students.
The economic incentives for institutions hosting international students are well
recognized, especially during periods of intense competition for enrollments in higher
education. They have served to accentuate the reliance on existing trends in international
student enrollments, which in turn has tended to limit the diversity of international
students by region of origin on any given campus. Recruitment efforts often focus on the
most “productive” regions currently sending the most students. This tendency is
understandable, given the relative lack of research on international student motivations
for foreign study and choice of institution that are differentially disaggregated by region,
gender, and type of institution. However, this orientation restricts the opportunity for
institutions to anticipate potential matches that would provide a more satisfactory
experience for international students and provide appropriate and more customized
services reflecting the variety of cultures represented by their international students.
Further, this strategy fails to meet institutional goals for increased diversity and
internationalization that also benefit domestic students, while focusing on the economics
of international student enrollments from a more limited perspective. More specific
inquiry is needed that respects the cultural background of the student and the institutional
setting for the international student experience.
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Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study is to explore the decision-making processes and
experiences of international students from Latin America who select to study in a
Southern California Community College and develop a grounded theory that explains this
phenomenon. An understanding of the motivating factors for selection of a particular
institution, specifically a community college, and comparison of expectations with actual
experiences and anticipated consequences, builds upon the existing and more general
knowledge of international students in the United States. Further, application of
theoretical aspects of international student mobility will assist in explaining border
crossing from the student perspective and within an institutional context— why students
from a particular region leave their country and specifically choose an institution in
another. This study will contribute to the analysis of student experiences by region of
origin, gender, and institution of choice.
Prior studies have focused heavily on international students as a group, or
international students from Asian countries, and identify specialized study for
occupational preparation (Barber, 1992, in Clark and Neave), and English language study
(Cummings, 1991) as the major individual factors motivating foreign study in the United
States. Unlike the majority of the research on international students, this study will
examine the motivating factors and decision-making process for international students
from a specific region, namely Latin America, and their choice of the community college,
both of which are neglected in the research on international students. This application is
a prerequisite for enhancing policy development for increased educational exchange
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within the Americas, and the success of an institution’s international education program,
for the benefit of international and domestic students.
This study builds upon two prior pilot studies of international students from Latin
America in a Southern California community college conducted previously by the
researcher as part of the development of this study. Emergent issues from these studies
point to the importance of motivational factors and anticipated benefits influencing
students’ assessment of satisfaction with their current academic and socio-cultural
experiences throughout several dimensions. These factors were clustered in two
categories: (1) Academic program and language study, and (2) Socio-cultural
experiences. A three-stage integrative process emerged from the data analysis,
describing values motivating international study, factors influencing satisfaction with the
experience, and the relationship of those factors to expectations for future opportunities
(Appendix A). These studies also suggested several critical elements which appear to
contribute to these experiences, e.g., perception of academic quality and instructional
support, awareness of pedagogy in a comparative sense, desire for English competency,
similarities in urban background and other demographics, prior stays and study in the
United States, referral and accommodation by relatives living locally, gender differences
in motivational factors, and future expectations for foreign study. Consistent with
Strauss’ stated position: “No proposal should be written without preliminary data
collection and analysis” (1987, p. 286), these pilot studies contributed to the development
of the research questions and design of the study.
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The Research Questions
The research questions, briefly stated here, are framed within the context of
international students from Latin America and the selected community college in
Southern California, and were developed from the initial inquiry in order to guide the
investigation:
1. Why do international students from Latin America choose to study in a
community college?
2. How do students’ expectations compare with their actual experiences?
3. What future consequences do students perceive as a result of their
international study?
Importance of the Study
The study contributes to the literature on the dynamic of international students
from developing regions, specifically Latin America, the growth of international
education in community colleges, and the role of gender in higher education. It also
builds upon the theoretical knowledge regarding student mobility, including choice of
institution in the context of educational exchange between developing and more modern,
industrialized countries, and issues of availability, quality, and efficiency.
The study may be of particular interest to institutions involved in, or seeking
greater involvement in international education, which will benefit from an in-depth study
of the unique experiences of international students from Latin America in a community
college. This knowledge will assist in highlighting the need for host institutions to
differentiate the unique experiences of students from various world regions in planning
for diversity and support services for the benefit of students. These implications are
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important for both policymakers and practitioners and will contribute to greater
awareness of the need for attention to the development of institutional policies and
practices for international student programs and services in higher education that serve
the general aims of international education, particularly in community colleges. For
researchers, the study offers a model that can be duplicated for studies in other
institutions and for international students from other regions or specific countries.
Theoretical Framework
Models of Student Mobility
The internationalism of higher education is clearly manifest and most visible in
the dramatic growth of students, from 107,589 in 1950, to more than 1.5 million today,
who choose higher education abroad (UNESCO, 1995). The decision to do so is one of
the most important decisions a student may make in terms of their future career, cultural,
and social opportunities. International study not only affects students as an individual, it
also has major implications for their family, their community, their country of origin,
and, of course, their host country and institution. Yet the decision to seek higher
education abroad has been identified as one of the least understood elements of
international study, in a field that has only recently begun to be recognized as a field for
serious research (Altbach, 1991a).
The theoretical foundation which grounds this study of border crossing builds
upon existing theories of student mobility at the home and host country level. Several
models have been developed to explain factors influencing the mobility of students at the
international level from a theoretical perspective, typically referred to as “push-pull”
models of student flow (Sirowy and Inkeles, 1985; Cummings, 1991; and McMahon,
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1992). These models, explained more fully in the review of the literature, identify factors
at the national level that influence students to leave their own country, as well as select
another, characterized by push-pull or supply/demand phenomenon based on analysis of
demographic, longitudinal research on student flows from developing countries to more
modern, industrialized countries. A different approach is taken by Goodwin and Nacht in
examining why students from the United States elect to study in other countries (1988)
and is included for comparison with the other models in Appendix B. There is little
research, however, from the student perspective to explain how these comparative factors
actually influence the decision-making of students and their families, as well as their
experience. The existing models delineate factors that assist in exploring the home and
host country context in which students are influenced in their decision-making and
evaluation of their experience and are important for understanding the complexity of the
research questions at the international level. To explore the experience of the student,
however, a more specific and comprehensive theoretical framework is necessary within
which to integrate the identified factors and guide the research process. These existing
theories provide the international context for exploring the experiences and emergent
perspectives of international students from Latin America who study in a community
college.
This study is influenced by Fagerlind and Saha’s dialectical model of education
and development dimensions (1992) and Strauss and Corbin’s conditional matrix (1990)
(see Appendixes C and D). These theoretical foundations inform the conceptualization of
previously identified factors in the models of student mobility as promoting or inhibiting
higher education abroad that may be manifested in the student’s perception of their
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decision-making and experience. The conceptual merging of the dialectical model with
the interactive matrix allows for a dynamic categorical analysis of the existing macro
level research factors and comparison with the active human agency of value-based
decision-making and strategies from the students’ perspective (see Appendix E). By
inviting the student to participate in the analysis and comparison of their own social
organization and participation within the structures of the comparative educational
systems, the student perspective is extended through a social situationalist approach
(Lofland and Lofland, 1995). The result is a temporal framework for discussion of the
properties of change, linking factors and effects. The combining of these models and
approaches enhanced the complementary purpose of reviewing how students’ decisions
interact with all of the dimensions of educational development within their own
conditional context to construct the meaning of their experience and implement their
strategies for engaging in international study.
The metaphor of border crossing creates a framework for understanding the
comparative context of student mobility-why a student leaves one country, culture and
educational system and selects an educational experience in another. The use of
metaphor as a method of explanation is consistent with Morgan’s work on image and
organization (1986), analysis in comparative education (Mestenhauser, 1996), and
mapping (Stromquist, 1996c). Border crossing as metaphor facilitates analysis in this
study at three levels of abstraction: (1) the general concept of international study (2) the
more specific political, economic, and sociological contexts for students from a specific
developing region—Latin America— studying in a more industrialized country, and (3)
the individual cross-cultural experience in the institutional environment of the community
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college. This study focuses on the experience of the student with the metaphor of border
crossing providing a broad and integrated framework between the conceptual levels.
The theoretical foundations for this study provide a comprehensive identification
of previously identified factors at the country and regional level that can be better
understood by integrating the student experience. A qualitative approach facilitates this
process, consistent with Jacobs’ observation on the need for research on the decision
making processes of students in education, especially as they are influenced by gender.
He recommends less focus on the input-output model of education and argues that “...this
data framework abstracts away from socially embedded processes.” (1996, p. 177). The
use of a grounded theory approach to study the unique experience of international
students from Latin America in a California community college is consistent with these
recommendations.
The three stages of inquiry regarding the student’s experience include: (1)
examination of the factors and values motivating students in their border-crossing
decision to elect international study (both to leave, and in selecting a foreign country and
institution), (2) comparison of students’ expectations with their actual experiences,
including strategies for addressing difference, and (3) exploration of the consequences
students anticipate. These stages of the student’s experience present qualitative issues
requiring research within a specific cultural and institutional context. As Cummings
observes, the decision to study internationally is largely a personal effort, though the
context may be international and involve country-level variables (1991). Student
mobility factors from the macro level models (also termed student flow) can best be
assessed at the student level through a comprehensive evaluation of the student’s
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experience of international education throughout the socio-cultural, political and
economic dimensions, as identified by Fagerlind and Saha (1992). The context of the
conditional matrix identified by Strauss and Corbin allows for the application of an in-
depth qualitative approach from the student’s perspective (1990). The combination of
these theoretical conceptualizations creates a broad and flexible framework for
illuminating the experience of these students and developing grounded theory. It also
facilities the opportunity to observe students in the full context of their experience— the
community from which they come, the community in which they currently study, and the
community in which they will live.
Summary
The twenty first century begins with the anticipation that global factors impacting
international education will accelerate advancements in this important area in
unanticipated ways. Growth trends, represented by the increased number of international
students worldwide, in the United States from Latin America, and of international
students in community colleges are all influenced by these changes. A more integrated
and articulated approach to the phenomenon of international study with the student
perspective at the center invites a theoretically based explanation of the factors and
processes which inform the experiences and strategies of international students in these
emerging areas of interest.
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Chapter II
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Our society needs education and understanding about the world as never before
because its complexities and interrelationships economically, socially, and
politically are even more dramatic and manifest than they were
during the Cold War. (McGrath, 1993)
International students are a significant component of the movement toward the
internationalization of higher education. Issues surrounding international education as a
means of preparing students for a more global society and work force are diverse and
complex, as evidenced in the literature on international and comparative education, the
experiences of international students, and the goals and outcomes of international study.
Four themes in the literature inform this study with respect to international students from
Latin America and the community college: (1) models and theories of student mobility in
higher education; (2) goals of international higher education, (3) the experience of
international students in the United States (3) the comparative opportunity of
international study.
Models of Student Mobility
The number of models advanced to explain factors promoting the study of
students from developing countries attending host institutions in more modern,
industrialized countries exceed those for analyzing the reverse phenomenon (Barber,
1992, in Clark and Neave). This is undoubtedly due to the fact that approximately 80
percent of the world’s international students are predominantly from developing
countries, and that the leading host countries are industrialized nations (Davis, 1996),
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reflecting asymmetry in educational exchange. Host country benefits are identified by
Barber as: educational benefits of foreign students, economic benefits to the institutions
and the country as a whole, need for diversity in higher education, and political or
diplomatic pay-off (1992, in Clark and Neave). Student motivations identified in the
research are more numerous and complex, and are led by preparation for an occupation
and English language study (Coombs, 1985). Research specific to region and
institutional type is very limited, especially for international students from Latin America
and community colleges as the selected institution for international study, despite growth
trends in both areas. Factors affecting student mobility and international study— reasons
for leaving as well as selection of destination and institution-are dependent upon macro
and micro influences at the country or regional level, the personal level, and the
institutional level. The diversity of students from developing countries studying in a
variety of institutions and regions in a more modern, industrialized country are not
reflected in the models of student mobility, though these models are effective in
identifying trends at the global, macro level.
Three models of student mobility identifying factors that favor or inhibit
international study at the macro or country level are prominent in the literature on
international students. They are sometimes referred to as “student flow models” and seek
to explain factors contributing to quantitative outcomes internationally. The first is the
push-pull model of Sirowy and Inkeles, in which reasons for leaving the home country
and attractions for study in the host country are separately grouped (1985). They view
study abroad as a substitution for study in the home country. Cummings’ model uses the
constructs of facilitating factors in the home and host country that influence student
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mobility, and contrasts between the two (1991, 1992). Sirowy and Inkeles place more
emphasis on intervening obstacles, whereas Cummings places more emphasis on
intervening facilitators. A third model hypothesized by McMahon and statistically tested
on a group of countries, which included Mexico, used a push-pull model to identify
factors influencing international study, emphasizing comparative differences (1992).
These three models hypothesize several facilitating factors which draw students from
developing nations to study in industrialized countries, and provide the context for
analyzing the variety of factors which emerged in the study as influencing motivation for
international study and choice of institution. These models are based on quantitative
analysis of demographic research on international student flows longitudinally at the
macro level. A final model articulates motivations for United States’ students studying
abroad (Goodwin and Nacht, 1988), which focuses on the students of a more modern,
industrialized country and is included for comparative purposes with the other three
models of student mobility. In analyzing these models, a matrix was developed by
categorizing the various factors within Fagerlind and Saha’s educational and
development dimensions, and, as a result, the similarities and differences are more clearly
compared and contrasted (see Appendix F).
Cummings’ theoretical model of student mobility is the most comprehensive from
both the home and host country perspectives and assisted in informing this inquiry (1991,
1992). His model encompasses facilitating factors for leaving the home country, as well
as facilitating factors for selection of country and institution, and includes political,
economic, and sociological concepts and key elements critical to this study. Cummings’
emphasis on the importance of parallels or affinities between the home country and the
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host country has particular potential for identifying factors that create a better country
and institutional match for students. According to Cummings’ theory, facilitating home
country factors that are particularly applicable to dramatic changes in Latin America
during the last thirty years include: tertiary level preparation, humanities bias, language
affinity, higher standards of living, rapid economic growth, international trade
dependence, institutionalization of study, ethnic/racial tension, and political uncertainty
(1992). Cummings’ model also identifies host country factors potentially influencing
international students from Latin America in their choice of destination in the United
States, specifically: technical/military assistance, economic exchange level, migrant flow
to host country, linguistic and cultural linkages, host absorptive capacity, diversity of the
educational system, and cost of education. The high degree to which these facilitating
factors match the situation of the United States and Latin America attract particular
attention for the case of international students from Latin America studying in the United
States.
Facilitating Factors: Educational Dimensions of Latin America
The crisis of the university in Latin America is well documented. The rapid
expansion of all levels of education, which exploded in the early 1960’s, resulted in
major criticism of the quality, equity and efficiency of the educational systems in Latin
America by the late 1980’s (Alcantara, 1996; Consejo Internacional Para El Desarrollo de
La Education, 1991; and Puryear and Brunner, 1995). In Latin America, the “lost
decade” of the 1980’s was characterized by serious economic problems which strained
resources even further, resulting in widespread concerns about quality and modernization
(Schwartzman, 1991, 1993). For higher education, this crisis also resulted in universities
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that are frequently lacking in research capabilities and the ability to contribute to
knowledge creation.
Quality is central to the educational process. Coombs defined quality as “the
nature and worth of what is actually taught to and learned by real people in a real
w orld...” (1985, p. 105). This definition recognizes the importance of the relevancy and
outcomes of the instructional process, as well as the inputs of the actual instruction—
curriculum, students, and other typically identified resources, e.g., textbooks, tools,
facilities— which are critical to student outcomes. Funding levels for higher education in
developing countries have varied widely, however, and have generally been inadequate
for achieving a recognized level of quality, especially in institutions dependent primarily
on public funding (The World Bank, 1994). Lack of quality, particularly in public
institutions, negatively impacts the equality of access to quality and the efficiency of
completion rates.
Though it is difficult to generalize about higher education in a region so large,
with over 500 universities, Albornoz has identified “unequal development” as a defining
characteristic of Latin American universities (1991). There are fine universities in Latin
America, many at low or even no cost to the student, yet the quality of the educational
opportunities for students in higher education is highly variable, by country in Latin
America, and within the same country. The result is unevenness in quality, access,
equality of opportunity, and efficiency in higher education.
Latin America is a region of high contrasts. It is the world region with the
greatest disparities in the distribution of income. Yet, of all of the developing regions, it
is a leader in social and economic development, and has the highest participation rate in
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education, including the tertiary level (Stromquist, 1992). Latin America also claims 22
percent of all students in developing countries in higher education, double what would be
expected given its relative population (UNESCO, 1995), though far below their
representation among international students in the United States. This high participation
rate in higher education has detracted to some extent from resources for primary and
secondary education (Reimers, 1995), however, the impact on quality, because of the
rapid growth required to achieve it, has been even greater (Gomes, 1993).
The participation of Latin American women in education, including higher
education, is also very high. Latin America has obtained the highest Equal Attainment
Index for women of all developing regions, and several countries match European
standards in this regard (Stromquist, 1989). This accomplishment must be scrutinized
carefully, however, since the type and quality of higher education institution attended, the
selected major, and the subsequent career attainment and compensation, demonstrate
significant limitations and inequalities for women, and clearly identify areas for improved
equity and achievement (Stromquist, 1996b). How these factors may influence women
from Latin America who select international undergraduate study in a community college
has not been explored. However, the research on labor market participation, for those
who have completed a minimum level of tertiary education, reveals a higher potential for
underemployment and lower compensation for women in developing countries.
Unemployment rates for women in developing countries are particularly more
difficult to measure, due to the alternative roles for many women in unremunerated work
in the home. Ram, however, has analyzed labor market outcomes in identifying rates of
return from an economic perspective for different schooling levels in several developing
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nations (1982). She identified labor market segmentation as affecting both the inequity
and the inefficiency of wage/earning differentials found in lesser pay ratios for women
with comparable levels of education, attributing these differences to discrimination in the
work place. Lack of opportunity diminishes the potential rewards and incentives for
educational attainment that do not lead to commensurate positions and social mobility.
Catanzarite’s study in Central America provides an example of an additional study
illustrating the gap between educational preparation and labor market participation,
which concluded that educational attainment for women, though critical, is diluted by
other socio-cultural and economic factors which inhibit rewards for women in the work
place (1992).
These educational issues are not unique to Latin America, however, and it would
be a mistake to assume that all of the answers are in the North. Rather, the issues of
quality, equity, and efficiency are shared internationally, and argue for what Farrell refers
to as “horizontal intellectual cooperation” between countries and regions, an important
characteristic of successful educational exchange (1995, p. 67). Altbach reminds us that
Latin American “...social scientists, in the 1960’s developed the concept of dependency
as a means of describing the economic domination of powerful capitalist nations over
small peripheral states in terms not only of business, but also of culture.” (1994). Latin
America is still suspicious and sometimes resentful of this dominating influence of the
United States. This raises the question of how these educational dimensions influence the
individual student’s logic for border crossing into the community college, the sector of
higher education in the United States with the most rapidly increasing enrollments of
international students.
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Facilitating Factors: Dimensions of California Community Colleges
International and cultural experiences play an increasingly important role in life,
including work in an increasingly global society. Through the equity of open access and
the lowest per unit fees, California Community Colleges have the greatest student
diversity of all higher educational institutions to benefit from internationalization, as
represented in the greater proportion of students from lower socio-economic and
underrepresented minority backgrounds (California Chancellor’s Office, 1995). Many of
these students have the least resources for global experiences, or even more local ones,
through travel. The opportunity for socio-cultural exchange with international students,
on a campus in their own community, provides an international learning experience
typically less available to them, and has motivated institutions to encourage and even
promote international student enrollments.
Assumptions attributing the selection of a community college to the lower cost,
need for English as a Second Language (ESL), and/or provision of developmental or
remedial programs, are frequently made in the literature on international study, but do not
provide a complete picture (Cummings, 1991). Kintzer laments the fact that community
colleges and other nonuniversities are often considered to be stepchildren, given their
relative position in the hierarchy of higher education in the United States (1995). Yet
futurist Williard Daggett has been widely quoted for his statement “Community colleges
will be the graduate schools of the 21st century”, in describing the technical training
needed for the future work force as a result of technological advancements and the role
community colleges will play (Cited in Catanzaro, 1999).
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The dual mission of the community college, in preparing students for the
university and to meet the work force demands for technical, specialized training,
contributes to its uniqueness in higher education. The fact that community colleges are
an American invention, and have few parallels outside of the United States, raises
additional questions regarding how international students discover and choose this
experience, and why their numbers are increasing numerically and proportionately in
comparison with other institutional levels (Davis, 1999). Several characteristics of
community colleges are potentially advantageous for international students, e.g., the
emphasis on teaching and learning resources for students with a variety of levels of
academic preparation, academic and vocational/technical options, and increased emphasis
on language and acculturation in areas with high immigration rates, especially large
community colleges in California (Cohen, 1992). Community colleges offer a
transitional adjustment for their students, which may also be of particular benefit to
international students who face acculturation and adjustment to a foreign country,
language, culture and educational system.
Research on international students in community colleges identified as early as
1978 that these students were more likely to transfer from a university in their home
country than international students enrolling in universities in the United States (Barber,
1984). This phenomenon is termed “reverse transfer”, because it is the opposite of what
is expected from the transfer mission of the community colleges, and was attributed at
that time to the appeal of lower cost and courses offerings for development of specialized
technical skills. Reverse transfer to the community college has also been observed
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among domestic students and presents an area of growing interest, however research in
this area is similarly limited.
A recent study comparing students entering the community college with foreign
diplomas and domestic students who had transferred from a university demonstrated
similar purposes among these two groups: reverse transfers were interested in pursuing
career programs and also tended to be older students (Hagedorn and Castro, 1999). With
respect to domestic students, Townsend and Dever noted that “A consistent finding in
virtually all studies of reverse transfer students is their higher degree of satisfaction with
certain aspects of the two-year experience than they had experienced in the university”
(1999). An additional finding in several studies of domestic students in a community
college indicate is that prior academic difficulty at the university is not typical of reverse
transfer students, a common assumption even among educators (Townsend and Dever,
1999). Other studies have shown that reverse transfers are more likely to have completed
baccalaureates in career fields than in liberal arts fields and enroll for multiple purposes
(Quinley and Quinley, 1999). This research challenges several commonly held
assumptions regarding the role of community colleges and the characteristics and
motivations of reverse transfer students, some of whom are international students.
Further research promises additional surprises.
The International Student Satisfaction Report by USA Group Noel Levitz
includes survey responses for international students in community colleges and
universities in the United States, and reflects from the students’ perspective the
comparative importance of specific expectations as well as satisfaction with these factors
(Cited in Davis, 1996). General characteristics of international students in comparison
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with domestic students included higher expectations (and higher unmet expectations),
higher aspirations, and greater self-confidence in their academic performance. For
international students in two-year institutions, the most important expectations were:
quality of instruction, convenient scheduling, variety in course offerings, a safe campus,
and a knowledgeable academic advisor. The greatest areas of satisfaction identified by
these international students were the quality of instruction, feeling welcome, a safe
campus, an approachable academic advisor, and convenient scheduling. Gaps between
importance of factors and satisfaction identified in the study were fewer in number and
magnitude than for students in four-year institutions (Davis, 1996). This data supports
the choice of a community college as a viable option for these students, but does not
explain the process of selection or how gaps are negotiated. Further, data was not
collected by country or region of origin, limiting its application to specific international
student populations.
California is the leading host state in the nation with 65, 292 international
students, and experienced a 15 percent growth in students between 1997 and 1998
(Davis, 1998). California’s interest in exchange between the United States and Mexico,
as well as other countries in Latin America, is further intensified in Southern California,
due to geographical proximity, immigration patterns, the presence of Spanish speakers,
Spanish radio and television, and patterns of growth in the import/export business. Yet,
as Altbach states, “...there is considerable ignorance in the United States about the major
cultures on the continent outside its national borders.” (1994, p. 49). Furthermore, the
majority of international students in the United States are from Asia, and students from
Latin America are less likely to select Pacific states, including California, despite its
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growing Latino population, and represent less than ten percent of the international
students in this region.
From the host institution perspective, the literature emphasizes that international
students bring added diversity to the college and classroom environment (Goodman,
1996). As institutions attempt to internationalize education, international students are a
significant component of any strategic plan (Rudzki, 1995). More recently, Cummings
has expressed concern regarding increased emphasis on the economic advantages to
institutions in a variety of industrialized countries (1991). The use of increased tuition
revenues and enrollments of international students to offset declines in domestic
enrollments may cause some institutions to focus narrowly on recruiting from the
“highest return” and most productive areas (most lucrative, easiest to cultivate), and limit
the diversity of its international student population.
Goals and Economic Trends in International Education
The value of an international experience for students in higher education is lauded
on several grounds; e.g., world peace and understanding, economic growth and
development, balancing uneven educational resources in the world, as well as personal
growth and enrichment. The end of the Cold War has diminished the threats to national
security as a motivating force that previously heightened interest in international
education, and international education is re-establishing itself globally with increased
pressure from economic forces (Altbach, 1994).
International and cultural experiences play an increasingly important role in life,
including preparation for work in an increasingly global society. McMahon (1992)
recognized that international study offers one means of providing that opportunity. In the
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United States, NAFTA has initiated expanded interest in educational exchange within the
Americas that is well documented in the literature. The themes take several forms,
beginning with comparisons with ERASMUS and the European Community (Altbach,
1994; Davidson, 1994; Oliva, 1997; and Reyna, 1994), identification of linkages that
existed pre-NAFTA and that have proliferated post-NAFTA (Institute for International
Exchange, 1993; Luke, 1994; Monaghan, 1993; and Ruiz, 1994) and ending with
criticism of the ignorance that exists in the United States about its neighbors to the South
(Altbach, 1994). The latter is also represented by such comments as James Reston’s,
former New York Times Editor, “Americans will do anything for Latin America except
read about it” (Cited in Adelman, 1993, p. 25). This breadth of themes reflects the wide
range of opinion on the context for international education and educational exchange
within the Americas. However, there is greater consensus on the need for increased
cultural understanding within the United States of the Latin American culture. As Carlos
Fuentes observed,
The border is an exciting opportunity to create a culture of understanding between
two nations. It is the meeting ground, not just between the United States and
Mexico, but between the United States and all of Latin America. We have a great
opportunity to either foster understanding, interchange and culture— or to condemn
each other to suspicion, violence, even murder, xenophobia and genocide. (Cited
in O’Connor, 1997, p. El.)
The importance of increased international mobility of students in higher education
is also reflected in one of the key components of the American Council on Education’s
guidelines for international education (Commission on International Education, 1996).
Interest in educational exchange has clearly increased post-NAFTA, and is perceived as a
necessary adjunct to its economic counterpart. As Charles H. Karelis, director of the
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Fund for the Improvement of Postsecondary Education (FIPSE) explains about the jointly
funded North American Mobility in Higher Education Program, “The Europeans have
recognized the importance of studying and working among your trading partners, and the
U. S. is now recognizing the same thing.” (Cited in Desruisseaux, 1994, A36). These
comparisons, however, ignore the social, political, and economic dynamics influencing
students from a developing region that choose to study in an industrialized country. The
literature and research on international students from Latin America are particularly
limited.
Politically, there are potential deterrents for students from Latin America to seek
education in the United States. The relative increase in the stability of the region as a
whole is one factor identified by Cummings that would potentially reduce the incentive
for international study (1991). Additionally, the damaging political actions and attitudes
of the United States historically toward various Latin American countries are negative
and well publicized, even in newspapers in the United States. In an article describing
President Clinton’s visit to Venezuela, the author spoke of former U. S. gaffes by such
prominent officials as Ronald Reagan, who led a toast to the people of Bolivia, when
visiting Brazil (Peterson, 1997). The same article also referred to Clinton’s desire to
address the Latin American view of the United States “...as an arrogant, imperial power
with aggressive designs on its southern ‘backyard’” (Peterson, p. A6). A second article
quoted Carlos Fuentes in describing a view that he believes is common among Latin
intellectuals. “We view the United States as a kindly cultural Dr. Jekyll that gives you
jazz and films and poetry by day, and a horrible Mr. Hyde that appears by night and
ravages our countries”. (Cited in O’Connor, 1997, p. E2). These views are not likely to
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encourage students from Latin America to choose the United States; however, the
literature does not reflect how international students from Latin America are actually
influenced by these factors in relationship to other factors.
In the United States, the multiple and conflicting definitions of international
education and lack of consensus on what internationalization in higher education means
and should mean are clearly evident in the literature and at the institutional level.
Mestenhauser uses the metaphor of “portraits” to describe the current fragmentation of
international education (1996). He argues that “international education deserves
consideration as an important educational mega goal that should permeate the entire
educational system and that should be accorded much more conceptual and theoretical
complexity than it has been”. The lack of consensus in defining and recognizing the
degree of complexity is reflected in the absence of policies regarding international
education for the students of a given institution and/or gaps between the rhetoric of policy
and the actual experience as perceived by the student. It has also paved the way for a
shift of emphasis from global peace as a political goal, to economics, on both the
institutional and personal level (Coombs, 1985).
The concept of the global work force has been defined and used in a variety of
contexts to justify economic and educational developments. Though transnational
connections and mobility are clearly evident, there is a lack of agreement on exactly what
“global work force” means for the future opportunities and educational requirements of
individuals in the work force (Adelman, 1995; Farrell, 1994). However, the significance
of the economic impact of globalization on individuals and institutions is less open to
debate. Kabeer identifies the link clearly “The dichotomy between economic and cultural
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is one of methodological convenience rather than empirical accuracy. Economic
processes frequently work through cultural relations and cultural roles have concrete,
material effects” (1994, p. 134). What this emphasis on economics signifies from the
perspective of international students, particularly from developing countries, has had
limited exploration from a cultural perspective. Goodwin and Nacht, in their research on
Brazilian students after they had completed graduate programs in the United States and
returned to Brazil, provide the most notable exception. They interviewed students by
focusing on the cultural adjustment of re-entry, including the frustration of applying their
more modern skills in a less modern environment (1984).
A second aspect of economic and educational exchange is found in the economics
affecting the individual student. Students from developing countries frequently identify
the competitive value of a foreign degree for their future employment as a key motivator
for international study. Study in English, to gain proficiency in the global economic
language, is an added incentive (Coombs, 1985). Both of these considerations apply to
international students from Latin America in the United States. The elite degree status of
United States’ education is a well-recognized motivating factor for international students,
yet the comparative costs of study in the United States for students from Latin America
are a deterrent, especially for students funded by personal or family resources. This is
particularly true in community colleges where 89 percent of international students
provide their own funding, the highest rate of all sectors (Davis, 1999). Scholarships for
international students to study in the United States are limited, as is funding for
international students by Latin American governments. The cost factor alone for students
and their families must be offset by some anticipated benefit not available to them
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through domestic study. That benefit may not be purely economic, as Cummings points
out in his emphasis on personal development and international study (1991), but the cost
factor begs for some tangible or well-recognized intangible reward.
Part of the economic push for international study is attributed to the relative
availability of opportunity for higher education in the student’s own country, and the
perceived quality of that study (Cummings, 1991; and Barber, 1992, in Clark and Neave).
Higher education in Latin America has expanded dramatically in the past 40 years,
frequently at the expense of quality, and is not universally available; thus issues of supply
and opportunity emerge. This affects the perception of value, and may be a consideration
for study in a community college, where student costs are considerably less, even for
international students.
From the economic standpoint of the sending country, students who leave their
country to study in another can be theoretically viewed as one less student for whom the
government must pay, or as the export of dollars that could have been spent in the home
country. Pscharopolous takes the former position in his analysis of cost recovery (1991),
and Cummings also views international study as an expansion of domestic education
(1991), however, Sirowy and Inkeles take the latter position and views study abroad as a
substitution for study in the home country. The economic consequences of brain drain
are more measurable, especially at the undergraduate level, and are a widespread source
of concern regarding international study (Statland de Lopez, 1994). Additional issues for
sending countries are the re-entry adjustment of returning students (Goodwin and Nacht,
1994), and the availability of jobs commensurate with the student’s level of education
(Coombs, 1985).
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In the United States, international students have frequently filled gaps in
enrollment caused by demographic fluctuations in the number of domestic students as
well as budgetary constraints (Kennedy, 1997). The fact that the number of graduate
international students has actually declined in the past few years and growth in
international student enrollments in the United States has slowed, except in community
colleges which experienced a 33 percent increase from 1993-1998, may precipitate
financial concerns in some institutions (Davis, 1996). For perspective, international
students annually contribute 13 billion dollars to the United States economy, and
international students account for 33 percent of doctoral degree recipients in the United
States (Davis, 1999). However impressive this estimate may be for describing the
economic impact of international students in the United States, this is not the full
economic impact. Educational exchange is recognized increasingly as an export/import
commodity, for better or worse, not only in the exchange of international students, but
also in the creation of knowledge (Barber, 1992, in Clark and Neave; Buchbinder, 1993).
The contribution of international students to the educational and learning process in the
classroom and host institutions is widely recognized (Goodman, 1996), yet diminished by
a newer economic incentive, arguably because of the fact that international student tuition
typically does not cover the full cost of instruction (Davis, 1996).
The Experience of International Students in the United States
The literature on the experience of international students has grown in response to
the increasing number of international students and interest in globalization. The
development of increased global communication, interdependency, and the desire for
increased economic growth and development has provided added impetus for this
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movement. Torres cites Held’s definition of globalization as “...the intensification of
worldwide social relations which link distant localities in such a way that local
happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and vice versa.” (1995, p.
17).
International education at the level of the individual student offers the opportunity
for academic specialization, career enhancement and preparation, as well as personal
growth and enrichment, however policies regarding international education have become
firmly entrenched in the neo-liberal development paradigm. Despite the disillusionment
with human capital theory expectations accompanying the discovery that: (1) economic
growth does not necessarily equate to a better living standard for all, and (2) increased
levels of education do not guarantee full employment and economic prosperity, students
have left their own countries to study in another in increasing numbers, especially the
United States, which attracts nearly a third of the worlds’ international students (Davis,
1998). In the quest for preparing themselves for the future in the best ways available to
them, international students experience varying degrees of support and encouragement
from the home and host countries, family, friends, and educational institutions.
Curiously, early analyses of the student perspective of international study in
professional journals and dissertation abstracts were dominated by studies of international
students as an aggregated group and studies of international students from Asia, with
heavy emphasis on the “problems” of international students (Altbach and Wang, 1989;
Hammer, 1992). Theoretical models of student mobility provide a framework for
analysis at the regional or even country level that is not well researched, especially
between motivation and expectation for future benefit in comparison with the student’s
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actual experience. Research that is disaggregated for international students from Latin
America and/or type of host institution is rare, especially for community colleges.
Research and demographic data on majors, length of time in the U.S., or problems as a
group, are more common, but ignore the cultural context of the student. This practice of
researching international students as a group has been identified by Luke as “.. .the
historical vehicle of a political will toward defining and classifying a generic individual,
toward monoculturalism, and toward education for industrial purposes” (1995). The
approach to international students as a cohort fails to develop a more specialized research
base that could be used to analyze the international student experience from the student’s
perspective rather than that of the institution or host country. It also limits the
development of a theoretical model that is ultimately applicable in assisting international
student programs to provide more customized, intercultural support, and policies
regarding the admission practices for international students.
International students present a special challenge to higher education institutions.
As Perrucci and Hu observed in their study, “The ‘normal’ problems of coping with a
new academic setting are compounded for international students who may feel
themselves suddenly faced with living in a different society, culture and language
system...international students must deal not only with academic challenges, but with
new customs, languages, food, living arrangements, social life, and much more”. (1995,
p. 492). The literature on international students has traditionally emphasized the
problematic and psychological aspects of international study (Hammer, 1992). Though
this research orientation has clearly provided rational for support services for
international students in host institutions, and assisted those who provide that support
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with a framework for planning and implementation, it has also tended to treat the
international experience within the context of the abnormal rather than the exceptional.
Hammer’s review of the four major areas of adaptation research on international
students provides a framework for review by distinguishing between two sub-groups in
that research (1992). The first subgroup is characterized by the historical importance of
two areas-problems of international students, and their psychological reactions. The
second subgroup identifies two emerging areas of research- the influence of social
interaction and communication, and adaptation as a cultural learning process. Crano and
Crano (1993) caution against emphasizing the adaptation research of the first sub-group,
because of its narrow view of immigration as crisis, and acculturation as
psychopathology. They recognize the importance and contribution of the second
subgroup on adaptation research made by communication and socio-cultural theories,
which contribute to an understanding of a more global, intercultural experience. A
preference for the second sub-group of adaptation research identified by Hammer is also
suggested by Benjamin and Hollings’ “Quality of Student Life” model (1995). Their
approach places the student experience first, within an ecological framework which
respects the context of the experiences of international students from the student
perspective, by integrating their satisfaction with the College itself and the student’s total
living experience (1995). This model also identifies cognitive discrepancies between
expectancies and experiences as a major factor affecting international student
satisfaction, and considers the international experiences within a more “normal” context,
rather than primarily within a crisis orientation. The Quality of Student Life Model is
based in the quality of the international student’s experience and levels of satisfaction
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with social interaction, communication, and learning, not crisis or pathology, consistent
with the orientation of this study.
Mayo, Murguia, and Padilla (1995) distinguish between formal and informal
social integration as sources of student satisfaction, with greater importance given to
formal social integration, such as student interaction with faculty. They include academic
performance as a significant contributor to student satisfaction. Mallinckrodt and Leong
also emphasize the importance of faculty interaction with students (1992). Other
researchers emphasize the social support provided by extended family, in addition to the
co-national, bicultural and multicultural support networks international students may
experience (Hammer, 1992; Parr, Bradley, and Bingi, 1992; and Schram and Lauver,
1988). It is clear that student satisfaction with the college experience is affected by these
institutional and personal factors. Less is known, however, about how students uniquely
construct their experience within their own social and cultural contexts by region of
origin and within a specific institutional context, given the interactions between the
various factors.
Researchers in the area of international student satisfaction have also identified
the need for research on subgroups of international students, including analysis of gender
differences (Altbach and Wang, 1989; Mallinckrodt and Leong, 1992). “The further the
student is from holding the values of the mainstream, the harder the swim; such may be
the case for the female [sic] international undergraduate.” (Manese, Sedlacek and Leong,
1988, p. 27.). This approach to the research respects the specific and complex context of
gender as a “pervasive social relation” (Stromquist, 1996a, p. 12). Social and
educational norms for college women in the United States are culturally different than
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those for women from developing countries. Education in the United States, though
hardly gender equal, especially in terms of college experiences and post-collegiate
outcomes, offers a wider range of opportunity in access, choice of major, participation,
and role models among women faculty members (Jacobs, 1996). Additionally, study in a
country with greater opportunities and a wider range of role models for women and their
career challenges the cultural traditions of many international students, for both men and
women. The very uniqueness of the international student experience argues for greater
particularity in respecting the degree of difference between the culture of the student and
the country of study. Students from developing nations may overcome special challenges
and reach higher levels of satisfaction in institutions that provide a better match and
assistance in making informed decisions.
International student experiences are intensified by differences in culture,
educational teaching/learning strategies and more traditional social support mechanisms,
and accentuated by geographical separateness. Academic stress is another key factor
affecting student success. Wan, Chapman, and Biggs (1992) define academic stress in a
cognitive framework which posits the students’ appraisal of stressful demands with
perceptions of their ability to cope. Their research indicates that institutional
interventions are most effective with the second task, by removing barriers to academic
success and providing support. In the community college, the greater diversity among
students heightens the focus on access and equity in support services, factors favoring
international study.
Barriers to international student success often mirror the success factors, e.g.,
strong social and cultural ties, and support the need for research on subgroups to
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differentiate factors and strategies influencing levels of student success and satisfaction.
Though some studies have suggested that international students as a group may be “rather
robust” and “rather stalwart in coping with stressful life events” (Parr, Bradley, and
Bingi, 1992, p. 23), identification and provision of appropriate support and transition
mechanisms are an ethical requirement for institutions inviting international students.
Prior studies have identified high-risk groups to include students from non-European
countries, students lacking social contact (Schram and Lauver, 1988) and students with
limited host language competency (Parr, Bradley, and Bingi). Cross-cultural interaction,
not mere presence of other students, however, is required of international students in their
social contacts (Kao and Gansneder, 1995). Low-risk groups include students from
urban areas and students with prior travel experience (Parr, Bradley, and Bingi). These
studies demonstrate the need for careful admissions policies and corresponding support
services, and the importance of research that differentiates more carefully between sub
groups of international students and their respective expectations and experiences.
Though the research on the experience of international students in the United
States has grown, comprehensive studies recognizing the multiple dimensions and factors
within an interactive context are limited. As Altbach observes, “When seen in its full
context, foreign students and international study is an important, complex and significant
phenomenon. Too often, however, the field is seen through the lens of one of its
segments, such as the economic impact of foreign study or issues relating to English
language training. As a result, the full implications of foreign study are not evident” (In
Altbach and Wang, 1989 p. 3 ).
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Comparative Opportunity of International Study
Prior research on educational exchange has focused on the concentration of
international students in the most highly developed countries, with more than 50 percent
of the research conducted in the country with the highest number of international
students— the United States (Altbach, 1991a). Several aspects of that research are
important to understanding of the context and orientation for the research studies most
frequently found, specifically: the purposes, the populations, the topics and the
researchers.
At the macro level, e.g., the Institute for International Education and UNESCO
studies, emphasizing quantitative demographic information regarding student flows and
characteristics have assisted in understanding the demographics of international students
and assessing trends over time— e.g., the countries of student origin, the magnitude of
student flow, where students are from, the institutions and regions in which they enroll,
and their fields of study (Altbach, 1991a). However, their focus is on the larger issues of
the impact of student flows, which does not focus on the factors influencing the student
perspective in decision-making.
In terms of the populations studied, the larger scale research on international
students tends to be infrequently disaggregated in terms of country or region of origin.
Two of the best known are annual quantitative surveys that include international students:
(1) the Freshman Survey, sponsored by CIRP at the University of California at Los
Angeles (UCLA) and the American Council on Education; and (2) the International
Student Satisfaction Report, from USA Group Noel-Levitz. Unfortunately, data elements
for the country or region of origin as not collected. Studies which focus on a particular
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country or region are highly concentrated on students from Asia, who represent the
largest number of international students by region (Davis, 1999). In fact, one recent
study of Asian students was conducted by a marketing company for the expressed
purpose of assisting institutions in recruiting more international students from this region
(Lawrence, Doorbar and Associates, 1997).
At the institutional level, the orientation of the research on international students
has been to assist students in their adjustment to the host institution, as well as to reduce
their impact on the institution through evaluation and provision of the most effective
services (Hammer, 1992). Studies focusing on gender are extremely limited, as are
studies of students from developing regions other than Asia, as previously discussed.
The topics of these studies focus predominantly on psychological, and more recently,
cultural adjustment themes, with some focus on student satisfaction (Altbach and Wang,
1989; and Hammer, 1992). A few of the psychological studies have represented what
Altbach calls ‘research sites’ where international students were the subject (object), but
foreign study was not the phenomenon of study (1991a). A substantial amount of the
research has been conducted by individual researchers for dissertation topics, many of
whom are international students themselves, with small, qualitative case study projects
conducted in individual institutions demonstrating varying levels of theoretical grounding
(Altbach and Wang, 1989).
The growing economic impact of international students on institutions is reflected
in the grand scale marketing survey of nearly 1,000 students by LD&A of Asian students
titled a “Global Student Survey”, as well as on a very small scale. One university
conducted an innovative study using focus groups to compare the experiences of
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international students from four different countries. The purpose was to evaluate
students’ expectations and experiences and maximize the efficiency of services provided
to them, combining a service and business approach (Coleman and Carsky, 1994).
These examples demonstrated the keen interest in the economics of international study at
the institutional and recruitment levels.
It is important to recognize that there are a minimum of three orientations from
which to view the decision to seek higher education abroad-the student and family, the
home country, and the host country. The majority of the research has been conducted by
host countries with the student as the object of research, fewer on issues of the host
countries, (though institutional perspectives are increasingly more prominent), and
extremely few on issues of the home countries (Altbach, 1991a). The combination of
these trends reveals a body of research that is typically more applied, often lacking in a
strong theoretical orientation, and skewed in several ways that have limited the potential
knowledge base for understanding the decisions of international students.
There are several excellent exceptions that need to be recognized and provide
inspiration: Zikopoulos and Barber’s quantitative survey of 1,065 students focused on the
reasons international students by country of origin give for selecting a particular
institution in the United States (1986). A qualitative study by Goodwin and Nacht
employed interviews with Brazilian international students after they had returned to their
country, revealing a very positive evaluation of their experience in the United States, and
unveiled the frustration upon their return (1984). Stromquist’s quantitative survey of 759
international students analyzed the choice of non-conventional fields of study by
international women students (1991). These studies have helped to raise awareness of the
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viability of serious research in the field of international education, in what continues to be
a peripheral area of study, despite the increased number of international students
participating in the globalization of higher education.
“As the internationalization of major industries becomes the norm, increasing
numbers of students can be expected to translate their global interests into real
employment in this opening marketplace” (Peters-Behrens, 1994, p. 42). One of the
current trends identified for having a major impact on the world of work is the
expectation associated with globalization. What this means for students using higher
education and international study to prepare for careers in the next century is highly
speculative. Experts in the field have also identified the impact of global business
activity on international study as the development most likely to affect international
enrollments in the next two to five years (Davis, 1999). Satisfaction and success with
social-cultural and other educational aspects of their educational experiences, however,
are also critical to the future careers of international students (Westwood and Barker,
1990).
Some prior surveys of students have demonstrated that “The principal objective of
Third World students is to acquire expertise in a particular field of study, in order to use
that expertise in the occupational sphere”. (Barber, 1992, p. 1024, in Clark and Neave).
The potential for future advantages as a result of their experience as an international
student is well described by Statland de Lopez of Mexico (1994) in her review of
Hamer’s book Returning to Mexico. Mexico anticipates an increase in the number of
Mexican students studying abroad, and is attempting to avoid “brain drain”. Statland de
Lopez cites Hamer’s book as identifying opportunities at home for Mexican bilingual
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graduates who have international educational experience and his statement that:
“Mexican conglomerates and Mexico-based multinational companies are aggressively
recruiting Mexican graduates of foreign universities” (A 34,1994). From the student
perspective, this is a potential motivator for international study. Many developing
countries, however, have periodically experienced a glut of graduates for whom there
have been no available jobs in their home country commensurate with their skill. Other
countries have restricted immigration as a means of controlling labor markets and in
response to social pressures. How international students perceive their future
opportunities and their levels of preparedness as a result of their international education
will ultimately reflect upon their level of satisfaction with their decision-making and their
educational experiences.
The importance of a career objective as a motivating force for international study
also appears in studies of international student development. A successful future career
clearly depends on more than just new academic skills and knowledge, and the socio
cultural aspects of international study are more indirect, intangible, and more challenging
for an international student to navigate. Manese, Wedlacek and Leong found that all
international undergraduates in their study indicated a need for assistance with career
development. Women, however, expressed higher interest than men in career counseling,
addressing issues of academic planning, achieving goals beyond the degree, and
“...anticipated needs for material rewards after returning home” (1988, p. 25). This
observation warrants follow-up among women international students from Latin
America, where women are frequently required to have more education than men for
equivalent positions in the work force (Stromquist, 1996b).
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A contrasting perspective on the relative importance of a career in influencing a
student to seek international study and other commonly assumed characteristics regarding
international students is provided by the previously referenced CIRP Freshman Survey
(Davis, 1996). In comparing international students with domestic students, international
students were less likely than United States’ students to identify “make more money” or
“get a better job” as important reasons for going to college, and were much more likely to
identify “become a more cultured person”. They were also much less likely to report
feeling overwhelmed in the past year. In terms of institutional selection factors,
international students were also less likely to identify low tuition as a factor, and
generally expressed less concern about financing college. These contrasts are important
in attempting to reconcile some of the apparent contradictions in the research on
international students, as well as the assumptions. They also identify the need for
research that focuses on how students approach and experience international study within
a common culture framework and the strategies they employ for making differences and
opportunities work for them.
Summary
These observations on the nature of the research on international students and
some of the conflicting results identify the need for additional research on the factors
influencing the decision-making and actual experiences of international students, with the
student perspective central to the inquiry. The emphasis upon international, country level
demographic research and models, though important in examining macro level
phenomena, is less effective in contributing to an understanding of the more complex
decision-making processes of human behavior influencing international study. The lack
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of a comparative framework for qualitative studies limits comparisons between studies of
specific groups and in comparison with quantitative models. Theory-based research
focusing on the experiences of international students by region or other cultural
groupings regarding the comparative educational opportunities they value and perceive,
how well their expectations match their experiences, and the anticipated consequences of
their experience, provides a comprehensive framework for analysis of this phenomenon.
A comparative and theoretical approach also suggests the potential for integration of
qualitative and quantitative factors in creating a better understanding of the international
dynamics that characterize international study. A more balanced and differentiated
approach to all of the dialectical relationships between the dimensions of education, the
socio-cultural, the political, and the economic, contributes to the process for
comprehensively addressing issues of international education within the context of a
globalization that is becoming increasingly economic.
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Chapter III
METHODOLOGY
Choice is a process as well as a frequently unseen action, and presents a challenge
for researchers. The decision-making of students in selecting international study is no
less complex to study and analyze. What values motivate their international study? What
conditions encourage them? What alternatives do they have? How does their decision
translate into action? What strategies do they employ for addressing issues of
comparative difference as well as opportunity? How do they evaluate their actual
experience and anticipated results? These questions can best be addressed within the
context of students’ decision-making and perceptions through exploration of their
experience within an emerging theoretical framework.
Research Design
A qualitative design was used to facilitate the research and develop grounded
theory. The decision-making of international students and the metaphorical dynamics of
border crossing are largely unobservable phenomenon requiring a methodology that
focuses on understanding the student perspective within a complex, multidimensional
context and international setting. The design provided authorship for the student voices as
well as a theoretical foundation and analytic framework for identifying the emergent key
factors motivating international study for this particular group of students, the underlying
values students used to evaluate their experiences, and the strategies they employed for
addressing differences. Additionally, the design allowed for identification of the
interaction of key component data and processes between the categories and dimensions
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to support a more complex analysis of the phenomenon of border crossing and its
implications.
Integration of two frameworks is presented here for consideration in the
development of the theoretical foundation of the study. Fagerlind and Saha’s dialectical
model of the social, political, and economic dimensions of education and development
provides a dynamic relational framework which is adapted to conceptualize the variables
influencing international study (1992, p. 227) (Appendix E). To extend the model
further, Strauss and Corbin’s conditional matrix (see also Appendix E) was adapted to
conceptualize conditions at all levels, from the action pertaining to the phenomenon, to
the international level (1990, p. 163). The combination of the dialectical model and the
conditional matrix, provides a conceptual framework at a higher level of complexity than
the original facilitating and push-pull models of student mobility identifying home and
host country factors, with a more holistic context and interaction in which the student’s
decision-making takes place. The portrayal of the political, socio-cultural, and economic
dimensions as interactive with the student and family recognizes the concept of agency in
the decision-making, and the embeddedness of the human participants in the conditional
levels of international study. Potentially, this orientation allows us to conceive of higher
education abroad as an alternative educational arrangement with social, political and
economic dimensions and multiple levels of conditions for student decision-making and
action, over the three temporal stages of the research questions.
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The Research Questions
The research questions are framed within the context of international students
from Latin America and the selected community college in Southern California. The
following questions have developed from the initial inquiry and guide the investigation:
1. Why do international students from Latin America choose to study in a
community college? What values and motivating factors do they identify for
comparative opportunity? How do comparative socio-cultural, political and
economic dimensions influence their decision-making? What role does gender
play?
2. How do students’ expectations compare with their actual experiences? What
strategies do they use to negotiate the “gaps” or differences? What barriers to
socio-cultural exchange or educational success do they encounter?
3. What future consequences do students perceive as a result of their
international study? What are their future goals? How do these perceptions
influence their evaluation of their current experiences?
Sample and population
The population consisted of international students from Latin America studying in
a community college in Southern California. For purposes of this study, Latin America is
defined as Mexico and all countries in Central and South America, excluding the
Caribbean in order to limit the degree of heterogeneity in the study. International
students are defined as students holding non-immigrant visas, the majority of whom were
issued an 1-20 document by the college (F-l). Students’ names were drawn from reports
listing all international students from Latin America studying at the College over a three-
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year period. Since only students with active immigration status were involved in the
study, sensitive legal issues surrounding student visa status were avoided, though
students’ freely volunteered their perspectives on these emergent issues. Student names
appearing in this study are nom de ‘vox’ to respect students’ privacy in the telling of their
stories and limit, to as great an extent as possible, the editing of their voices to issues of
communication and readability. A table of these names with abbreviated demographic
information is included in Appendix G.
Purposeful sampling was used to identify twenty students as follows: students
representing a variety of countries in Latin America, a representative distribution of men
and women, and students at various points in their length of study, to include potential
temporal effects among students, e.g., the U-effect identified by Parr, Bradley, and Bingi
(1992). The final sample approximated a “typical” student profile of the population
attending the college, including 9 women and 11 men; 10 students from Brazil, 5 from
Mexico, 3 from Colombia, and 1 each from Chile and Peru; 7 first year students, 6
students in their second or third year, five students that had already transferred and two
students who were in the process of transfer. Over half of the international students from
Latin America attending the college during the semester of the interviews participated in
the study, in addition to those who had already transferred.
Students were contacted initially by a research assistant, an international student
from Bolivia who was hired by the researcher for the purpose of identifying students and
scheduling appointments with the researcher. The research assistant used a protocol for
informing students of the purpose of the study and describing their role in the study. Her
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role was important in presenting the opportunity to participate, establishing rapport with
the students and engaging their interest.
Overview of the institution
Located in Southern California, the selected community college, referred to
hereafter in this study as “the College” or generically as the community college, is ranked
eleventh in the United States for the number of international students in an associate
degree institution, with over 1000 international students currently enrolled (Davis, 1999).
This compares with a total student population that exceeds 26,000 students each
semester. However, there are typically only 20 to 25 international students from Latin
America enrolled in any given semester, less than 2.5 percent of the international
students, and women students in this group consistently outnumber the men students.
The College’s demographics reveal a student population that is 53 percent Caucasian, 26
percent Asian (predominantly Vietnamese), 16 percent Hispanic (predominantly
Mexican-American), 2 percent African-American, 1 percent Native American, and 2
percent other, closely reflecting the demographics of its surrounding community (The
College Student Characteristic Report, 1998). Women students are a majority in the
institution, consistent with community college demographics in the United States.
A strong reputation for high quality academic, career and student learning-
oriented services was well documented by interviews with students during the College’s
last outside accreditation. The College offers successful preparation for completion of
the associate in arts degree and upper-division work at a four -year college or university,
and is consistently ranked in the top three transfer institutions in California (based on the
number and performance of its transfer students). Consistent with the comprehensive
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mission of the Community College, a wide variety of specialized technical/career
programs leading to the certificate of achievement are also offered. The curriculum
options, support services of the College, expanding import-export trade and other
business development in its economic community, and the presence of a prominent
Latino population and Spanish media are potential factors in attracting international
students from Latin America, according to student mobility theories previously cited.
The College’s implementation of the strategic plan for its International Center Program
has expanded opportunities for socio-cultural exchange through club events and
activities, cultural events such as fairs, guest speakers, workshops, small groups, and
other programs. The College is committed to creating a successful international
educational experience for all students through its second five-year comprehensive plan
for international education.
Instrumentation
The selection of specific qualitative methods followed from the research
questions. Multiple methods of instrumentation were employed to enhance the
development of the study: in-depth interviewing of the participating students, in-depth
interviewing of staff experienced in working with international students, focus group
interviewing of students as a follow-up to the individual interviews, and analysis of
students’ records.
In-depth interviewing was selected for greater flexibility in addressing the
particular phenomenon of student decision-making which occurs over time and in more
than one place because it is less time and space-bound. This method also facilitates the
gathering of data for analysis of motivating values, strategies, and subsequent evaluations
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of study abroad which are defined by these same characteristics (Lofland and Lofland,
1995). Because activities relevant to the research question were largely unobservable and
facilitated entering the student’s perspective in approaching the temporality of the
research questions, in-depth interviewing allowed an opportunity to explore the student’s
particular circumstances in detail.
Additional advantages of in-depth interviewing were found in the fact that
students shared a common outcome by virtue of a prior decision and action that identified
them, yet were generally not acquainted with each other and pursued highly
individualized programs. These factors contributed to the choice of in-depth interviewing
as the major method of data collection. Bogdan and Biklen have observed that
“Individuals who share a particular trait but do not form groups can be subjects in a
qualitative study, but interviewing is usually a better approach here than participant
observation. What they share will emerge more clearly when you individually solicit their
perspectives rather than observe their activities” (1992, p. 64). The previously
referenced pilot studies conducted by the researcher on this population found that
international students from Latin America on the campus do not identify themselves or
associate as a “group”, in part because of small number of students and the size of the
college. Finally, in-depth interviewing is consistent with analyzing what Lofland and
Lofland termed constructed strategies or social arrangements, which characterize border
crossing between cultures, educational systems, and other experiences associated with
social change (1995).
The focus group was included as a follow-up to the individual interviews to
provide an opportunity for checking perceptions and observing interactions between
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students (Wolcott, 1987). Though related, focus group interviewing has distinct
advantages over individual interviews. Vaughn, Schumm, and Sinagub have identified
synergism, snowballing, stimulation, security, and spontaneity as factors contributing to
an improved depth of understanding of human perspective (1996). Morgan similarly
identifies the advantages of interaction in focus groups for understanding “.. .the sources
of complex behaviors and motivations”. “What makes the discussion in focus groups
more than the sum of separate individual interviews is the fact that the participants both
query each other and explain themselves to each other” (1996 p. 139). The collection of
focus group data also permitted triangulation of the analysis with other sources of data.
The researcher is an experienced community college educator with a background
in instruction and student services, including administration in both areas. Through
academic education (master of science in counseling psychology) and breadth in
educational positions involving extensive student contact, the researcher is experienced in
interviewing and counseling students, conducting focus and other student groups, and
teaching. The researcher is well informed in the areas of community college education,
current issues of international education in higher education in the United States, and the
institutional context of the study.
Triangulation
To reduce the risks associated with a single researcher and reliance upon depth
interviewing as the major method of collecting data, several steps were taken.
Triangulation is a well-established method for controlling bias in data collection and
interpretation. (Patton, 1987; Isaac and Michael, 1997; Marshall and Rossman, 1995; and
Silverman, 1993). Data triangulation was achieved through the comparison of student
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responses across internal groups with varying characteristics, e.g., length of study, prior
education, with spreadsheet sorts of demographic variables augmenting the emergent data
formatted in the developing matrix of the Comparative Opportunity Theory.
Demographic data was derived from the interviews and the students’ records.
Methodological triangulation was achieved through comparison of student’s responses
with focus group responses, students’ responses with those of staff experienced in
working with international students, data from students’ records, and iterative
examination of the full transcripts of the students’ interviews. Finally, triangulation of
theory was achieved in drawing upon other frameworks to inform the analysis, explore
alternative perspectives and contribute theoretically to the development of the theory and
matrix (see Appendix H regarding the categorical linkages between models of student
mobility and the development of the Comparative Opportunity Theory). As previously
discussed, Fagerlind and Saha’s dialectical model contributed the dimensions of
education, Strauss and Corbin’s conditional matrix framed the context of the student’s
decision-making, action, and consequences, and Lofland and Lofland’s social
situationalist approach focused on the human agency of students’ strategies.
Data Collection
The design for data collection supported an analytic, inductive process combined
with iterative review and application of multiple methods.
1. Individual, scheduled, two-hour, semi-structured student interviews with audiotaping
for full transcription were conducted by the researcher. The interviews were
conducted in a meeting room adjacent to the International Center to provide a
comfortable and familiar environment and to reinforce the role of the interviewer as a
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researcher rather than as an administrator. An interview guide schedule was adapted
and expanded from field-testing in the two previous pilot studies conducted by the
researcher. Interview questions funneled from broad, open-ended questions to more
specific probes, consistent with providing students with the opportunity to voice their
experience while providing the detailed information required. Notes on observations
were also taken during the interviews, including the demographic information for
each student, which headed the interview guide. Post-interview follow-up notes were
added, and all notes transcribed to record details of general impressions, emerging
questions and ideas, integration with other aspects of the study, alternative of the
study, and to evaluate progress. Follow-up interviews or phone calls were conducted
as necessary for clarifying issues or answering new questions that emerged during the
data collection process.
2. Individual, in-depth, two hour semi-structured and scheduled interviews with
program staff working with international students in the institution, including two key
informants, were conducted by the researcher. An interview guide form was
prepared for this purpose. The interview questions were designed to obtain
information regarding their experiences with and observations of international
students from Latin America, within the comparative context of international students
in general. These procedures and processes guided the collection, analysis, and
interpretation of the data, and provided an additional perspective for triangulation.
Follow-up discussions with program staff were also conducted repeatedly as needed
for clarification and to guide interpretations. For purposes of triangulation and
alternative interpretations of the data, additional discussions were held with a former
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international student from Bolivia, who served as a the research assistant and one of
the key informants, and a second key informant, a student from Brazil who was
working in the International Center.
3. Two, two hour semi-structured and scheduled focus groups were conducted with a
maximum of five of the students interviewed in any one group by the researcher. An
interview schedule for the focus group was developed for this purpose, after the
interviews for the students in the group had been completed, guided by the data
collected from all of the interviews and questions raised from the interviews. The
focus groups also provided an opportunity for students to both respond to the
questions and to each other’s responses, providing a rich context for further
discussion and triangulation from an interactive student perspective. The second
focus group was also asked as a final activity to respond to the preliminary findings
of the study and proceeded (with enthusiasm) to provide additional validation of the
findings and interpretations. Notes taken during the focus group were fully
transcribed in preparation for iterative analysis and comparison.
4. Document review included institutional records of the students’ essays for admission,
demographic admissions information, and academic records, to validate key aspects
of the research and provide supplemental demographic and temporal information
regarding the student’s study. This process increased the available interview time
available for exploring students’ perspectives not available by any other means or
methods and contributed to a more natural conversational style in the interviews.
5. The audiotapes from the student interviews were fully transcribed by the researcher
for review. A contact summary form was used to review the transcribed interviews,
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corroborate the notes taken for comparison, and prepare the raw data for open coding
using the line-by-line method. The contact summary form included: main issues or
themes, summary sections for each of the research questions, potential abstractions
and follow-ups, surprises and “outliers”, and open coding ideas. The full
transcription assisted in clarifying the effectiveness of the communication between
the researcher and the student and identifying patterns that emerged in the course of
the interviews.
Data Analysis
The purpose of the data analysis was to identify emerging themes, issues, and
concepts to assist in explaining the experience of the students with respect to the research
questions abbreviated here: (1) values and motivation for international study and
selection of institution, (2) comparison of expectation and experience with focus on
strategies for addressing differences, and (3) future consequences and goals. To
accomplish this, several preparatory steps were taken with regard to organizing the data.
All transcripts and interview guides were open-coded and analyzed within the framework
of the socio-cultural, political, and economic dimensions over the three stages of the
research questions. The open coding was used to name phenomenon in order to identify
“categories, their properties, and dimensional locations” (Strauss and Corbin, 1990, p.
97). Axial coding was also used to create additional conceptual categories within the
dimensions and across the stages, creating a matrix for the analytical framework.
Selective coding methods were used to clarify the categories within the dimensions and
across the stages and begin to identify interactions at an abstract level with respect to the
research questions. Integrative coding was used to identify interaction between
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categories and dimensions supporting the framework for development of the emerging
matrix of the Comparative Opportunity Theory.
Multiple methods were used for verification of data analysis during the
developmental process for the matrix. A coterminous process of asking questions and
making comparisons to identify similarities and differences was used to clarify
relationships informing these characteristics and continuously modify the developing
matrix of comparative opportunity. The selective coding from the transcripts of the
students’ interviews was entered into a matrix form for each interview, with numbers
identifying the interview, page and line for each concept. A master summary matrix was
created for each category of the matrix by excerpting the selectively coded data from the
matching category of the summary matrix for each student. In combination with the
individual transcript of each student’s interview, the master summary matrix contributed
to analysis of the students’ voices. Finally, the method of “tracing through” provided an
effective means of analyzing the interactive processes as a whole within the stages and
dimensions and between the categories, since the decision-making framework identified
stages, but lacked distinct starting and ending points (Lofland and Lofland, 1995).
Throughout the data collection and analysis, students and staff were repeatedly
consulted regarding the meaning of their statements and subsequent interpretations and
observations of the students. Formal and informal discussions with the key informant, as
well as individuals with expertise in areas related to the research, were conducted to
minimize researcher bias, clarify description of emerging phenomena and interpretations,
and enhance the research process and findings. The degree to which these validation
methods were effective was reflected in the fact that many of the students introduced
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issues preceded by disclaimers indicating their comfort level and candidness, e.g., “I
probably shouldn’t tell you this”, “I don’t know if you mind”, “You probably won’t like
this”, etc. Students were also very receptive to audiotaping. One student even asked if
the tape recorder could be placed out of sight so that she would feel less self-conscious,
and thereafter became much more animated and conversational. Another student asked
that the tape recorder be turned off at two points in the interview, and requested
resumption after sharing the information she was willing to provide, but did not want
recorded in her voice. Alternative interpretations withstanding, these comments
reinforced the level of cooperation and authenticity demonstrated by the students in the
study.
Delimitations of the Study
There were three major delimitations of the study:
1. Only international students from Mexico, Central, and South America were
included, excluding international students from the Caribbean area of Latin America, to
reduce the degree of heterogeneity.
2. Only international students who had attended the College at some point during
the three years immediately prior to the study were contacted for interview.
3. The focus of the study was on students’ expressed assessment of their
educational experiences as an international student, including the level of congruence
with motivating factors influencing their decision for international study, their strategies
for addressing the differences, and the anticipated consequences of their international
study. The institutional setting provided the context for the student experience, but was
not evaluated per se.
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Limitations of the Study
Two limitations of the study were identified:
1. The researcher works within the institution as the Dean of Admissions, but separately
from the day to day operations of the international student center, and is not of the
Latin American international student culture (though familiar with community
colleges and international students). For the first aspect, careful preparations were
made in scheduling the interviews, as previously described to emphasize the purpose
of the research and mitigate the administrative role. Secondly, my perspective was
integrated with emerging data from the student experience, academic and professional
experience and external sources of data and expertise.
2. The researcher’s role in the institution may have influenced student responses, though
the researcher had contact with only one student prior to the interviews, and all
students were informed that the focus of the study was on the experiences of
international students from Latin America, not institutional evaluation.
The full transcription of interviews, triangulation of data sources and methods of
collection, detailed documentation and careful analysis of the data, and alternative
theoretical frameworks for interpretation were utilized to minimize the effects of these
limitations and contribute to the rigor of the study.
Methodological Approaches for Researching the Student Experience
The decision to study abroad and subsequent assessment of the experience as the
result of the action taken by an individual are complex processes inhibiting direct
observation and quantification. They can be inferred, however, from the actions of the
student and the telling of her or his experiences (Wolcott, 1987). Qualitative
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methodology is particularly effective in this regard. Though the accounts of international
students are highly individual, the context in which these experiences take place and the
methods used to assess them can be delimited by selection of a sample taken from a
population and setting which share some common characteristics. This requires
simultaneous data collection and analysis to identify themes across the individual
experience, an inductive process that originates in, and is characteristic of qualitative
study). In this way, focus is placed on the social arrangements and strategies constructed
by international students and the meaning they attach to them (Lofland and Lofland,
1995), rather than the psychological motivations of the students or specific characteristics
of the institution in which they are enrolled. This process ‘subjectifies’ the student
experience and makes its perspective central to the inquiry. The flexibility for exploring
interactive conditions and processes through an emic perspective creates a distinct
advantage for qualitative methodology. The opportunity for including alternative
perspectives and frameworks allows for an alterable research plan and emergent design
that can incorporate new developments, as described by Marshall and Rossman, 1995, yet
provides focus for the study and defines its boundaries.
The development of grounded theory provides an additional advantage of
qualitative methodology in addressing the study considered here. As a transactional
system, it has different levels of conditions: e.g., temporality is built in and allows for
analysis of the “pasts, presents and futures” which frame this study (Strauss and Corbin,
1990, p. 160). Because research for understanding the decision-making process for study
abroad is not highly developed, use of grounded theory allows the study to move beyond
description of the phenomenon of study abroad, and analyze multiple conditions for the
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development of a more theoretical construction (Strauss and Corbin 1990). Prior
research studies on international students recommend the development of more
theoretically grounded studies with an emic perspective advantaged by qualitative
research methodology, as previously referenced.
The influences or factors included in the previously identified models need to be
viewed as context rather than focus, in order to “deobjectify” to use Lofland and
Lofland’s term (1995), the student experience, and search for common themes across the
individual cases. The object orientation conditioned by many of the institutional studies
is evident in the survey approach to naming factors which lack focus on understanding
the decision-making process and identifying the strategies international students use for
constructing a successful socio-cultural arrangement and educational alternative. This
aspect of social agency has been neglected in research on international students,
especially the overemphasis on the problems of international students rather than the
strategies they employ for success. International students are often perceived as ‘elites’,
yet the majority of students do not select higher education abroad, especially in the
community college. International students’ strategies are worthy of study in the context
of an exception phenomenon that is increasing dramatically in the community college.
The drawbacks for using qualitative methodology were also considered, and are
linked with conceptual and technical aspects of research development and design.
Conceptually, qualitative research requires fundamentally different approaches in
orientation, which are manifest in its methods. In seeking to understand meaning, as
discussed by Lofland and Lofland (1995), the nature of reality and its relation to
knowledge creation become central not only to the orientation of the study, but also to its
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design and integration of the outcomes (Patton, 1987). In pursuing an emic perspective
(Williams, 1986), focus is placed on depth and detailed description, requiring boundaries
for breadth and quantity not only due to time constraints, but for manageability of focus
and analysis (Patton, 1987). Additionally, the need for depth in exploring meaning is
revealed, as Peshkin observes, in the fact that “ . . . researchers tend to look again and
again . . . “ (1988, p. 418). This ‘once is not enough’ characteristic of qualitative inquiry
suggests the level of labor intensiveness of qualitative research methods (1988, p. 418).
Summary
The development and application of a qualitative theoretical framework and
methodology informed by student perceptions of their experiences, in comparison with
existing student mobility models based in quantitative, macro level models of student
mobility, permit future analysis of the complex factors influencing international study
through multiple perspectives and methodologies. This shift of focus results in the
application of Lofland and Lofland’s (1995) social organizational or social situationalist
approach to the research questions and attempts to establish two purposes in development
of the findings: (1) to improve understanding of the student phenomenon, border
crossing, from the perspective of the student’s decision-making process within the socio
cultural, political and economic dimensions, and (2) to create knowledge of the role of
student’s active human agency in constructing actions and strategies to do so throughout
the temporal stages of the research questions.
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Chapter IV
FINDINGS
We become willing to cross borders also
When we stand to gain something by doing so.
(Stromquist, 1996c, p. 228)
The intrinsic value of the international student experience is well recognized by
anyone who has worked with international students, or been an international student. The
analysis of this study focuses on the values motivating the decision-making of these
twenty students from Latin America in becoming international students and comparative
experiences in a California community college (Table I). These decisions and
experiences ground the analysis through the development of a theory of comparative
opportunity (Table II). The theory is based in several premises: (1) that the students’
comparative decision making processes are dependent upon their perceptions of
educational opportunities in their home country as well as the host country; (2) that the
students’ experiences and perceptions are the result of interaction between socio-cultural,
political, and economic dimensions of education; (3) that the experiences of these
students are influenced by external factors, as well as their actively constructed actions
and strategies; and (4) that these experiences occur and perceptions evolve over the
course of the temporal stages of the students’ experiences— past, present, and future.
Using a social situationalist approach, the three dimensions of education overlay the
temporal stages to provide the contextual framing for the research questions delineating
the sections of this chapter: Stage I— Why do these international students choose
international study? Stage II— How do their decision-making criteria compare with their
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actual experiences? Stage III-What are their expectations for their future as a result of
their experiences?
The Voices of Border Crossing
Students’ voices revealed the diverse influences on their decision-making and the
processes they constructed and acted upon within the interactive socio-cultural, political,
and economic dimensions of education, describing time frames ranging from sudden
impetus to leave and study abroad, to long-term planning and preparation. A few
representative examples of the decision points and the criteria upon which they are based
illustrate the range and variety of the educational and temporal factors. Ana, who had
completed a two-year training program and worked as a textile designer in Colombia
prior to entering the community college, described the need to acquire English as a
precipitating factor for her international student experience.
I felt like it was time for me to go someplace else, and especially to learn
English.. .In Colombia, if you really wanted to get ahead, it was important for me
to have that skill. .. .1 had already worked for a year in a company. I already at
the time had my own business, and I didn’t have any ties, anything that was
keeping me over there. So it was a good time for me to come to America, have
another experience, and especially to acquire the skill, a new skill...
Juan, however, who had attended the university in Chile for two years, described a more
impetuous thought process precipitating his sudden decision to come to California.
.. .1 didn’t really think of coming here. But then I like started getting into it. I’m
like, “What I’m going to do when I finish [university in Chile]? Who
am I? What am I going to be?” So, I just asked my M om -and everything was
[completed] like in a month or so, it was really quick.
Juliana, who had already graduated from a university in Brazil, spoke of her dream of
international study and her fear of waiting too long.
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I was kind of bored. And then all my life I had a dream to live in United States
and speak English, you know? .. .And then I say, “I have to do”. If I don’t do
now, I’m 25. If I don’t do now, I can be married and have kids, and say, “Ah, it’
too late!” And then I decided to come...
These voices introduce the variety characterizing the particular circumstances and
decision-making processes of the students. In contrasting Ana’s methodical approach
with Juan’s impulsive action, and Juliana’s boredom and fear of the opportunity for
international study passing her by, the one theme that united the experiences of these
students was the active agency of their strategies in seeking a comparative opportunity.
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Table I
Comparative Opportunity Theory:
Values for Decision-Making in International Study
Dimensions Comparative Values
Academic Achievement
Socio-cultural Language Acquisition
Cultural Skills Development
Political
Quality Educational Offerings
Political and Civil Stability
International Living Standards
Economic Cost Benefit of Higher Education
Competitive Preparation
for a Career
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Table II
Matrix of Comparative Opportunity Theory
MOTIVATION<------------------------->SATISFACTION<------------------- EX PEC T AT IO N S
from with for
Stage I Dialectical Factors Stage II Integrative Factors Stage III Projected Factors
Comparative
Opportunity
Home Country
Comparative
Opportunity
Host Country
Comparative
Expectation & Experience
Comparative Future Goals
s
0
c
I
0
c
u
L
T
U
R
A
L
Priority of
Academic
Achievement
Personal Referral Classroom Instruction and
Interaction
United States Degree Status
Prior Language
Acquisition
English
Acquisition
English Usage and Education English/Bilingual Proficiency
Openness to
Other Cultures
United States/
California
Cultures
Cultural Diversity International/Cultural Skills
P
0
L
I
T
I
C
A
L
Limitations of
Domestic
Educational
System
Quality and
Available
Offerings
Educational Alternatives Graduate Education
Political
Uncertainty
“Political and
Civil Stability”
“Law and Order”
Political System o f the US
“Global/Local”
(Immigrate/Return)
E
C
0
N
0
M
I
C
Awareness of
International
Transactions
and Standards
International/
United States
Systems
International/
United States Organization
International Life and Work
Public and
Private Options
Affordable
Options
Costs of Education Cost to Earnings Ratio
Competition for
Jobs
Competitive
Preparation
Relevance of Education to
Career
Career Prospects
based on based on based on
VALUES<------------------------->EXPERIEN CES <------------------------- >GOALS
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Stage I
Comparative Opportunities
The motivational stage of the international students’ experience includes a two-
part decision-making process which first identifies the values and factors which influence
students to leave their country, and secondly pairs these categories with the factors and
strategies that lead to the students’ selection of the host country and institution. The
pairing of these values and factors appears in each category of the socio-cultural,
political, and economic dimensions, as students evaluated the comparative opportunities
available to them in their home country with those available through international study.
Socio-cultural Dimensions for Border Crossing
The first of the three educational dimensions of the decision-making stage which
frame the pathway to international study focuses on the socio-cultural factors and
conditions which support border crossing. This dimension defines and explores the
factors and socio-cultural values originating from societal, familial, and/or individual
disposition that influence and motivate students to leave their own country and select
another for international study. The emergent values and decision-making strategies for
border crossing reflected three pairs of categories influencing the students’ decision: the
importance of academic achievement paired with recommended pathways for
international study; knowledge of other languages paired with strategies for learning
English in the United States; and cultural skills acquisition paired with attraction to the
culture of the United States and California.
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Value of Academic Achievement
Home Country Opportunities: Priority of Education
.. .I’m undecided about what I really want to be.
But what I do know is that I want to be somebody.
And I want to work really hard to help out my family.
And the only way I can do that is by finishing school and having an education...
(Essay for Admission by Rosa, a Mexican student).
In this excerpt from her essay, Rosa typified the linkages students perceived
between the value of academic achievement and success in personal, familial, and career
aspects, demonstrating the way in which students conceptualized and integrated the
factors and dimensions of their education. International students demonstrated the high
value that they and their families place on academic achievement in several ways: choice
of institution, prior participation in education, family support and the relationship of
academic success to other socio-cultural factors.
Choice of Institution.
Students in this study described a strong history of private education throughout
their primary and secondary education, and exhibited an almost exclusive preference for
private universities. Importantly, this reflected upon the priority of education for the
student and their family, their ability and willingness to pay the additional cost of private
education, and raised the question of why. The relationship between private education
and social status appeared as one factor influencing attendance in private schools and
universities, as Antonio’s observations revealed.
Public schools.. .and universities in my country, everybody’s going to think that
kind of schools is for poor people, or a low class, so, they don’t want to mix with
that kind of people. .. .1 think the main reason is because they don’t want to mix
with another kind of social class.
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These remarks introduced a potential contradiction for choosing to study in a community
college where open admissions guarantee a more heterogeneous grouping of students in
most demographic categories.
Prior Participation in Education.
The students’ high level of prior participation in education was first manifested in
the fact that the majority of students, twelve of the twenty, had already completed two
years or more of study in a private university in their own countries. Additionally, four
of the students had already graduated with bachelor’s degrees. This unique form of
reverse transfer from a foreign university to a California community college represented a
creative and unplanned use of the community college for international study.2 These
patterns reflected upon the availability of education to them in their home country, the
priority that the students and their families placed upon pursuing higher education and
their preference for private education.
A second manifestation of the value placed on academic achievement was
demonstrated by the high rates of participation that students reported among their
immediate family members, including parents and siblings. With respect to participation
by gender, the number of mothers and sisters having attended university was nearly
equivalent to the number of fathers and brothers. Interestingly, women students in the
study were more likely than were men students to have mothers who had attended the
university and fathers who had not. This finding is consistent with prior studies
2 Reverse transfer describes the action o f students enrolled in university study to “transfer” to the
community college, a process that is the reverse of the community college mission in preparing students to
transfer to a university.
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demonstrating the strong influence of the mother’s educational background upon the
academic achievement of the daughter.
Review of the students’ prior educational experiences showed additional gender-
related patterns. Women students in general reported a longer period of prior attendance
and completion at universities in their home countries than did men students, and in fact,
three of the four students who had already completed bachelor’s degrees in their home
country were women. Several students (men and women) explained that parents were
typically more reluctant to have daughters than sons leave their home to live separately
from the family, and may have delayed the women’s departure. Luciana, a Brazilian
woman, commented that “Of course, guys are more supposed and expected to be more
independent than girls in the Latin culture. So there might be a larger number of guys
that come here or anywhere else”.3 For Carolina, her desire to study here was delayed by
an intervening condition imposed by her father to complete her Bachelor’s Degree first in
Brazil. She explained that her father wanted her to complete her university degree in four
years, rather than risking a potential delay through international study. However, after
she had completed her degree in business administration, her parents confirmed their
support for her international study in the United States. These examples demonstrated
some of the gender differences students described in pursuing their international study.
Students also observed changes in the overall participation of women in
education when asked whether or not their father and mother had attended the university.
Fernando described his mother’s educational background proudly.
3 The demographics for international students from Latin America enrolled at the college demonstrated
equivalency. (The College, Spring 1998).
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.. .My mom, she came from a very high class of upbringing. My grandparents had
a lot of money. My grandmother’s family was a family of Mexican diplomats so
she traveled around the world. She never finished a college degree because it
wasn’t a custom in Mexican society for a woman to go to school. She was
supposed to be prepared to be a housewife. And she could speak three languages,
and she took singing lessons, and art lessons. I mean, she was prepared like for a
college degree. She just never had it...
In explaining how women of her generation were more likely to attend the university,
Juliana described her mother in a very similar manner, and indicated that her friends had
different opportunities today.
“Maybe before, it was [for] the woman, you raise your daughter to be a wife, not
to be a professional person, very successful. It change a lot. I don’t see any girls
that [say], “I’m not going to school. I’m going to be wife.” Everybody,
everybody goes to school”.
Juliana’s comments were echoed by other students, men and women, in the course of the
interviews and focus groups, who acknowledged changes in the formal participation of
women in higher education between their parents’ generation and their own, while
recognizing the value of education without respect to gender.
Family Support.
Student interest and family support for international study appeared as a third
manifestation of the value of academic achievement. Throughout the dimensions
examined in this study, student responses consistently reflected the supportive influence
of their family on their decision to study abroad. Consistent with seeking comparative
opportunity, as demonstrated in the family history and tradition of education typical of
these students, support for education appeared to extend to international study, as Luciana
explained in describing the reaction of her parents to her decision. “They thought that’s
good for me. They’re very educated, and they think it’s important, and they want the
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best”. This desire for “the best” comparative opportunity available to them was a
recurrent theme among the students.
The individual family’s level of enthusiasm and type of support for international
education varied, however, as manifested in student responses to the question, “How does
your family feel about your studying here?” Ana, whose parents met in the United States
as international students,4 described her parents as very supportive of her plans to study
in California. Ana, herself, had recently married and met her husband while studying in
California. In contrast, Pedro, who was from a small town in Brazil, described the
somewhat mixed reaction of his parents. “Like my mother was homesick about it. My
father doesn’t say anything. He just wants me to study and get a degree. Just be
successful in life. But they both agree, and they both like, enjoy that I study here”.
Additionally, students generally described economic support from their parents,
with the exception of some of the students who had already completed bachelor’s degrees
and had saved money while working in their home countries. Even the few students who
reported having to work to support their international study were likely to receive some
economic support from their parents, demonstrating an additional form of support
arranged between students and their families.
The association of higher education with success was further extended to the
comparative opportunity of international education, as Juan explained when asked what
influenced him to leave Chile and study in the United States.
Juan: I didn’t like what I was doing in Chile, so I just like wanted to come here
and see if there were more opportunities, probably not now, but later.
NK: So, was that school opportunities, or work opportunities?
4 4 Three additional students also indicated that one or more of their parents had attended university in the
United States, two from Mexico, and one from Chile.
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Juan: Mostly work. Yeah, absolutely. Actually get my bachelor’s degree,
whatever. Hopefully to be able to work. I mean, [have] wider choices.
Juan’s difficulty in responding to the researcher’s either/or question regarding school or
work opportunities appeared to result from the inextricable linkages he perceived
between the bachelor’s degree and opportunities for work making “wider choices”
possible, consistent with Rosa’s conclusion.
Academic Success and Social Priorities.
A fourth way in which students demonstrated the importance of academic
achievement appeared in the conflicts some of them had experienced between their social
activities and education, which had interfered with their education in their home country.
Daniela, who had attended a Brazilian university for two years prior to studying abroad,
described life in Brazil as very exciting, and revealed the point at which she realized the
importance of focusing on her studies and her future success.
Now I want to focus my future; that’s why I came here. ‘Cause when you’re
young, you’re not interested in how things are correct, how it’s easy to find a job.
You’re not interested.. .and you don’t have that in Brazil. But when you’re in
Brazil you don’t mind. But when you realize that, you’re like, “It’s not the right
place, exactly.”
When Daniela became more serious about her future, she decided that Brazil was not the
right place for her to concentrate on her education, one of the factors motivating her
study abroad. When asked why he left Mexico to become an international student here,
Fernando described how he quit high school in Mexico because of his social activities,
and went to work. Later, he explained how he decided to pursue a degree.
After a while, I decided that I wanted to get a title. Basically, I had a lot of
pressure from my family, without ever telling me what to do, or go back to school
or anything like that. I knew that it was very important for my parents for me to
get a title, and I decided to get one.
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Fernando’s strategy for doing so, like Daniela’s, was international study. Fernando’s
strategy of crossing social barriers to educational achievement through international study
resulted in completion of associate in arts and baccalaureate degrees. Fie also
recommended international study and the community college to his sister who was
having the same difficulty in completing her degree in Mexico, conflicts between
university study and social activities. For this particular group of students, leaving social
activities in their home country behind became a strategy for improving their opportunity
to complete their education. International study removed an intervening condition and
created a comparative advantage for their academic achievement.
It is a curious phenomenon that these same students who placed high priority and
status on educational achievement and university degrees would find a pathway to
education in a community college— a system of higher education that does not exist in
their own country, and which has no elite admissions criteria. How do these students
construct their strategies? How do they find the community college? How do they
define their pathway to cross this additional border?
Host Country Opportunities: International Pathways to Academic Achievement
In looking for alternative opportunities for academic success through international
study, students reported encountering obstacles. Sources of information in their home
countries regarding international study were very limited. There appeared to be a lack of
well-defined pathways-either formal or informal. Antonio’s observation regarding
information available to him in Colombia was typical. “I think in my country we don’t
have many advertisements about these kind of programs. There are a few agencies about
international education.. .but it’s hard to find a school, or a college”.
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Border Crossing and the Community College.
Information regarding community colleges was even more difficult for students to
find than information regarding international study at universities, since there are no
parallel systems in their countries and the pathways even for domestic students are
characterized by greater diversity. When students were asked if they had ever heard of a
community college in their home countries, their responses were very similar.
Enrique: “No, never”.
Carolina: “Well, I didn’t understand that well. I heard because of that friend in
Texas. I believe she went to a community college in Texas, and then she went to
a four-year university”.
Fabiane: “Oh, no, I didn’t even know the difference between college and
university”.
With this information and educational system gap, students would find themselves trying
to explain the community college to friends and family in their home countries, after they
had enrolled in one. In describing the community college to his parents in Mexico, in
describing the community college to his parents in Mexico was representative.
.. .The system here of community college and university or four-year school is
completely unknown in Mexico. Community college is completely unknown and
even my parents had a hard time understanding what I was doing. “When are you
going to graduate?” “Oh, in two years I’m out of here and I’m transferring to Cal-
State Long Beach”. And they were like, “What do you mean two years? It’s four
years!” And I was like, “No, it’s two years for the lower requirements.” And
they wouldn’t understand the system.
Fernando’s parents were not alone in their difficulty to comprehend the community
college system. Given the uniqueness of the community college as an educational
concept and the lack of information in their countries regarding the educational system in
general (as well as specific institutions), multiple routes were inevitable.
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Students demonstrated three distinct educational pathways to the open door of the
community college: direct entrance from the home country into the community college,
usually transferring from a university there, transfer from a community college or
university in the United States, or transfer from an English language program typically
offered in a public university in California. The latter route was most characteristic of
Brazilian students who were referred to these programs by travel agencies in Brazil, a
factor explored further in the following section on language and in Stage II. Students’
responses reflected a variety of strategies for finding a specific location and institution,
including a combination of personal, informal referrals and, secondarily, more formal
channels of communication. Ultimately, all of these students found their way to the
community college.
The Role of Personal Recommendations.
Personal recommendations appeared to fill the information void for these students
regarding international study and border crossing into the community college. The most
important guides for these students were family members, relatives and friends, whose
recommendations for their academic opportunity were trusted. Their personal influence
appeared as a critical, facilitative step for students in this study to leave their country and
find a comparative opportunity that would advance their educational achievement. When
asked how they found out about the College, students identified a combination of friends
and relatives, who were usually living in the area, that referred them to the community
college. Most students found out about the community college after they had already
arrived in California or elsewhere in the United States, sometimes seemingly by accident,
other times by design. Frequently the choice of institution was based in a special interest
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of the student, or potential major, but nearly always facilitated through the informal
referral of a friend or relative. For example, Pedro’s musical interests brought him here
to visit a friend who was attending the College. He also had other Brazilian friends who
had attended a different community college in California who also influenced him to
study here. As Pedro explained, “Everything about the education here is better, so I
decided to come over here to study”. The idea that education in California (or the United
States) was better appeared prominently in students’ explanations of the influences on
their decision-making and perceptions of comparative opportunity.
For Fernando, who left high school in Mexico for professional soccer, his lifelong
dream for international study began when he visited a relative living in the United States
who persuaded him to return to school. After two unsuccessful tries in Texas, first at a
private university, and secondly at a community college, Fernando discovered another
cousin living in California. Fernando’s vacation culminated in his successful completion
of the associate degree at the community college, transfer to a California State university,
and a bachelor’s degree.
In contrast, Maria, a student who had already graduated from a Colombian
university and was working as a manager and systems engineer for the World Bank,
described the more deliberate, workplace influence of her American friends in The World
Bank, which led her to study in California. “Maria, you should go to U SA .. .so many
things that you can learn over there. You are very young yet, you can do so many
things.. .So why don’t you go?” Maria left Colombia to study in a California community
college based on her desire to advance professionally and the recommendations of her
American friends. Her story demonstrates the impact of personal contacts influencing
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students’ strategies for seeking international study, and the high level of prior education
and employment achieved by some of these students in their home countries.
Fernando’s and Maria’s experiences of reverse transfer were typical of this group
of students and reflect a pattern termed “transfer swirl”, de los Santos and Wright apply
this term to describe students who move in intricate spiral patterns between the
community college and other higher education institutions, rather than in a linear college
to university progression (Cited in Townsend and Dever, 1999). For reverse transfer
students in this study, the transfer swirl included border crossing.
Key informants and international center staff confirmed in separate interviews
that international students from Latin America were more likely to have friends or family
living in the area than were students from other world regions. One key informant, who
had been a former international study from Bolivia, suggested a subtext as explanation
when she said, “.. .parents don’t send them alone”. This observation, combined with the
lack of more formal information and pathways to international study and the community
college, helps to explain the number of students living with family members or close
friends, which created a built-in student support system evident in Stage II.
Comparative Opportunities for Academic Achievement.
Students and their parents demonstrated the high value they placed on academic
achievement by high participation rates in private schools and higher education and in
their association of academic achievement with social status and success. Most students
had attended a university in their home country and four had already graduated,
introducing a unique form of reverse transfer and border crossing. These factors refute
the notion of lack of opportunity or availability of education for these students in their
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home countries as a condition for seeking education outside of their own country.
Instead, students sought strategies to implement the comparative opportunity they
perceived for themselves through international study and demonstrated active agency in
seeking pathways for study abroad through personal recommendations from family
members, relatives, friends, and co-workers, though some included educational travel
agencies in their referral sources. Though some students were recommended directly to
the community college, most discovered the community college as a means of matching
their goals for academic achievement with comparative opportunities after their arrival in
California, through their openness to alternative pathways for their academic success.
Value of Language Acquisition
Home Country Opportunities: Prior Language Acquisition
For students in this study, second language acquisition, and even a third or more
languages, were perceived as desirable skills and strong motivators for international
study. Students also demonstrated the value of language acquisition in expressing their
admiration for people who acquire other languages and describing the anticipated
rewards for this achievement, as Daniela expressed.
You hear stories from people, who go somewhere and they get a good job, and
they don’t come back. And they learn another language, and I look up to that. I
think that’s good. You have to have (she paused), the guts, too. I’m sorry about
the vocabulary, but there’s a lot of people that have a lot of money that they can
do anything, and they don’t sometimes. Because that’s not all [only] the money
that you have to have.
In affirming that you had to have courage, Daniela expressed her enthusiasm for studying
other languages and respect for those who did so, a characteristic of these students.
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A more concrete pattern emerged in the prevalence of prior language study by
students and members of their families, which was not limited to English. Students
demonstrated an awareness of the utility of studying and speaking multiple languages,
including the potential value in preparing for a career. Some of the students also
described a high level of comfort and confidence in the intrinsic value of learning other
languages and the relationship to cultural learning. For example, Fernando, who had just
completed his bachelor’s degree in California, spoke of his plans to “pick up” French in
the future, along with a cultural experience and a master’s degree in France. Other
students expressed a love of languages as a motivating factor for international study. A
small number of students reported no prior second language study. Other students,
especially those who had made early plans for careers in international fields, spoke of
limited opportunities for language study in their own countries, requiring private tutoring
or after school, especially for languages other than English, which was more prevalent.
Students’ interest in other languages appeared as a factor motivating international study.
Host Country Opportunities: English Proficiency and Prior Experience
Prior research on international students who study in the United States has
identified the desire to learn or improve proficiency in English as one of the prominent
motivators influencing the decision to study abroad. The responses of students in this
study build upon this previous research finding and help to explain how students initiate
strategies to achieve their goal. Students described a variety of factors influencing their
desire to acquire language facility in English, e.g., prior study in English or other
languages, desire to learn other cultures, and general recognition of English as an
international language for career preparation.
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The Importance of Learning English.
Students in this study expressed a strong desire to learn English as one of the most
important reasons for their study in the United States. Among the most prominent were
the career and social advantages, even within their own country. Juliana described why
English was important in Brazil for employment. “In Brazil, .. .like you’re looking for a
job, if you have English, it’s kind of ten points more, because it’s very important
nowadays if you know English”. However, she also provided an example of a more
intrinsic cultural value. “.. .1 had a lot of friends, they came [to the United States], and
they lived with families, and they had this experience, and they were so happy, and they
were speaking English.. .And then I look at them and say, “I want to do this”. Tiago
described similar expectations he had for himself in the future as a bilingual speaker,
which had motivated him to study English originally, “.. .if you know two languages, like
bilingual Portuguese and English, ...you can find a better job and receive more money”.
The effects of globalization on the use of English within their own countries were
also recognized as important for access to information and social status. Cisco, business
administration major, referred to the dominance of English on the Internet.
A lot of people are realizing, my friends are realizing that English is becoming a
big deal. The Internet, right there, boom! What is it? English. That’s a great
advantage. The Internet’s gonna run the whole world. And those who look at
possibility and go and study and learn it, they’re opening themselves [to] a better
life. Everything is based on English.
Cisco also commented upon the status of English that he perceived.
Yeah, because the rich community over there? In any country in Latin America,
they know how to speak English. Because the parents know that English is the
main thing if you go to their land and learn their way of studying.
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The linkage of success in English with financial success and social status was similar to
the previous association and reinforcing effects identified previously in the students’
linkage of academic achievement in higher education with success.
Students also described the advantages of English that extended to opportunities
outside of their own country. Paulo, a graduate of a Brazilian university who was
interested in international marketing, described the value he saw for himself in being able
to speak English within Latin America. “I figured out that one of the most important
thing is learn English in the world. If you know English, you are a part of the world,
‘cause everybody speak English”. Rosa, who saw fluency in English as critical to her
future success in hotel management, described how her desire to learn English most
influenced her decision to come to California from Mexico. She described the “big
benefit” of knowing English, and career opportunities she anticipated for being bilingual.
At the time of her interview, she was studying French as well as English in her efforts to
advance her career in the hospitality industry, and planned to become fully trilingual.
The value students placed on acquiring other languages also extended to criticism
of those who did not. Fernando, while recognizing the importance of English for his
future career in international business, expressed his frustration with what he perceived as
the chauvinism of some Americans toward their language, and observed that foreign
languages were “elective” subjects in the United States. He complained that the same
people in the United States who travel outside of their own country lacking proficiency in
another language impose a double standard upon persons visiting the United States from
non-English speaking countries and commented, “Americans, I think they’re kind of
chauvinistic in that sense”.
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These examples demonstrate the importance of English that students perceived
within and outside of their home countries. Underlying this importance, the value of
language acquisition appeared to reinforce the decision to study abroad.
Strategies for Learning English
Consistent with the value they placed on language acquisition, students also
expressed goals and strategies for learning English that were tied to standards of English
proficiency, a factor of particular concern to students who intended to use English for
improving their career opportunities. Luciana, who was pursuing a certificate in
electronic media and had been attending the college for three years, described the
limitations she experienced in attempting to learn English in her Brazil through an after
school program in a proprietary school while attending her own high school. “You don’t
speak too much, but you learn grammar, writing, reading”.
Other students referenced the advantages of studying a language in the country
where it is the native language: to learn more quickly, gain a higher level of proficiency,
and learn the culture. Fabiane was one of several students who linked learning the
language with culture. “I basically came here to learn the language, ‘cause for me,
there’s no way to learn a language if you’re not there, and to learn about the culture”.
Juliana, who shared Fabiane’s opinion on the value of learning the language where it is
spoken, added, “ I know if I study in Brazil, I’m gonna learn, but I’m not gonna speak
fluent, because you have to live in the place”. The key informant who was originally
from Bolivia added that she was motivated to study abroad “.. .just to learn English, and
have people say, ‘She really knows English’.”
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Students acknowledged that English language study was available in their home
countries, but to learn English well it was better to study in the United States. In
combining an intrinsic interest in learning languages with the more concrete advantages
of learning English that students described, students demonstrated a fairly sophisticated
practical sense about their learning strategies that became more evident in Stage II.
Levels of English Proficiency.
A review of the demographics of this group of international students revealed a
wide range of prior experience in English, from none at all to several years of formal
training in the home country, enrollment in multiple study programs in the United States,
and one students’ study opportunity in England. Strategies for learning English were as
varied as the level of English proficiency previously acquired, both prior to and after their
arrival in California, and demonstrated different levels of prior commitment in acquiring
proficiency in English. Alessandro, a Brazilian student demonstrated the first extreme.
He had first attended the UCI extension program in ESL for six months and subsequently
entered the community college, where he was interviewed during his first semester.
Alessandro: And in the beginning, .. .1 didn’t know nothing about English when I
came here.
NK: Nothing?
Alessandro: No.
NK: So you learned all of it here?
Alessandro: Yeah.
NK: That’s good.
Alessandro: Yeah. I came here, I just know like, “How much is that? How much
[is] this? Where is the bathroom?”
NK: That’s not much.
Alessandro: Yeah. Just the basic[s].
In contrast, Carolina, a Brazilian woman with extensive study in English, described her
experiences in her essay for admission to the community college.
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I have studied English for thirteen years. I have always known that it would
provide me with potential to travel abroad and pursue areas of specialized study
that are not available in my country. My first experience overseas as an English
as a Second Language (ESL) student was in England in the winter of 1990, then
in 1995 I studied at California State University of Hayward where I spent one
quarter attending English courses. I am currently attending the American Culture
and Language Program at California State University San Bernardino in order to
improve my English even more. Here I have had the chance to take the Test of
English for International Communication. I acquired a score of 925 points total
giving me a AAA rating in my English communication abilities.. .My English
studies in conjunction with my business background will give me a firm
foundation in the fashion market.
Carolina and Alessandro represented the extremes of English proficiency among the
students, though the majority of the students demonstrated a fairly comfortable
conversational level of English proficiency at the time of their interview due to the
English proficiency requirements for admission of international students to the College.
Admission Requirements for English.
Staff members working with international students indicated that they identified
the Latin American students in general as having stronger English skills than
international students from some other regions, though clearly the variation in the levels
of English proficiency for students in this study varied. Students had met the English
proficiency requirement for international students at the College through a variety of
ways. The minimum admission level is a 500 score on the TOEFL, with an average
reported score for entering international students of 539. The minimum TOEFL score for
admission of international students applying to regular programs in most universities
typically begins between 525 and 550 though some admit students with lower scores.
Other students qualified through a combination of equivalent level courses in intensive
language programs and assessment scores on the college’s English placement test.
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Many of the students in this study were ineligible to enter the College when they
initially arrived in California, until they had improved their proficiency in English.
University extension programs or proprietary English language schools may offer
intensive programs in ESL and accept international students with more limited English
skills than those admitted to the community colleges. Other students in this study entered
the College directly with TOEFL scores that met or exceeded university level standards.
Community colleges have open enrollment policies for domestic students, and typically
establish higher requirements for international students, especially in English, so as to
improve their potential for success and maximize access for domestic students to courses
in ESL.
English on Leave from the University.
Some students, particularly those from Brazil, stated that their original intention
was to study English intensively for a few months and then return to their country, and
that their plans were influenced by the nature of the recommendations and referrals
offered by Brazilian travel agencies to English language programs. After arrival, students
who had completed these programs decided to pursue their higher education in
California, a phenomenon discussed further in Stage II. For some students, it was a
costly proposition to interrupt their university study in Brazil to study English
temporarily in California and also maintain their status in a private university. As
Fabiane explained, “I kept paying, you know. There’s like a monthly just to hold your
seat.. .so I paid for six months, the whole six months, ‘cause I was gonna go back”.
Other students reported similar place holding arrangements. In the process, Fabiane paid
double tuition during her initial ESL program in a university extension program— a high
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price to pay for her commitment to study English in California. At the end of the six
months, she decided to enter the community college to pursue a major in business
administration instead of returning to her former university in Brazil and her major in
industrial design.
The temporary nature of some of the students’ original intent to study English
exclusively and return home to their university assists in explaining how their initial
choice created a pathway to the community college. The university term was more
familiar, their study was often facilitated by an agency that listed only intensive English
language programs, and students intended to pursue a short-term course. When they
decided to extend their stay and explore other educational opportunities, they looked for
an alternative institution of which they were previously unaware, the community college.
Comparative Opportunities based in the Value of Language Acquisition.
Students typically demonstrated the value of language as a motivating factor by
their interest and commitment to prior study in a second language that was not always
readily available, their respect for persons who learn other languages, and their desire to
learn additional languages. The reasons they provided delineated a variety of strategies:
to improve their comparative opportunity for better jobs in their own country, to be able
to communicate with others when traveling and on the Internet, to learn other cultures
and to take advantage of international career opportunities. Students associated learning
English with a greater opportunity for success in their future, similar to the previous
linkages identified with higher education and success. Despite dissimilar levels of prior
experiences with English, and different pathways, they all sought to acquire greater
proficiency in English and discovered the community college.
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Value of Developing Culture Skills
Home Country Opportunities: Openness to Cultures
Adding new cultural competencies
does not require abandoning old ones.
(Wolcott, 1994, p. 324)
In response to open-ended questions regarding why they had chosen to leave their
home country for international study, students frequently expressed their desire to
experience another culture as a major motivator. Juliana’s comments were typical.
I think it’s like the thing I want in my life. I don’t care if I have like ten houses. I
want to have one house, the good car, but I want to have money to travel.
Because for me, I think it’s the best thing you can have is experience another
culture.. .You learn what different people think, the way they live. It’s really
cool.
Juliana’s enthusiasm for learning about other cultures and communicating with people
from other cultural backgrounds was representative of widespread interest among the
students interviewed, and several of the students had studied in another country other
than their home country and the United States. Other students described their motivation
in remarkably similar ways. Tiago, who was pursuing a soccer scholarship, suggested in
his interview that his motivation for international study was “to open the mind”, and to
“experience other things”. Cisco, a student who lived with a host family when he first
came here from Mexico, added, “I want to try new things, new lifestyles”. This openness
to new cultural experiences was a prominent characteristic of these students.
Similar patterns of interest in other cultures appeared in one of the focus group
discussions, as students spoke of the value of “knowing cultures”, having “more open
minds”, and “experiencing international variety”. Roberto, who had persuaded his twin
brother to study in California, referred to the opportunity to learn “society and lifestyles”.
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Fernando, who had been an exchange student to the United States while in high school,
commented in the same focus group that he had “always been open to other cultures”,
that his mother adores African-American culture, and that he, himself, has friends from
all over. Additional rationale discussed by the students for acquiring additional cultural
skills ranged from the intrinsic value of knowing another culture and gaining cultural
understanding, to something interesting and adventuresome to do.
Several comments students made associated learning about other cultures with
change. Alessandro, who attended two universities in his country prior to deciding upon
international study, made this statement, “I want to change a little bit about my life,
because [I] have been in Brazil for twenty one years”. Roberto, who liked the diversity
of California wanted to “get a different culture”, though he made it clear that he admired
his own. Gloria, one of the key informants who had previously been an international
student herself, spoke of international study as an “opportunity to pick up a culture, like a
language”. In observing that “time was changing with globalization”, she attributed her
motivation to the fact that it was more important “to understand, be wise, more aware of
cultural differences”. Daniela described her professional and personal motivation to learn
about other cultures through international study as stemming from the social situation and
problems in Brazil. She expressed her motivation “to learn a different culture”, and
perceived international study as a way to change her future. The desire to experience
other cultures appeared to be related to the opportunity to make changes in their lives,
and repeatedly appeared as a major factor motivating international study.
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Culture. Identity and Independence.
In addition to their interest in learning another culture, students tended to perceive
international study as an opportunity to grow as a person by developing their
independence and a greater sense of self and culture. Fabiane revealed her motivation
when asked to explain why she “always wanted to go somewhere”.
Well, just because I always had my parents doing everything for me, and I really
wanted to learn to do things by myself. And I needed to get out of there, ‘cause
they wouldn’t let me do it. I mean, it’s not that they wouldn’t let me do it, they
were always there for me, so why do it by myself?
Fabiane also stated that she valued the opportunity to learn the language and the culture
and the best way was through international study, and arranged to live with a family for
six months during her English study that extended into further study in the community
college and living independently. In contrast, Tiago attributed the original suggestion for
international study to his father, but also volunteered what he perceived as the value.
I think it’s really important to travel and to know other place. Maybe it’s gonna
make you understand better what you really want to do...Brazil will always be
there for me. If I want to go back tomorrow, I’ll go back tomorrow, and I’ll be
there for the rest of my life. So, if I can study here first...it’s gonna be better.
Tiago perceived this as the only time in his life that he would live abroad, and that
international study was part of his education and preparation for his future life in Brazil.
Boredom with the university program, a motivation for international study
previously identified with respect to the importance of a quality education, led Daniela to
reflect upon what she wanted for her future.
First, I hated the university over there. The program was just terrible. I wasn’t
interested at all. It was boring. My grades are bad, because I didn’t like [it]. I
was just going to school, not really participating. And my life outside school was
great—traveling, friends. At night, life was very good there, so school was just
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something I had to go, but I wasn’t interested at all. But then I started growing
up. I’m like, “Ok, I have to do something with my life”.
Daniela attributed this change in thinking about her future as influencing her decision to
become more serious about her education and to consider international study in a country
where both her father and grandmother had lived for extended periods of time. For
Daniela and other students, opportunity for international study appeared to include the
opportunity for personal growth and knowledge, as well as a formal education.
Several of the students attributed fear of leaving their country as a deterrent to
international study, a theme that appeared in Daniela’s prior description of the courage,
or “guts” as she expressed it, to pursue international study. Juan referred to this factor in
explaining why he perceived that few students from Chile study in the United States.
Not a lot of people from down there come over here, either cause they don’t want
to, they don’t speak English, they’re afraid, or just they don’t have the money to
be international student.. .Or they want to stick to the same routine always.
Juan’s explanation of why most students do not choose international study confirmed
reasons why students do— their desire for change and something new and different.
Choosing to Leave.
I didn’t have to leave, you know.
I bought my apartment in Colombia; I had my car.
I was finishing my master in business engineering over there.
(from Maria’s interview)
One point made by several students independently was that they didn’t have to
leave their countries; it was a choice. They volunteered this information very specifically,
as if to emphasize their initiative and independence in seeking a better opportunity for
themselves. Students who had already completed their bachelor’s degree in their home
countries were particularly likely to make this point and emphasize that the decision to
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leave jobs, families, and friends was not something they took lightly. Maria, a graduate
of a Brazilian university who left her job with the World Bank to come to study in the
community college, described her family’s reaction to her decision to leave, and the
challenge she anticipated.
They were thinking I was crazy ‘cause I had everything in Colombia and said,
“Why are you leaving?” And I just felt that that was my own challenge here, my
own thing. Is going to be completely different. In USA, I’m nobody, and it’s
true. And I have to start from zero.”
Another student, Paulo, who had completed his bachelor’s degree in Brazil, made he
made his decision on his own. “But, no, it was my idea, nobody told me you have to go
there. It’s my idea. I have to go there. I have to study over there because...it will be
good for me”. In the focus group session, Paulo also expressed his desire to “see all the
world”, a typical openness toward learning about cultures among the students.
A third student, who had already completed her bachelor’s degree, described her
difficulty in separating from her boyfriend of many years, a factor which delayed her
decision to leave her country. Once she decided, however, she told herself emphatically,
“You know, I’m not staying here, I’m going. I’m not [going to] stop my life because [of]
this guy; he’s not the right guy for me. My family, not didn’t like him, didn’t like him for
me, you know?” Leaving her boyfriend, however, was not the only influence that
delayed Juliana in pursuing international study. Juliana, with her bachelor’s degree
already completed, had made a good place for herself in the Brazilian job market. She
described her friends’ reaction to her leaving her job as a graphic designer. “It’s kind of
everybody say, ‘You’re crazy’, and I had good money every month, like almost $3,000 a
month!”
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Unlike most of the students in this study, Maria, Paulo, and Juliana had already
graduated from the university and embarked upon their careers in their respective
countries when they decided to leave. They had had the opportunity to be more fully
invested in their lives and career with time after graduation to establish themselves.
However, their responses were similar to those of students who had no prior university
experience in their home country. Roberto, who was just finishing his community
college education and preparing to transfer to UC Davis, described mixed reactions after
announcing his decision to leave Mexico upon graduation from high school.
Some friends were just as shocked as I was. They said, “Whatever you do, do it
well, man.” [Others said], “Mexico is my country, [you] should stay there”. My
girlfriend was very with me--she supported me. She was very hurt— she supported
me very strongly. “Your life isn’t just have a good time, have a girl friend. You
have to have work you wanted. Otherwise you will be frustrated all our life”.
The understanding Roberto received from his girlfriend was different from Juliana’s
experience with her boyfriend, however, his example, like those of the other students,
demonstrates that for each of these students the decision to leave was embedded in their
cultural experiences and ties. Despite the opportunities and relationships within their
own countries, they chose a comparative opportunity and experience of another culture.
Host Country Opportunities: Attraction of the United States and California Culture
A number of factors influenced students to select the United States, and more
specifically Southern California, for their international study experience, and some
students demonstrated a more purposeful selection process than others. Paulo, who as a
student in his early thirties was the oldest student in the study, made his decision after a
vacation visit to California. Based upon his experience, he returned to Brazil to research
the possibility of future study in California. When asked how he decided to study here,
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Paulo described extensive preparation in learning about “American culture”, the
“American system”, and English. His preparation included books, the Internet, “chats in
Internet”, and speaking writing and watching television in English, all in an effort to
make his transition easier. With his interest in international business and his degree in
Business Administration from a Brazilian university, Paulo related that experiencing
other cultures, and specifically American culture was important to him in developing
marketing expertise for international business, as well as pursuing a master’s degree in
international business. He added in the focus group that he wanted to know “what’s
happening here”, and experience both Brazil and California.
In contrast, some students described the attraction of the name recognition and
reputation of California, which carried a certain status, based on movie and other mass
media images. When asked why he chose to study in California, Juan, a student with an
interest in the hotel and hospitality industry, responded, “Because it’s California, because
of the name”. Unlike Paulo with his careful preparation, Juan made his decision very
quickly to leave Chile and study in California, with his mother making all of the
arrangements for him.
Two twin brothers, Roberto and Enrique, overcame their initial hesitation about
coming to California from Mexico after their father secured a position with a company
there. They also had an initial difference of opinion regarding the opportunity to study in
California, and came to California at different times as a result of this difference.
Roberto explained that Enrique delayed coming until six months after Roberto had
arrived because Enrique thought he could be more independent if he remained in Mexico,
rather than coming to California with his family. Roberto confessed that he had had his
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own doubts about leaving his country and spending sic to seven years in California (he
was planning to study veterinary medicine), but decided that international study offered
him a “better opportunity to succeed in life”. In describing the difference between his
brother’s initial decision and his own, Roberto revealed some of the typical
developmental and cultural issues students faced in selecting the United States for their
higher education.
Enrique thought coming to U.S. was same as study in M exico.. .he wanted to be
independent from our parents, be successful in Mexico. He realized he was
wrong, stubborn. He started working, being independent. He was living in a
house of a friend, working. He wasn’t independent. He started [living] with
friends to have some support, then be independent. He realized life is not so
simple. Being independent, working in Mexico is very difficult: the economic
situation, jobs, salaries. He started thinking all over again. I told him, “You have
this opportunity. Don’t lose it! You still have your life—you’re going to make it
bigger, make it grow.” He decided to come here.
Enrique, in his interview, confirmed that his opportunity was better in California.
The specific circumstances described by Paulo, Juan, Roberto and Enrique
represented examples of the variety in the decision-making and strategies described by
students for selecting the United States and California for international study. The
culture, economic system, reputation, prior travel experiences and educational
opportunities all appeared as factors influencing choice.
Prior Travel in the United States and California.
Many of the students described the influence of prior visits to California, or other
locations in the United States as influencing their destination for study. Others described
hearing about experiences from friends or relatives who had been to California for travel
or business. When asked if there were any surprises after his arrival, Pedro, a Brazilian
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student who had visited other locations in the United States described why he chose
California. “I was surprised that all good things, everything good you can find it here”.
A few of the students described experiences as high school exchange students.
In actuality, the traditional concept of an exchange student as students from two different
countries exchanging places did not always match very closely the specific programs
selected by most of the students, despite their use of the term. In describing his first
introduction to international study, Antonio described how he became aware at a young
age of how some people in the United States viewed his home country of Colombia.
When I was in high school, about eight grade, one friend told me he was going to
take an exchange with another student from here, but I think it has the wrong
name because it’s not really an exchange. Because he come here, but nobody go
there. They call an exchange, but it’s not an exchange. I think nobody wants to
go there because of how things are.
Antonio’s experience described very accurately the gap between the more limited number
of international students from the United States who go abroad and the much larger
number of students from other countries who study in the United States, and reinforced
the comparative opportunity of studying in the United States.
Media and Glamour.
Students also cited the influence of media and the movie industry’s glamorous
portrayal of the United States and California as factors influencing their selection of
location for international study. Students related that this form of cultural contact had
typically begun very early in their lives and appeared to have had a significant impact on
their perceptions and expectations, as revealed in Stage II. Fernando described his prior
experience in learning about American culture as an attraction for study here.
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In Mexico, we have been bombarded by Americana stuff, by all the, ‘Be an
American, and be a cowboy, and let’s go!’ and all the commercial stations. The
media is very strong in Mexico. We are neighbors, and we find out very soon
about the new movies and about the new trends in American society.
Another example was related by Carolina, who told the story of a friend during her
childhood who had frequently visited the United States and the impression it had made on
her. She described her fascination with the “magic” of products her friend brought back
after her visits, things that were not available in her own country. Carolina, like
Fernando, also described the early influence of movies and television that increased her
interest in coming to the United States, and particularly California, similar to many of the
students. When Carolina selected an English program through a travel agency in Brazil
that specialized in study abroad, she had the opportunity to choose from programs
throughout the United States, but she chose California “.. .because of the weather,
because also we are always seeing the movies about California. It has its glamour, ok,
I’m going to go to California.”
The glamour of California also appeared in some of the stories that students
related about friends who had enjoyed particular successes in California. Alessandro
provided the example of friends of his from Chile who came to California to play soccer.
“I had a friend, they came to Monterey, California. And they paid everything for him, the
high school. They paid everything—room and board, school, clothes, everything. Just to
play soccer for high school”. Luciana told a similar story about friends of hers who had
also come to California for exceptional opportunities in skate boarding, “...they come
here ‘cause they can get a better sponsor. But they have gone as far as they could in
Brazil, and they come here.. .and they’re just looked at more professionally. They get
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better pay and better everything”. These stories and the successes that they represented
to these students began to appear almost as myths as the interviews progressed and
student after student related similarly glamorous opportunities in California that they had
heard about from friends in their own countries. They appeared to be part of the
“mystique” of California for many of these students.
Not all of the students, however, described regular access to information
regarding the United States and California, though Mexican students were most likely to
do so. In fact, the relatively limited sources of information that students described may
have accounted for and reinforced some of the more glamorous images and exceptional
success stories that they described. Juan alluded to this when asked if there was much
news about California in his home country of Chile. He responded, “No. Unless
something really big happens, otherwise, no, just the name and the United States”. The
Hollywood movie and television image was strengthened by the relative vacuum of
information about the broader culture outside of these forms, and reappeared in Stage II
in contrast to the students’ actual experiences in California.
Location. Location, Location.
The weather and recreational lifestyle associated with California appeared to
reinforce the glamorous image of California as an attractive location for international
study. In fact, it was one of the most dominant factors described by students when asked
to relate what had attracted them specifically to Southern California. Students’ responses
were remarkably consistent, and “It’s known everywhere” was a typical statement. Ana
described how she had learned of the physical attractions and activities in California
through the travel of her family and friends. Juliana, who had the opportunity to study
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English in Boston with a friend, selected California because she is a “body boarder” and
wanted to be near the beach. Both Ana and Juliana stressed that prior knowledge of
California’s physical and recreational attractiveness had influenced their decision.
Other students demonstrated a good familiarity with the comparative differences
between California and other regions of the United States in describing their preference
for California. Alessandro, in explaining why he thought so many Brazilian students
came to Southern California named the weather, and the fact that it looks like Brazil,
factors that he described as his first reason for selecting California. He also indicated that
he could not have gone to Minnesota like his brother, because of his love of water sports,
concluding, “I can not live in a cold place”. Gloria, the key informant from Bolivia who
had originally come to the United States as an international student, reinforced this idea
in stating that she would not choose “New York winters”. Paulo also demonstrated good
knowledge of the physical geography of the United States in describing his reasons for
selecting California.
Because here you have ocean, you have snow, racquetball sports that I love, and
education, too. So, I’m not going to Nebraska, Missouri, you know? ‘Cause I
live in one of the most beautiful city in the world, Rio de Janeiro, so far; beautiful,
beautiful. And I have everything there. I just change the city.
The California weather and the corresponding recreational lifestyle were common themes
influencing students’ choice of location to study in the United States. Though students
described the educational opportunities as their primary purpose in pursuing international
study, they were selective in choosing a location they preferred.
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Diversity of the United States and Southern California.
Unlike Carolina, who selected a university extension program in ESL in Northern
California because there was a “bigger group” of Brazilians than at another she also
considered in Southern California, many students were attracted to the diversity they had
heard about in Southern California. Juliana described the value she placed on
experiencing a different culture in selecting Orange County.
And somebody told me San Diego’s a place, it’s a cool place, but there’s a lot of
Brazilians. I say, “I don’t want to go and live with Brazilians”. Because I came
with my money, the money I made in Brazil, not my parents’ money. And then I
decided, I don’t want to just spend my money and put in the trash and live with
Brazilians.
Fernando described a similar experience in his decision-making, based on his knowledge
of the United States in comparison with Mexico.
I know in U.S. you have a lot of immigrants, so it’s like super mix of culture,
because you have so many cultures in here, and I think it’s great because you have
so many ways of thinking, of living, of religions, of everything. You have doors
open everywhere, you know? You can just pick one or two, or you have more.
It’s a great opportunity to learn about other cultures. In Mexico, it’s hard, ‘cause
we’re almost the same. It’s like family. And we have also like a mixture, ‘cause,
we have like Spanish people from Latin America, from other parts of Central
America, from Europe, but it’s not as much as in here.
In the focus group, Fernando reinforced the diversity of cultures in California as a good
opportunity for learning about more cultures. Other students in the focus group also
discussed this diversity as an attractive feature in their selection of Southern California
and emphasized the value they placed on learning, as one student described it, “other
ways of thinking, religion, and life styles” in the United States.
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Comparative Opportunities based in the Value of Developing Cultural Skills
A pattern of values as motivating factors for international study appeared in
students’ openness to other cultures, developing a better understanding of other people
and themselves, and gaining independence. Students associated cultural skills with
success, similar to the association they made with success and the other values of
academic achievement and language acquisition in the socio-cultural dimension. The
current emphasis on the effects of globalization finds additional support in the
motivations of these students to pursue international study as a means of acquiring
cultural skills for living in an international world. Students volunteered a variety of
reasons for their interest in learning another culture, with strong consensus that cultural
skills were important for their success and that selecting the United States for
international study was a strategy that permitted them to act upon this interest.
Political Dimensions for Border Crossing
The political dimension is the second of three dimensions of the decision-making
stage, and focuses on comparative political factors that support border crossing.
Political factors are defined as those factors pertaining to the organization and structure
of the educational system and the political and civil environment, which affect the
student’s decision-making and opportunity for higher education and success. The
emergent political values influencing students’ motivation to leave their country for
international study are explored, along with the decision-making strategies students
employed in selecting educational alternatives and a different political environment. The
political dimensions include the values of quality educational offerings, and political and
civil stability, comparing conditions in the home country with those in the United States.
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Value of Quality Educational Offerings
Home Country Opportunities: Limitations of the Educational System
Student opinions of the opportunities available to them through the educational
system in their own country reflected a variety of issues and perspectives, however, most
students were highly critical of the opportunities for public education in their home
country in comparison with those offered by private institutions.
Public education.
A defining feature of student’s political perspectives regarding their education
was found in students’ strong preference for private education over the offerings of the
public institutions provided by their government, at all levels of education. Ana, who had
completed a textile design program at a private technical institute in her home country,
provided a typical explanation of why she did not attend a public university in Colombia.
.. .If people want to study, they can go to like public universities but then they’re
always revolting. It’s just difficult for people to study. And they have to do the
way they are instructed, so there’s just no choice for them, or for us.
Her observation of unrest in public universities was also reinforced as a common
perception among the Latin American students by one of the international student
advisors who worked closely with the international students. Regarding her second
observation, Ana explained that she valued choice and associated it with respect for her
as a person, adding that public institutions limited choice by program and organization.
Student responses regarding the differences between public and private
institutions frequently did not distinguish clearly between tertiary and other levels of
education. Juliana, however, delineated the different levels of public education in Brazil.
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Maybe because the government in Brazil is not good, they are not good, you
know? It’s like you have to pay a lot of money to have a good education. But the
universities, the public universities, the USP, it’s the best university in Brazil.
But you have this big test.. .it doesn’t [matter] your grades in school, you have to
do good on the test. ... [They] have more than millions of people doing this. It’s
very hard to get in.
The competitiveness of university admission that Juliana and other students described
influenced students and their families to select private institutions at the elementary and
high school levels for better preparation for admissions tests at the universities.
Students also raised concerns regarding social status and public education in their
home countries, consistently stating that public education was lacking in quality and was
for the poor. Alessandro, who had attended two different private universities in Rio de
Janeiro, provided a typical response in elaborating on the problems he perceived with
public education in his country and why he attended private schools all of his life.
Because the teachers don’t go, and sometimes they stay like a month and two
months without class. All the chairs and the tables are broken.. .they have water
coming from the ceiling and very poor schools.
Criticism of public education in the home country was not limited to the Brazilian
students, as represented in the problems Carlos observed in Peru. “I had friends who
went to public schools, and not to be mean or anything, but they were really messed up.
They didn’t really care about school, or anything like that”. Roberto’s criticism of public
education in Mexico alluded to the social advantages of private schools.
I attended private high school. The level is a little higher and also because of
relations with other people. In public schools, there are problems with people
who lose their time, have nothing to do. There are problems with government,
split classes, professors not so interested in each student.
Cisco, who was also from Mexico, was the only student who had attended a public high
school in his home country. He stated, “I didn’t go to like nice high schools over there. I
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went to public schools”. The congruency of the students’ perception of public education,
given the fact this group of students, except for one student, had exclusively attended
private schools in a total of five countries in Latin America, demonstrated the strong
preference for private education among these students and their families.
Private education.
In stark contrast, most of the students shared the opinion that private education at
all levels of the system had the highest quality and offered the best opportunity,
specifically citing better preparation and higher status. Students emphasized these facts
and frequently expressed appreciation that their parents were able to afford private
schools for them, and the best preparation for the university. Private institutions were
also generally associated with higher social status, even though several students remarked
that some of the public ones had very competitive admissions testing. Cisco, the only
student who had attended a public high school, described with pride the university he
would have attended on a football scholarship if he had decided to study in Mexico.
That’s the biggest school in whole Mexico. It’s like a USC kind of thing in
M exico.. .It’s like a very, very rich school. Only rich kids go there. So certain
people who have money go there. All my family played in that school, because
we play football forever.
Instead, Cisco decided to study and play football in the community college. He believed
he would have a better life as a result of international study, and he and his family could
afford it.
Students in general appeared to view the availability of a good education as
directly related to the affordability of private education for them, a factor that influenced
their perception of the comparative affordability of international study. Maria described
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the comparative choices she and her friends were able to consider when responding to a
question as to why she thought that more students in Colombia did not come to California
to study. “But if you have so much money, the education in my country is also good”.
Her comment was typical of the general perception of cost and perceived value.
Availability of Higher Education.
One of the major areas of concern raised by the students was the limited
availability of higher education for students in their countries. Typically, this appeared in
the form of personal expense, entrance requirements (primarily tests), re-testing upon re
entry or change of major, government resources for funding education, and certain
restrictions upon student choice. These patterns persisted despite variations in the
specific examples provided by the students and their respective home country.
Students widely emphasized the prevalence of testing for competitive admissions
and the implications for the allocation of spaces. Antonio, in describing some of the
political realities regarding the availability of spaces for students in the public universities
in Colombia, observed that there were “One thousand people for one hundred places”.
Previously, Antonio had originally raised issues of social status and class with respect to
public and private institutions in the section on socio-cultural dimensions. Though he was
clearly aware of the difficulty of getting into a public university, he volunteered that he
viewed the idea of anyone other than “poor people or a low class” attending a public
university as a “foreign kind of thinking”. If he had not had the opportunity for
international study, he stated that he would have attended a private university in
Colombia, and he was one of the few students who came to California without prior
experience in a university. For Antonio, public universities were “unavailable”.
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Students from Brazil also described a similar shortage of space in the universities
in their country, requiring students to pass competitive entrance examinations. Carolina
provided an historical scenario of a developing region’s expansion of higher education
through both public and private institutions.
The hardest thing is there aren’t many universities to kind of absorb all the
students that leave high schools. Now, there are more private universities,
because in my tim e.. .it was basically just the federal universities that is good, it’s
public, but it’s good, and the Catholic University. So it’s like only two
universities for I don’t know how many hundreds of public schools. So
sometimes, they say, “Ok, for business administration we have a hundred places
available”. And then you have two thousand students who will be business
administration [majors] competing to do this test.
These comments reflected also upon how students’ choice of major was affected by
limited spaces and testing, not just admission, particularly in the more competitive public,
or “free” university. Juan, who had attended a private university in Chile, presented the
same issue with respect to the effects of testing on choice of major in his country. “And
if you get like 700 or above, it’s really good, you can almost go into any career you
want”. These examples demonstrate students’ high level of awareness and concern
regarding the limited availability of higher education in their home countries and the
restrictions on career choice, and explained students’ general appreciative of access and
issues of choice in higher education that emerged in Stage II.
It is important to note again that the majority of the students had previously
attended universities in their home country--all of them private institutions, including the
four who had already graduated with baccalaureates. Because of the preference for
private education, it can not be assumed that students were ineligible for the more
competitive public university spaces. One of the Mexican brothers, Roberto, proudly
volunteered that he had been accepted to Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico
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(UNAM), the public university, prior to his decision to come to California, in contrast to
his prior education in Mexico, as well as his brother’s, which had been exclusively
private. His brother, Enrique, described how he had taken tests for three universities, two
private and one public, and been accepted to all three prior to coming to the United
States. Enrique shared that he had always had very good grades, but that tests were the
most important consideration and the basis for admission to the university in Mexico,
similar to Juliana’s previous observation regarding the priority of test results in Brazil.
Despite the competition for space in universities students described, nearly all of them
confirmed that they had been accepted into a university in their own country, including
the few students who had not attended one.
Acceptance into a university was not the only difficulty that students described in
discussing higher education opportunities in their home countries. Students were also
aware of what these limitations meant in terms of staying on a prescribed schedule.
Enrique described this restriction as “.. .You choose your career, they give you a plan of
studies, and you follow that. That’s the way it is. If you get behind, ooh, you’re in
trouble, because you can not take the other ones”. Changing universities, or even
changing majors, was also described as problematic and inflexible, especially for students
who were undecided. Though students described some security and less confusion in a
prescribed program, they also recognized the potential problems if a student was not as
secure in his or her original choice of major and needed to change.
Other students described a lack of flexibility in scheduling that made it very
difficult for them to juggle work and school in their home country. Luciana commented
upon the inflexibility she encountered in scheduling her work and university studies. She
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explained that some majors were only offered during certain hours of the day for the term
of the degree, and that students had to either make that time fit, select another major, or
quit school. Many of the students described the funding problems students could
encounter in either public or private universities in their home country due to fixed
schedules, especially those attempting to earn money to help pay for their studies; others
spoke of the necessity to work to enhance opportunities for employment upon graduation.
Issues of Quality and Organization.
In addition to concerns regarding the availability of higher education to them,
students also reflected upon limitations in the quality and organization that they perceived
in the education institutions in their country. They typically laid the responsibility for the
difficulties in public universities on the government, frequently citing corruption,
economic problems, e.g., inflation, and strikes. Criticism of private universities had a
different foundation. Paulo, who had previously graduated from a private university,
described his dissatisfaction with the quality of both public and private universities, but
for different reasons.
I tried to put for you the real things that happen. Because sometimes someone
coming here and try to show you like the education in Brazil is the best, .. .no, it’s
not true. It’s expensive there. It’s hard because they want to, you can put this, I
think they try to keep money from you, make your time harder in university. No,
it’s not because of knowledge that you stay a little bit more there.
And they don’t give a lot of research opportunities to study, like good libraries,
computers lab, you have to pay for everything. It’s not free. Nothing there is
free.
Many of the students expressed similar criticism and also raised additional concerns
regarding limited course offerings, the lack of tutoring and other support services, and
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even the absence of a campus. As Rosa described it, “You go to the university and you
go home”, a habit which emerged also in Stage II with many of the students.
Other students cited the lack of attention on the part of instructors and students in
their home countries. Daniela stated, “They’re not interested in teach over there because
they don’t get a lot of money; the students are not interested; the school has not much
money”. In the focus group, she described students as “going through motions” in
attending classes, except on Friday, travel day in Brazil, when no one attends. The
consistency and breadth of students’ criticisms across countries reinforced the importance
of these factors in influencing students to seek alternatives through international study.
A final criticism related to the level of organization students perceived in
educational institutions in their home countries. Fabiane’s description in her interview
best summarized the comments of several of the students, but she politely qualified hers.
There you had to pray that they could remember that you’re a student, or find
your papers when you’re looking them up for grades and stuff. They’re very
disorganized. Or I don’t know if it’s just the schools I’ve been to. There are
probably a lot of other places that are more organized than those.
The issue of organization appeared again in Stage II, with the students’ actual experience
of education in the United States.
Not all of the students thought that education in their own country was of poor
quality. Carolina, a graduate of a Brazilian university, questioned why people in Brazil
thought that the education was not very good, and described her own experience in a
more positive way.
I don’t know why people think that education in Brazil is so bad, because when I
went there in school, I had to study a lot. .. .That’s why sometimes now I have
the notion that, well, no, we are not that bad in Brazil then, as bad as we think we
are. I think here [California] is more like technology, like more modern stuff.
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Carolina’s observation on the more limited availability of modern technology in the
universities in her home country was widely acknowledged by the students. Cisco, the
only student who had attended both public and private institutions, also defended the
educational system in his home country, but alluded to the greater status and opportunity
for Mexican students who study in the United States.
Mexico has really good system of schools. It’s like really, really good schools.
It’s like USC, Pepperdine, Harvard, it’s almost the same level. But people don’t
actually try to go out to another country to be something different. They have it
right there. We don’t have to .. .We, I’m talking about the rich class, the rich
society. We have the same kind of things in our land. Those who come here are
the ones who want more pride.
Despite the opportunities for higher education in their home countries, these students
chose the comparative opportunity of international study.
Host Country Opportunities: Educational Alternatives in the United States and California
Students demonstrated a second manifestation of the linkages they perceived
between education and “degreed” success for their future in identifying the added value
of a degree and other educational experience in the United States. In explaining why
Juan thought he would have more opportunities, he explained, “.. .my Dad has always
studied here. And like, the door opens wherever he goes. And having it, like a degree
from the U. S., is different from having a degree from Chile. It’s different, ‘cause having
a degree in Chile, it’s mostly a nice thing in Chile. But having it from here, you can use
it all over, you know what I mean?” Carolina, who had already graduated with her
bachelor’s degree, repeated Juan’s metaphor when describing the opportunities that she
anticipated as a result of extending her education through international study.
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I always planned to come here after I finished school, to get more [education],
because there in Brazil, it’s really important. If after you finish, or any time
during in your life if you come abroad, especially here in United States, if you
have some experience here, then when you go back there the treatment’s different.
It’s like the doors are more open for you.
The metaphor of the open door revealed the linkages students perceived between their
comparative opportunity for higher education and a degree from the United States.
Students’ expressed high expectations for education in the United States. Though
most students did not have a great deal of specific information regarding the educational
system in the United States or California prior to their arrival, their general impression
was highly favorable. Roberto and Enrique, twin brothers from Mexico, learned about
education in California from their father, who acquired a special “H” visa for specialized
employment in California and researched the potential educational opportunities through
partners in the sponsoring firm. Roberto’s initial reaction to the idea of leaving Mexico
to study veterinary medicine in the United States was negative.
I was accepted in good universities. I was happy, ok with life. I never had the
idea of coming here. I planned to stay back by myself. My father said, “If you
want, you can come because this is the best opportunity you have. There are big
differences between the two countries, the technology and the economic
situation”. I tried to apply directly to the University, because I know it has one of
the best schools of medicine. It was too late to enter. The University
recommended [the College]. Here we learned a very good plan of transfer and
very good level.
Up to date technology was a major factor in influencing his decision. “So, in Mexico, we
don’t have that opportunity, we have old stuff, old instruments, and they’re good schools.
They are very good, but they’re not as good as U.S. schools”. Both brothers expressed
their interest in having the best possible educational opportunity available to them, and
their father’s relocation provided the opportunity to study in California.
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In describing why they selected the United States and California, students
typically compared and contrasted the relative availability of educational opportunities
available to them in their home country. Antonio, who was seeking an opportunity to
major in film video, observed that in Colombia, . .that major is not so much developed,
so I decided to come here, especially California”. When asked why he chose
international study, Pedro, who was from a small town, cited the importance for him to
study in a larger city with greater opportunities, and expressed his confidence that the
knowledge he gained would assist him in getting a better job in Brazil.
First, the education here is much better. And second one is if I study here [in
California], you study a lot in college and university. In Brazil, no, you study a
lot in high school, and not in university. I think that if I study a lot here for four
years, and if I get my degree, and come back to Brazil, I can get a good job, and
that’s what I want.
These examples provide some initial insights into the comparative quality of education
influencing students in the decision-making process of Stage I regarding where to study.
Comparative Opportunities based in the Value of Quality Educational Offerings.
Students questioned how well they would be prepared for their future if they
continued to study in their home country due to problems of availability, quality and
efficiency in higher education. Quality of educational offerings was associated with
flexibility and choice, career preparation, and social status. It is important in reviewing
students’ perspectives regarding education in their home countries to note again that the
majority of these students had attended a university for two or more years in their home
country, and four of them had already graduated with baccalaureates. Students’
comparisons between public and private institutional offerings in their respective home
country and the comparative offerings they perceived in the educational systems of the
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United States revealed values influencing border crossing that were manifested in
students’ decision-making strategies for international study.
Value of Political and Civil Stability
Home Country Opportunities: Political Uncertainty
Many of the students expressed a wide variety of concerns regarding the political
conditions and systems in their countries; however, fewer students raised political issues
as a motivating factor for international study than in other categories of Stage I.
Students’ concerns identified problems in two areas: corruption in government and fear
of crime.
Problems in Government.
Corruption and ineffective government influence education and the experience of
daily life, and many of the students’ responses reflected these problems in identifying
their comparative opportunities. Cisco articulated his concerns with a combination of
despair for the political situation and pride in the Mexican people.
I feel sorry, I’m sad that we have a very corrupted government because we have
great people. As a country, I’m very proud of being part of that country. We
have people who like to work, and we work, work, work. That’s the only thing
we know how to do. And I feel sorry that people are taking advantage from poor
people, taking all the money from the government and spending it on
themselves.. .because we have the resources, and the people, and the work force
to become a strong nation if we really want to.
Other students extended the consequences of a corrupt government to the economy and
education. In holding the government accountable, students’ negative perceptions of the
government in their respective home country reinforced their opinions regarding public
education as well, and appeared to influence their choice of private education.
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Several of the students also criticized the government for inequitable taxation in
their home country and the effect on distribution of resources, including those for
education. Juliana explained what was wrong with the Brazilian government. “But it’s
everything’s wrong, you know? You pay taxes, but the taxes don’t move to the right
places”. Paulo, who was also critical of how taxes worked, quipped, “In Brazil, the rich
save; they pay only 2 percent tax!” Maria, the systems engineer, described a related
problem that she discovered first hand conducting a company audit for the World Bank.
She described the resistance to computer optimization in Colombia as motivated by fraud
and corruption in the manipulation of taxes, which would be exposed by more transparent
operations. These student responses demonstrated an awareness of the political problems
confronting their countries and their relationship to social and economic problems
affecting their education and daily lives.
Fear of Crime.
A minority of students expressed fear of crime as a major factor motivating their
international study, but those who did described specific situations influencing their
decision to study abroad that they had experienced either in working or through the
course of daily living. Maria described the dangers of doing the job too well in her audit
assignments for The World Bank. “Don’t look too much, because your family is going to
suffer. You try to be honest. It’s like you can’t do it in some places in Colombia. And
that was amazing for me”. In relating an incident that occurred on one of her audit
assignments for World Bank, Maria asked to have the tape recorder turned off. Then she
proceeded to describe threats against a co-worker that resulted in relocation outside of
Colombia for his protection, and influenced her decision to leave her home country.
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Carlos related how his entire family relocated to California because of fear of violence
due to his father’s position in Peru, hoping for a better life. Though Carlos’ family came
with the intention of returning to Peru, his father ultimately sold his business to remain in
the United States and start a business in California. Carlos and Maria both expressed
little interest in returning to their home countries.
Other students described fears associated with daily living. The eldest student in
the group, Paulo, related his concerns about life in Rio de Janeiro.
I was afraid about my city and that’s why I came here. I was living like a animal
in there; in a zoo. They try to take my car two times. I live in a good area; I live
in Ipanema Beach. It’s a famous beach in my country.. .1 heard the sounds of the
tu, tu, tu, pa, pa, pu, pu [gunfire]...and it’s very dangerous, because drugs and all.
At six feet tall, with an athletic and imposing frame, his words were sincere and
contrasted with his physical stature. He described kidnapping and other forms of
intimidation and crime as very threatening and a daily worry. Alessandro, a fellow
Brazilian, also expressed concern regarding the danger of living in his city, in describing
some of the reasons that he wanted to leave.
And I want to change a little bit, because in Brazil [it’s] so stressed [to] live there,
like traffic everyday, crime, and inflation, and all the problems, like social
problems, like a lot of very poor people, and a lot of very rich people. .. .It’s
dangerous. And I just came here maybe to get a better life for me.
These experiences were not representative of the students as a group, however for these
students they were influential factors motivating their decisions to study and consider
comparative opportunities outside of their home countries.
Host Country Opportunities: The Political System of the United States
Students’ observations on political and civil issues influencing students’ choice of
country demonstrated conflicting perceptions of life in the United States. Two examples
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are particularly helpful in comparing the strong differences of opinion that also
characterized the more extensive political comparisons students made in Stage II, after
students’ arrival in California. For example, Paulo expressed his opinion that the lower
crime rate in the United States could be a contributing factor for parents in deciding to
support international study for their son or daughter. “I think that Brazilians come here,
too, because the crime in Brazil is so high that sometimes the fathers prefer that they have
their education here”. Cisco, however, who was from a border town in Mexico very near
El Paso, Texas and Juarez, Mexico, disagreed.
And if you ask any Mexican woman, would you let your son go to America? You
know how America is, right away they think it’s about drugs, violence, alcohol,
and all the crazy stuff. We say that Americans are crazy. That’s what we hear on
the news all the time everyday.. .three people were shot, a bomb went off, so they
would say, “There’s no way he’s going”.
The fact that Cisco was ten years younger than Paulo and had lived with his family very
close to the border between Mexico and the United States may help to explain these
contradictions. It is difficult, however, to compare in any meaningful way these limited
comments regarding the influence of political issues on the selection of the United States
for international study. These conflicting observations do reflect differences in student
perceptions of the United States prior to their actual experience based in the limited
information and exposure they described.
Some of the students raised an additional political factor regarding the barriers to
obtaining student visas. In explaining why more students did not choose international
study given the comparative advantages, Maria described the difficulty she perceived in
obtaining visas to enter the United States.
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The lines is amazing, all the people that are around the embassy. They open the
embassy at 8:00, a.m., but the line is so huge, they start like 5:00. .. .It’s like we
always hear about USA; so many people go to the embassies to get a visa. No,
no, it’s like aye, forget it, I mean, you can’t study here.
Though these lines certainly involved a variety of visa types, her statement is noteworthy
as a perception that may have deterred other students from study in the United States.
Maria’s actual experience was relatively easy, however, and typical of other students, “I
had the tourist visa and I said I want to change it to an international student, ‘cause it’s
much easier for me to come here to study than to come here only as a tourist”.
Comparative Opportunities based in the Value of Political and Civil Stability.
Approximately one third of the students expressed concerns about corruption in
government and fear of crime as influencing their decision to study abroad, a lower
proportion than for the other categories of the study. However, those who did described
them as a serious and additional factor influencing their decision to leave their home
country, rather than a solitary one, and these students were also more likely to express
interest in permanent relocation rather than only in international study. In discussing the
decision-making process for selecting a location for international study, students shared
relatively few observations regarding the comparative political stability of the United
States, and paralleled the limited number of students who described political problems in
the home country. The concept of political instability as a “push” factor is identified in
models of student mobility; however, it is not identified as a “pull” factor. This is
consistent with the fact that students in the study who cited political problems in their
home country were more likely to express the added impetus to leave, rather than
describe the relative stability of the United States or California. It is important to note
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that most students’ expressed their expectations for the political environment in the
United States in Stage II, though fewer expressed them as motivating factors.
Economic Dimensions of Border Crossing
The economic dimension is the third and final dimension framing students’
decision making in Stage I. Economic factors are defined as the tangible costs and
anticipated or real benefits of a student’s educational experience. Three categories
emerged from the student interviews: awareness of international economic influences and
comparative standards of living in their home countries compared with attractive features
of the American economic system; educational cost/benefits of education in their own
country compared with affordable options in the United States; and competition for jobs
in the home country compared with competitive preparation in the United States.
Value of International Living Standards
Home Country Opportunities: Awareness of International Standards and Transactions
Students reflected their awareness of international standards of living in making
comparisons between their home country and the United States, and in their expressed
concerns about the standards of living in their own countries, e.g., poverty, limited
resources, and wide differences between rich and poor, as discussed in previous sections.
Many of the students described fairly extensive international travel. Additional
manifestations appeared in their discussion of the influence of globalization through the
media, Internet and export of products, and students also referenced the opening of trade
in their countries and the impact of international companies upon future employment.
As demonstrated in previous sections, students acknowledged the value they
placed on success and a good life very openly in their expectations for international study
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and expressed their desire to pursue the best comparative opportunity for themselves.
One factor, which appeared to influence students’ decision-making in the economic
dimension, reappeared in their choice of academic majors. Students demonstrated a high
propensity for study in areas with international implications, such as film video and
electronic media, the hospitality industry, fashion merchandising, and international
marketing, and sought the most modern resources and technology. Though some of the
students had already taken courses in these majors in their own country, they were aware
of the limited alternatives for relevant and up to date preparation with an international
focus. Several of the students expressed dissatisfaction with the limited technology
available in the schools and universities in their home countries, and Antonio specifically
identified the limitations for studying film video in his native Colombia. Additionally,
facility in the English language was also a preferred skill for many of the students’
selected majors, with international study in an English-speaking country offering greater
potential.
A second example of students’ international awareness appeared in discussions
regarding economic opportunities and living standards in their own countries. Students
frequently referred to their own countries as developing or third world countries,
acknowledging the more limited opportunity available to them and their familiarity with
comparative international economic factors. In asserting that his interest in an
international field for which his country offered more limited opportunity was an
influential factor for international study, Juan stated,
It’s different ‘cause having a degree in Chile it’s mostly a nice thing in Chile, but
having it from here, you can use it all over. .. .And in Chile, it’s like still
developing and still third nation.
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Some students described the hardships of serious economic problems in their home
country. Juan spoke of food shortages he had experienced in Peru, making rice expensive
and creating lines for basics such as milk. Several of the Brazilian students spoke about
problems of inflation, and Juliana, who was majoring in electronic media after graduating
from a university in Brazil, described the difficulty of comparing prices. “You cannot
compare a lot because the inflation in Brazil, it’s crazy, you know. Now it looks like the
same, but before [it] was horrible, you know? The economy was really bad”. Paulo, a
Brazilian who had previously owned his own company in Brazil, made a wry joke in
speaking about the difficulty of trying to plan in the face of high inflation. “In years?
We don’t think in years in my country. We think in months”. He remarked on how
increases in the prices of any good were justified and blamed on inflation and the price of
“the coffees”. Despite concerns about the economics of daily living in their home
countries, students were more inclined to speak of limited opportunities for their future
and the difficulties of daily life as a factor influencing them to leave.
Host Country Opportunities: Attraction to the United States’ Economic System
Students frequently remarked in their interviews upon how the opportunity for a
better life through international study in the United States influenced their decision
making strategies for their future, as manifested in the previous discussion of the socio
cultural and political dimensions. An important part of this association was demonstrated
in students’ awareness of differences in living standards and the comparative advantages
of the American economy. Though most students described themselves as “middle class
and above”, they demonstrated interest in the comparative opportunities they perceived in
the United States. Paulo, who had earned a baccalaureate in business administration from
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a Brazilian university and worked as a businessman, expressed his expectations for
learning “the American system”, completing his master’s degree, and pursuing a career in
international business. His immediate goal was to complete a career program in
international marketing at the community college. Roberto and Enrique, the Mexican
brothers, both described the excellent position their father had obtained here in California
as vice president of a telecommunications company. In elaborating further on the
advantages of the economic life here, Roberto remarked.
‘Cause I know also that here in the U.S., you have a better life style, definitely,
and it’s easier to get a good job. It’s easier to have a good life I would say.
Because the amount of money, the minimum salary, it’s better than the minimum
salary in Mexico. You can survive with a minimum salary here. In Mexico, it’s
almost impossible to get a life with just minimum salary.
Students generally expressed highly favorable comparisons regarding economic life and
opportunity in the United States.
The comparative level of technology available for study and preparation in
international career fields was a frequently cited factor attracting many of the students to
the United States, consistent with the declared majors and careers of the students. For
Maria, who had earned a bachelor’s degree in systems engineering and worked for the
World Bank, technology was one of the strongest factors influencing her decision to
study abroad and extremely important to her career opportunities and professional
growth. For Rosa, the opportunity to learn current and international standards in
hospitality was important to a career she had selected as a child, and the effects of
globalization would advance her career even further, especially if she had the opportunity
to learn English in the United States. These specific examples represent the influence of
high demand career fields in motivating international study.
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Comparative Opportunities based in the Value of International Living Standards.
Though students appeared to have a good understanding of international standards
of living and comparative economic opportunities, these benefits were typically described
in more general terms, e.g., “more opportunity”, or “opportunity for a better life”, rather
than in more specific economic terms. The motivating economic factors students
described for study in the United States were highly integrated with factors students
identified in the socio-cultural and political dimensions, demonstrating the interactive
dynamics between the dimensions. Students’ associations linked academic achievement
and the latest technology and training; learning an international language, e.g., English,
and pursuing international careers; and pursuing the best opportunities for success, socio
culturally, politically, and economically.
Value of Cost Benefit in Higher Education
Home Country Opportunities: Education for a Price
Students established the necessity of higher education for success in the home
country in both the socio-cultural and political dimensions of the decision-making stage,
as discussed in prior sections. Their association also appeared to influence their
perceptions of the relative cost benefit and availability of higher education in their home
countries, in comparison with the United States. Discussion of the comparative costs
occurred within the context of the previously identified preference for private education.
Students’ preference for private education appeared in comparisons of relative
cost benefit, an important factor in relationship to the higher cost associated with
international study. Most students and their families had previously chosen to pay more
for private education, almost exclusively at all levels of education, primary, secondary,
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and tertiary, based on the previously identified criteria of quality, social status, and
availability. This finding supports the perception of greater cost-benefit in attending
private institutions. Though some of the students identified selected public universities
as being of high quality and having more limited spaces, the majority did not have a
favorable opinion and none had attended a public university in their home country. Most
of the students and their families had already paid the higher costs associated with
attending private universities, and only one student, Roberto, indicated he would have
attended a public university, (UNAM), if he had remained in his home country. As
described in the previous discussion of private and public and institutions, several
students remarked that higher education was good in their country if you could afford it,
and students expressed appreciation that their parents could pay the additional costs.
They also acknowledged the educational limitations for those who could not.
Students generally described private education in their countries as very
expensive, as Enrique remarked when asked about the comparative cost between private
and public education in Mexico, “ Yeah, it jumps. It’s a lot of difference between public
and private”. He had worked for six months in Mexico after he graduated from high
school, prior to coming to California to study. Several of the students had worked while
attending the university in their country and suggested that it was quite common for
students to do both, sometimes as full-time students with full-time jobs. Internships
during the final year or two of study were prevalent and sought after, not only for
additional funding, but also as a means for improving future employment opportunities.
The challenges of pursuing private higher education were increased by the
inflexibility in university work schedules that students referred to previously when
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describing the systems of education in their home countries. Alessandro described the
difficulty he had encountered in balancing his university study and his job.
The life there is hard. You gotta study and work.. .My first university in Brazil I
went to the university when I was eighteen years old. I studied there for two
years and a half software development, to develop new software for the market.
And I studied there like for five semesters, but I quit. It was too boring. I wasn’t
expecting anything more from the university, and like I was so stressed about
software, because you have to stay in front of the computer like eight hours a day,
and I have a job. And I have university in the morning and job in the afternoon.
It was so stressful. And I quit and I changed to another university to study
marketing. I studied there for one semester, and then I came to [the] United
States.
When Alessandro decided to leave Brazil, he planned to live with a relative in California,
and volunteered that his community college tuition as an international student would be
comparable to his private tuition in his home country. He looked forward to specializing
in international marketing, a career certificate program at the College and transferring.
Host Country Opportunities: Affordable Options for Study in the United States
Students were not only aware of the more limited comparative opportunity for
higher education in their home countries, especially for those who could not afford
private education, they were also aware of the relative cost of international study.
Students previously identified and associated the higher quality, value and status of a
foreign degree, and English skills with education in the United States as factors
influencing their decision to study in California, but these benefits had a price.
In addition to the lack of information regarding international study previously
described, students particularly emphasized how the costs of international study were
responsible for limiting students’ opportunities for international study in the United
States, as Fabiane represented for Brazilians. “.. .A lot of people that come, like I’m not
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saying I’m rich or anything, but [you] need to have money to come here, ‘Cause if you go
there, the majority of people are very poor”. Tiago made a similar observation. “I think
it’s good to be here now to have this experience, because it’s very good, and many people
can’t do it; can’t afford it”. When Fabiane and Tiago first came to California to study,
they both entered English language programs offered at public universities, similar to the
majority of students in this study. Fees for intensive English instruction were
significantly more expensive than the tuition students described paying in private
universities in their home country, and also exceeded the tuition costs for their
subsequent enrollment in the community college. These students typically had no prior
knowledge of the community college before coming to California, and upon discovery
found the community college tuition very attractive.
Students from other Latin American countries agreed with the Brazilians that
higher education in the United States was expensive, as Ana, one of the few students who
entered a community college directly from Colombia, explained in describing her
understanding of how exchange rates affected students’ potential for study abroad.
First of all, you have to have a very good support, economic support. But it still is
difficult because even though in your country you can have economic support, it
doesn’t make the same difference in USA, because dollars are dollars and pesos
are pesos, and you can not do [it]. You have to have so much money.
In one of the focus groups, the cost of international study was also raised as an issue. The
consensus of the group of students, as stated by Enrique who was from Mexico, was that
for Latin American students, “money is the major deal” preventing more students from
pursuing study in the United States.
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Despite the students’ consensus that higher education in the United States was
expensive, students’ perceptions of the comparative cost of community colleges to higher
education in their countries varied. Most of the students had not entered the community
college directly and, prior to leaving their home country, were also completely unaware
of community colleges. Observations on comparative costs made by this particular group
of students were based on information acquired after they arrived. Since some of the
students did find out about the community college and the relative costs prior to leaving
their home country, the issue of comparative cost is considered as a factor influencing
study in Stage I, and within the context of students’ actual experience in Stage II.
Brazilians generally described the tuition costs of a private university and the
community college as fairly comparable, when asked to compare them. Carolina, a
Brazilian student, responded, “It’s the same, but the difference is, there we pay monthly.
I was paying like 450, which is like $500/ month, and I went to a Catholic University”.
Pedro, who was also from Brazil, had the same impression. For public universities,
however, he volunteered, “.. .in Brazil you just have to pay for your books, and stuff like
that”. In her interview, Juliana, clarified that she thought it was actually more expensive
to attend a private university in her country than the community college because of the
added costs incurred to meet special requirements for materials in her industrial design
major. Still another Brazilian student, Paulo, who like Carolina had already graduated
from a private Brazilian university, agreed that community college tuition for
international students was less expensive than his tuition in Brazil, where it varied from
six to seven hundred dollars per month during his four years. These discrepancies may
be explained by the fact that Carolina and Paulo had attended the university in different
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cities and several years apart, since Paulo had worked in Brazil for a few years prior to
his decision to study in California. An additional explanation was offered by Juliana,
“You cannot compare a lot because the inflation in Brazil, it’s crazy, you know? Now it
looks like the same, but before was like horrible, the economy was really bad”. Overall,
Brazilians described the relative costs of the private university in Brazil and the
community college in California as comparable.
Students’ comparisons of the cost of education between home and host countries,
other than those made by the Brazilian students, demonstrated less congruence. Mexican
students were more likely to describe the community college tuition as more expensive
than tuition at private universities in their country, but no pattern was observed for
students from the remaining countries. The differences of opinion among student
perceptions of the relative costs may be attributable to several variables in the student
demographics, including cost differences between the various countries, variations in
inflation and exchange rates, and parental support that may have made students less
aware of the relative costs. The fact that so many of the students perceived the
community college tuition as comparable to tuition at private universities in their home
country confirmed the relative affordability of international study for them, however,
most students also considered private education in their own countries to be expensive.
In making comparisons between the relative costs and benefits of studying in the United
States, students discovered that the community college tuition for international students
clearly provided a much less expensive alternative than that of the public and private
universities in California. Students who had prior knowledge of the community college
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through friends and/or family living in the area were more likely to enroll directly in the
College upon their arrival in California.
The relative costs between regions of the United States presents an additional
factor potentially influencing an international student’s choice of a specific location.
In attempting to explain why more Mexican students did not come to California as
international students, Roberto observed, “You need a lot of money to be an international
student, and California is an expensive state. ‘Cause you can go to Ohio, or Mississippi,
and you will find out that education there is not as expensive [as] here. Probably in
Miami it’s cheaper too”. Though Roberto and his twin brother came to California after
their father was hired for a specialized position, other students were also aware of
regional cost differences in the United States, and airfares for Latin America.
The issue of social status and the choice of the community college emerged in
students’ discussions of the comparative costs of education. The importance of class in
Latin America was raised by Cisco, who would have attended a prestigious private
university if he had stayed in Mexico.
Foreigners from Latin America who come here, most of them are rich people, no
matter what country they’re from. So [they] don’t care about the money and they
always try to get the best, try to choose the best school to take it back to their land
and get a better life. Classes in Latin America are very important; if you’re after,
you have to stay after. If you are in the middle, you try to get up there. If you are
poor, you try to get all the way up there. But since you don’t have the resources
to go up there, you stay there. It’s a philosophy. It’s part of the culture, and it’s
bad that divisions are always fighting, like rich against the poor, poor against the
rich, so that’s why not many Latin American people come here. This is for a
pride thing.
Cisco’s observations on social class and the community college focused attention on the
issue of students who demonstrated a strong preference for private education in their
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home country, but enrolled in a highly heterogeneous open enrollment institution in
California. This issue reappeared in students’ experiences in the community college.
It is important to note that many of the students were prepared to fund their own
international study, either fully or more commonly in cooperation with their families.
Maria, who was working for the World Bank and pursuing a master’s in business
administration in Colombia when she made her decision to study at a community college
in California, described her preparations. “And I think after a while I said, ‘Oh, it’s a
good opportunity. I can sell my car. I can do this. My family can help me for a while,
and I can go’. So that’s when I decided”. In contrast, Juliana, who made her decision
after working and concurrently completing her degree in industrial design at a university
in Brazil, made a point of her independence and self-sufficiency.
And then once I decided, I didn’t want to ask my Father. I don’t know, it’s funny,
because maybe when I was fifteen I learned to save. I had like a month
[allowance]. My father used to give me some money, and I didn’t spend this.
And then I learned how to take care of my money and don’t depend on anybody.
And then I start to work and I had my money. And then after that I say, “I cannot
ask my father”. And then I had my money and I say, “Cool, I have money! It’s
my money”.
Juliana explained how carefully she selected where to study, because she was motivated
to accomplish her goals for learning English in the context of another culture.
Comparative Opportunities based in the Value of Cost Benefit in Education.
The traditional choice of private education by students and their families in the
home country narrowed the gap between tuition costs in a private university and the costs
of international study, and appeared to predispose students to view international study
favorably from a cost benefit perspective. Students initially referred by agencies to the
intensive English language programs in the extension programs at public universities paid
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much higher fees there than the six students who directly entered the community college
paid. With the majority of students perceiving community college tuition as roughly
comparable to private university tuition in their home country, the relative cost benefit of
international study in the community college was readily apparent. The issue of relative
affordability is pursued more specifically on an inter-institutional basis in Stage II.
Value of Competitive Preparation for Careers
Home Country Opportunities: Competition for Jobs
Students described a very competitive job market in their home countries and
expressed several concerns regarding obtaining viable employment. When asked what
she would be doing if she had stayed in Brazil, Marina responded simply, “Looking for
work”. Concern about the relative quality of universities in the home country for
preparation in a competitive job market, which included competition with foreign
degrees, was one factor identified by students regarding their future in their home
countries. Others described the difficulty of obtaining employment to help fund private
education, caused by conflicts between the structure and competition of the job market
and inflexible class schedules that made it difficult for students to secure part-time work,
and also limited their future employment opportunities, as Juliana explained.
Normally, the last year in university, you start to work trainee programs, and then
probably wouldn’t stay more than five months. You start growing your career.
It’s like normal. It’s bad, a lot of people prefer you have experience in the field
before.. .If you work like a waitress, it’s not normally students.. .They don’t have
a degree; they don’t have a vocation.
These examples demonstrated the interaction between economic factors and the socio
cultural and political dimensions influencing students’ choices.
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Students were motivated to identify a variety of strategies for obtaining a good
position in a competitive job market, including a combination of better preparation and
distinguishing oneself from others, strategies they perceived as necessary in order to be
competitive and advance in their career. Good contacts, however, were also important, as
several examples demonstrated. Some of the students were confident of their future
opportunities upon completion of a university degree because of connections, or “hook
ups” as Carlos referred to them in describing his father’s success in business in Peru.
However, in observing the contrasts and inequities between contacts that closed off
opportunity to some, but opened doors for others in a competitive job market, Luciana
observed, “.. .In Brazil, if you have the opportunity to go up, you’ll go up. That’s
it...because you have the money”.
An additional strategy for obtaining a position in the student’s home country
included proficiency in English, as Juliana previously described in identifying the “ten
points more” given for English when interviewing for a position in Brazil. Rosa also
explained that in Mexico you also had a “better opportunity” for a career if you were
bilingual. Alessandro, who had never studied English in Brazil prior to coming to
California, stated, “Yeah. I just want to learn English, and I came here to learn English.
In addition to the socio-cultural benefits of English, students clearly recognized the
economic implications for employment in their own countries and internationally,
especially for their chosen majors.
Several students spoke of limited opportunities in their home country for
professional growth and advancement, including some students who had baccalaureates
and positions they described as very good. The economic motivation for students to leave
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their home countries for international study was influenced by the opportunity to improve
their opportunities for better employment and future advancement. Maria, who had
worked for the World Bank, described herself as “doing very well in my country, very
well”. Juliana had employed several strategies successfully, taking an internship during
the last year of her university study for her major in industrial design, and subsequently
obtaining an interview arranged for her through her brother-in-law, which developed into
a job offer. With continued training on the job, Juliana ultimately became the art director
of the computer graphics department and left her position “temporarily” to study English
in California. However, these students, both university graduates, decided to leave their
respective positions for international study, identifying technological limitations in their
respective countries as hindering their professional development.
The Importance of a Student’s Major.
The unavailability in the home country of specialized training for a student’s
major was a factor influencing some students to prepare themselves competitively
through international study. For Antonio, preparation for the major, facility in English,
and a bachelor’s degree were important for his chosen career in film video.
“My first goal is to speak English, but after that I want to get a Bachelor’s Degree.
I wasn’t so sure about studying computer, because I love photography, but I think
film video is more, how you say it? The next century has more opportunities to
work than photography. Photography could be like a hobby, or something like
that; for [earning a] living, I think it’s too hard”.
Opportunities for employment in film video in Colombia would also be enhanced by a
work experience in California.
The possibility for underemployment in a competitive job market, even with a
baccalaureate was a second factor influencing a student’s choice of major and a foreign
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degree. In describing what she would have done if she had not chosen international
study, Daniela, who had completed two years of study at a university in Brazil, observed,
Daniela: I could have completed, for sure, but it’s still like I bet I wouldn’t have.
I couldn’t have learned anything because I wasn’t interested, and I’d be struggling
to find a job to pay $400 a month. It’s so hard there. And people don’t go to
university to do something they like, it’s mostly what is good, where are you
going to make money, you know? So a lot of people will be lawyers because it’s
hard. Sure, it’s hard, because in Brazil they have this thing that you have to have
connections.. .and you always end up doing something else. For example, there’s
this food store. The name of the store is “The Engineer that became a Server”,
because it’s always like this.
NK: A server? Like in a restaurant?
Daniela: Yeah, he opened a little restaurant or something like that, because it
shows that you never find a job in your field.
In selecting her first major, Ana demonstrated the practical choice of major she had made
based in the limited employment opportunities in Colombia, influenced by her father.
It was a very cold decision, because Colombia is a textile [area], especially where
I come from, Mellilin, the major business is textiles. So at the time, there was a
need for designers, and they were only technical people. But they didn’t have
people w ith.. .more artistic inclinations, so it was an opportunity to do that. So I
chose to do that, and I was doing fine. And also my father encouraged me and
now I’m surprised, because he’s a medical doctor. And now if I think back, I’m
like, “How come he didn’t push me to go to university?” But it was o.k. with
him, so.. .in that way it was o.k. But at the same time, you’re so young and
sometimes your choices are not that good. So it was a good choice at the
moment.
These examples reinforce prior observations regarding selecting majors in areas of
opportunity, whether a student liked the major or not, and also demonstrate the greater
opportunities through international study for students to select more satisfactory majors.
Host Country Opportunities: Competitive Preparation for a Career
Students were generally very positive in their descriptions of the comparative
opportunity to prepare themselves in the United States for the competitive job market in
their home country. As previously cited in the case of Carolina and Juan, they perceived
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that “doors were more open” to students who had studied in the United States. Antonio
previously introduced the competitive advantage of studying film video in the United
States for future success in Chile. Maria, with her Bachelor’s degree and experience as a
systems engineer, described the comparative technological advantages of study in the
United States for her future employment, because of the highly specialized nature of her
career. “So, it’s very, very, very complicated, because all the technology is here in this
country. So that’s why I wanted to come here. Even if you are smart enough and you
can do things, maybe you decide that, as I grew up, the better opportunity is here”. These
examples were typical of students’ expectations for international study.
The promise of a better future through more competitive preparation for careers
influenced most of the students in their decision to study in the United States. Students
were able to describe a number of different ways in which they would be able to be more
successful professionally. Roberto’s description of the need for credentials in Mexico
and the importance of education and a degree from the United States were characteristic
of the perceptions of students from other Latin America countries.
In Mexico, the system requires the people to have a certificate to get a job. In
U.S., there is more opportunity without being a professional. I want to work there
[in Mexico]. That’s why I need to be very prepared to work in Mexico, to have a
good life. And also I need to study here for my own happiness, learning more,
doing more to do my job the best I can.
Students typically left their countries with the initial plan of studying in the United States,
some, however, who had baccalaureates and more work experience, considered future
employment in the United States from the outset.
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Comparative Opportunities based in the Value of Competitive Career Preparation.
The competitive job market appeared students’ observations of the necessity
students’ to pursue fields of study where there was employment, whether or not they had
an interest in the field. In describing the importance of connections, the advantage of
English proficiency, and the importance of prior employment and internships in securing
good positions in their home countries, students identified their motivation for
competition preparation. Study in the United States offered students the opportunity to
distinguish themselves in a competitive job market and prepare for international fields of
study and future employment. Strategies of international study included taking advantage
of the premium placed on foreign degrees, the quality of education, instruction in
English, and the opportunity to learn about the economic system and current technology.
Leaving Stage I
Students associated study in the United States with opportunities for “a better
life”, a factor in evidence throughout all of the research dimensions of Stage I. This
association was interrelated with their desire for comparative opportunity in academic
achievement, acquiring English proficiency and applying cultural skills in international
markets and careers. Students viewed education in the United States not only as offering
a foreign degree considered superior to a degree earned in the home country, but valuable
preparation in and of itself. Fewer students regarded the political and civil environment
in their home countries as influencing their decision. The expectation for comparative
opportunity and future success as a result of education in the United States appeared to
create the strongest expectations in students, not only for earning a degree or specialized
career certificate, but also for the educational experience itself. These factors created
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high expectations for Stage II experiences, since the majority of students had been able to
afford private education in their countries, many had completed the baccalaureate, and
some had left successful positions for the comparative opportunity of international study.
Stage II
Comparison of Experiences and Expectations and Strategies
for Negotiating Difference
The interactive, evaluative stage represents the temporal period of the students’
actual international educational experience in which students critically evaluate their
educational experience in the host country. Consistent with the second research question,
Stage II compares the criteria students presented in evaluating their experience with the
expressed values motivating international study established in Stage I, focusing on areas
of highest congruency contrasted with interstices or gaps between the students’
expectations and actual experiences.
Students’ demographics demonstrated a range of temporal diversity in their level
of educational attainment in the community college, from one semester to three years of
study. Seven students were in their first year of study; five had already successfully
transferred to a public university or college in California by the time of their interview,
and one student had just completed his baccalaureate. This diversity assisted in analysis
of their experiences along their pathway, and throughout the dimensions.
Socio-cultural Dimensions of Border Crossing
The values of academic achievement, language acquisition, and cultural skills
acquisition appeared in students’ evaluations of their experiences in a California
community college. Similar to the dominance of socio-cultural values and motivating
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factors of Stage I, socio-cultural factors also predominated in the students’ expressed
criteria for comparing their expectations with their actual experiences in Stage II.
In pursuing international study, students demonstrated a unique form of border
crossing by entering a higher education institution in a foreign country. In this case, they
entered a community college, a system of higher education that does not exist in their
own countries, and contrasts with the more socially elite private institution students had
attended in their home countries. Given the high value students placed on academic
achievement, students’ interactive comparison of their original expectations and their
actual experience appeared to emphasize those factors that supported their success, or, in
the case of some of their experiences, detracted. Classroom interaction, instructors-
student relationships, comparative levels of education, and family support appeared as
factors supporting students’ comparative opportunity for academic achievement.
Classroom Instruction and Interaction
Students identified several socio-cultural differences between education in their
countries and their experience in a California community college. In focusing on the
contrasts between the organization of instruction and methodology, students typically
described the rotation of instructors in their home countries between a cohort of students,
and groupings of students by major. Fabiane, who like most of the students had attended
a university in her home country for two years, explained, “There we always used to stay
with the same class through the whole four years so you got to have time to get to really
know people”. This organization contrasted dramatically with the different arrangements
of students in classrooms and lecture halls with various instructors typical of larger
undergraduate institutions in the United States. For community college students taking
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general education courses and a limited number of courses in their major, this
arrangement was even more foreign, resulting in groupings of students where there was
more limited opportunity for repeated contact with students taking more than one class
together. These factors had several implications for the students’ educational experience,
including effects on international students’ accustomed patterns of interaction and study
and their social relationships with other students and their instructors.
Students were also accustomed in their home country to relying upon meeting
other students in the classroom, and described making friends in the classroom as an
important part of their socialization and academic support. They described the greater
difficulty of making friends in the community college classroom, and preferred group
arrangements because it “really builds friendships, and partnerships”, as Luciana
expressed. Students missed the ease of meeting other students, and the closeness that
developed in classrooms with cohorts in their home country. Many found the larger
campus environment more challenging for developing friendships independently with
other students, as well as in forming academic study groups.
Several students described the instructor’s role in facilitating student contacts and
discussion within the classroom, and described this as the instructors’ responsibility.
Enrique, one of the Mexican twin brothers, expected the instructor to facilitate student
interaction, stating emphatically, “It has to be inside the classroom”. He emphasized the
importance of “the freedom to speak and talk and get to know each other, and help each
other and work together”, and valued the results. “You get to make really good
friendships and to know people that you never thought it would be possible for you to go
there and just speak to that person and get to know them”. Though Enrique described
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himself as shy, he was not alone in his expectation that instructors would assist students
in meeting other students. Daniela made a similar observation based in comparison with
her experiences in Brazil, remarking that American students “don’t talk a lot to each
other” and added, . .it’s the way the teachers don’t make them [students] relate”. Juan
expressed his preference that instructors identify and introduce the international students
to the other students in the class. These observations reflected the educational values and
expectations that students brought with them regarding the role of the instructor in
supporting student interaction in the classroom.
Working in teams also appeared in students’ perceptions of the types of
assignments made by instructors at the community college. When asked how she would
describe her academic experiences at the community college to her friends, Carolina
expressed her surprise at being asked to work in pairs, by an instructor who was
discussing the importance of teamwork in the modern work place.
They’re in college already; they didn’t do it in high school, working in groups?
That’s why sometimes now I have the notion that, well, no, we are not that bad in
Brazil then, as bad as we think we are. I think [the advantage] here is more like
technology, like more modern stuff.
She was accustomed to working on projects in Brazil with groups of five or even eight
students and expected less group work in California because of what she knew about the
culture, which she described as “kinda individualist, too alone”. In discovering that she
had far greater experience with teamwork, she re-evaluated the value and quality of her
prior education. Enrique also recognized the comparative value of group work.
Teachers usually promote teamwork in the class [in Mexico], so, that’s good.
And they really promote it, like getting to know everybody in the class since the
first day. And I realize that’s not the way people like it here. When someone
says something like, “You want to do this in teams, or?” You see everybody like
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[he looked to the left, to the right, and behind him], “Nope!” In Mexico, it’s,
“Yeah, ok, put me somewhere else. Put me with someone”. And that’s it.
The discomfort American students demonstrated when assigned to work in teams raised
students’ confidence in their own cultural skills, and part of their experience in what they
perceived as a less socially connected culture, inside and outside of the classroom.
Students missed the greater group support they had experienced in classrooms in
their home countries, but responded favorably to the greater emphasis on individual
performance and success by instructors at the College in conducting their classes and
managing differences in student comprehension. They described community college
instructors as supportive of students individually, rather than as a group, and related that
instructors cared about students. However, the initiative was upon the student to ask for
assistance, even though instructors were willing to help them when they asked for
assistance. In contrast, Enrique described how differences in achievement were managed
in his home country.
If someone gets behind [in Mexico], the teacher goes behind and takes all the
group with him. Here if someone gets behind, that someone has to go to the
teacher and say, “I’m getting behind”, so the teacher can help him as individual.
In Mexico if you get behind, he’s gonna stop. He’s gonna say, “Hey, you’re
getting behind”, and all the other people has to wait. So it’s more as a group, but
that’s why also they’re in need of all the group being together. So they don’t let
anyone else go behind, because that affects all the group as a whole.
Enrique believed that the group orientation made students more responsible because their
performance affected the entire class. Most students, however, observed that the
individual emphasis required more initiative on their part, and reinforced their
independence and sense of individual responsibility. Students’ observations on group
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work demonstrated their awareness of cultural differences between classrooms in their
home countries and the greater individualism of the American classroom.
Instructors and Relationships with Students.
In describing relationships between instructors and students in the community
college, students’ observations were frequently quite similar. They tended to have very
favorable opinions of instructors, and characterized them as well-prepared, friendly, and
interested in a student’s academic achievement. Ana’s description of her experience with
instructors in the community college, after transferring to the University, was typical. “I
think the level is very high, all the professors, and everything was very professional”.
Antonio also commented that he believed his instructors in the community college were
more patient with students, “Because here in this country, you don’t have the problems
that we have”. His observation linked the problems in his country not only to their direct
impact on the general quality of life, but also to the classroom environment.
Positive impressions of community college instructors’ attitudes towards students
frequently contradicted students’ expectations, as Rosa observed in commenting that she
had been treated better than she had anticipated and that international students were
treated as special. She related an incident in which one of her instructors had been
particularly helpful to a young woman from Indonesia, whose English was “kind of
weird”. Rosa attributed the instructor’s consideration to the fact that the instructor knew
that the Indonesian student was an international student and needed more help. Another
student, Juliana, expressed her surprise that instructors provided so much support for
students, especially in such a large institution.
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It’s funny, ‘cause in Brazil you have this impression that lots of Americans are
not close, the teacher will be more close to you [in Brazil], but it’s not true. Here,
teachers gave you their phone numbers to call them. Even though the class is
huge, you have more contact with the teacher than over there. Over there, they’re
more distant. That’s because they’re not interested in teaching] over there the
way they are here. Because they don’t get a lot of money, the students are not
interested; the school has not much money.
The association of lower instructor salaries with less interest on the part of instructors
held implications for both student motivation and achievement. Several students
remarked on the higher level of teacher salaries in the United States and other educational
resources, which they perceived as having a positive effect on their instruction. Students’
criticism of relationships with instructors in their home countries tended to be limited,
however, and many described very positive experiences. Favorable review of instructors
at the community college may best be explained in terms of students’ expectations and
the quality of instruction itself, rather than a hierarchical comparison of the instructor-
student relationship between the home and host countries.
Given the importance students placed on instructor interest in them as a positive
influence upon their academic achievement, their favorable impressions of instruction in
a large, public community college were of particular interest. One of the advantages
students expressed in their preference for private education and smaller institutions in
their home countries was the value placed on interaction between students and
instructors. In comparing his prior experiences in private education with his experiences
in the community college, Roberto revealed that even though his classes were larger at
the community college, “.. .the professors are always disposed to help each student. They
give us their telephone number, office hours, and how to contact them if we have
problems. It’s almost the same”. His observations between these two very different
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educational institutions reflected the values and expectations placed on instructor support
academic achievement. Roberto also provided some initial insights into how students
with such a strong preference for private and more socially elite institutions might
renegotiate their definition of educational status to include a public community college,
based in the experience of individual support for their academic achievement.
Comparative Levels of Academic Achievement.
Students’ comparisons of their own level of academic achievement and prior
preparation, with their relative success in meeting the academic requirements of the
community college, varied from students who found the academic level at the community
college much more difficult, to those who felt it was easier. As a group, students’ records
revealed a higher than average success rate of “B” or better, compared to all other
enrolled students in the College, with only two exceptions observed among students who
had just completed their first semester with less than a “C” average. This apparent
homogeneity in academic achievement, as measured by their grades at the community
college, concealed the diversity of students’ opinions in describing the difficulty of their
study in comparison with prior educational experiences. Students varied in their
assessment of the comparative educational levels between their experiences in their home
countries and the community college, e.g., Fernando, who had dropped out of high school
in Mexico to play professional soccer, was one of the students who felt that preparation
for the university was higher in his home country. In contrast, Roberto described the
academic level at the community college as much higher than in his small, private high
school in Mexico, which he described as “easy”. Fernando’s and Roberto’s backgrounds
and majors were different, however, which may account for some of the difference in
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their respective experiences. Fernando had worked and traveled in Mexico prior to
entering the community college and was majoring in Business Administration. Roberto
was directly out of high school, and preparing to be a veterinarian. Despite these
differences, both students excelled and were “A” students at the College. In contrast,
Carolina, who had already graduated from a university in Brazil, was pleasantly surprised
with her level of academic achievement and readiness for international study.
I thought it would be much more difficult than what it is, and sometimes I have
asked myself, why? It’s not that the education is not good, of course. I know it’s
first one in the world; that’s why I’m here. But I don’t know why people think
that education in Brazil is so bad.... I was pretty nervous to start the program
here, because I wasn’t confident enough, I think. But now I’m kind of more
relaxed, because I see that even being foreign student I can still do better than
some American students.
Carolina had the greatest prior knowledge of English in this group, a factor that
contributed to her academic success. Like Caroline, students generally described their
academic success in the College very favorably, and the confidence they had gained in
their academic achievement and English proficiency.
Students did agree, however, that the resources available to them in the
community college were superior to those in universities in their home countries. Paulo,
who had completed his baccalaureate in business administration in Rio de Janeiro,
described how pleased he was with the community colleges’ level of instruction in
reflecting the latest information and technology. “We take time like one year; here it’s
(he snapped his fingers once, then twice) you create it, no?” Not surprisingly, in
comparing themselves with American students, students described themselves as more
serious and appreciative of these comparative opportunities. Cisco summarized this
common theme in his comparison.
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Here is more like everything is given to you; everything is given. You have a
nice library, right there at the school. And over there, you don’t have the nice
library; you have to go to another library far away. Here everything is just right
there for you, if you really want to do it, and it seems like people don’t know what
they have. I know this because I’ve seen it, and I’ve lived both, the cultures and
stuff, both systems. And here I’m blessed, I have everything right here. You’re
free to go and study it.
Students also cited the additional support available to students at the community college
for tutoring, counseling, and even food services, which they perceived as taken for
granted by domestic students.
Commitment to Academic Achievement.
Students demonstrated their own seriousness of purpose in their academic
achievement and in the values they revealed in discussing their comparative opportunity.
Fernando, who previously described the conflict between his social life and his education
as a major factor motivating his international study, demonstrated his pride in his
successful transfer to the University.
Last semester I took twenty units, and I got a 4.0. For me, being from a
different country, coming to the United States, that’s undescribable. That’s a
very big accomplishment. I think that’s the key, my focus; not being
socializing with anybody, not going out, just going back to my house to
study, and just play tennis with my roommate, or whatever, but not like the
way I used to socialize in Mexico.
Carolina, when asked how she described her experience at the community college to her
friends back home, described her strategies and expectations for success.
Good, challenging sometimes. Because I think sometimes I have to do extra
work. Besides doing what is required, I have to kind of research about the
language, and I have a computer in my mind that I have to translate, get
information and decode. But of course I tell them that I’m doing really fine,
which I am.
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The majority of these students consistently described a studious life, with most of their
study done at home, and little time spent on campus except to attend classes, use the
computer labs, or conduct research in the library, though some described using tutoring
services. Spending time on campus was not a practice to which they were accustomed.
This factor was confirmed by the key informants and staff working with international
students, who observed the Latin American international students’ patterns of strong
academic achievement, study and typically more limited participation in campus
activities as compared with international students from some other regions of the world.
Students’ academic achievement was also reinforced by family support, which
students described as continuing pride in their success. Carlos, in describing his father’s
reaction to his success, observed, . .My Dad would tell my family, Carlos is doing so
good, this and that, and my parents were telling me, ‘Yeah, we’re so proud of you, man,
you know, you make us Peruvians proud’”. Enrique described the similar reaction of his
family and his appreciation for the opportunity. “I think they’re very proud that they
could give us the opportunity to come here to study. To give us the opportunity to study
here and that makes me really proud of them, too”. Students’ comments reflected upon
the value of their academic achievement and continued family support.
The value of academic achievement appeared in students’ comparative socio
cultural experience of education in the community college. Students’ expectations
appeared to be met by the degree to which they perceived that their academic
achievement was supported. In sharing observations on ways in which instructor support
differed from prior experiences in their home country, students demonstrated their
commitment to their own success through academic achievement, irrespective of their
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prior levels of academic preparation and English proficiency. Students’ strategies for
managing cultural differences in the classroom were selective in that they were able to
identify different instructor and student attitudes yet dissociate them from their own
values, in pursuit of academic achievement, and were reinforced by family support.
English Usage and Education
The desire to learn or improve proficiency in English was an important motivating
factor for this group of international students, and continued to influence their
international study experience after their arrival in California. Gaining proficiency in a
foreign language is a complex and often difficult task, especially when study is begun in
later grades or even at the university level and beyond, as a few of these students
experienced. Students’ assigned value for achieving proficiency in English, which they
linked to their future success as well as their cultural interests, was evident in selecting an
institution in which to study and conquering the challenges of acquiring language
proficiency in a different social and cultural environment. This section explores
language-influenced experiences in intensive English language programs, challenges
students encountered in both formal and informal settings, and the activities, behaviors
and strategies students constructed to achieve their goal of English proficiency.
Intensive English Study.
As introduced in Stage I, the majority of students in this study entered the
community college after attending an intensive English language program that provided
an open door to international study along their pathway to the community college.
Typically they enrolled in an intensive English language program offered through
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extension in a public university in California, and then “transferred” to the College,5
though a few students transferred to the College from proprietary language schools.
During their study in the intensive English language programs, many of the students who
were here on leave from a university in their home country decided to stay in California
and expand their study to include subjects other than English.
Students spoke favorably of the instruction in intensive language programs, but
found the social isolation with other international students and exclusive focus on English
limiting. They expressed interest in employing strategies for learning English and more
about the culture that required both meeting American students and studying with native
speakers of English. As Fabiane expressed it, “You want a mix, ‘cause you don’t learn
much [English] if you’re talking to people who know as much as you do”. The
community college more closely matched students’ expectations for study in English than
the intensive language programs, as Paulo explained in his comparison.
First of all, you think that is the best. “ESL in the University, wow, it’s great!
I’m going to study in a very good university in America”. But when I start to
study there, I figure out that they put the ESL apart from the university, and I hate
this kind of thing. ‘Cause I thought that I would be part of university, but I was
apart, very separate, and it’s very expensive, too. And the English there it’s very
good, you’ll learn English, but here you’ll learn better because you have practice.
You can meet an American and start to speak English with him. And there you
have a lot of Japanese and Korean and they speak with a Korean, Japanese
[accent] in ESL. I don’t need learn Japanese or Korean. I need learn English, so I
have to listen; hear it. And after that, I discover the community college. It’s
cheaper than this kind of program that they have in the University, and that’s why
the reason is come here to do it, ESL and the major.
The motivations and strategies for studying subjects in their major and speaking with
5 A discussion of transfer between institutions is included in the section on educational systems within the
political dimensions.
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American students were consistent with the purposes and values international students
expressed during their initial decision-making process in Stage I.
As students became aware of other alternatives for their study and the
comparatively higher cost of extension and proprietary English language programs, they
looked to the community college. Some of the students were initially ineligible to enter
the community college until they met the English proficiency level for admission, and
were motivated to ‘mainstream’ as quickly as possible into a more integrated program of
studies to further develop their English skills through application to subject matter.
Students discovered that they could continue to study English, enroll in courses in
academic and specialized career programs, pursue or explore courses in their major as
quickly as their proficiency in English would permit them to do so, all at a lesser cost
than for the English language programs.
Upon entering the community college, students had specific expectations of their
instructors in helping them to improve their English skills, similar to the expected role of
the instructor to assist them in getting to know other students in the classroom, as
described in the previous section. One example appeared in students’ expectations for
instructors who were native speakers of English.
If you are learning a different language than your native language, I don’t get it
why you are learning [a] different accent from teachers who are speaking another
language that it’s not their native language. So it’s getting harder with that kind
of teacher than when you are studying with an American teacher.
Antonio’s reaction was consistent with the value and comparative advantage of
international study for an “in-country” language experience identified in Stage I.
Typically, students described a more positive experience with instruction in English at
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the various California institutions that they attended, in comparison with their
experiences in their home countries. Students’ comparisons between studying in the
intensive English language programs and in the community college focused on the
advantages of the more comprehensive, integrated program of study offered by the
community college and opportunities to interact with American students, rather than
differences in the quality of the instruction.
The Challenge of Learning English.
The range of English proficiency within this group of students would suggest
greater variety in the experiences described by the students in their encounters with
English during the course of their international study. In fact, students generally spoke of
the challenge of learning and studying in English as more difficult than they had
anticipated, especially in the beginning, an observation appearing across all levels of
English proficiency. Typically, students with little or no prior knowledge of English
expressed higher frustration with this challenge, and the most proficient English speaker
in the group, Carolina, strongly recommended that international students study English
first before attempting higher education. Students described the challenges of not only
improving their proficiency in English, but also using English as a means of
communication, a medium for studying academic subjects, and engaging in social
contacts in a campus environment within the context of a foreign culture. These
combined factors increased the complexity of the challenge.
The initial difficulties students encountered with English as new arrivals were
particularly manifest in the experiences of two students, who had very limited English
when they came to California, and had not previously studied a foreign language. Paulo,
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who had graduated from a university in Brazil and worked for a few years prior to
coming to study in California, articulated his concerns, describing learning English as the
most difficult aspect of his international study.
That’s why I was a little bit angry with me [myself] in the beginning. ‘Cause,
Yeah, I have to speak English, I have to speak English fast, and I couldn’t do it.
‘Cause everybody say, “I speak English. I go there, in 3 months I was speaking
English”. Liar! Liar! Liar! Now I know. Now I know. So I had a hard time
with English.
Maria, who like Paulo had graduated from a university in her home country of Colombia,
echoed Paulo’s frustration in describing the surprises she had experienced. “When I
came here, I just said my dream was I’m going to learn English in six months. That’s it.
Of course, I was hallucinating”. This initial frustration and disappointment was based in
what students discovered to be their own unrealistic expectations regarding the time it
would take for them to become proficient in English. In the case of Paulo and Maria,
they employed the same strategy to assist them with the challenges they encountered in
learning English; they both found American roommates.
Other students expressed greater hesitation in meeting English speakers and
speaking English. Alessandro volunteered, “I feel like a little bit shy, because I cannot
speak English so well. And I can not mix like with all Americans, they speak so fast,
they’ve slangs, and I cannot understand. And I want to get better in my English skills,
and after I would try”. Maria herself, who was bolder and more outgoing, demonstrated
some understanding of how difficult English might be for someone else.
I just can’t imagine another person who is shy or something is going to be like
accomplished as I am. I can talk.. .And many times they laugh at me because I
said something that sound[s] another way. I just don’t care, because I want to
improve myself.. .but it’s difficult for others. It’s very, very difficult for others.
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Students who had limited prior experience in English also tended to have more difficulty
in all of the socio-cultural categories, but students with more education and experience
were advantaged in developing creative, problem-solving strategies.
Students with higher levels of English proficiency also described their experience
in the College as challenging, but in different ways, e.g., taking notes in class, or learning
more specialized vocabulary in certain subject areas. Some students compared
encountering new terms while studying in their native language with the process of
acquiring a foreign language, demonstrating an understanding of the learning process.
Others associated learning a language with open-mindedness, reinforcing the relationship
between culture and language that students observed. Though their challenges were
different from students with less experience in the English language, they demonstrated
similar attitudinal strategies in improving their proficiency.
The challenge of learning English extended into the social arena. Maria, who had
worked for World Bank previously, described her difficulties. “... I was very scared,
because the language is very, very difficult to do something when you don’t really speak.
And it’s not really easy”. Tiago shared this fear, though unlike Maria, he was an
experienced student of English and other languages.
In the beginning, I was very afraid to open my mouth to speak because I couldn’t
speak, so I was very afraid of anybody trying to speak to me. But right now I feel
that people are pretty open for conversation. Sometimes it’s very superficial. You
might have a class with someone you know, three times a week, and talk to them
every time, and then the next day you barely know them anymore. That is the
difference from here to Brazil.
Tiago’s observation underlined the difficulties students encountered in the interaction
between the language and the culture, including comprehension of the meaning of social
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encounters. This tension between language facility and cultural adeptness appeared in
Antonio’s encounter with a friend who wanted to make a date with an American woman.
He told me, “They don’t really want to go out with me because I don’t speak good
enough English for them, so I can’t understand them at all.” I don’t think it’s
true, but I’m not sure. Maybe it’s his perception, but he told me that. I don’t
know, maybe the girls are too high from him.
Antonio’s difficulty in interpreting his friend’s predicament demonstrated the conflict
encountered in learning English while engaging in social interaction, situations in which
students were uncertain as to whether or not their language skills were the problem or
some other socio-cultural factor or nuance about the culture not yet comprehended.
Students’ strategies for managing the challenge of learning English demonstrated
some of the interrelationships between language and social contacts. Speaking with other
students in their native language was one response to the pressure that a few students
sought as foreign speakers of English, especially during their first year at the College,
however most students described avoiding this strategy in their efforts to learn English.
A second strategy that was more effective in helping students to improve their facility in
English was to speak English with other international students, which reduced the
pressure of speaking correctly and more rapidly, while still accomplishing their goal of
learning English. Despite the difficulty that students described, they also tended to
express confidence in their ability over time. Students who were beyond their first year
were characteristically optimistic and described the strategies they had constructed for
learning English and the confidence they had gained.
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Commitment and Strategies for Learning English.
The original values underlying students’ motivations to pursue international study
supported their desire to learn English during their actual experience. Students perceived
the relationship of language and advantages for social interactions as important for their
future success, and viewed English as important not only internationally, but also for
success in their home countries. Cisco described this perspective using a unique
comparison.
I think you can get so much out of it after you finish. Like here, right now, I’m
bilingual. When somebody speaks Spanish and English and is gonna be in
business, what else is there? You know what I mean? It’s like a heavy shotgun.
Cisco’s shotgun analogy expressed the power he invested in the ability to speak English,
as well as Spanish, for his career in business. Students typically expressed confidence in
future opportunities based on their English proficiency, despite the challenges they
encountered, and irrespective of the varying levels of English proficiency they exhibited.
Students’ motivation to learn English translated into strategies constructed for
improving their proficiency, creating opportunities for practice and study that would
accelerate their learning. Typically, students sought out native English speakers with
whom they could practice their English as a strategy for improving their skills. As Maria
explained, . .especially for me, I didn’t want to have Spanish (speaking) friends, and
that was in my mind, I just can’t do it. Because I am not going to learn English if I speak
Spanish”. Maria’s resolve to focus on speaking primarily English was manifested in a
typical strategy among the students, as Antonio reinforced. “I’m trying to forget my
Spanish. My goal is making friends. I’m trying to speak with them fluently”. Antonio
also explained that he was reluctant to spend time in activities that did not support his
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goal to learn English. Unlike Antonio, however, most of the students made it clear that
they wanted to maintain proficiency in their own language, and he may have exaggerated
his point in his enthusiasm for learning English.
One unanticipated reaction came in the consistent responses of the Spanish
speaking students when asked how they regarded the presence of Spanish-speakers and
Spanish language media in the area. Their reactions were generally very critical, with
one student responding, “I hate it!” Maria, who was studying Spanish for the first time,
explained her surprise in encountering the prevalence of Spanish language in Orange
County. “And the first thing.. .1 tried to use my dictionary. And the person said, ‘No, no,
you can talk in Spanish’. And I was so.. .instead of being happy because somebody
speaks Spanish, I was so depressed, I can’t believe it”. She described how she began to
tell people that she did not speak Spanish, in her effort to practice English. Most of the
Spanish-speaking students described strategies for focusing on English acquisition and
resisting the temptation to use Spanish, including avoiding Spanish television programs.
A unique characteristic of students’ commitment to learning English was revealed
in their criticism of persons who they perceived were not as committed, and the
consequences of those behaviors. Maria observed, “If you’re speaking your native
language, you are doing nothing”. Ana, a Mexican student, commented upon Mexicans
who come to California and speak only Spanish. “They are still cleaning rooms because
they never learned English”. Juliana, who emphasized that she was spending the money
she had saved for international study, expressed her impatience with fellow Brazilians
who did not make the effort to learn English. “I know a lot of Brazilians here. They’ve
been here like for three years. They speak worse than me because they stay all the time
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with Brazilians”. Students’ strategies for learning English were practical and represented
their seriousness in pursuing English proficiency.
A final manifestation of students’ language experiences was found in the
interrelationship between language and culture, an association that appeared also in Stage
I as a motivating factor and value in pursuing international study. Luciana articulated
this relationship very clearly. “Part of learning another language is learning the culture
too, because then you understand why they speak like that, and the kind of expressions,
and just the way they think. It goes a lot with the language-culture and tradition”. When
asked about the challenges of learning another culture, Cisco provided examples of what
he saw as the relationship between understanding the culture and the language,
You have to learn the laws the way that culture is run, the social thing. I didn’t
know how American people eat with an arm on their lap, which for us is
definitely a social kind of standards. That’s another thing that’s very important.
.. .The laws, the social standards, the language is the main thing right there. If
you don’t get the language, it will be hard...
This understanding of the relationship between language and culture represents both the
diversity of the students’ language background and experiences, and the influence of the
international experience upon the students.
The variety of surprises and challenges students described in improving their
English proficiency revealed that learning English was more of a challenge than they had
anticipated, with subject matter and social contacts presenting additional complications.
However, the strong preference expressed by students enrolled in intensive language
programs to leave as quickly as possible for the opportunity to study in the community
college where they could pursue their major and meet native English speakers,
demonstrated their commitment to the value of language acquisition. Additionally,
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students engaged a variety of proactive attitudes and strategies, including seeking out
native speakers, making efforts to avoid use of their native language, and linking
language learning with culture.
The Experience of American and California Cultures
In coming to the United States, students had selected Southern California, and
more specifically Orange County, for international study and cultural experience. Given
the limited sources of the information about the United States apparent in Stage I,
dominated by images from American film and media, surprises were inevitable. Using
movies as metaphor, Juliana revealed the reality of her experience.
It’s funny, because before I came I think I had it in my mind about California
another image.. .more like maybe movies? Maybe because you see in TV, or you
watch movies and you see like pictures in magazines? .. .But they’re not like real
life. It’s like they show things about California they are in movies, not in reality.
Familiar with Hollywood movies and American television as exports, students’
comparisons of their cultural expectations frequently contrasted with their actual
experiences and surfaced as they encountered a different culture. The emerging themes
were found in the diversity of Southern California, the cultural dimensions of friendships,
and the challenges and rewards of social and cultural differences.
The Diversity of California— ’’Everyone’s from Somewhere”.
The socio-cultural and ethnic diversity of Southern California exceeded students’
expectations. The once relatively homogeneous county of Orange had a much higher
presence of Asians and Latinos in the community, as well as other ethnic groups, than
any of the students had previously imagined, and that some termed “shocking”. Since
many of the students first attended English language programs prior to entering the
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community college, their first cultural encounters in California were predominantly with
international students from Asian countries. The gap between students’ expectations and
the cultural diversity they encountered was reflected in students’ comments, e.g., “When
I got here, I think I came to the wrong country”, and “I feel like I am in Hong Kong”, but
Antonio best captured students’ misconceptions about “Americans” in his summary.
I want to involve with American people more than with Asian people or South
American people.. .because I came to America. But this country has people from
around the world, so everywhere you’re going to find people from Asia, from
South America, from Europe. So it’s impossible to find one place with only
American people.
This conclusion revealed the gap between expectation and experience that most students
encountered at the College and in its community.
Students’ observations and reactions to cultural difference varied in degree and
kind. Some students observed that the greater diversity minimized the difference of
being from a foreign country, e.g., Fabiane. “I thought I would be kind of different, you
know me. Like, ‘Oh, you’re from Brazil’. But no, everyone’s from somewhere, so I’m
just one m ore.... It made me feel not different”. Fernando’s reaction was very similar.
[The College] was a great place for diversity. You could be sitting with the guy
with the blue hair, with spikes in his hair, and you can also be sitting right next to
a business type, I mean with suit and tie, and Chinese. I mean it was such a high
diversity in this college that you never felt that you were singled out. You never
felt like you didn’t belong. Here in [the College], either you belong, or nobody
belongs. I mean, there’s such a high diversity.
In contrasting his experience at the California public university from which he had just
graduated, Fernando described the university students as more acculturated, “more
Americanized” than students in the community college. Maria, however, who had
transferred from the College to another community college in Orange County, described
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the College as “exclusive” and with “so many white people”, and the other college as
“full of Spanish people”. These examples reflect the variation in students’ initial
reactions to cultural diversity and are discussed further in their experiences of friendship.
In contrast, the diversity of California’s physical environment matched student’s
expectations more closely than their expectations of its cultural demographics. Students
were generally enthusiastic about the weather and the corresponding recreational lifestyle
for which California is famous. As Maria described her Southern California experience
to her mother in Colombia, “Every morning I can jog on the beach.. .1 can go the same
[day] to the mountains and ski, and go to the beach in the afternoon, and it’s wonderful.
It’s just perfect”. Other students described surfing every day, snowboarding, bicycling,
and weekend trips with friends that permitted them to enjoy the ocean, desert and
mountains. The diversity of California’s physical environment presented few surprises
and students described it as a very positive and satisfactory aspect of their experience.
Cultural Dimensions of Friendship.
The socio-cultural diversity of the region also presented challenges and
opportunities for students in creating friendships. In the process of meeting people and
making friends, cultural differences became more apparent to students. Students’
awareness of difference appeared in their observations regarding friendliness, what
friendship meant, and how they experienced the American culture in their day to day
interactions.
Many of the students described the process of meeting other students as relatively
easy, and American students were generally perceived as more friendly and open than
students in their home country. Juan’s comments were typical.
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Even though they don’t know you, they still try to be friendly and stuff, like they
smile and try to do things for you. Instead, in Chile, it’s not that way. I mean,
you gotta work your own way up.. .In Chile, they don’t smile at you because of
nothing. They have to smile at you because you did something nice for them.
Here the driver next to you smiles for no reason. It’s a different mentality.
Luciana’s impressions were consistent with Juan’s. “You walk in store and people always
say ‘Hi, how you doing?’ and smile. You don’t get that in a big city. And I like that
about here”. Rosa felt that it was much easier to meet friends here than in Mexico
because generally people were “friendlier, more accessible, more open, less suspicious,
even if they don’t know you”. Students characterized Americans as “friendly”.
The desire to make American friends was consistent with students’ original
motivations to get to know American culture and language through international study.
Having American friends was not only a means of accomplishing these goals, but also
meant encountering cultural differences, as Luciana observed in describing Americans.
They are different, not bad different. It’s pretty much they’re more on their own,
like you get your own food and your own things. In Brazil, we used to share that
more, like we’d go all together to the grocery and split everything. And it’s like
it’s not good or bad. I have kind of an open mind for that because I have a lot of
people complain about that; they think it’s bad. Change is like different things are
always challenging. I like that.
Openness to learning about another culture was characteristic of students in the study,
who frequently commented on the importance of having an open mind, consistent with
the values they identified as motivating their international study.
Many of the students found it more difficult to make friends, especially with
American students, than they had expected. The outward friendliness they observed
contrasted with their experiences in developing friendships. When asked if she had
experienced some disappointments from her expectations, Daniela responded, “I was
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expecting to have more friends, American friends. I know a lot of people, but the ones
that I’m close, it’s very few, very few”. In response to the same question, Carolina
expressed nearly identical expectations, based in her experience of American movies.
I think it would be easier to make friends. Because like I said before, I find [in]
the movies everybody’s so friendly and all this stuff. Then I see that real life is
different, although I have good friends, few, but good friends.
This initial disappointment represented a gap between the original expectations students
had expressed as motivating their study and their actual experience.
Students attributed the difficulty in making American friends to a variety of
factors. The more limited student contact in the American classroom appeared again as a
factor limiting opportunities for comfortably meeting students. In contrast, Fernando
described the more social aspects of the classroom environment in his home country.
In Mexico, in high school, or in university where you take classes in different
classrooms as well, they know all the names within their classrooms. They’re
friends, all the people in one classroom, doesn’t matter what class you’re taking.
.... And the people within majors, they’re like fraternity brothers. In Mexico, we
don’t have anything like the Greek system, the fraternities or sororities, because
we don’t need it. They’re gonna have friendships forever, they’re gonna last
forever. We are much more social in Mexico than here in United States.
The frustration in trying to get to know Americans and their culture was also expressed
by Antonio, a first year student at the College.
It’s been really hard to know American people. American people, they’re very
strange. They go to class and they don’t know each other. They say, “Hi, how
are you doing?” “Good, o.k.” .. .And then the class finish[es], and everybody’s
going. So it’s no time to know people.. .It’s been hard. Actually, I don’t have
American friends. I’d like to. It’s the only way to speak better and to know this
culture. Because I can’t judge this culture, because I haven’t know[n] it yet.
Most students described having American friends, though students appeared to have the
most difficulty at the beginning of their study, and generally described the culture as less
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social than in their home countries. The reactions of first year students, however, were
also reflected by some of the students who were further along in their study, however,
they tended to describe how they had developed various strategies for meeting other
students, after realizing that this would not happen automatically in the classroom.
The cultural challenges students encountered were based in their experiences of
their own cultures and their expectations of American education and culture. Students’
strategies in adjusting to the cultural differences they experienced, however, included
defining what friendship meant in relationship to “friendly”, as Antonio explained in
comparing his own culture and his original expectations of American culture, with his
actual experience as an international student.
I think because American people have another meaning from friendship [than] I
have. .. .Here it’s different, because I thought everybody’s friendly, so there [is]
going to be friendship. ‘Cause somebody smile [at] me, or something like that, I
thought, “Well, I’m going to be sure his friend very soon”. But it’s not true. So,
it’s different to understand that kind of behavior. I can realize that it’s completely
different talking about friendship.
Juan related a similar experience, and described his strategy for dealing with it. “I’m
meeting new people, but not making friends. Does that make sense? ‘Cause I kind of
know a lot of people, but like very few, like two or three, that I can say are like friends of
mine”. Juan described “getting used to this” in an attitude of acceptance, a typical
reaction among students in discussing differences between their experiences and
expectations for establishing friendships.
Additional strategies described by students for adjusting and making friends
included becoming more accepting of their mistakes as their confidence with the English
language grew. Students generally indicated that most things about their experience
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improved with their language skills, and they were highly motivated to make the most
rapid progress. Paulo spoke of his persistence in making American friends as “step by
step”. Daniela observed that “.. .you need to adapt here, because it’s so different. It’s
very different”. Luciana described the advantages of taking weekend trips with
American friends that she liked. “I can observe and know how they are and how they
do”. These examples demonstrated proactive ways in which students accommodated
difference.
In negotiating the disparity between their expectation and actual experience of
cultural diversity, students demonstrated their openness to cultural experiences by
redefining “Americans” and expanding their goals for learning new cultures. Students
described a variety of strategies for making friends that extended to variety in their choice
of friends as well. The need to redefine who “Americans” were, and the disappointments
students encountered in making American friends, constituted only part of their cultural
experience. In response to the question, “Who are your friends?” students described the
efforts they had made to broaden their cultural experiences, consistent with their desire to
learn English and other cultures.
Meeting international students from other countries was a particularly prominent
strategy for making friends as an adjunct to the challenges of socializing with American
students, and to some extent served as a method of dealing with the social self
consciousness associated with using English with native speakers. However, Roberto,
who was preparing to transfer to the university for his next semester, explained why he
felt international students were more likely to socialize together.
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This college has a great, great variety of foreigners, all kinds of people in this
place, which is very good. But it seems like all foreign people.. .they try to look
for their group of the same people because we feel different. We feel like we are
invading a country.... We know that we’re different, but we know how it feel[s]
to be a foreigner.
The feeling of “other” was part of the difficulty students described in making American
friends, and encouraged them to broaden their social and cultural contacts, a strategy
consistent with their expressed values for learning other cultures.
Relationships between international students frequently began as the result of
their first semester enrollment in ESL classes at the College. These smaller classes
typically provided an opportunity to meet other students, particularly international and
Asian students, who represented the largest group of international students and the
second largest group campus wide, second to Caucasian students. Students extended
their interest in cultures to these students as part of their negotiation of cultural diversity,
demonstrating their operant values in reevaluating their initial expectations for learning
the American culture and having American friends. Meeting students from Asian
countries provided students with the opportunity to learn about other cultures they had
never expected to encounter in such large numbers in the United States, and many of the
students included Asian students among their friends. This flexibility in selectively
changing their strategies without denying their values or abandoning their goals was a
characteristic theme.
Some students described enjoying associations with students from their home
country or, particularly for Spanish-speaking students, students from other Spanish
speaking countries in Latin American, however, within limits. For example, Enrique, one
of the Mexican twins, described his friends as “mostly Hispanics”, because “they’re
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Spanish-speaking and more culturally alike.... They feel more comfortable because they
have more things in common”. However, he avoided Hispanics that he referred to as
“cholos”, whom he defined as stereotypes that don’t represent a specific culture. Like
Enrique, Cisco avoided some of the Spanish-speaking immigrants who he described as
people that have never been in school, are unfamiliar with big cities, and don’t
understand how the law works. “I was always hanging out with other people from other
countries; Japanese, Korean, White people sometimes, American people, so pretty much I
was always with other people”. Other Spanish-speaking students were more ambivalent
about meeting Spanish-speaking immigrants and native-born students they encountered, a
factor explored further in the section on stereotyping.
Most students described having friends from a variety of countries, including
American friends. Carolina’s response was typical. “Right now I hang around with an
American girl, and Japanese and a Swedish girl [she laughed]. International! They say,
‘There goes the international group’.” Despite the initial disappointment with the
challenges of getting to know American students, students generally described their
friendships as successful and included students from different cultural backgrounds.
Their expectations for making friends, particularly American friends, appeared to be
similar to their expectations for learning English; it took longer than they expected.
Students also recognized that the two activities were related, since the ability to speak
and understand English well was critical to both their confidence level and their social
skills. International students, as fellow “foreigners” and second-language speakers
provided a more comfortable language milieu and a different cultural context.
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Differences in Social Customs.
Students shared numerous observations regarding the challenges and differences
they encountered in the American culture that revealed the nature of the comparative
opportunity they perceived through international study. In comparing and contrasting the
American culture with their own, students demonstrated a great deal of selectivity in
differentiating between those qualities they admired and wished to explore or adopt, and
were openly critical of those that they considered to be undesirable. The topic of
comparative culture was of keen interest to the students. The emergent themes were
competition, individualism and independence.
Students repeatedly remarked upon the competitiveness of American life. Several
representative examples emphasized what students considered to be lacking in the
American culture in comparison with their own. Enrique, a soccer fan, described a soccer
course that he had taken for fun as so competitive that at times it wasn’t enjoyable, and
proceeded to generalize his observation. “What I’ve noticed is North Americans are very
competitive. They sometimes forget about just having fun, enjoying life. They just
compete, compete, compete, and they want to win all the time. That kind of makes them
lonely”. Cisco also recognized the difficulty of understanding the differences between
his culture and the individualism of the American culture, when asked what he told
family and friends in his home country about Southern California.
America is a place in which you are by yourself One thing that I think
America has is, they don’t have unity among people, and I think that’s a sorry
thing. The cultural values and stuff, people are stepping on people to get the
higher level, to go to the next step u p .. .and we’re [Mexicans] always trying to
help each other.
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In qualifying his criticism, Cisco explained that this behavior was “nothing bad” and that
he just “goes along”, though it was clearly bothersome to him. Rather than representing a
contradiction, these qualifications appeared to reflect students’ strategies for accepting
difference without adopting different values, a pattern of acceptance of difference
consistent with other comparative cultural criticisms made by students.
In describing some of the social differences between Mexico and the United
States, students also remarked on social customs and displayed a high degree of
acceptance of difference without assimilation. In describing why the social environment
was more difficult for him in the United States, Enrique observed, “Don’t expect
anything. In Mexico, they’ll pretend. It’s too rude to just turn around. Any excuse
would be fine— you end up happy. Here they don’t pretend at all. It’s different”. His
twin brother, Roberto, expanded on the cultural differences.
If they (Mexicans) met a person, they shake hands like instantly, like, “Hello!”
Here they go, “Hi”, and it’s not so touchy. If you have a friend from here, you
don’t go and kiss the cheek In Mexico, you kiss your girlfriends, your
boyfriends, and everybody with a kiss on the cheek. I don’t know it’s a cultural
thing, and it’s kind of different. There’s nothing wrong with this culture; I like it.
I think it’s very nice and very interesting, but it’s just different.
In describing differences between Brazilian and American customs, Daniela made similar
observations.
Especially in South America, they have the impression that Americans are distant,
little cold even. But then when you meet them, it’s not that they are. Of course,
all people have emotions, they [Americans] just don’t show very much. So like
when I met some friends, when I saw them again one day, I was going to hug
them and they jumped back. They got scared. It’s just the way they react is
different.
The emphasis on acceptance of difference in the interview responses reappeared as
students expressed their cultural criticism and discomfort with various aspects of their
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experiences, consistent with students’ expressed values for learning another culture and
being open-minded, a favorite and repeated term among these students.
Several of the students also made observations on how individualism and
independence appeared to affect family life in the United States, when asked about the
cultural differences they perceived between the United States and Mexico. Roberto was
surprised at the different family values, and commented openly on American friends his
age that rarely saw their parents. “I was like, ‘Well, it’s your father, it’s your mother, but
you have your own life, you have your own things, but don’t you think about them?’
And they go like, ‘No, not really’”. Though Roberto recognized his friends’
independence, he also affirmed his own values. Fernando elaborated further in
expressing his own opinion.
One thing that has always surprised me is how can United States be able to be the
number one power in the world when.. .family is very low in the priorities of
societal values. Family for me is the most important nucleus and that’s what
gonna always strive me to achieve more and more. And I am kind of surprised
that being such an individualistic society here in United States, that they have
been able to achieve that goal. .. .For me, it’s not enough to achieve a lot of
money, but I need to have somebody to share it with and here it doesn’t seem that
way, so that was a striking difference.
These perceptions of the American family and materialism in cultural comparison again
demonstrated the selectivity of students in identifying which parts of the American
culture worked for them. Their observations on the family also contributed to an
understanding of the students’ experiences of competition, individualism, and
independence within the American culture, an association that repeatedly appeared as
students integrated these characteristics in evaluating American culture.
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Representing Latin America.
Students were dismayed by Americans’ general lack of knowledge regarding
Latin America, as well as their misperceptions and stereotyping. In the first case, this
was frequently demonstrated by limited geographical and political knowledge, attributed
to limited focus on international news in the American media, America’s relative
isolation and global dominance. As Maria explained, “Americans don’t think in other
countries, and I understand, because this is an important country. But for them, there’s
nothing around them, it’s just America”. Fabiane, another Brazilian student, provided a
more extensive elaboration.
A lot of people that I ran [injto, they didn’t even know where Brazil is.... They
go, “Is it after Africa?”.... All they know about is this country. We hear a lot
about all the countries, so we thought that here was the same thing. There was
one guy that asked my friend, “Oh, do you have beaches in Brazil?” She said,
“Have you ever studied geography in your life?” I swear it; that was really
amusing. It was very shocking.... People go, “Oh, you speak Brazilian?” [She
responded] “Like you speak American?” .... I’m used to it now, but it was really
shocking. When I got here, someone asked me “Where are you from?” And I
said, “Brazil”. And he goes, “Oh, Yeah, that governor, the Japanese governor, or
whatever”. And I’m all, “I don’t think so”.
These encounters appeared to frustrate students initially and contradicted their
perceptions of Americans as more educated and international. In response, students
described the superiority of their education in this regard and attempted to provide
information regarding their country.
Some of the ignorance students encountered was based in issues of Mexican
immigration in California and generalized not only to all of Mexico, but Central and
South America as well. “For Americans, it’s Mexico all the way down”, as one student
stated. Maria described this well in relating a reoccurring frustration.
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The problem is Mexico is so close, that if they have trouble with Mexican people
they assume all Spanish people are from Mexico. Unfortunately, that happened.
So you find out so many places you go, the first thing they see you and say, “Ah,
so you’re from Mexico”. “No, I’m from Colombia”. “Is that the same as
Mexico?” People have told me, you know? “No, it’s a completely different
country, it’s a different culture, a different everything”, I say.
In the second case of stereotyping, students reported not only misinformation, but
prejudice based in stereotype that they encountered. Stereotype was the word students
used to describe encounters where their nationality was questioned or identity generalized
by others, demonstrating a general orientation of rejection and externalization of these
encounters. A distinct pattern was observed: young men from Mexico were the most
likely to raise these issues, but not exclusively; the experiences appeared in different
forms and ranged in severity; and the origin typically appeared in negative attitudes
toward Mexican immigrants in California and limited information regarding Latin
America. Additionally, students consistently used the term stereotype, not prejudice,
made little or no self-reference to their ethnicity or appearance as a basis, and were more
likely to conceptualize remarks in terms of nationality, language, or culture.
Mexican students were most likely to describe incidents in which people observed
that they were not like “most” Mexicans because they went to college, were good
students, spoke English and Spanish, but not “Spanglish”, or didn’t look or act Mexican,
all of which denied their identity. They also encountered people who were “not so open”
after finding out that they were Mexican, and others who were friendlier after discovering
they were international students from another Latin American country, or sometimes
from Mexico, “real” Mexicans legally admitted to California for educational purposes.
Sources of this stereotyping were typically described as “Americans”. Students’
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reactions to these incidents demonstrated gaps between their expectations and their
experiences, as Roberto’s puzzlement revealed. “Some people didn’t think that I was
international. I don’t know why. And sometimes I would like [say], “Yes, I’m
Mexican.” And they went, “Nah, you don’t look Mexican ...nah, nah, nah”. But they
were not so open”.
A second source of stereotyping typically identified by Mexican students was
from immigrants from Latin America. This form of stereotyping was more complex and
created some internal conflicts for students with persons who they perceived as having
roots in their own culture, but not embracing shared cultural values. Enrique described
conflicts he encountered with people he termed “cholos”. He defined cholos as people
originally from Mexico or other Latin American countries living in the United States who
“barely have the culture in them”, do not speak either English or Spanish very well, and
are stereotyped in a group or gang, without goals for advancing themselves. These
encounters he described frequently involved threats because he didn’t act, speak, or dress
like a cholo, but claimed to be Mexican. Enrique openly resisted being redefined as a
Mexican in a way that did not describe him, his culture, or his country, and frustrated by
what he described as “a problem that creates a stereotype and a generalization for all the
people who come here being a Hispanic or a Latin”.
The experience of stereotyping by two different groups created conflicts for some
of the students. To be stereotyped as ‘Mexican’ in two distinct ways, neither of which fit,
was a challenge that Cisco described clearly and rejected.
Another thing which, I don’t know if you mind, with the immigration kind of
thing? People see you different. “You’re Mexican”. They put you down right
away.. .1 took it like a pride kind of thing. When they say, “Oh, you’re a
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Mexican”, they think that you’re stupid. They think that you are trying to steal
their things from people. And I understand why they make these comments,
because like I said, Mexicans who come here, they don’t have an idea of how the
societies are, so they behave all wild and crazy. So people look at them, like,
“Oh, jeez look at that shirt—all Mexicans are like that”. So, in a way, they ruin
my image. I am Mexican, but I’m not like them, which, when somebody makes a
comment, it’s really personal to me. First of all, because they’re hurting my
people, and second of all because it’s me, and they don’t even know how I am.
Only because we’re Mexican, they make their assumption that we’re crazy and
stupid and naive, which we’re not. And I took that thing, like a pride kind of
thing.... So I show[ed] them who I was based on my pride. So, after I show[ed]
them, they knew who I was.
Cisco captured the paradox of the double stereotype Mexican students were most likely
to encounter; having empathy for more unfortunate immigrants, yet finding it difficult to
identify with immigrants who were less educated, did not speak English well, did not
share their values, and rejected them for who they were.
Other Mexican students provided additional accounts of their encounters with
stereotypes regarding their nationality and identity as Mexicans in California and how
they addressed them. For example, Rosa observed that some people (Americans) thought
that all Mexicans were illegal immigrants. She observed that this stereotyping created a
bad reputation and limited opportunities for all Mexicans, and revealed a second paradox
in explaining that some Spanish speakers in California, including some Mexicans, were
ashamed to speak Spanish outside of the family for fear that people would think they
were Mexican. In contrast, she was proud to be trilingual and stated that all Spanish
speakers should take advantage of being able to speak their language.
Students’ experiences appear to contradict some models of student mobility,
which identify cultural linkages or similarity in the host country as promoting
international study. The models would suggest a more comfortable match for
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international students who “follow” immigration flows, but students’ actual experiences
in this study introduce other socio-cultural factors, political and economic factors
interacting in a very different manner in California.
Students’ strategies for dealing with both ignorance and stereotyping, however,
demonstrated a consistent pattern of resilience and resistance, and were evidenced in their
responses to a variety of situations. Students spoke of letting their minds and actions
show who they are as people, challenging groups that deny individuality using
stereotypes as “disguises”, resisting stereotyping as cultural difference, and providing
personal testimony regarding their identity and their country. Criticism of stereotyping
and people who made inferences regarding their identity based on misinformation or
prejudice also demonstrated students’ resistance to this practice. Instead, their strategies
delineated paths for independently maintaining their own cultural identity and values.
Some students practiced dissociating themselves from the source of stereotyping,
and taking pride their own culture, a strategy Cisco described when he spoke about the
opportunities he had to “pass” as some other nationality.
If I say I’m Italian, they will go buy it. If I say I’m Lebanese, they all go by it,
because I look Lebanese. But I don’t want to change my identity. I’m Mexican,
and I’m proud of being Mexican. So I’m not going to do anything, just keep
doing my life. That’s all. That’s a very important thing, not only for me, but any
Mexican who’s here.
A contrasting approach was to learn a new perspective from Mexican immigrants by
comparing the differences between their cultures, as Fernando related.
It’s very different when you learn about Mexican society from United States, and
from the people that live around you from the Mexican-Americans in the United
States, which are not a true representation of what Mexico is. I mean, they have
adapted to an American style of life, and they have foregone many things that we
still keep, and many traditions that we keep in Mexico.
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In perceiving the cultural differences between themselves and many of the immigrants
from Latin American countries, students appeared to resist the stereotyping and even
discrimination that they encountered, similar to the strategies identified previously in
students’ negotiation of cultural differences.
In representing their culture in the United States, students demonstrated a strong
interest in making a contribution to better cultural understanding. Fernando described the
benefits of international students teaching Americans about other cultures, and even
world history, by providing diversity in the classroom and important examples to “open
horizons”. He also indicated that his management teachers at the University had
welcomed the presence of international students in classes, especially in discussions
regarding business and the global economy, and acknowledged the value of their
contributions. Fernando’s positive, externalized strategy of helping Americans improve
their understanding of the world provided an additional example of how students actively
negotiated some of the more challenging situations they encountered and embraced the
concept of international and educational exchange.
Homesickness.
It’s not easy for someone to come to a foreign country
and just start living like Americans,
for example, like for me to come to America
and study like an American.
Because it’s completely different to live in my country.
But, that’s the way.— from Pedro’s interview
Being away from home, friends, and familiar culture, generally presents a
challenge for international students, and these students were not exempt. Their focus on
what they missed and their strategies for addressing homesickness, however, varied, and
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are important to an understanding of how they negotiated these experiences. Fernando,
who had just completed his baccalaureate and was returning to Mexico, emphasized the
benefits of his experience.
I don’t like living here in California. I miss Mexico like nothing in the world.... I
don’t like living over here; that you don’t socialize with your neighbors, or with
nobody else. You don’t have any social life, you only work or study, and you
social life with your family. But that’s also a big plus in my education [in
California], because that’s what kept me focused.
What Fernando missed were the same social activities that had prevented him from
completing the university in his own country.
Other students described less tangible, cultural aspects of what they missed. A
fellow Mexican, Enrique, uniquely described some of the aspects of daily life in
California that made him wish he were in Mexico.
Sometimes I even feel it’s too organized, you know? Like I need traffic. I need
something. I miss it sometimes, maybe just proximity to everybody, like you
don’t just stay in your car, and just sit like this, or go ahead, or never blow the
horn. No, in Mexico, it’s just get out the window and say something, and blow
the horn, you know, m ove.. .it’s like more dynamic. I think that’s not a
romantic’s point of view of Mexico.
Fabiane described a similar longing for Brazil and how visiting home periodically helped
her to manage her homesickness. “I have to go back and get my energy back. ‘Cause I
really don’t want to lose that warmth that we have back there. ‘Cause it’s so relaxed...”
She also described how she stayed in California for Christmas during her first year of
study, because she was so homesick she was certain that she would not return if she went
home. The increased independence and self-sufficiency which students valued
contributed to their feelings of homesickness, and most preferred to live with other
students or family members during their study in California.
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A small number of students chose a home stay at the beginning of their study as a
means of easing the transition period, and most found it helpful in learning about the
culture— what to say, learning social customs, etc. For Juliana, the family stay was very
comfortable and made her miss her family less. When she moved in with her boyfriend
and other roommates, she described how she felt more homesick. “It’s like after one year
you’re used to, you know, like be more lonely, not lonely, because I have friends, but not
like in Brazil”. However, Daniela observed that “at the beginning you’re so lost and it’s
even more scary to be in a family’s house”, and preferred living with fellow Brazilians.
These contrasts demonstrate the difficulty in generalizing the strategies students adopted
in dealing with difference, however the emergent theme was in their orientation toward
developing adaptive strategies consistent with their values.
The Internet, available to all students at the College, provided opportunities for
keeping in touch with home and taking the opportunity to check on news in the home
country, which students described as in short supply in California. For Carolina, it meant
going to the College’s computer lab or the library every day, “to browse a little on the
Internet, and also check my E-mail [she laughed] from Salvador”. Roberto had a similar
strategy. “Internet. The E-mail room is very good. That’s how I have communication
with my friends, because phone calls are very expensive from Mexico. They have
Internet in the University. Also, some of my friends from here have Internet here”. The
Internet was not the only means of communication, however, as Alessandro observed.
“My father has Internet, but sometimes some subjects you gotta talk on the phone”.
Students’ strategies for dealing with homesickness and cultural difference
appeared to be fairly robust, as with other challenges that they encountered, and included
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staying in touch with family and friends at home, making new friends with Americans
and non-Americans, studying, learning English and participating in recreational activities.
These were the activities that they named when asked to describe a typical day.
However, they did not typically include college services or activities as part of their
strategies, with a few exceptions, and were not accustomed to these services and
resources in their home countries. Time spent on Spanish media, despite its availability
for the Spanish-speaking students, was missing from this list of activities, due to
students’ previously described commitment to learning English, and also because they
generally described the programming as Americanized and lacking in cultural familiarity
and interest. The ambivalent reactions to the presence of Spanish-speaking media were
similar to students’ reaction to the presence of Latinos in California. Despite the
language affinity, the cultural differences were less surmountable.
Negotiating Change and Diversity.
I’m learning a new culture; I’m learning English.
I’m like doing everything for myself, like washing my clothes and cooking.
Thing[s] I never did in my life, (from Alessandro’s interview)
Despite the cultural challenges presented by international study, students
described a variety of advantages and benefits they were gaining through their
international study experience. Increased independence and self sufficiency were
emergent themes as students consistently identified the ways in which they were more
responsible for taking care of themselves away from home and their families. Many of
the students spoke of making their beds, washing their clothes, shopping for food, and
managing their own finances for the first time. Others spoke of the strangeness of the
custom of young people in America living on their own outside of their parents’ home,
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or, as Juliana expressed it, “It’s not normal!” Several students commented that
independent living came as a shock and was difficult at first, however, most of them
described that it gave them a good feeling to be more responsible, understand how things
worked, particularly in the areas of personal finance and banking, and develop more
confidence. They described these as cultural differences, in part, because they were
frequently used to maids in the home, or their parents performing these responsibilities.
Though students did not admire that Americans frequently ate alone, or were socially
more separate, they expressed appreciation for other aspects of their experience of greater
independence, a further example of their cultural selectivity and adaptation.
A second prominent theme emerged in the students’ perceptions of the advantages
of experiencing other cultures. Though there was more variety in the culture than they
had anticipated, students responded by finding additional benefits in that experience,
demonstrating their flexibility in pursuing their goal and preserving their values. Some of
the specific examples they provided demonstrated the value they placed on challenging
themselves to grow and develop culturally through exposure to different experiences,
e.g., “to be able to open yourself to more people, different people, different cultures,
styles, systems, everything”, as Enrique expressed it. His perception of the challenges
presented by learning another culture provided another example of the robustness of the
students’ in negotiating their experiences.
... All these experiences and different peoples and different events are the ones
that are gonna create something in me, like building up more, and more, and
more, and more, and that would give me a personality, and a character, and
attitude.
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Though students described the acquisition of these experiences as an international student
as more challenging than they had anticipated, most students emphasized the confidence
they gained in learning to live with multiple cultures and learn from them. Their
selectivity was also represented by Chico’s comments on how he approached cultural
diversity and learning from others.
I learn by asking questions. I learn by watching people. I watch their mistakes. I
suffer with them if I have to. So I’m kind of picking at things as I go along in life,
because I think that’s the way it should be, because if you pick from here and
here, you become smarter and wiser.
As these examples represent, students were selective in their approach to negotiating
difference and preserving their values, as reflected in their attitudes and efforts.
Students were highly critical of people who came to California from other
countries and isolated within their own culture, similar to the previously discussed
observation regarding English acquisition, as Paulo’s comments reflected.
I saw a lot of guys from Brazil, too, they come here, and they live with Brazils
[Brazilians]. They don’t try to understand the culture, and that’s the worst part,
because the most important is understand the culture here in America.
He quipped, “I don’t need to study Brazil”. Paulo’s challenges in learning English for the
first time were particularly difficult; however, he appeared to embrace cultural learning
very positively, consistent with the general orientation of students.
The surprises students encountered in their actual experiences of cultural diversity
appeared in the following areas: the degree of cultural diversity in California, cultural
dimensions of friendship, learning social customs, the general level of ignorance students
encountered regarding Latin America, and homesickness. Students demonstrated a high
level of responsibility and initiative in their strategies for managing cultural differences
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that exceeded their original expectations, and described the process as taking more time
than they had anticipated. Their strategies were generally positive and they tended to be
optimistic in terms of their adjustment and ability to overcome challenges. Students
appeared to be aware of choices in their adaptation, as manifested in their selectivity in
accepting cultural difference and in resistance to change in areas affecting their values.
Political Dimensions of Border Crossing
The analysis of the political dimensions of the students’ experience in Stage II is
comprised of two parts: student perceptions of the comparative educational opportunities
and their comparative experience of the political system. The values students identified
in each of these areas of their international study are compared with their actual
experience. The relationship between students’ values and goals for academic
achievement and the offerings of the educational systems is interactive, with the latter
focusing on students’ evaluations of the more structural aspects. In the area of law and
order, students’ comparative evaluations were interactive with the entire socio-cultural
dimension, and focus is on the legal aspects affecting their experience. Though students’
responses were less dominant in the political dimensions than in the socio-cultural, they
revealed an additional perspective of their experience, and reinforced several aspects of
the socio-cultural values and experiences.
Educational Alternatives in California Higher Education
Border crossing between educational systems is challenging within the United
States, given the diversity of the educational opportunities and a highly mobile
population. For international students, the border is even wider between the systems of
the home and host countries, since educational institutions and their organizational
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structures are strongly influenced by socio-cultural, political, and economic factors.
Students identified the importance of the availability, quality and organization of
educational opportunities in influencing their decision to seek international study, and
this analysis addresses their evaluations of their experiences in these areas. Given the
complexity of educational systems, one of the students’ major challenges was
understanding the wide array of opportunities open to them that was much more diverse
than in their home countries.
Availability of Education.
In negotiating the pathways between the educational systems in California,
students constructed unique forms of border crossing, based in limited information and
private personal recommendations. Nearly all of the students, whether they entered the
community college directly, or transferred from an English language program, described
the influence of friends and relatives in referring them to a specific region and
community college, a built-in support system and strategy characteristic of these students.
The most prominent pathway to the community college was created by the twelve
students who entered from an English language program, usually a public university
extension program in California, but also Arizona and Texas, where they were first
referred by educational travel agencies in their home country. Students chose to enter an
academic institution and sought out alternative institutions as quickly as their proficiency
would allow them to qualify, for the previously identified reasons: desire to study other
subjects and a major, isolation with non-native speakers of English who were
predominantly from Asia, and expense. Given their physical proximity, they could now
research an institution that would match their original expectations more closely. This
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particular pathway to the community college represented one of four distinct of reverse
transfer connections for these students between the universities and the community
college that became an iterative theme. The limited information in their home countries
regarding the community college delineated this distinct pattern.
A second characteristic of the unique availability of education in the community
college appeared in three patterns of reverse transfer: students who had completed two or
more years of study in the university in their home countries, students who had
baccalaureates from their home countries, and one student who transferred from a
university in the United States. Research on these forms of reverse transfer is limited in
the literature for domestic students, and even more so for international students, which
represent an additional form of border crossing. All students who had completed some
prior coursework in higher education without a degree planned to transfer to the
university, but many of them also took advantage of the specialized career programs as a
major. For students with baccalaureates, the openness of the educational system provided
access to the specialized career programs of the community college in which all of these
students enrolled. This appeared as a key factor in students’ strategies for enhancing
their career skills, with two of the four students with baccalaureates reporting plans to
improve their eligibility for graduate programs by advancing their skills in the same areas
as their baccalaureates, a factor developed further in the following section.
A third characteristic of the students’ strategies in entering the community college
was the opportunity for freshmen students to complete their undergraduate work in the
community college and enter a California public university or private institution, a
traditional function of the community college that was new to these students. All of the
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students who entered as freshmen were pursuing this alternative, and many of them were
also concurrently enrolled in career programs as a form of major. A further discussion of
students’ majors and plans is pursued in the following section
The variety in students’ pathways represented the comparative opportunities
available to these students through California’s public system of higher education and
particularly in the community college. An additional finding was that nearly half of the
students enrolled in courses in the career programs, including three of the four students
with baccalaureate degrees, though only seven of the students planned to complete the
full certificate program. Students were also aware of the opportunities for graduate level
work. The availability of education and choice for these students who had described
limited choices in their home countries exceeded their expectations.
Choosing the Community College.
The comparative opportunity of the community college became apparent to the
majority of students in this study after their arrival in California, since most of them had
no prior knowledge of the community college system. As a result, analysis of students’
comparisons with their original expectations for the educational offerings of international
study was important on two counts: first, the reasons for which they entered the
community college rather than another educational institution; and secondly, their
evaluation of the comparative advantages and disadvantages of the community college
programs based on the alternative options that they perceived.
Students stated three main reasons for entering the community college instead of
the university system in California: some of them were not yet eligible for admission to
the university based on English proficiency, a factor previously discussed in the section
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on English language experience; they were recommended and attracted to community
college programs based on value, an opportunity cost issue discussed in the economic
dimension that follows; and the availability of and access to academic and career
programs in the community college met their major and career goals. They also
described the criteria that they used in selecting a specific community college and
location: the reputation of the institution, recommendations from friends, and
geographical proximity to friends, family and recreational opportunities.
In selecting a major as preparation for a career goal, nearly half of the students
found career programs in the community college very attractive for specialized training,
in addition to their degree objectives. For these students, the specialized career
preparation offered by the certificate programs also matched student expectations for
focus on the major in higher education more closely, the traditional course of study they
described at universities in their home countries. Juan’s example demonstrated how the
community college met his goals.
My first goal is to speak English, but after that I want to get a bachelor’s degree. I
wasn’t so sure about studying computer, because I love photography, but I think
film video is more, how you say it? The next century has more opportunities to
work than photography. Photography could be like a hobby or something like
that. For [making a] living, I think it’s too hard.
Juan’s expressed reasons for selecting the community college were similar to those of
most of the students, and illustrated the practical approach students described in matching
their selection of both major and institution with their goals. The College’s specialized
career program in film video is well known in the area and respected for the career and
transfer success of its graduates.
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An additional factor was the more advanced training and resources available in
career programs perceived by students, congruent with their expressed desire to take
advantage of learning the latest technology and obtaining a credential from the United
States. This factor was also consistent with the necessary preparation students described
for the competitive and increasingly international job market in their home countries.
Based on student evaluations, the community college certificate programs appeared to
meet both of those expectations very well and are discussed further in the section on
student perception of the quality of course offerings.
In the community college, students exercised four different options in planning
their course of study: preparing to transfer to the university, pursuing a specialized career
program and preparation for transfer, completing a career program in lieu of a master’s
degree, or, for students with baccalaureates from their home countries, pursuing
coursework in a career program related to their major as an interim step prior to
application for a master’s degree program in California, typically in business. These
findings are consistent with options selected by domestic students who choose the
community college, including reverse transfer students, with the exception that none of
the students expressed plans for completing the associate in arts degree or career
certificate without transfer, unlike the pattern of many domestic students.
When students were asked to describe what they perceived as the advantages and
disadvantages for international students in starting in the community college, the career
program offerings of the community college emerged as one of the most prominent
reasons for selecting the community college. Juan, in describing his plans to complete
both the certificate of achievement and the Associate in Arts degree prior to transferring
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to a university, described how the associate degree and the career program in film video
would not be enough without the bachelor’s degree. He also acknowledged, however,
that the career program specialization was more consistent with the focus of higher
education in his country and more likely to articulate than the general education of his
lower division preparation, and planned to transfer to a California university after
completing his community college program.
All of the students who had completed the baccalaureate in their home countries
were enrolled in certificate programs at the community college. They were very specific
in describing their reasons for doing so. Carolina decided to pursue a career program
specialization rather than an MBA, based in the advice of a counselor at a California
university to “complement” her baccalaureate from Brazil and her specific interest in
fashion merchandising. Carolina’s father encouraged her to also enroll in the
international marketing career program at the College, because he thought it would be
beneficial to her in Brazil, and she was completing both career programs. Juliana, who
was also pursuing a career program for additional specialization beyond her
baccalaureate in graphic design, explained a similar strategy.
Everybody say you should transfer. Transfer for what? Why go to university
again, because for me, they’re [the career specialization] like master [degree], you
know? I don’t need. I have a plan to do a lot of courses, because they have a
thousand courses here in graphic computers, and they’re really good.
Two additional students who had completed bachelor’s degrees in their home countries
were also enrolled in certificate programs and planned to apply to master’s degree
programs after improving their English proficiency. In the meantime, they stated that
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they were learning the specialized vocabulary in their field of study and advancing their
knowledge in their respective fields with more up to date knowledge and technology.
A review of the student demographics researched for this group corroborated the
students’ educational goals and programs. Of the twenty students, seven indicated one or
more certificate programs as their immediate educational goal, including three students
who also had plans to transfer to the university and the four students who had already
completed bachelor’s degrees in their country, two of whom planned to pursue master’s
degrees in California. A review of the students’ career goals shows that nine had
declared business, or business related majors (e.g., interior design, hospitality
management, international marketing, fashion merchandising), and an additional seven
students were pursuing careers in fields which are particularly technology dependent.
Overall, students were pursuing majors that corresponded to nine of the career programs
at the college, whether or not they had declared a career certificate goal. It is important
to note again that all of the students enrolled in career programs courses planned to
transfer and complete a bachelor’s degree, except for those who had already completed
the baccalaureate in their home country. The certificate was clearly perceived by these
students as an adjunct to the bachelor’s degree for specialization, not as a substitution for
the bachelor’s degree.
In contrast with specialization for the majors and certificates, which the students
described as consistent with the course of study in universities in their countries, general
education presented a contradiction. Many of the students disliked taking general
education courses and associated it with study in secondary institutions in their home
countries. The focus on specialization in the university in their home countries may have
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accounted in part for the students’ strong interest in the career programs, which focused
on more specialized and technical preparation for a career.
In describing the advantages of the community college, students also perceived
the community college as a good transition for international students and provided
numerous examples. Juan, a first year student, described how the community college
gave international students an opportunity to learn some of the practices in the American
system of education, and “.. .to start getting used to the American system”. Paulo, who
had completed his bachelor’s degree in business administration in Brazil, was one of the
students who benefited from both the English language support as a relatively new
speaker of English, and the advantages of learning the specialized vocabulary for his
career. “I know the marketing, the knowledge, but I want to know the system here, the
difference, the vocabulary, you understand? The system is very different”. Cisco, who
had already transferred to a California university with his associate degree, identified the
support services available to students in the community college as an important factor for
international students, and described the community college as “more focused on the
students” in providing opportunities for international students to “get an idea of how the
American system is run”. Compared to the university, he found the community college
more willing to work with international students and more flexible than the larger
universities. Cisco’s sentiments were shared by a number of the students, who also cited
the helpful assistance of the International Center staff and services.
Students who had attended California universities as well as the community
college described additional comparative advantages of the community college, including
the resources available for the students in what they described as a more manageable and
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active social environment than in the university. Community colleges were generally
perceived as a better place to try to meet a greater variety of people, especially younger
people who were interesting in socializing, not just academics. Alessandro, in comparing
the university campus with the College, stated, “ People don’t talk to each other like
here”, and made it clear that he wanted to attend an institution where he could meet other
students his age. In recognizing these advantages, students volunteered recommendations
on how the community college opportunity could be made more available to Latin
American students by raising awareness of its programs.
Students also demonstrated awareness that community colleges were not as well
recognized. As Alessandro stated, “In the community college, you don’t have the name
like Cal State, you know?” His reference to university name recognition was similar to
Chico’s prior comments on why Mexican international students were more likely to go
directly to a university. Fernando, another Mexican student, made a similar observation
regarding why students in Mexico were more likely to select a university with a
prominent reputation.
First of all, the Mexican people, the one who has the money to pay abroad, if they
are going to pay abroad, they’re not going to do almost any research. They’re
going to go to a very well known. So here in California, that would be UCLA. I
mean UCLA; I can bet you there’s lots and lots of international Mexican
students.6 But in community colleges, they don’t even find out until the minute
that they arrive here that they were able to do it more cheaply, but because they’re
already enrolled, all their papers are there, it’s easier for them to stay there, and
they’re gonna stay there.
Fernando’s observation, though incorrect with respect to the large number of
international students from Mexico at UCLA, accurately described the experience of
6 The 1997-1998 Locater Report published by the Institute for International Education showed 37
international students from M exico enrolled at UCLA, only one as an undergraduate student.
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most of the students in this study in that they discovered the community college after they
arrived in California. However, unlike the international students in Fernando’s
hypothetical example, the major of students interviewed in this study did enroll
subsequently in the community college after enrolling in English language programs in
university extension.
There are several contributing factors to explain the reverse transfer phenomenon
from university extension programs in English to the community college. First, those
students that attended English in the university programs were admitted to the extension
program and had not matriculated originally as a regular university student. Secondly,
students acquired new information regarding the community college after their arrival in
California, or, for students entering directly, information from friends or relatives in
California. Lastly, students had specific reasons for selecting the community college that
met their particular goals and circumstances, and demonstrated high utility.
Quality.
Students generally described the quality of their educational experience as better
than in their home countries. They attributed this to a more up to date curriculum; more
services, and better resources and facilities. Most students in the study had attended one
or more public institutions in California, with only a few having studied at proprietary
English language schools, and readily acknowledged large differences between public
education in California and in their home countries. Juliana’s enthusiasm was typical.
“I’m impressed, ‘cause for community colleges, the classes, the labs, they are perfect, the
teachers, they’re really good. I really like it a lot”. The advantages students anticipated
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as a result of their international study experience were based in the higher quality of
course offerings as well as a credential from the United States.
Students did not always associate the generally high opinions they held of
education in California with the level of education and learning on the part of the people
that they met. As noted in the socio-cultural category, students were dismayed by
Americans’ general ignorance of international affairs, and specifically Latin America. In
contrasting these two factors, Fernando described the high level of specialization he
perceived as characteristic of higher education in the United States, though he was not
impressed with the more general knowledge and cultural aspects of the educational level
of the American people.
Here I think that the overall culture of an individual is very poor, compared to a
Mexican people, or to European, or to any Latin American guy, but in the area of
the specialization, here are the top people in the world.
His comments demonstrated his selective criticism of education in the United States,
similar to the observations of students’ criticism of cultural factors discussed in the socio
cultural dimensions, with specialization rating high marks.
The students’ expectations for high quality resources were also matched closely in
the community college, frequently exceeding their expectations. The areas of difference
that emerged were the availability of technology, library resources, and campus facilities,
as compared with those available to them in universities in their home countries. When
asked about her experience at the College, Luciana responded, “You know, I’d never get
an electronic media degree down in Brazil, because they just don’t have as many
computers, even a private school”. Maria expressed a similar opinion.
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It’s amazing.. .we have all kinds of technology that we can use as students. In
Colombia, is no way you can have all the opportunities, have the machines in
front of you, work with them, try this, try that, install, things like that, there’s no
way you can do it. It’s so expensive.
As a systems engineer, she recognized the importance of technology to her education and
observed that the lack of resources, not the actual instruction she had received in her own
country, had disadvantaged her prior education.
Other students also observed the contribution of better resources to their
education in the community college. Daniela described her studies as “exciting, not
teacher, book, student, board like in Brazil”, with the technological resources of the
College making this possible. Students were enthusiastic about the technology available
to them, consistent with their high level of declared majors in technology dependent
fields of study. They also commented favorably on the comparative availability of
information resources and other services. As Juan observed,
Say you need to do work on Einstein, you’d probably find twenty books down
there [in Chile], and here you can find 100. There’s more materials, films, all that
kind of things, microfilms...library is [a] big difference. It’s way better here.
These examples illustrate the contrast between what students had experienced in their
own country and had available to them in the community college, a comparative
opportunity that met their expectations.
The existence of a campus environment itself was a positive attraction for
students, many of whom associated universities with high rise buildings without open
spaces, however, most students, like Luciana, commented on the practical and concrete
aspects of the college’s resources.
You don’t have a big screen TV in a classroom in Brazil; not in a community
place. I don’t even know if in the best university they have a big screen like they
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have in the social science [forum] here; and video; and it’s always there; and
nobody’s trying to steal it; and they’re always going in and the chairs are there.
There’s nothing missing. There’s air conditioning, carpet.
For students who had almost exclusively attended private schools and universities and
generally associated public institutions with inferior educational opportunities, the quality
of the community college offerings and resources was perceived very positively.
The opportunity of choice was another feature of the organization of the
community college that students generally responded to favorably. In comparison with
education in their home countries, the alternative educational systems in California, the
variety of institutions of education, the extensive offerings, and the numerous options for
degrees and certificates, all signified choice for these students. Ana, who had already
transferred to the university at the time of her interview, described the lack of choice in
universities in Colombia as “almost disrespectful. It’s like they don’t care about you,
they don’t. And here, it’s like, they care about people, they know people have to do
many other things”. Other students reinforced the importance of choice to them, and the
“freedom to select your schedule, your goals”, as Antonio expressed it. Enrique also
spoke in favor of the opportunities for choice of courses and majors at the community
college.
... In Mexico, it’s disorganized. Here you follow a plan, a path of courses you’re
going to take, IGETC, and you can choose either one, two, three, or how many
options you want. And from there, almost all classes are transferable or general
education. That’s the beauty of it.
Opportunities for choice did present other challenges for some students who were
not accustomed to the educational system, nor to the degree of choice offered by the
community college, as Enrique explained.
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... The organization, the system, that was really different. I never expected
something so good, so complex. I mean, you look at it, once you understand it,
you say, “Wow, this is a really good job. They’re really smart”. But when you
come here the first time, you say “Oh my God, what is this? What am I getting
into?” And that’s something I didn’t expect at all. I was lost in that.
Other students also observed that students were sometimes confused by the multiple
options available to them, and sometimes made mistakes in planning their programs,
particularly for degree completion or transfer. This observation was not limited to
international students. However, most of the students had encountered limited choices in
their prior education, and stated that they preferred the additional freedom that they
enjoyed in the community college.
In negotiating the pathways of California’s higher education in a highly unique
manner, most students informed themselves about alternative institutions after their
arrival in California. They perceived the comparative opportunities as very different
from those in their home countries in terms of the availability and variety of options for
their education, the quality of programs and resources, and the multiple choices for
coursework and majors. Students’ strategies demonstrated their awareness of how the
transfer and career functions of the community college could assist them, and students
frequently combined these options for study, and identified instruction, specialized career
certificate programs, support and transition services, and campus facilities as advantages
of the community college for international students.
“Law and Order” in the United States
Though political stability was described as a motivating factor for international
study by only half of the students, nearly all of the students commented on their
experience of “law and order” in the United States. Students’ expectations for more
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safety and order were generally matched, however, some students raised issues regarding
equity and freedom.
Civil Life
Students perceived the area of California in which they lived as safer, cleaner,
having less crime and fewer problems. They also used terms such as organized, ordered,
civilized, and even “more polite traffic” to describe the civil environment they
encountered here. In doing so, they revealed the contrasts between their home and host
countries, and the influence that political problems and even socio-cultural issues in their
home countries had on their expectations for the civil environment in the United States.
Students generally perceived the government in the United States as more
organized and effective than in their home countries and volunteered numerous examples.
Alessandro’s explanation of why living here was easier than in Brazil was similar to
those expressed by many of the students. “Like people respect each other, and if I had
some problem, like the government, the laws work. In Brazil, [it] doesn’t work”. Enrique
described how surprised he was that the government was so organized. He explained,
“.. .you don’t expect that from a little town in Mexico, because it’s almost impossible. I
mean, you need a lot of time and work to get to this level”. Juliana compared the higher
value placed on universal education in the United States with the government in her home
country and explained that not everyone can go to school in Brazil. “I really wish my
government in Brazil would be like here, because they give a lot of value for that”.
These examples were consistent with the value of political stability that a limited number
of students expressed as a factor influencing their international study in Stage I. Their
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actual experiences appeared to exceed and inform their prior expectations, in that many
of them expressed surprise at the unfamiliarly high level of organization and function.
The relative safety students experienced in California was also very attractive to
them, and several students remarked with some puzzlement on the contrast between their
experience and the violence and crime portrayed in the American media. Luciana
commented on how surprised she was that Automated Teller Machines (ATM’s) in
California were generally outdoors, which in San Paolo, her home city, would have been
entirely too dangerous. Juliana also described how different her life was here. “I tell my
friends, now I can drive at night, and don’t be worried if somebody come and steal my
car, or something. I can leave my door open.. .1 can walk, I can go to the beach”. Other
students described how they had become accustomed to corruption and violence in their
home country, but when they returned, they realized it was not “normal” based in their
experiences of California. Daniel describing seeing her country, including the poverty,
with new eyes, and “.. .things you don’t pay attention when you’re there, because you
don’t have any other reference”. Students also expressed a preference for the safety of
living in the area of the College, Orange County, rather than Los Angeles, which they
associated as having more of the problems and negative aspects of larger cities in their
home countries.
Encountering Restrictions.
The greater safety and order that students associated with life in California also
meant a greater emphasis on laws, regulation, and enforcement. The disappointments
students expressed with some of these restrictions were influenced by their prior
experiences in their own countries, which many of them described as less enforced. They
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cited greater enforcement of driving laws, parking tickets, police involvement in
domestic disputes, and random pullovers and safety checks. Several of the Brazilians
stated that they found the laws too strict and even attributed some of the problems
associated with youth and gangs to excessive restrictions in their daily lives. As Tiago
expressed it, “youth can’t, so they do”, and described the problem as “too many laws”.
Fabiane stated that there was “not much freedom”, and Juliana said she felt “less free”
here. However, Fabiane also admitted that crime was worse in her country. “Like people
say here you fear the police? There you fear the bad people, you know. So, ...there’s a
lot of difference there”. Carolina provided some insight into the tradeoffs that she
perceived. “They say that United States is the land of freedom and all that stuff. I don’t
think it’s that much. It’s like too supervised. Everything’s supervised, but I think
sometimes it’s good because you feel safer than in Brazil”.
Some of the restrictions directly affecting students were due to their status as
international students. Regulations to maintain the F-l visa became even stricter with
new regulations and greater penalties for violations that were enacted through Federal
legislation during the course of their stay: not being able to work, having to enroll in a
full course of study, and complying with regulations to maintain the F-l visa.
Some of the concerns students expressed focused on issues that appeared to arise
from idealized expectations about the United States and its political system, but others
identified societal problems. Many students described their surprise and disappointment
at discovering that the United States had corruption in government, and that poverty and
homeless people existed here. Fabiane provided her opinion on a host of issues.
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It is a beautiful country, it’s very clean, very organized and safe, but it’s not that
perfect. It has the gangs that we don’t have there. And one time I said people in
Brazil, they kill because they’re poor and they’re starving. And people here, they
kill because they’re crazy, because they can’t do anything. The government
doesn’t let people do anything, so it’s very easy to go crazy, I think. Or, maybe
it’s just California. I’m not going to speak for the whole country, but that’s my
impression. The California laws are so strict that people just start piercing
themselves, and dying their hair, and tattooing, because that’s the only thing they
can do. They’re not going to go to jail, but if they do anything else they will, so I
think it affects a lot; the laws affect how the culture is.
Other student observations focused on laws related to immigration, described frequently
as inequitable and overly punitive, especially for “foreigners”, who some students felt
were held to a higher standard. In a separate observation, Fernando expressed his disgust
that “O.J. walked”, referring to the outcome of the O.J. Simpson trial, and stated that this
would never have happened in the Mexican courts.
At the same time, students were generally quick to acknowledge that the overall
political situation in the United States was better than in their country. For example,
Juliana commented on political corruption in the United States, “.. .they say here they are
corrupted too, but I’m sure in Brazil they are more than here”. Maria, in describing the
widespread practice of destroying files for purposes of avoiding taxation in Colombia that
she observed when working for The World Bank, stated, “.. .there’s no way you can do
that here in this country; there’s no way. When I came here, the first thing that they told
me [was] ‘There are two things that you always know: You must pay taxes, and you
have to die’”. These examples demonstrate the ways in which the comparative
opportunity offered by the American political system was generally considered better
than in the home country, but “not perfect”, as several students remarked.
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Nativism in California.
One aspect of political life in California that attracted student attention was the
attitude toward immigrants that students encountered in the course of their daily lives and
in the media. The period during which most of these students were studying at the
college corresponded with three initiatives in California that Funez-Gonzalez attributed to
“nativism” (1998), a period characterized by heightened, anti-immigrant feelings based in
on-going and historical conflicts. These initiatives dealt with the issues of use of social
services by undocumented immigrants (Proposition 187), challenges to affirmative action
measures in access to education (Proposition 209), and restrictions on bilingual education
(Proposition 227). Mexican students in this study were most likely to raise concerns
regarding these issues, but not exclusively, since students were generally aware issues
surrounding immigrants in California.
Students reactions to nativist issues also appeared in one of the focus groups,
where two of the Mexican students engaged in a heated discussion, interrupted
intermittently by comments from two of the Brazilians. The context of the debate was
framed by the tenets of Proposition 187, which targeted the restriction of social services
to documented residents of California. Fernando took the position that Mexicans working
here should be entitled to services. Roberto, though sympathetic to the desperation that
drove many illegal immigrants to cross the border illegally, expressed his opinion that,
“.. .if you do it the wrong way, like the illegals, then you have to pay the consequences”.
There was no resolution to the discussion, however, these two Mexican students
delineated the major arguments on both sides of the California immigration debate.
Interestingly, Fernando and Roberto each stated that they had held the reverse opinion
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prior to coming to California, and that their experiences here had changed their
understanding of the issues. This factor may have added to the intensity of the debate in
which they engaged, since each had held the opposite opinion at one time. Many of the
students, however, agreed with an observation that Rosa made and extended it to Latin
Americans in general. “Illegal immigration has disturbed opportunities that Mexicans
otherwise [would] have”.
On the issues raised by nativism, Cisco and Fernando, both Mexicans, were the
strongest critics. Cisco’s observations focused on the inequities of discrimination
targeting Mexicans that he had observed while living and studying in California.
It hurts me because I feel that American society has something against Mexican
people, but this is more like a personal thing. I don’t know why they make
comments about Mexican people, if we are the ones who are working on the
fields, who are working in the fast food restaurant. We are the work force of most
of this, right here, Southern California, right now. .. .They just see Mexicans
coming in and taking things like robbers.
Fernando described what he perceived as the negative economic consequences of the
proposition against bilingual education in California, and described it as a “political trick
being played by racist people”. In relating an encounter with an employee of the
Immigration and Naturalization Service who he felt was discriminating against him as a
Mexican citizen, Fernando described the employee as a Mexican American who suffered
from “double consciousness”. He defined this term as trying to act more American than
Americans do in order to adapt culturally. Despite Cisco’s and Fernando ‘s criticisms,
they remained selective in describing what they liked and even admired about the
political system in the United States, and rejected those aspects that they did not.
Students in general demonstrated an awareness and concern about nativist issues, the
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political climate in California during this period of heightened anti-immigrant action
focusing on Mexican immigrants, and the publicity surrounding Mexican/United States
border issues, with Mexican students most likely to discuss the controversies.
The surprises students experienced in the political system of the United States
appeared to be based in the contrasts between their prior impressions of freedom in the
United States and the concomitant enforcement that creates the greater civil safety and
organization they admired. The combination of increased visa restrictions in the United
States and nativist propositions in California during the period of their study contributed
to these experiences. Mexican students were particularly sensitive to these issues and
dismayed at the attitudes they observed in California toward Mexicans.
Economic Dimensions of Border Crossing
Students demonstrated a strong awareness of the comparative economic
differences between their home countries and the United States. A brief summary of the
factors discussed previously in Stage I as motivating students to study here included the
experience of living in and learning about the American economic system, the relative
cost/benefits of the educational offerings, and the comparative quality and relevance of
education for future employment. Students’ expectations were further revealed in their
comparative evaluation of each of these factors.
Experiencing the Economic System of the United States
The United States is arguably recognized as having the highest standard of living,
according to technological and materialistic criteria, and as the dominant player in the
global economy. Students’ demonstrated a high degree of awareness of the effects of
international companies on their countries, and associated these influences with the
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United States. Students’ comparative evaluations demonstrated consistently high
expectations for the benefits and workability of the economic system in the United States,
and their desire to learn “the American System”. Students generally came from large
cities in their home countries, as is typical of international students, were familiar with
modern conveniences, and came from families with enough discretionary income to send
them to private schools and support international study. Additionally, students’ families
were generally assisting them with their international study, if not paying all expenses.
Students’ expectations for a more developed economy included a comparatively higher
standard of living, availability of a wide variety of goods and services, and the latest in
technological advancements. For purposes of this discussion, this analysis of the
congruency and spaces between their expectations and their actual experiences is divided
into what worked, and what didn’t work for these students, consistent with the pattern of
selectivity students exhibited in their comparative evaluations.
What Works.
The title of this section was adapted from the frequent comments made by
students regarding the organization, processes, functions and technology that they
encountered in their daily lives in California; “It works!” “It” ranged from finding things
that they wanted to buy, to the sophistication of the job application and resume process,
and even included finding machines that they encountered in the course of routine
transactions that were efficient and consistently in working order. These comments
revealed the areas of comparative contrasts between their daily experiences in their own
countries and those they encountered in California. Additional examples included
performing routine tasks such as banking, washing clothes, buying a car, and the relative
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ease of getting a driver’s license or registering a car. Though the latter were functions of
the political system, students frequently grouped these activities in speaking of the
economic order and efficiency (“the system”) that they found in the United States. In
contrast, students described how time-consuming these activities were in their home
countries, including long lines and delays. Students generally described the day to day
economic activities in which they engaged in California as much easier and less
frustrating and time-consuming than in their countries, in contrast to some of the more
challenging socio-cultural differences previously discussed.
One example of the day to day learning of the American system, which students
tended to describe enthusiastically, was provided by Paulo, the Brazilian student who had
completed his degree in business administration in Brazil and also worked in business for
a few years. As an experienced businessman, his observations were particularly
revealing in describing his experience in learning the “American system”.
When you study in Brazil, you study Brazil, but when you study here, you study
[the] American system...Because [the] American system is [the] world system,
it’s easy [to] understand everything. I think the most important is not the [study
of] marketing, it’s the system. You know, on the streets, here in the school, you
will see [it] everywhere.. .the law is great. .. .That system is very different, and
the best I think here that I’m learning is that system.
Luciana made a similar observation that demonstrated the informal learning of the system
that students described in their daily lives. “You’re exposed to the technology a lot. It’s
just like I watch the TV, you see how it works, like the news and helicopters that you
have, and you have the weather channel changes. We don’t have”. With her major in
electronic media, these experiences were important to her future career, in the same way
that Paulo’s experience of “the system” was important to him as a businessman. To these
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students, “learning the system” was an important part of their international study, even if
they were not majoring in business. One of the focus groups involving Brazilian and
Mexican students also discussed the importance of learning American technology and the
way to do business. “Learning the system” represented a metaphor for what students
described as becoming more international, more organized, more familiar with modern
technology and its applications, and enhancing their future potential for economic
opportunity and a better standard of living.
Students’ expectations of the American system were generally met and sometimes
exceeded; however several of the students described some surprises, as Daniela expressed
when asked if there were any surprises for her.
Daniela: It’s not perfect, of course, but it’s way better than it is [in Brazil].
NK: In what ways? Can you give me some examples?
Daniela: Like even to get a telephone line, so fast. In Brazil, takes forever. In
Brazil, they charge for everything, and it’s expensive, everything’s so expensive.
I found here, the cost of living here it’s cheaper than Brazil, I mean than Sao
Paulo, not Brazil, ‘cause Sao Paulo is a big city; it’s like always expensive. And I
like the area. I [was] also surprised because in Sao Paulo, beach cities have no
infrastructure. And here you have this whole thing; you have everything you have
in a big city, so I was surprised by that.
These comparisons with life in their home countries revealed the wide range of
differences students encountered as part of their experience here. The general preference
for the region of the College over Los Angeles was shared by many of the students, who
found smaller cities in California here to be more modern than those in their home
countries were, and more negotiable than larger cities.
Students also related their surprise at the general standard of living in California,
as Alessandro observed,
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We don’t have a middle class. Like only a few people in the middle. It’s
different, opposite from United States. [You] have poor, lot of people in the
middle, and people, a little bit in very rich. You have a lot of people living the
middle class. In Brazil, is opposite.
Paulo observed the relative difficulty of making a living. “Here you see the guys doing
everything, they make money. In Brazil, you can do whatever you want and not make
money, so you see a lot of poor people”. However, despite the level of middle class and
general affluence that students commented upon, students were also aware of the
independent efforts it took to be successful in a more competitive environment, as
discussed previously in the section on socio-cultural dimensions. Maria demonstrated
this understanding in describing what she liked about the United States.
I admire the Americans very much. I have studied a lot about the culture here,
and being here is much more. I just admired everything. Because this country is
a country not because somebody give you a gift, you fight very hard to get it. So
that’s why it’s when people tell me, “Oh, but California belonged to Mexico! It’s
part of Mexico”. Aye, thank God it doesn’t belong to Mexico anymore. Imagine
California, it could be the same as Mexico now, awful. I mean, it sounds bad.
As a Colombian living in a community with predominantly Mexican immigrants, Maria
was sympathetic to the issues of disadvantage in her community and was working to
improve access to education, as discussed previously. She explained her sentiment,
however, without apology but with some embarrassment (she asked that the tape recorder
be turned off), in stating that she preferred to live in California.
Students generally described the American system (economic was understood in
the context in which students frequently used this term) favorably. What “worked”
appeared to be the things that made their everyday lives easier, more comfortable and
their future more promising. Students associated learning how things worked on a day to
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day basis as part of their preparation for the future, enhancing their career opportunities
for employment and expectations for standards of modern, technological living.
What Doesn’t Work.
Students readily recognized both the imperfection of the American system and the
tradeoffs of living with increased levels of modernity and technology. In the first case,
Paulo provided a succinct example of the imperfections that students commonly
identified, which sometimes surprised and disappointed their expectations. “You think
that the American system is perfect. And sometimes you see mistakes, like the Pacific
Bell, your credit card, something like that. And you think, it’s the same in my country”.
Carolina provided a different example similar to the idealistic expectations of students
discussed in the previous section on political dimensions. “My expectations here were
like really modern, like Disneyland, something like that. And it’s not, it’s just real life”.
She credited some of her disappointment to the level of competition she associated with
the economic system in the United States, a previously discussed phenomenon shared by
other students. These gaps between students’ expectations and observations may best be
understood in the context of the international model status ascribed to the American
system and technology, as well as the media exposure students described as influencing
their selection of country for international study.
With respect to the effects of modernization and technology upon human life,
many of the students expressed concerned regarding what they perceived in the United
States as depersonalization and the reduced social contact that resulted. Fabiane provided
an example of how technology often replaced human service and contact.
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When you go back to a not that developed country, you realize a lot of things that
this country is missing. They’re missing the technology and how things work.
Nothing works there; it’s all a mess. Here you can pay your bills by mail. There
you have to stay in line the whole day to pay for your bills. There’s all the goods
and bads of both countries. I think we just should mix them both.
Her solution for overcoming the negative effects of modern technology represented a
selective response for choosing the best of both cultures, a pattern characteristic of the
selective strategies among these students for encountering cultural differences.
The fact that students’ original expectations for experiencing a higher standard of
living and learning the American system were frequently exceeded, was balanced by
areas of disappointment they described. Surprises included how problems still exist even
with higher levels of economy and development and that higher levels of mechanization
and competition influence the quality of social contacts, which appeared highly related to
and integrated with many of their observations regarding socio-cultural and political life
in California. Students’ strategies were characterized by attempts to selectively balance,
blend, or combine the best features of their own culture and the cultures they
encountered, rather than to assume an inevitable trade-off.
Cost of Educational Alternatives in California
Students experienced the relatively lower cost of the community college
alternative in California very favorably. In response to the question of advantages
students perceived in studying at the community college, Alessandro’s reply was one of
the most typical, “It’s cheaper”. He then joked, “It’s not cheaper at all, because I pay a
lot of money”. In spite of his newness to the English language, Alessandro was able to
distinguish between cheaper and less expensive, an understanding that was central to the
issue of the comparative cost of the community college for these students.
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Tuition for international study in a California community college for
approximately eight months of full-time study cost an average of approximately $4,000,
or an average of $500 per month. As discussed previously, most students described the
community college fees for international students as roughly equivalent to the tuition that
they had paid, or would have paid, at private universities in their home countries. Since
most of the students had attended universities in their own countries, they were familiar
with the tuition rates. In comparison, students who had first entered an English language
program in university extension or a proprietary school had paid between $1,000 and
$1,300 per month and described the community college as a better value. They reasoned
that the community college not only had a lower cost, but also valued the previously
identified opportunity to meet American students and study other subjects in addition to
English. In the case of the four students who had already transferred to local public
universities, the current costs were between $8,000 per year (approximately $1,000 per
month) for the California State University, and over $13,000 (approximately $1,625 per
month) for the University of California. The community college tuition appeared very
competitive and was named by the students as a major selection factor.
Direct costs, of course, are only one factor in determining value; opportunity costs
and comparative benefits must also be included to understand why students chose the
community college. The value that students’ perceived in the community college
experience was distributed in their comparative observations throughout the educational
dimensions of the study, socio-cultural, political, and economic, not only as a lower cost
alternative for education in the United States, but in comparison with universities in their
home countries. Throughout these dimensions, the concept of value included not only
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relative cost and quality factors, but also the foregone or lost opportunities available to
students. Socio-culturally, students were separated from family, friends, and their own
culture and immersed in a foreign culture. Politically, they gave up more familiar
educational systems and civil ways of life, and educated themselves to new ones.
Economically, they gave up work opportunities and contacts in their home country, and
paid additional costs (at a minimum, additional travel and living expenses) to attend an
institution in another country. Finally, in all of these dimensions they would potentially
face challenges in re-entering their home countries or relocating to a foreign country as
they repositioned themselves for their future, a factor discussed in Stage III.
The comparative value for each of the educational alternatives available to
students informs the issue of comparative cost and opportunity that students perceived. In
explaining why she would have started at the community college first if she had known
about it, Juliana described the comparative socio-cultural value that she perceived
between the proprietary English language school she attended in California after
completing her bachelor’s degree in Brazil and the community college.
It’s not like I felt I put it in the trash. But I feel like I could do more. It’s like
they spent all my money I made in Brazil; it went to this expensive school. It’s a
good school, but after I come to [the community] college I say I think it’s better,
much better than private school.. .and I think you maybe learn more here, because
here you have contact with Americans.
Contact with Americans was consistent with her goals for learning the culture and
improving her English, and Juliana was particularly concerned with value. Alessandro,
in comparing the opportunity to study in the community college with a private university
in his home country, identified the importance of safety and the availability of courses in
his major as important to him, values previously identified in the political dimension.
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I can study marketing here for maybe the same price as I pay in Brazil, because
the private university over there is so expensive. .. .[It] is better to live here
because here they don’t have like crime rates so high, and it’s safe to live.
An additional example of the comparative opportunities between the community college
and the home country was observed by Antonio, “.. .you have to pay the same money for
the last three years than [as] for the first two years in my country, because you are
attending a university”. In identifying the relative costs between lower and upper
division university coursework in the United States, he also observed the comparative
opportunity factor between the educational systems discussed in the political dimension.
A final example illustrates the value of the comparative economic opportunity
students perceived in the community college. With her baccalaureate in systems
engineering and former employment with the World Bank, Maria was learning computer
technology in the community college previously unavailable to her in Colombia, and
spoke of wanting “the opportunity to grow” that she had not been offered previously.
These examples represent some of the comparative thinking and analysis that
students demonstrated in describing the value they perceived in attending the community
college, in addition to the factors of academic and language support, quality of instruction
and resources discussed in previous sections. Students generally described the value of
their experience very positively, including the four students who had successfully
transferred to local universities and were now paying tuition for their upper division work
at a rate of two to three times the community college tuition they had paid. In addition,
the relative cost factor of international student tuition, less expensive but still costly, may
have influenced students’ negotiation of the issue of attending a public institution with no
parallel in their own country, offering a “lower” degree within the educational hierarchy.
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In addition to the cost and perceived value, students were faced with how to pay
for their international study. As previously referenced, students described a variety and
combination of methods. Many of the students received full or partial support from their
parents, some were paying their own way out of prior savings, two had internships, a few
of the students worked on campus, and some “volunteered” through a variety of informal
arrangements. Volunteer work included some work outside of the restrictions of their F-l
visa status. Several of the students, especially students who had worked in their home
country, expressed their desire to work and were frustrated by the restrictions on their F-l
visa status. They explained that these restrictions prevented them from preparing for
their careers and having some degree of independence, as Fabiane, who was
economically dependent on her boyfriend, explained, “Sometimes it’s kind of hard,
because I didn’t depend on my parents, and now I depend on my boyfriend”. Though her
situation was unique, it provides another example of the circumstances and opportunity
costs that students encountered as a result of F-l restrictions on work. In contrast, Cisco
described how much easier his life would have been for him if he had taken his football
scholarship at the university in Mexico and lived at home, a one time opportunity that he
had lost in coming to California. Fortunately, given the doubts that he expressed about
his chosen course, Cisco was successful in completing his baccalaureate in a public
university in California. His ambivalence about coming to California and having to work
on campus while pursuing his degree provided an additional example of opportunity costs
among these students.
Students generally described the community college as a lower cost, but not
inexpensive educational alternative. The expense itself, a form of “you get what you pay
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for”, in addition to the reputation of the quality of education in the United States,
appeared to be mitigated by the value they found in their experience of the community
college. These factors may have assisted students in negotiating some of the status issues
regarding public institutions in their home countries. The opportunity costs students
faced in selecting international study were reflected in generally forgoing work during
their college and university study in California; work that would prepare them to be more
independent and competitive in the job market, more than for funding their education.
Relevance of Community College Education to Career Goals
Students linked education and preparation for career success in much the same
way that they associated academic achievement with personal success. The competitive
job markets they perceived in their home countries influenced their choice of
international study as a means of preparing themselves for a future career. In each of the
socio-cultural, political, and economic dimensions of their education, students identified
factors that they believed would make them more competitive and successful in preparing
for their future career. In doing so, they identified their values: academic achievement,
English proficiency, skills in working with people from different cultures, availability
and choice of quality educational programs and resources, a politically stable and safe
environment, familiarity with modern technology and international opportunities, and a
low cost, high benefit education. The final comparative evaluation of their expectations
with their experiences dealt with the comparative relevance and quality of their
preparation for a career in the community college. In addition to the previous discussions
of student experiences in these categories, an analysis of the competitive application that
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students perceived they were learning during the course of their international study
addresses how well their expectations were satisfied.
In the socio-cultural dimension, students identified numerous examples of how
their experience as an international student in the community college would prepare them
competitively for a career: academic achievement and a degree from the United States,
their ability to speak English and communicate with people from other cultures, the
quality of instruction and resources for their major, and the perceived value of a degree
from the United States. Students recognized the support they received from community
college instructors, expressing confidence in their instruction and surprise at instructors’
availability and willingness to provide assistance, even though they were more
accustomed to group support.
The strong motivation for learning English for future application appeared in the
students’ previously discussed preferences for interacting with native speakers, learning
English through application to academic subject matter, and in their criticism of
instruction in English by non-native speakers. Alessandro’s recognition of the
connection between English and his future career was typical. “If you don’t know
English, you cannot [be] working for marketing. For that reason, I came to learn English
and go back to find a job in marketing in Brazil”. He described his experience with
English at the College as having good material, good books, and teachers that explained
the subjects very well. His desire to exit the intensive English language program in
which he had initially enrolled as quickly as possible was based in his belief that he
would improve his English, complete his marketing program, and transfer more rapidly
by studying subject matter in a regular program with American students.
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An additional advantage of the community college experience identified by
students was the potential for meeting people from different countries. As Roberto
described it, “The whole world is here”. This was a factor students had not anticipated,
but that conveniently met and exceeded their expectations for learning about other
cultures, in addition to the American culture. Juliana provided an example of the
diversity in explaining what she liked about studying English in the community college;
her morning classes had younger people, and her evening classes had people from a
variety of countries. She appreciated the more adult environment and described making a
lot of friends in class. Though students generally described meeting Americans at the
College as a more challenging experience than they had anticipated, students who had
already transferred to local universities stated that they thought it was easier to meet
students, Americans and international students, at the College than at the university.
These factors enhanced students’ comparative opportunity for developing cultural skills
for their future career and enhancing their future employment opportunities.
Students consistently described the quality of their education in preparation for
their future careers very positively. As discussed previously, the majority of the students
were enrolled in courses and certificate programs reliant upon new technology, where the
comparative opportunities were most evident. In explaining his opinion that education
here in the United States is “much better” than in Brazil, Pedro provided an example of
how things would be different for him as a result of having studied here.
I think that for sure I’m going to be more professional than the others, because in
my opinion, Americans are more professional. I think that I’m going to have a
good education. I’m going to speak English; maybe that can help me when I go
back to my country. The school here is great.. .it’s a very good experience-to do
the two years and then the two more years [referring to transfer].
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In described the benefits she had gained by taking courses in the computer science
certificate at the community college, Maria, with her degree in systems engineering from
Colombia observed, “I have been learning so m uch.... Things that I can’t even imagine in
my country”. Roberto, who was preparing to be a doctor, also made the connection
between his current experience and his preparation for the future. “I think it will have
some advantages because the preparation here is better. The level is superior here”.
A more concrete example of the relevance and quality of the experience appeared
in the case of Rosa, who had already gained a competitive advantage in her career with
sponsors for specialized employment visas through her internship with a prestigious
international hotel chain. She had begun her internship when completing her career
program and the community college, prior to her successful transfer to a local university.
She explained that she did not want to waste time and originally came to learn about the
hospitality industry. Now she described herself as “right on track”, as she continued to
advance rapidly based on her multilingual and cultural skills, in addition to her academic
preparation.
A final example demonstrates the greater opportunity students had for changing
their major and preparing for a different career than if they had remained in their home
country. In the case of Carolina, whose family owned a school in Brazil, her future
career may have been very different if she had not studied in the United States. She
described a previous discussion with her father and the duty that she had felt to follow in
his career path. “I got really stuck between my dreams and my obligation. But then he
told me, “No, you don’t have any obligation to keep the family business”. Now Carolina
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was planning to combine her degree in Business Administration with career certificates
specializing in both fashion merchandising and international marketing and felt that the
additional specialization she was gaining would make her more prepared for her future
career upon return to Brazil.
The positive experiences students described in their career preparation in the
College met their expectations, and were among the highest and most consistent areas of
satisfaction for them. Students’ observations also demonstrated the high value they
placed upon developing language and cultural skills for their career and international
future and the importance of opportunities for socialization for all of these areas for their
success. The specialized career programs and technological resources were described as
especially relevant to them in providing comparative opportunities unavailable to them in
their own countries, and permitted many of them, even those with bachelor’s degrees
from their own countries, to specialize more rapidly in their area of career interest.
Leaving Stage II
The borders between expectation and experience appeared to be very narrow in
some of the dimensions, e.g., the economic, and wider in others, particularly in the socio
cultural dimension. These borders also varied among the students in this study within all
of the dimensions, with specific political gaps for a few of the students, but again
appearing most markedly for the majority of students in the socio-cultural dimension.
The socio-cultural dimension generally presented the most challenges and surprises for
the students, though cultural comparisons also held the greatest interest for them. Socio
cultural factors were most likely to appear in interaction with the other dimensions as
well, and generally dominated the students’ responses to open-ended questions. Political
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factors appeared to have had more impact upon them in their daily lives than students had
anticipated in Stage I, as reflected in their more extensive observations regarding
differences between their idealized expectations and their actual experiences in Stage II.
The economic dimension offered the most positive surprises and challenges, since most
of the students described their expectations as well met in this area, and frequently
exceeded. Students’ experiences in the community college represented good value for
low cost combined with the comparative relevance and quality of their career preparation.
Differences were observed between the length of time that students had been here, their
initial level of English proficiency, and their prior level of education. These differences
between the students appeared to influence the level of challenge they experienced,
particularly in the socio-cultural dimension, with higher levels of all three factors
generally assisting students in adjusting to experiences they had not anticipated or that
contradicted their expectations.
Stage III
Realizing Future Goals
In pursuing higher education in a foreign country, international students in this
study had taken bold steps in defining their future. The fact remains that most students
do not study in other countries, especially in community colleges, despite the growth of
international study. From the values motivating them to seek alternatives, to the
experiences they compared with their original expectations, students consistently
described comparative opportunities in their home countries with those they perceived in
the United States in their decision-making strategies and their evaluations. In Stage III,
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the final temporal period of their international study, students would make the
culminating decisions regarding their international study. Thirteen of the students stated
they planned to remain in the United States, with the remaining seven indicating they
planned to return to their home country. In reviewing their original goals and projecting
their future plans and actions, students described to what degree their prior decisions and
strategies were successful, or unsuccessful in providing them with a better comparative
opportunity in all of the dimensions of their experiences.
Socio-cultural Dimensions for the Future
The socio-cultural dimension of international education presented the greatest
challenges for students in this study, as discussed in Stage II. Students’ selected
strategies for succeeding that were generally positive, productive, and demonstrated a
resilient and discriminating character. Asking students to project how their current socio
cultural experiences in the United States would affect them in the future required them to
speculate about their future plans and identify additional strategies, a process made more
complex to analyze given the students’ various locations along their educational pathway.
The seven students in the first year of their study had less experience on which to project
outcomes, and varied in their prior level of education and English proficiency. The four
students who had already transferred to universities had successfully completed their
community college study, including one who had already completed the baccalaureate
degree. Students’ plans and expected outcomes appeared to be related to where they
were in their own educational development and completion of their education goals for
international study. This finding reinforced the temporal foundation of the study,
particularly with respect to factors within the socio-cultural dimension.
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Academic Achievement and a Degree from the United States
The status of a degree from the United States was confirmed by all of the
students, and reflected in the opportunities they anticipated as a result of their academic
achievement and future educational plans. This extended to the associate of arts degree
and the career certificate of achievement from the community college, though students
acknowledged that transferring to a university represented a higher and more
recognizable level of academic achievement and status in their home countries. In
addition to students who had already completed their transfer successfully, nearly all of
the remaining students who had not achieved a baccalaureate in their home country
expressed plans to do so. Two of the four students with bachelor’s degrees from their
home countries described pursuing career certificate programs in specialized career
fields, and improving their English proficiency in preparation for applying to master’s
degrees programs. The “ten points more” for speaking English that Juliana described as
an advantage when applying for a job in Brazil appeared to extend also to education from
the United States. Daniela related the attention she received when she returned home for
visits. “People look at you like, ‘Wow, she studied outside’. They see you [as having]
very good status. Even when I go back there for Christmas and say I live in the United
States, in California, they go, ‘Wow!’
A second characteristic exhibited by the students was pride in what they had
accomplished academically and the confidence they had gained in doing well
academically. In responding to a question regarding what she tells her friends and family
in her home country, Ana, a successful transfer student to the University, provided a
typical example. “Well, I always tell them that it was very hard, but that I’ve been very,
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very pleased, and that I feel very proud what I have been able to do”. A review of the
students’ records confirmed that all but two of the students had achieved better than
average grades at the College, and international center staff described students from Latin
America as generally more seriously academically and successful than international
students from other world regions.
Students’ achievements were represented in their academic plans: seven of the
students, including Cisco, stated that they planned to pursue master’s degrees in the
future, usually in Business Administration, including four women. This was consistent
with the fact that women in the study had generally completed more years of higher
education in their home countries. Two of the students who had completed bachelor’s
degrees in their home countries were included in the master’s degree group. The profile
of these students helps to identify the unique way in which students took advantage of the
community college offerings in creating their own pathway for continued academic
achievement. Students’ plans confirmed the confidence they had gained through their
academic success and the quality they continued to perceive in the education available to
them in California, since all but three of the students with plans for a master’s degree
intended upon doing so in California.
All but one of the students with plans for a master’s degree planned to reside in
the United States after they finished their education. Interest in an advanced degree was
one of the dominant educational characteristics of students who did not plan on returning
to their home countries. A second characteristic of students who planned to stay was
their prior level of academic achievement in their home country, the higher the level, the
more likely they were to plan to stay, with three of the four students with baccalaureates
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from their home countries indicating they planned to remain. Lastly, the longer the
student had studied at the College, the more likely the student was to declare plans to
stay. Of the seven students who planned to return to their home countries, five of them
were in their first year of study, and three of those were finishing their first semester.
These profiles provide insight into influences on students’ decision-making during their
international study, and their relationship to their future plans.
Students described the support of family and friends for their international study
as continuing throughout their education in the United States. This was evident in
examples they provided regarding frequent communication, phone conversations,
Internet, and periodic visits home for many of them. The closeness they described was
most often accompanied by family support for what was the best opportunity for them,
which manifested itself in the form of continued support for international study. Tiago,
provided a typical example in describing the attitude of his father. “He’s wonderful,
‘cause he thinks that it’s important for us to live our lives in the best way. ‘Cause I know
they miss me, and I miss them, but if I’m fine here, they’ll be fine”. This attitude was
representative of students’ descriptions of the adjustment to their absence during their
international study.
Examples of the reciprocal support between students and their families also
appeared in students’ future plans. Many spoke of planning to pay for the education of
younger children in their family, or of supporting their parents in the future, and how
their improved career opportunities as the result of international study would help them to
do so. For example, Carlos described how becoming a doctor would assist him in
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helping out his parents and taking care of his little sister. Cisco reiterated this theme in
describing his responsibility to his parents.
Because since I’m the youngest one, I feel like I’m going to be responsible for
them. That’s another thing, the youngest. That’s my job. Nobody says anything,
but hey, watch out for your parents. And which I’m going to. And they know
that I will, and that I’m gonna be successful, somewhere in my life.
Students consistently provided examples of the close ties they had with family and
friends, despite their absence from their home country, and the importance of these
contacts to them. Fernando revealed an interesting insight in this regard when he
responded to the question of what additional questions he felt the researcher should have
asked. He suggested asking a question specifically about the student’s family, because he
thought most students would not “talk as freely” about their families as he did. In fact,
the students’ reference to their families was consistently evident in response to the more
open-ended questions and emerged as a continuing theme throughout the interviews.
Students making periodic visits home, however, sometimes described
ambivalence on the part of their friends and family regarding their international study, as
Daniel expressed.
Oh, they’re mad at me, because one time I went there for just ten days.... And
they’re like, “Ok next year, you’ll just fly by Brazil”. And it’s kind of bad that I
can not tell too much, ‘cause the first time I mentioned that. The second time I
think that they feel it’s like kind of snobbish, although I wasn’t. I was just like so
amazed and so happy and so excited, and I was trying to tell them how things are
great and nice. And they’d be like all, “Oh”. And I even had this friend say
“Your country doesn’t need you”. I love United States, and I tell them. They
make fun like, “Oh, you’re kissing the American flag”. And like Yeah, I do love
it, so they get excited. It’s funny, ‘cause they feel kind of bad, but they all want to
come here if they could. They would come, and people that can, they come.
When asked how her family and friends felt about their study here, Luciana described
their support as conditional upon her returning to the home country. “They like it too, but
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they want me to go back”. This ambivalence did not appear to influence students’
decisions to stay or return as much as perceived comparative opportunities.
Students also described personal circumstances in negotiating changes with their
families that resulted from their experience of international study. Daniela, who had
decided to stay in the United States after completing her education, explained the reaction
of her mother to her decision.
At the initial [outset] she was happy. But then when I told her that I wasn’t going
back, she got really, really upset, because I’m the only daughter, and it was hard
for her to accept that I grew up. She wants me to stay with her all the time. But
now it’s been three years that I’m here, now she has [to] accept. And we see each
other.... So she’s o.k. But of course she still miss[es] me a lot.
Daniela’s decision to remain in California was typical of women students, who were
more likely to express plans to stay in the United States. Of the nine women, only two of
them planned to return to their home country, in their case, Brazil. For two of the women
who planned to stay, marriage was a factor; one of them had married an American; the
other a Mexican who “loves” California. None of the men in the study had married, and
five of the eleven men stated at the time of their interview that they planned to return
home, though Tiago volunteered that if he found a woman here, he might stay longer and
pursue a Master’s degree. These intervening variables provide examples of the personal
influences on students’ decision making.
Carolina, who planned to return to Brazil upon completion of her studies, related
the challenging discussions she had had with her friends and members of her family,
particularly her father, regarding the path that she had chosen in deciding to study abroad.
It was kind of hard for me to decide and say, “Ok, now I finish what I had to do
here, I’m gonna go to United States”. Because all my friends and, some in my
family like, uncles and grandma, everybody was expecting me to finish school
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there and take care of the family business, and I didn’t do it. And now let me tell
you the truth, sometimes I feel bad because of that. But then I had this thing, take
care of the family business or just follow what I want to do, what I really want to
do. So I talked to my Dad, and he’s really cool about it. So he said, “Well, of
course I would be extremely happy if you could continue. But education was
always my dream”. He said, “When I was young, I always dreamed about having
my own school and working in education. You have your own dreams. You
don’t have to follow mine. So, follow yours”. That’s what he told me.
Carolina’s opportunity to live her own life was reinforced by her experience of
international study, and demonstrates some of the life changing experiences students
described in relating their future plans. It appeared that international study would
continue to affect these students and their families, especially for those students who
extended their stay and renegotiated their relationships and continued support from their
families for their future plans.
The confidence and pride students expressed in their success at the College
demonstrated the continuing value they placed upon academic achievement and was
manifested in their grades and future educational plans. Students most likely to report
plans to remain in California were those who had achieved higher levels of education in
their home country, students who were beyond their first year of study at the College, and
students with advanced degree goals. Women were more likely to report all of these
characteristics.
English and Bilingual Proficiency
Students anticipated very real benefits for themselves from their increased
proficiency in other languages, especially in English, a factor that became even more
attractive to them in planning their future. One of the advantages students consistently
identified was in the area of future employment, and two students, Maria and Rosa, had
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already achieved obtained sponsors for working in California. In confidently describing
her employment expectations, even with her current level of English proficiency, Fabiane
observed, “If I go back to my country, I can get a job. I can get a really good job. Even
if I go back now”. She made it clear that she was not going back without her degree,
however, and probably would not return to her home country permanently since she had
married an American. Her goals were very specific, “I want to do international business
first, just because I already speak two languages, but I guess it’s not only that; there’s a
lot more to it. So now I’m really thinking about going for accounting, ‘cause I really like
numbers”. She credited her interest in both accounting and international work to her
experiences in the community college, and tied her interest to working with other cultures
to her acquired proficiency in English, demonstrating a high degree of interaction
between the socio-cultural and economic dimensions of the study.
Students’ interests and plans in applying language skills to their chosen career and
learning other cultures were not limited to English only, the United States or their home
country, as four students’ plans represented. Two of the Mexican students, Ana and
Fernando, who were proficient in French and not acquainted, planned to get Master’s
degrees in France. In describing his plans to acquire other languages as well, Fernando
revealed his open attitude toward learning other languages and cultures.
I want to get a different culture. I could do it here, as a matter of fact I was
accepted in Cal-State Fong Beach right away.. .but the purpose of my MBA, if I
get an MBA, is gonna be to just interact with a different culture, and a different
continent as w ell.... Actually, I love language.. .with time probably I will pick up
another languages.
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In the desire to “get a different culture”, Fernando demonstrated his confidence in the
possibilities open to him through language, including the ability to live in a country and
learn its culture.
A third student, Enrique planned to earn his Master’s degree in Ireland, and
revealed his strategy in describing the effects of international study on his future. “If I
get a degree from here, English-speaking [country], and do this certain high level of
studies, there’s more possibility to be accepted over there in Europe, as well as any other
place in the world”. Plans for international in another country were not typical of this
group of students, however, they represent the value students perceived in their English
proficiency, including linkages to future career plans, educational applications and
learning about other cultures in multiple dimensions.
In advancing rapidly in her position with an international, ocean front hotel where
she obtained her internship and practical training, Ana, the fourth student, had benefited
from her proficiency in Spanish, French and English and her exceptional human relations
and cultural skills. She had been given increasing levels of responsibility, including
interviewing prospective employees, conducting employee orientations, and other human
resources and guest relations types of assignments, e.g., writing the hotel’s newsletter,
and handling confidential issues. Rosa also exhibited her understanding of guest relations
when describing the comfort people felt when she was able to speak their language and
their response, “I like this place. I can get what I want”. She attributed her accelerated
advancement to her language proficiency and was confident in her future opportunities.
In her experience, living, studying and working in a country was the best way to learn a
language and culture, which explained her desire to pursue graduate study in France.
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Some of the students had less confidence in their English proficiency and spoke
of the continuing challenges of English, though they described improvement. Carlos
spoke of the increased difficulty he had in relating to family and friends in Peru, and how
this situation contributed to his lack of motivation to return.
I just don’t want to go back, that’s all. I don’t get letters any more [like] I used to.
I remember I talked with my cousin, the same age as me, on the phone like two
years ago, and she wrote me a letter. She said, “Damn, Don, you talk differently,
you have an accent now”. I have an accent in both Spanish and English, and
that’s weird. How many people do you know that have an accent in both
languages? So it’s just weird, and I don’t want to go over there and hear it from
my family.
Carlos’ experience demonstrated some of the conflicts that students encountered in
transitioning between two languages and cultures. As one of the younger students in the
study, he described more difficulty in adjusting culturally, yet indicated that he felt more
comfortable now in the United States than in his home country.
Students were very aware of the expansion of English usage worldwide, one of
the motivating factors originally identified for learning English in Stage I. In describing
the prevalence of English in her home country upon a return visit, Fabiane related the
experience of a friend in trying to find a souvenir T shirt with a message in Portuguese.
See if you can find one! It was really hard for him to find a T-shirt with sayings
in Portuguese. There’s specific stores that sell stuff to tourists, but if you go to
any other store in the mall, you won’t find a Portuguese written shirt. So you can
find all the stores, all the names are in English, most of them. I think they want to
be like here, like Americans, and the United States is a power, so everybody
wants to be like them.
These experiences provide additional insight into the continuing motivation students had
to learn a language with such high visibility, regardless of their plans to stay or return.
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The confidence students exhibited in the expanded opportunities they anticipated
as a result of their English proficiency extended to securing better employment, learning
other cultures, and having more flexibility in their career in deciding where they would
live and enhancing their employability in an international field or position. Future plans
also demonstrated students’ continuing interest in improving their proficiency in English
and, for some, acquiring proficiency in additional languages.
Cultural Skills for International Living
So it’s gonna change your life in a way or another.
—(From Tiago’s interview).
Students became more aware of the changes they could anticipate as a result of
learning another culture as the course of their study progressed. Most students described
overcoming the initial discomfort described by many of the students in encountering the
unanticipated diversity of Southern California and developing friendships in a foreign
language and culture. Those who had been in California longer, and/or had more
educational and life experience, were most likely to describe their transition as a
challenge they had successfully met. Students also described the cultural advantages and
some disadvantages or trade-offs as the result of their international study on their future
career and personal pathways, in the United States, if they planned to stay, in their home
country upon their return, or, for some, in other countries.
“Becoming More International”.
Students generally spoke very positively about the advantages they would have in
the future as a result of living in another culture and “becoming more international”, as
several described it. Many considered the diversity of California to be an unexpected but
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important part of their experience. They stated that having cultural skills would enhance
their career opportunities, including the possibility of international applications, as well
as their personal lives. In describing the cultural skills he had developed, Fernando
demonstrated a high degree of confidence as the result of his experiences.
When I came to study in United States, I knew that I was gonna be different to
any other international business guy in Mexico, or girl in Mexico. Not because I
was able to speak English or not because I got my title in an American university,
but because I am able to understand the American cultures, which they’re
[Mexicans without this experience] not going to be able to do. I lived between
them, I know what they think, and I know what they’re expecting. And that’s
gonna be a big plus for me, as well as dealing with an American businessman, so
that’s what I think is the advantage of my coming to the United States.
Fernando also observed, “when you’re outside of the culture of your country, you need to
be more determined to succeed”, and credited his experiences with helping him become
more motivated. The advantage of cultural skills was well-recognized by students, who
recognized their value in terms of developing different perspectives, competing for
positions, as well as preparing for careers in specific international fields, a dynamic
interacting with aspects of the economic dimension.
Several students spoke of cultural skills as part of the actual knowledge that they
gained outside of the classroom experience. Cisco, who was interested in applying his
“bilingual shotgun” for his future success, also saw the advantage in applying his cultural
skills. “I think if you are very clever, and if you try to go out there and try and meet as
many people as you can, you learn more and you become wiser, no matter what the
culture is”. Roberto reinforced Cisco’s opinion and extended the discussion of the
advantage of cultural skills to how it affected his “view of life”.
You realize the moment you are here, dealing with the classes and the level of
education you have. You realize that it’s gonna do better for you than staying
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there. And it’s not only educational level, ‘cause from the moment you come here
and you’re able to take a class here, and able to try for something, to fight for
something else here, you have to be open minded. So at that point, you’re open
minded for many other things. And I think that’s great, to be able to open your
eyes and accept many other things. I think if you think like only what you have in
front of you, you can do good in life. But you won’t have the opportunity of a
person that is thinking on what he has in front of him, and what he has on both
sides of him. So if you have a greater view of life, of opportunities, you will have
a better possibility to choose a right decision, or right way to make your life.
In terms of their personal lives, students like Roberto and Cisco associated the
experience of other cultures with their own development as individuals. Several of the
students spoke of becoming less shy, and many of them described feeling more confident
as a result of meeting people from different cultures and backgrounds, living more
independently, and developing new perspectives on the rapidly changing world in which
they were living, as Juliana observed.
I can compare myself with my friends, ‘cause they never live by themselves. I
think I’m more mature than before; I can do things for myself now. I don’t need
to ask for someone else to do for me; I know I am able to do, and before, I
thought I had to ask my father or my mother. I think it’s like experience; I think
when [you] experience another culture you have an advantage, you know another
culture.
Other students, like Antonio, commented upon the challenge presented by learning about
a culture, and the adjustments they made.
It’s going to make me mature. I haven’t ever been living alone without my
family, so it’s totally different for me. I think it’s the best experience for
everybody because it’s like a test with the life, because if you can, if you don’t
give up, you can do everything.
These advantages were typical of those identified by students in discussing the cultural
skills they were developing through their international study experience.
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Some students related exceptional situations they had encountered and overcome.
In disclosing his story, Fernando, who had worked in Mexico prior to his international
study experience in California, prefaced it with a typical disclaimer.
I’m gonna tell you something that [I] shouldn’t.... I used to travel to Mexico, to
Canada, and all over United States. I went to New York, to Atlanta, I mean
everywhere in United States, and I was handling American union laborers, from
forty, fifty, sixty years old, and I was supervising them. And it was a cultural
shock, as well as a ethnicity shock for them to have a supervisor, twenty five,
Latino. I mean it was very difficult, but it was very rewarding for me. The first
reaction of these people would be, “I’m not gonna do it; I’m not gonna work”.
And as soon as they saw I was leading them, I was guiding them, they began to
change their behavior, and it was a fun experience.
Earning the respect of these laborers was important to Fernando, who indicated that it had
made him into “a better individual”, and would make him more successful in the future.
The restrictions of his F-l visa status prohibited this employment, an example of
opportunity cost for those students who did not take advantage of the same opportunity,
or the risk of legal action for those, like Fernando, who did.
When asked whether or not they would recommend international study to a
brother, sister, or cousin, students provided additional insights into the outcomes and
expectations for their own experiences, typically providing positive recommendations
like Roberto’s. “I would say, ‘Go for it’. If they had the opportunity, go for it. It’s a
good deal, definitively. It’s been for me. I’m very happy here”. Consistent with this
idea, Tiago suggested the researcher inquire whether or not students would recommend
international study to their own children in the future, volunteering that he would do so,
and why. “Well, because it’s always good to leave home, to travel, to know a little bit
another country”, adding, “I think it’s really important to travel and to know other place.
Maybe it’s gonna make you understand better what you really want to do”.
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Some students experienced more difficulty with cultural and lingual differences.
Carlos had decided to remain in the United States and had family here, however, he
stated that he would prefer to return to Peru if circumstances there improved. His
recommendation regarding studying in another culture was more cautious.
I did it, but, for example, if you live in Africa, if you live in some third world
nation, then I would definitely recommend that you move on and just go to school
somewhere else. But if you live in Europe, or somewhere else, like your
country’s economy’s pretty good, and you don’t really have that much violence in
your country, I’d just recommend that you stay there.
The rationale Carlos provided was the difficulty of learning a language well enough to
study in it, and also the stereotyping students would encounter. Though Carlos described
his experience less positively than some of the other students did, he did not plan to
return to his home country. “I guess I got Americanized, you know? So then, after that, I
don’t even want to go back to Peru anymore, you know, I really don’t”. Carlos’ situation,
though not typical, is an important reminder that some students had been less successful
than others in overcoming some of the challenges presented by the cultural experiences
they encountered, particularly younger students.
Border Crossing and Choosing Cultures.
Ultimately, at the end of their international study, students would make a decision
as to where they were going next, and in what culture they were going to live. For most
of the students in this study, their plan was to reside in the United States. The second
largest group of students was going to return home. A few of the students, as discussed
previously, planned to study, travel or live temporarily in other countries. Whatever
decisions they made required border crossing. In discussing their plans, students
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generally demonstrated their openness to additional cultural experiences, including those
who were planning to return home and faced a different type of challenge.
Students who returned home for visits frequently described some of the
differences they encountered. Carlos described feeling “like tourists” when he and his
family returned for visits to Peru. Daniela compared her experiences when visiting Brazil
after living in the United States.
Very, very hard. I see the difference, even when I go for vacation. The way
people are. Of course, there’s a good side, they’re more emotional. But
Brazilians, they don’t respect our space; they don’t. And that’s why people think
here [in California] they’re distant, but I see that as they respect your space. And
I like that. And I don’t see [it] in Brazil. Even like family things, they
practically go over your life.
Luciana agreed, and described the difficulty she felt she would have in leaving her
friends behind and adjusting to her home country.
I think I’ll have a hard time to adapt again. It’s so easy to do everything here
from renting an apartment, to getting a phone line, or to park your car, to not
having to worry if your car’s going to be there when you go back. That is the
kind of city I live in.
Fabiane expressed her concern about how she herself was changing as a result of living in
California, and discovered this when getting together with friends in her home country.
It’s just something that I worry about, because people are very distant [in
California], for some reason. They don’t touch much. I caught myself looking
weird at people there [in Brazil] when they were all hugging me that much, but
it’s the way they are. But I think I’m getting used to [California].
Students described these experiences as reminders of the changes they were experiencing,
and questioned the differences between the cultures in terms of which customs they
wanted to adopt and where they wanted to live.
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Students who planned to return to their home countries often presented a different
profile in describing the results and anticipated consequences of their experiences with
another culture than students who planned to remain in the United States. Tiago, a first
semester student, volunteered that he did not want to live in the United States and then
struggled to explain why.
The way of thinking is too different.. .But when I go back to Brazil, it’s gonna be
different because I had lived here for many years, I had learned many things,
many different people, many different ways of thinking, many different ways of
live[ing].. .If I live my whole life there, it’s different. If I come here or if I go to
another place and live another things and know another things, I think it’s good
for the mind. So it’s gonna change your life in a way or another.
The knowledge that life would be changed as a result of international experience,
regardless of future location, reflected the dilemma of border crossing.
One of the critical questions students faced in deciding whether or not to return to
their home country was their concern about how they would fit into the culture after their
experience as an international student. Enrique described his experience upon returning
to his home country for a visit during his study in California. “After one year, you really
get used to it. I’m used to here. If I don’t keep coming and going, I’ll be out of place [in
Mexico]”. In the focus group, Fernando spoke of returning to Mexico after missing four
years of opportunity. He indicated that he would have to, “attune his way of thinking and
doing” and that he no longer fit in. He added that after this experience, “.. .you no longer
belong. You are a foreigner”. Though he readily acknowledged the benefits he had
experienced as well, he was very aware of the changes he had made. Of the five Mexican
students, Fernando was the only one planning to return.
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Two of the most challenging aspects of California that students described, making
friends and adjusting to the diversity of the cultures, were the very things that students
who planned to return to their home country, e.g., Antonio, described they would miss.
I think after a while, I’m going to miss this country, when I get to come back to
my country. But I think there are things I’m going to take with this space; they
are going to be good for me. I’m sure that I’m going to make friends here from
different countries, different cultures, because in this country is the whole world.
And I really like to live here.
The challenges students aspired to overcome also provided them with valued experiences.
In making a decision to stay in the United States, students described what they
would miss in their home countries, and the process and strategies they constructed for
negotiating this change. Cisco’s ambivalence was apparent in his response.
I don’t know if I’m gonna go back, or if I’m gonna settle here. I don’t even want
to think about it. Because I’ve been here six years already and it seems like I’m
staying, which I don’t mind, but I wish I could go back, because I still miss my
Mom and my Dad. I still miss my friends. I still miss the places I used to hang
out. I miss the things I used to do, but that’s how life is. You have to move
along. You have to experience different things. So I don’t know where I’m
gonna settle.
In contrast, Juliana revealed how she had changed and grown as a result of her
international study, and perceived that there had been few changes in her home country.
I’m sure if I go back to Brazil, it’s gonna be all the same. It’s not gonna change.
I’ll be a very different person, but there’s gonna be like everything all is the same.
Some people are gonna be married, or something, but everything is gonna be the
same. You’re not gonna miss anything, you know?
Cisco, in describing the advantages of both staying and returning, provided a good
example of the students’ decision-making process.
I always see the advantage here is that America has great things if you really want
to do them. It has so many opportunities. And the disadvantage is that you’re in
a place where you have all these nice things, but you don’t have what you are
from. You don’t have your family, which for me, the way I was raised is family’s
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number one thing priority no matter how much you get along with them; your
parents, your sisters, your brothers, your cousins, nephews, and I have a big
family, because we’re eight kids. So in a way I see it both ways. If I go back to
Mexico, I might be getting a nice job, but it won’t be as nice as if I would have
stay [ed] here, but I would have my family. So it sort of balances out.
For most students, the comparative opportunities students perceived were not neatly
stacked in one direction.
Throughout the study, several of the students spoke of the desire to combine some
of the advantages of each of the countries, as well as selectively adopting some of the
customs, a factor that was reiterated in the focus group discussions. Roberto was one of
the students who recommended working to combine the advantages and “to integrate” the
best factors of each culture. Paulo spoke of seeing your own country from a different
perspective and understanding other ways of thinking. The students’ frequent use of the
metaphor of the open mind was repeatedly represented in the new perspectives that they
described and the solutions they proposed for negotiating the differences of culture.
When faced with the decision of border crossing, either to stay in the United States or
return to their home country, students demonstrated awareness that the experience of
international study was life changing.
Political Dimensions for the Future
In assessing their future and deciding upon where to live, students compared and
contrasted the political systems of their home country with that of the United States,
including the offerings of the educational system for continuing their education and the
characteristics of the political environment in which they were living. Some of the
challenges they faced were due to more restrictive regulations applied to international
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students. Students who had decided to stay would seek, or in some cases had already
begun the process, changes in their visa status.
Graduate Education
The relative fluidity with which students described their pathway between the
various segments of the system of higher education in California demonstrated the
initiative and creativity they brought to the pursuit of their educational goals.
Not all of the students were knowledgeable about the system of public higher education
in California prior to their arrival. They were all aware of the reputation for education
and a degree from the United States, however, which reappeared in students’ expectations
for future opportunities in their careers and for those interested in graduate degrees.
Anticipated Outcomes.
Students’ anticipation of future outcomes varied according to their location along
their educational pathway. Those who were preparing to transfer to the university
reflected upon the quality of the education they had received in the community college.
Students described their experience as building confidence in their academic achievement
and their ability to apply their English proficiency in subject areas, factors which made
them optimistic about their future study at the university and the possibility for some
students in graduate programs. The selection of the community college was generally
perceived as a good decision in preparing them for their future careers, particularly in the
curriculum and resources available to them, including specialized career programs. For
other students who were at earlier points in their course of study, exploring a variety of
coursework had helped in deciding upon a major.
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Students who had already transferred to universities consistently stated that they
were well prepared as a result of their education in the community college. Other
students, like Roberto, who had not yet transferred, described how the community college
met their expectations, and their expectation that the university would be even better.
It’s a great opportunity to make good preparation in one community college,
which is not gonna be so expensive as going to university, and have your general
education classes with a very high price. So, I think that’s very good.. .1 also
think it’s easier for students to deal with going from step 1 to step 2, and step 3.
Instead of going from step 1 to step 3, you know? ‘Cause a community college is
smaller, it’s easier to deal with the system. You can get used to it easier, rather
than going to university and have to deal with a huge system and place.
The step references acknowledged the adjustment to the system of education in California
that students described, particularly in their first year, and the differences in education in
their home countries. The transition period in the community college was also
recommended for students who lacked confidence in their English skills.
Several students introduced the issue of recognition of the community college
upon return to the home country. Tiago’s perspective was typical. “Because they’re
gonna see all two years of college, and [say], ‘What is college?’ Cause they don’t know
what college is. And if you have the four years at university, they’re gonna think it’s
better. I’m not saying that it’s better, but they will think so”. Most of the students
expressed their determination to complete their baccalaureate in the United States, so as
to avoid the potential problem of articulation between systems and countries. An
additional motivation for students to transfer and complete their baccalaureate in
California was the threat of having to start over at the university in their home countries,
requiring preparing and sitting for examinations for admission, and competing for limited
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spaces and choice of major. Students who had already attended universities in their home
countries were especially aware of this difficulty.
The difficulty of re-adjusting to education in their own country was also
volunteered as a reason for completing their baccalaureate in California. Roberto
identified several typical concerns in discussing what it would be like for him if he
decided to complete his education in his home country.
Well, it would be hard for me to accept it because I’ve worked hard here, and
because I have one goal, to finish my education here. .. .And if I had to go to
Mexico, I would feel bad for that, because those things I’ve achieved I have to let
them go again. Personally, I wouldn’t like it very much, because I know it’s not
as good as there, and I’m getting already used to make a lifestyle here, studying
here, the system you have here. So, I would have to switch. It would be another
extra work to have to do, and I’m not sure that that extra change would be for
better.
In transferring to the university, Roberto was anticipating attending veterinary school in
California, after he completed his bachelor’s degree. To return in the middle of his
preparatory program was not in his plans.
Students generally expected better jobs as a result of their education in the United
States, which they attributed to both the quality of the education and the previously
identified status of degrees from the United States and other selected foreign countries.
The value of the degree was based in the high quality of the educational experience, not
the degree alone, and reinforced by the students’ experiences at the community college.
The foreign degree was particularly important for highly valued positions in large,
international companies and advancement in management, which carried higher social
status. When asked why companies and employers were influenced in this way, students
consistently responded that the quality of the education in the United States was better.
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Future Educational Opportunities.
Most of the students planned to complete their bachelor’s degree in California.
Generally those that did not plan to do so had already completed the baccalaureate in
their home country and were preparing for a master’s degree program. Others planned to
attend master’s degree programs in Europe, as discussed previously. None of the
students indicated plans to attend graduate school in their home countries, and, as
previously described, students recognized the complications of trying to “transfer” to a
bachelor’s degree program in their home countries due to the difficulty of articulation.
Student responses regarding their future reflected the importance of the
community college in assisting them to prepare for their major and career. Several of the
students described deciding upon or changing their major while attending the community
college. Roberto, in describing his decision, quipped, “My decision was between
physician or surgeon, and veterinarian. It sounds sad, but I like more animals than
people, but it’s just like for a matter of working with them”. In pursuing his major and
general education coursework in the College, he had confirmed his interest and career
choice. Fabiane described how she decided to change her major from industrial design to
business administration in the process of taking courses in art and mathematics, and was
now interested in pursuing a master’s degree in the future.
I just didn’t want to do art anymore; I needed something. I need books to read,
and I was missing that...instead of just drawing, and I started taking math classes.
And I was enjoying them, which was really weird, ‘cause I never liked math
before. Now I love math, and business is a very broad area, so you can do pretty
much [do] a lot of things in that major. So I was undecided, and I decided to go
to business just because of that.
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The ease and flexibility of being able to find and change majors in the community college
was consistent with the values many of the students had identified in choosing
international study, and a limitation of the universities in their home countries. In taking
their general education courses in conjunction with specialized career courses, many of
the students described their experience in the community college as having provided
them with the opportunity to explore new areas of study and gain confidence to succeed
in higher levels of education and new career fields.
Students described their future educational and career plans optimistically, and
credited international study. Approximately one-third of the students had successfully
transferred, and others were in progress. Students understood that articulation of the
community college with universities in their home country was potentially problematic,
and consistently declared plans to complete their bachelor’s degree in California.
Students who had transferred were very satisfied with the preparation for the university
they had gained in the community college. In expressing higher comparative
opportunities as a result of their study in California than if they had remained in their
home country, students emphasized the flexibility of choosing courses in the community
college and the availability of lower division and specialized career courses for exploring,
confirming, and changing majors.
Global Local: Contrasts and Conflicts with the Political System
Though students initially described laws and enforcement as too stringent and
restrictive in California, with time they appeared to become adjusted to having more
safety and stability in their environment, and described this factor as influencing their
daily lives as well as their decisions about their future. Additionally, they learned more
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about the political system in confronting the actions and processes required if they
desired to remain in the United States.
Safety and Security.
The experience of civil life in California was ultimately one of the factors
influencing students’ decisions to stay. In describing what he liked about California and
why he wanted to stay, Roberto, who had been in California for two years, provided some
of the ambivalence typically referenced by students.
It’s all very clean, very ordered [in California]. The majority of people respect
signs. [And there’s] transit, and the street lights and... .1 think it’s very nice,
because it’s [a] more organized and civilized place to live. I like Mexico because
it’s more like us. It’s like the opposite ‘cause they are more like...free wheel.
You can do more things, but it’s different, and I think that’s why here there’s
better order here for a lifestyle.
Students expressed greater appreciation of the benefits of heavier enforcement and
restrictions that some had initially described as oppressive, after they experienced a more
stable environment. These benefits were frequently made more apparent by visits to their
home countries, as Fabiane described in relating her last experience.
Oh, there’s a lot of things that you go back and notice, but one thing is the
security. There’s a lot of crimes there. I mean there’s a lot of freedom, but
there’s a lot of crime, and here I feel much more secure. Maybe that’s why I
want to stay here, ‘cause there you’re always stressed out [in Brazil].
Both Fabiane and Roberto planned to remain and establish their careers in California,
where they could adopt a different lifestyle.
Students also described the influence of friends in their home countries in making
their decisions on whether or not to return to their home countries. In the case of
Alessandro, who described Brazil as “dangerous”, and stated that he came here “to get a
better life for me”, his friends in Brazil encouraged him to stay in California. “All the
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time when I talk to my friends from Brazil, they say ‘Don’t come back. Stay in
California. Stay in United States’. Because here is so like worse, like so bad, the
economy, and the traffic, and the crime and everything. It’s hard”. Though not all of the
students expressed concerns regarding safety in their home countries, those who did
identified it as a factor influencing their decisions regarding their future.
Visas.
Restrictions on students holding F-l visas became more stringent during the
period of this study, especially with regard to penalties for making errors of status or
consciously violating regulations. Many of the students had expressed concerns
regarding obtaining their original visas for international study, with some having more
difficulty than others, depending on their respective home country and individual
circumstances. Some had come originally on tourist visas, others applied through family
members living in the United States, and the two Mexican brothers held H-4 visas based
on their father’s specialized employment status in California. Students had generally
obtained 1-20 forms issued by the College or one of the intensive language programs after
approval of the student’s application to the respective educational institution, taken the
form to the United States embassy in their country, and been granted the F-l visa. After
arrival in California, they were subject to all of the limitations on international students,
e.g., enrolling full-time in the College, not working (except under specifically authorized
circumstances), and other restrictions beyond the scope of this study.
In deciding to remain in the United States, students described a variety of
strategies for doing so within the immigration laws including: applying for permanent
residence through family members living in the United States, extending through
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practical training and internships, seeking sponsorship for specialized employment visas,
and, for two students, finding sponsors. Additionally, Fabiane had married a United
States citizen, and Juliana, who was working without pay for her boyfriend, stated that
her boyfriend wanted to marry her. She wanted to wait for the “right time”, not use it as
a strategy, and responded to her boyfriend, “I don’t want to marry you for a green card”.
In the meantime, many of the students continued to be frustrated in not being able
to work, and sought alternative visa options. Enrique, who had worked in Mexico prior
to coming to California, stated that at twenty-one years of age he was “supposed to be
working”. He was eager to help out his father who was now going to be paying for him
and for his brother Roberto in the universities to which they were transferring, as well as
their sister, who was attending a university in another state. He explained that he had
researched different possibilities, and there was nothing that he could do because of his
father’s specialized employment visa status.
Several students looked for, and some had found, sponsors, a factor that modified
their visa status and permitted them to work. Rosa had found a successful strategy for
changing her visa status through her internship training. Her manager, in learning of her
restricted work status and knowing how valuable she was to the hotel told her, “W e’ll
have to do something about that”. As a result, she was now on the pathway to becoming
a permanent resident. Paulo hoped to do the same through a friend in Washington, D.C.,
who worked for a large international corporation and might be able to find him a sponsor.
He was anxious to obtain experience working in California in international marketing,
especially with the opportunities he perceived in the Orange County area. His strategy
was to gain a new visa normally granted to persons with specialization and training in a
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high demand field. He described the process of applying for this status as, “I have to
show them that I’m a good one”.
In contrast to students who were looking for ways to remain in the United States,
Fernando was returning to Mexico, and was very critical of the immigration policies of
the United States and attitudes toward Mexicans in California. He explained how living
in California had affected his orientation toward his home country.
I have always felt a deep admiration and love for my culture. But I think I learned
to understand it a lot more and to love it even more when I was here in United
States, when I start to miss what I was taking for granted over there in Mexico.
And when I started to understand the cause of the immigrants, I mean it just break
my heart to see these people crossing, and coming to work, and being blamed for
every single thing that the economy is suffering. So one thing it has achieved in
my being in another country, it has made me more Mexican.
Fernando was looking forward to returning to Mexico to resume life in the Mexican
culture. He described being appreciative of the opportunity to earn his bachelor’s degree
in California, but was not interested in establishing his life here.
In analyzing how students negotiated their visa status, a political issue, the
comparative opportunities available to them also interacted with issues of culture,
national identity and economics. Students attempted to resolve some of the conflicts and
tensions between these factors and dimensions in making their decision where to live.
Diplomacy.
A final aspect of students’ plans within the political dimension was in improving
the relationship between the United States and their respective home countries. Cisco,
who planned to stay in California, described “uniting two countries”.
In a way [I’m] paying back to the America that has helped me by giving me the
opportunity of staying here, and I’ll be proud of showing that a Mexican can go
that far. And I’ll be trying to unite two countries, based on the NAFTA
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agreement and all that stuff. That’s why I went [in] to business. Because in a
way I feel I have to pay something back to America.
Cisco described the NAFTA agreement as good for both countries, and wanted to be a
part of it. Similarly, Paulo, who also planned to remain in the United States but was
interested in trade with his home country of Brazil, stated that he wanted to “put
something good there, and bring something good here, and make a communication
between two countries. That’s my goal”. These examples of political “statesmanship”
reflected back on students’ expressed motivation for applying cultural skills, and the
economic strategies they planned to implement in the future, demonstrating students’
integration between the dimensions and temporal stages.
In deciding where to establish themselves in the future, students examined
carefully the comparative lifestyle that would be afforded to them. Safety and security
factors influenced several of them to plan to stay in California. In order to reside here in
the future, however, students were required to pursue alternative visa applications, which
some students had already accomplished, others described in progress, and still others
encountered with frustration.
Economic Dimensions for the Future
The comparative economic opportunity students perceived was the most
congruent aspect expressed by students in anticipating their future in all of the
dimensions of their educational experiences. Students generally assumed they would be
better off as a result of their international study, whether they planned to return to their
home countries or stay in the United States, with respect to their standard of living, the
cost benefits of their international study, and their future career opportunities. With few
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exceptions, this was true throughout the range of their expressed plans to stay in the
United States, their home country, or another country.
International Life and Work
Students’ awareness of a higher standard of living and international opportunities
strongly influenced their plans for their future, and their choice of major, type of work,
and where to live. Students anticipated a higher standard of living made possible by
opportunities for international living, including future employment in international
companies, in international fields, and in technology dependent fields.
Standards of Living.
As a result of their international study in California, students experienced the
daily life in a different economy that many students perceived as offering more comfort
and security for their future than in their home country. They typically enjoyed many of
the aspects of routine tasks made easier by the greater efficiency of a more developed
country, e.g., coin-operated machines for laundry, mechanized banking, and more
advanced phone technology, and described these processes as aspects they would miss.
However, they also described ambivalence toward the prevalence of technological
substitutions for human contact, and the expansion in their own countries. As Carolina,
who planned to return to Brazil, commented,
“Here, everything’s practical; sometimes, too practical. For example, it was
difficult for me to do the registration by phone sometimes, because sometimes I
think I need to talk to somebody, to answer my questions. Now they are starting
[in] Brazil with these touch-tone things. Like we go [to] the bank, and then you
have the options. And sometimes you don’t want to talk to the machine, and
“Somebody, please answer my question!”
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The combination of aspects students preferred in a more developed economy, and others
that they did not, was typical of students’ frequently ambivalent responses in this area,
regardless of whether or not they planned to return home.
In contrast, students were aware of the greater insecurity of the economy in their
home countries and its potential effect on their continued educational opportunity and
upon return. For some, economic difficulties, e.g., the slower economy, inflation, made it
difficult to plan, and Alessandro was concerned that he might not be able to afford to
transfer to the University after he completed his degree and certificate in international
marketing at the College. Other students expressed concern that the economies in their
home countries were not doing very well, and perceived that staying in California
temporarily currently provided the best opportunity for them, even though they perceived
better opportunities upon their return as a result of their international study.
Students also described the economic benefits of living and working in California
and experiencing the American system. Cisco, who had an exception to work on campus,
was very enthusiastic about the material possessions he had gained as the result of his
work on campus, and described his understanding of the system. “I have all these great
things, because that’s how America is. If really you want something and you really have
the desire, you just go out there and get it. And in a way, you get rewarded by your
behavior”. Cisco’s success was a positive experience he associated with his international
study in California, and the economic opportunities available to him.
Students also described changes in their home countries resulting from influences
due to globalization of the economy. In some ways this increased their perception of
future opportunities in their home country, however, it also made them more aware of the
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influence of the United States on their countries and resulted in ambivalence regarding
where to live. Carlos, in relating the situation he encountered on a recent visit to Peru,
described how his friends and relatives in Peru experienced the economic dominance of
the English language and the American dollar.
“My cousin went like last year for Christmas, .. .and he told me that he went to
Cuzco, he went to some club. And everybody was talking in English, French,
German, whatever, and almost no one talked in Spanish. And also, like the drinks
or anything like that, they were charging dollars, they weren’t even charging the
Peruvian money, they were charging dollars, you know? .. .Everybody’s just
thinking dollars. And it’s like amazing, wow. The United States has like
conquered almost everything. Yeah, so I guess I won’t have to change my money
when I go back to Peru, just take my dollars.
Carlos’ awareness of economic changes in his own country in relationship to the United
States made his decision more difficult as to whether or not to return and take advantage
of what he had learned in California, or remain in California.
These examples portray the various future economic advantages students
attributed to their experience of international study and the contrasts they perceived
between the economic life in California and in their home countries. Experiencing the
efficiency and success of the American economy and changes in their home countries
relative to the United States clearly influenced their decision as to where to work and
reside. Students interpreted individually how the comparative opportunities they
perceived would be most beneficial to them in making this decision.
International Living.
Many of the students in the study expressed their interest in living an
“international life”. They described various alternatives for living in the United States,
moving between their home country and the United States, living and/or studying in other
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countries, and returning to their home countries to work in international companies or
international fields. In describing her openness to living in other countries, Ana, who had
married a Mexican who had permanent residency in the United States, described how life
would be different for her if she returned to Colombia after international study.
Oh, much different. I think probably [that] I would have a very, very good job,
many possibilities, and I think it would be great for me. Actually, not just to my
country, but just to Spanish-speaking country, because it would be easier for me if
I went to Mexico, or something like that.
In recognizing the assets of having studied in California for life in her own country and
learning English, Ana also expressed the crossover of language for international living.
Applications of international study and work in interacting with people from
different countries related to specific career fields. Rosa, who was working while
studying hotel management through her internship, described hospitality as part of life,
meeting people from diverse backgrounds, communicating in different languages, and
exploring other countries. These future expectations for international living as a result of
the experience of cultural diversity were typical of students in this study, whether or not
they planned to return to their home country or to select another country.
International Work
Students also placed high value on the cultural skills they were developing and
the role they would play in assisting them to have more international career opportunities.
Aside from the socio-cultural advantages described previously, students also perceived
the experience of cultural diversity as preparing them for advancement in their future
careers. The understanding of two of the four students who had previously completed
university degrees in their home countries is particularly relevant to this finding. Their
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examples represented a contrast between the future applications of their experience of
cultural diversity combined with the certificate specialization in international marketing
that they both students were earning at the College as “post-graduate” study.
The value of learning about other cultures was part of the strategy for pursuing a
career in international marketing for Paulo, who had worked in Brazil after earning his
bachelor’s degree in business administration.
It will open your life for all the cultures in the world. So I think it is the best,
because I study with the Japanese, Korean, American, German, France, Jewish.
And you have to understand them, because if you don’t understand them, you
can’t have a good communications. And I think it will help me in the future to
work for someone in my area that’s international, so I need it. I need that
knowledge.
He planned to learn the “American” system, enhance his knowledge of career
specialization, and improve his English proficiency, including the goal of applying to a
master’s in business administration program in California. Paulo was enthusiastic about
his experience in the community college. “And it’s a great opportunity, if you can do it.
Like for me, now I know how the American system is worked...I just think it’s the best
thing you can do.
In contrast, Carolina was aware that Brazil was changing, and was looking
forward to the opportunities that might be open to her there as a result of her certificate in
international marketing and her bachelor’s degree from a Brazilian university.
Because now with the government, they have really opened the market in Brazil,
and there are a lot of international companies going there. And they are also
sending a lot of employees too, like Brazilian companies opening in other places.
So if you have an understanding about a different culture, how to survive in
another country, it’s better.
Carolina also expressed her opinion that her certificate in international marketing would
be recognized by, “the biggest companies that have a better understanding of
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international business”, as experience earned abroad. She attributed this to the
development of increased trade for her home country, and commented on the advantages
of having experienced the cultural diversity in the community college and completed the
specialized career certificates in fashion merchandising and international marketing.
In describing some of the future advantages for international study, Fernando
provided a third example. As a result of his study in Southern California, he particularly
emphasized his experience with cultural diversity and how it had motivated him to seek
international experiences in the future.
I choose to study international business because I always have the business mind,
and international, because I thought that was where the business world was going
with globalization. But I thought I achieved the perfect match for that career in
Southern California, because that’s the largest area in the world with such a high
concentration of diversity. And I think that is gonna completely give me a true
advantage in not only with dealing with American people, but I have learned to
deal with Japanese, with Chinese, with many different cultures, and it has made
me so much more aware of the difference between people. I believe it has made
me a better individual in all senses, being in the middle of such high diversity.
The combination of his business interests and interest in other cultures made international
study in California a “perfect match” for Fernando’s future. Unlike Fernando, most
students were not originally aware of the degree of cultural diversity in California,
however, these examples represent how most students perceived the advantages.
Technology.
An additional factor of the international experience widely recognized by students
as a significant part of their experience in California, was the exposure to more advanced
levels of technology. Maria, the systems engineer who had worked for the World Bank,
was very enthusiastic about her future opportunities for learning and working with the
latest technology in a community college. In describing the comparative advantages she
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anticipated as a result of her international study experience, she also spoke of the greater
access to technology that she had experienced.
I have been learning so much. We have the technology here. Everything is new,
and I just can’t get it [in Colombia]. It’s actually easier for me to buy it because
it’s here. It’s much cheaper. Because [for] the same price in dollars they send it
to my country, but you have to buy in dollars plus taxes. It’s unaffordable.
Maria planned to stay in California, and related the frustration she would have felt in
returning to her home country and working with “old” technology. The experience of
technology also affected the daily activities of students, however, as Fabiane described in
comparing the different levels of technology between her home country and host country.
It’s funny, ‘cause there we still have when you park, when you go to grocery
shop, they still have a person that actually hands you the ticket. [In California],
you call everywhere; you talk to machines. And you go to banks; it’s a machine.
And parking; it’s a machine, everything. And I felt really weird when I went
back, ‘cause I didn’t know how to deal with people anymore.
The experience of more technological services and less people contact was evident in her
description of her visit to Brazil, and the strangeness she experienced there, similar to
Carolina’s prior observation. Fabiane, however, planned to stay in California, and
Carolina planned to return to Brazil. These examples demonstrate the interaction
between the socio-cultural and economic dimensions that made students’ decision
making more difficult and more complex.
By living in a more developed country, students became more aware of
differences in the standard of living and the economic opportunities available between the
host country and their home countries. Though students admired some of the changes
brought about by more advanced levels of technology and economic development, they
were more ambivalent about mechanization that reduced human contact. The lifestyle
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and economic experiences they encountered, some of which were made possible by more
advanced technology, influenced their future plans to return or stay, in interaction with
other factors and dimensions.
Cost to Earnings Ratios
The value of students’ international education was strongly linked with the greater
success they anticipated for their future as a result of studying in California. The greater
cost of international study appeared to be offset by the improved opportunity for better
jobs and positions in the future, particularly with international companies, a factor raised
by most of the students whether or not they planned to return to their home country.
Roberto expressed this opinion in describing how the degree he would obtain by
transferring from the community college to a university in California would be more
beneficial for him in either his home country or the United States.
It’s more valuable than a certificate from a Mexican University. And that was one
important reason [for international study], you know, ‘cause I knew that I would
get more opportunities by coming here and studying here, either there, if I decided
to go back to Mexico and have a life there, or here.
Students’ plans for successfully transferring to a university for the baccalaureate or
graduate level work, demonstrated their confidence in the value of their educational
experience in the community college, as well as the lack of articulation and recognition
for a community college degree or certificate unknown in their home country.
Some of the students spoke tentatively regarding their future plans in terms of
whether or not they would have the funding to accomplish their higher level educational
goals. Rosa, who was working at the hotel that had sponsored her and going to school
after a change in her visa status, spoke of pursuing a master’s degree, if she had the
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money. Enrique spoke of his father having to pay for three students at universities in the
United States and the burden it placed on the family. Cisco spoke of paying his parents
back after he graduated with his bachelor’s degree. Alessandro was unsure whether or
not his father would be able to pay for him to transfer to a California university because
of the economic situation in Brazil, and cited this as the reason that he could not plan for
his future at this time. These examples demonstrated that though these students and their
families were able to afford international study, for many of them the higher total cost of
international study was a consideration and their funding was limited.
Only one student in the study expressed reservations about leaving the home
country as an undergraduate student and returning to seek employment. Paulo, the oldest
student in the study had a bachelor’s degree from a Brazilian university and had worked
for a few years prior to coming to California, expressed the opinion that it was difficult to
find a job in Brazil after studying outside of the country. This was based on his cousin’s
experience in attending and graduating from Boston University, and the difficulty he had
upon his return to Brazil.
I think you lost a lot of opportunities over there, if you study here. I think here is
good to make a master, a doctor. But university here...imagine, you have to learn
everything again there. The system, too, the words, the vocabulary It’s ok, if
your father is rich and have a big company. But come here to study and go back,
and think that you are going to find the best job, it’s not true.
Paulo’s recommendation was to obtain a bachelor’s degree in Brazil and then come to the
United States through a job with a company, in the same way that he had. He ultimately
resigned from that company to remain in California and study here. His situation was
unique among the students, but provided caution to students thinking that they would be
guaranteed a better position upon return to their home country. In one of the focus
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groups, both Paulo and Fernando shared this point of view regarding the opportunity
costs of international study, and Fernando, who was returning to Mexico to re-establish
himself, discussed how he would have to renew his contacts. Most students in this study,
however, planned to remain in California after studying here, and spoke of the less
frequent contacts they had with their home country over time, despite staying in touch
with friends and family. They valued the contacts that they were making here, especially
students who had obtained company sponsors for specialized employment visas.
The anticipation of greater future success with a degree from the United States
appeared to offset the added cost of international study. Students generally concluded
that their experience of international study in the community college was worth the cost,
and most planned to obtain further education in California at the baccalaureate or
graduate level. Two of the students remarked on the difficulty of re-entering the home
country after international study and re-establishing contacts for employment,
challenging the assumption of students planning to return to better opportunities that
might await them. These exceptions notwithstanding, students found good value in their
community college experience.
Career Prospects
For many of the students, the final test in evaluating the success of their
international study would be realized upon entering their chosen career. Throughout all
the dimensions of their comparative experiences and evaluations, students identified
advantages and benefits of their study in California that would assist them in getting a
good position in a competitive job market. Many of them also described plans to become
active and successful participants in a global economy. Their general awareness of the
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impact of the opening of trade upon their own countries appeared to be related to the high
level of interest in employment opportunities in international companies or fields among
these students.
In reaching the culmination of their international study and deciding where they
planned to initiate their careers, or new careers for those who had already had them,
students reviewed the components they valued in giving them a competitive opportunity
for employment. They confidently cited English, cultural skills, and current preparation
in their major and degree field, whether they planned to remain in California, or return to
their home countries for their future career opportunities. Juliana provided a
comprehensive example of the opportunities she perceived in her home and host
countries in pursuing a career in computer graphics by combining her bachelor’s degree
from Brazil, with her specialized career certificate from the community college.
Now I feel like I want to stay. I don’t feel like going back, only for vacations.
But I don’t know; maybe I can change. You always change. But if I go to Brazil,
I know I can have [a] really good job. Because all courses I had here, and the
language and experience. It’s gonna be really beautiful. But if I stay here it’s
gonna be good, too, if I can work, because I had experience in Brazil, and now I
work for [a] different kind of company, and I know I can learn things. I’m not
afraid to do different things, you know? I’m not afraid to start a new thing again.
Juliana’s flexible attitude toward the future was also representative of the students as a
group, who generally spoke positively and confidently regarding their future challenges.
This appeared as they discussed their future plans and in the examples they provided of
the influences on their decision-making, which drew from all of the socio-cultural,
political, and economic dimensions of their educational experience.
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Careers in the Host Country.
Students who planned to remain in California for their future employment had
observed different economic conditions, education and employment opportunities, in
comparison to those in their home countries. Students who had already earned their
baccalaureate in their home country were more likely to remain. In describing how she
perceived work in the United States, Maria also revealed her decision and rationale.
I really admire the American people because they work hard. Life here is not
easy. You really have to work hard. And of course you have comfort, but you
create it.... So, that’s why I like this country. That’s why I want to work here and
do many things...
Maria was combining and applying the degree in systems engineering that she had earned
in Brazil, with the newer computer applications she had learned in the community
college. Maria was excited about her sponsor, Edison Enterprise, and her new position as
a training manager, and planned to continue studying computer science in the community
college to upgrade her computer skills and improve her English proficiency, hoping
eventually to enter an MBA program. Her plans for graduate work were similar to those
of Paulo, who had also completed a bachelor’s degree in his home country and was
taking courses in the international marketing certificate program at the community
college. A third student who held a Bachelor’s Degree in Graphic Design was advancing
her specialization through coursework in that same subject at the College. All three of
these reverse transfer students were very satisfied with what they were learning in the
community college in their respective area of certificate specialization, and described
their programs as having a higher level of specialization than in their degree majors from
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the universities in their countries. None of these students were planning to return to their
home countries.
Students who had not completed degrees in their home country were no less
ambitious in their plans for remaining in California. Rosa, who had already transferred,
wanted to continue in human resources at the beachfront hotel where she was working,
and eventually become a general manager of a beach resort. Marina planned to work in
interior design, a field in which she said there was much more opportunity here than in
Brazil. As a result of her experience here, Fabiane planned to enter international business
through specialization in accounting, as did Cisco. Cisco, however, had already
transferred and was completing his bachelor’s degree. Enrique planned to complete his
degree in industrial design, focusing on transportation, and his brother Roberto was
planning to become a veterinarian. Both Enrique and Roberto had completed their
community college degrees and were transferring to the university. Alessandro planned
on a career in international marketing, and was completing the certificate program in the
same area of specialization prior to transfer to the university. Ana was finishing her
bachelor’s degree in psychology and planned to enter a master’s degree program.
Finally, Carlos was preparing for medical school. Though all of these students planned to
stay in California, some of them were more definite in their plans than others, with
students who were early in their study typically less specific.
Not all of the students had a clear plan for their career. The search strategies that
Daniela described when asked about her plans for the future provided an additional
example of the initiative that students demonstrated in their decision-making.
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To be honest, I don’t know. Like major is a big issue for me. It’s so hard for me
to find something I want. I like a lot of things. I was even thinking about
psychology, but I don’t know. I got a computer right now and I have the Internet,
so I’m trying to look. I need to do some research. I’m in a loss, I’m even going
to take this search along the beach and see how things are. I [am] going to look. I
always like looking for things, like finding answers.
Daniela’s tentativeness was not typical of this group of students. Her strategy of trying
out different courses and specialized career programs in the community college and
researching other possibilities on her own, however, characterized the strategies of many
of the students, an option more available to them in the community college than in their
home countries or in universities.
Careers in the Home Country.
The careers selected by students who planned to return home were similar to
those of students who planned to stay. They also represented predominantly business and
technology dependent fields. Carolina was returning to seek opportunities in international
marketing (her father’s idea) or fashion merchandising, with her bachelor’s degree in
business from Brazil and her certificates in both fields from the community college.
Fernando was leaving for Mexico after completing his bachelor’s in business
administration and Pedro planned to complete the same degree prior to returning to
Brazil. Juan was preparing for a career in hotel management through the certificate
program the College, and hoping he could remain for a bachelor’s degree and practical
training before returning to Chile. Tiago was studying physical education and planned to
complete his bachelor’s degree for use in Brazil. Antonio planned to transfer after
completing the certificate in film video at the community college, and enter filmmaking
in Colombia. Finally, Luciana was studying in the electronic media certificate program
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and planned to enter the magazine field in Brazil. The career fields selected by these
students were similar to the career fields of students planning to work in California, and
neither the choice of career field alone nor home country appeared to determine the
students’ decisions regarding where to live and work.
The Future.
The prospects students described are difficult to generalize, given where students
were in their plan of study, their decision about where to live and work, and their prior
experiences. Their actual experiences in the future are beyond the scope of this study,
and represent actual plans as well as speculations about their future opportunities.
Nevertheless, they described ambitious plans, some of which had been the making for
quite some time, others which they had come to only recently through a combination of
exploration at the community college and other experiences from their international study
in California.
Despite these energetic plans, students also expressed reservations about
becoming too focused on work. Several of the students spoke of wanting to balance their
work and their personal time, work at something they enjoyed, lead a simple life, select a
place where they would enjoy living and be comfortable and safe, and even be able “to
play”. Luciana used the term play in describing why she didn’t want to own a magazine.
Paulo described the importance of priorities. “If you think, ‘I’m gonna work there to
make money’, you’re not going to make money. You have to think in your job, enjoy
yourself, make a good job, and after it, you’re going to make money”. In describing their
future plans, students emphasized the multidimensional benefits that they anticipated as a
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result of their experience of international study, and the satisfaction of choosing a career,
not simply the economic opportunities.
Summary.
Throughout the students’ interviews and culminating in their career plans,
students demonstrated initiative in making their plans and implementing their strategies
by actively engaging in their decision-making, and in doing so described the influences
on their decision making that emerged in differing intensities and concentrations
throughout the categories and dimensions. Students’ decisions to stay in California or
return to their home countries did not demonstrate any patterns according to their country
of origin, nor their major field of study or career, but included concerns about balancing
work and personal commitments and preferences throughout the dimensions.
Voices of Border Crossing
In closing the chapter on the experiences of these students, it is appropriate to
make some observations regarding the students as a group and provide one final example.
In describing the students, the general characteristics that emerge are open, positive,
energetic, adventurous, selective, and active in their decision-making, as Fernando
represented in laying out his plans for his return to Mexico. When asked how things
would be different for him when he returned to Mexico, he responded,
They’re gonna be exciting; I don’t think they’re going to be different. They’re
gonna be, I set up my goal, I achieve it. We have in Mexico a saying; we say that
after a few years you start picking up what you grow, like in agriculture. What
you lay, after a certain amount of time, you go and pick. “Tener que cogerlo, lo
que cembraste”. That you pick up what you harvest. So in terms of different
challenges, I think now I am more prepared. My goal is to be CEO of a
corporation, my long-term goal.. .And the way that I see differently; it has given
me a strategy of how to achieve those goals.
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Chapter V
CONCLUSIONS
In answering the research questions regarding the experience of international
students from Latin America who study in a community college, focus on students’
values and strategies provided the basis for understanding several key issues from the
students’ perspective. Using the theory of comparative opportunity permitted
identification of the role values play across the temporal dimensions of the three research
questions: motivating factors, comparing expectations with actual experiences, and
realizing future goals. This framework also supported a more detailed analysis of the
socio-cultural, political and economic dimensions students encountered in border
crossing, identification of parallels and contradictions that developed between their
original expectations and their actual experiences, and strategies for addressing the
differences. The comparative opportunity design of the study allows for comparison with
macro student mobility models and research involving other groups of international
students.
Comparative Opportunities Stage I: Motivating Factors and Values for Decision-making
Among the comparative opportunities identified by students throughout the socio
cultural, political, and economic dimensions of education, the results of the socio-cultural
dimension emerged as the dominant influences motivating Latin American students to
study in a community college in Southern California, both singly and in interaction with
the other dimensions. The qualitative framework of the comparative opportunity theory
assisted in identifying the dialectical tensions between students’ perceptions of home and
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host country opportunities promoting their international study and the interactive
dynamics of factors between the categories and dimensions of comparative opportunity.
Students identified the socio-cultural values of academic achievement, language
acquisition, and cultural learning as the major criteria for their future success in
comparing opportunities in their home country and perceived opportunities in the United
States, specifically California. The high status of degrees from the United States, English
as the dominant language of global communication, and United States culture as
portrayed in mass media exports appeared as the major comparative factors attracting
these students to the United States for their study. These factors also helped to explain
the specific selection of California as a well-recognized, high status destination
distinguished by higher education opportunities, interactively with the political and
economic dimensions. The push-pull tensions between the dynamics motivating students
to leave and those attracting them to California are dialectical, and create a space for the
understanding of comparative opportunity. These tensions appeared to raise students’
expectations for their actual experiences in Stage II in comparison with the original
values motivating them to seek opportunities for international study.
The high value placed upon academic achievement appeared in students’
association of higher education with success and motivated them to seek “the best”
comparative opportunity available to them. This motivation was apparent in students’
high level of prior participation in private schools and higher education in their home
countries, including graduation from the university for some, which characterized this
group of students. However, this success paradigm for academic achievement included
not only obtaining a high status degree or specialization, but also valuing language
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acquisition and the learning of other cultures, with immersion and in-situ, or in-country,
experiences preferred. Students described learning other languages and cultures as
having intrinsic value, social status, and practical value for future employment, which
contributes to an understanding of some of the students’ initial enrollment in English
language programs, and willingness to interrupt their university studies at some risk to
their advancement and competitive re-entry.
The motivations to learn languages and culture are well-established in the
literature as factors influencing international study; however, the value placed on
academic achievement as a criteria for status and success and its interaction with factors
in all of the dimensions of education merits greater understanding. Defining success
through academic achievement and knowledge of other languages and cultures, as these
students demonstrated, increases the value of international study as a comparative
opportunity and enhances the status of a foreign degree. In interaction, these factors
appear to increase the likelihood of participation in international study for future success.
This success paradigm appears to explain parents’ willingness (and financial capacity) to
fund higher education in private institutions, but more specifically higher education in
another country, and students’ willingness to make the extra effort of international study,
consistent with the stated goal of having the best opportunity for future success.
However, students generally described their decision to pursue international study as their
own, with family support following.
Women were most likely to report the highest levels of prior participation in
higher education in their home countries, especially those women whose mothers had
attended the university. This was observed in the number of women who had previously
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attended two or more years at the university in their home country, as well as the number
of women who were university graduates. The reasons for this are unclear. One
explanation is that the participation of women in higher education has been observed to
be higher than that of men in several countries in Latin America, despite less equitable
employment opportunities. However, it is also possible that women were more motivated
to pursue international study and even immigration to enhance their opportunities for
future employment and advancement. The fact that several of the women and men
students commented that women were less likely than men to leave home prior to
marriage, however, suggests other socio-cultural factors deserving further study. Both
groups of students stated that they considered international study advantageous for men
and women, without respect to gender, and that women’s participation in higher
education and preparation for work was more expected by their generation than by their
parents’. These observations confirmed some of the changes in education that have taken
place in Latin America and the shared expectations of the women and men for enhancing
their future success through international study.
The attraction or pull factors that students described as originally influencing
them to seek international study for academic achievement, language acquisition and
learning another culture tended to focus more heavily on general and sometimes vague
ideas about the socio-cultural advantages of international study. This can be attributed to
the lack of more specific knowledge in advance of their study rather than a challenge of
their stated values. Students’ unspecified expectations for better opportunities also helps
to explain the openness to new experiences that students described, with the expectation
that their socio-cultural opportunities would be “better” and different”, and that
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international study would provide an opportunity for personal growth and create “a better
life” for them. This appeared to create a spirit of adventure and a space for exploration of
new experiences and alternatives for their education within the classroom, on the campus,
and in the community. An exception to these generalizations was observed, however, in
the students’ rather specific expectations regarding California culture and its diversity,
which were romanticized and more specifically informed by exports of “America,”
especially movies and television. With these images influencing their expectations,
students’ actual experiences were predisposed for challenges in Stage II.
The importance of Southern California as a specific destination was also strongly
influenced by movies and television images of the culture and recreational lifestyle,
making geographical location an important factor in the students’ selection process.
Because of the lack of readily available information, students relied heavily upon
personal recommendations of family and friends, mass communication, limited
individual research via the Internet, and proprietary educational travel agencies as major
sources for their initial decision-making. The reliance on mass media images as sources
of information, particularly regarding “American” culture, laid the foundation for some
of the cultural contradictions students encountered in Stage II, resulting from border
crossing between idealized expectations and the cultural diversity of Southern California.
The prevalence of local familial contacts among this group of students, however, created
confidence and trust for socio-cultural support, which frequently extended to the political
and economic dimensions.
In the political dimension, students’ desire for availability, quality and choice in
education emerged in students’ selection of and experiences in private institutions within
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their home countries, in contrast with their future decisions to seek transfer and reverse
transfer opportunities in a public community college. As a group, students generally
expressed disappointment with institutions of higher education in their home countries,
focusing on limited spaces, out of date resources, inadequate facilities and support for
their academic achievement, and limited choice of programs and majors with penalties
for changing or stopping out. The socio-cultural, political, and economic implications of
the students’ observations provided examples of the motivation created by the perception
of comparative opportunity and the interaction between the various dimensions that
reinforced that motivation. Additionally, some of the students had attended more than
one institution of higher education in their home country and more than one college or
university in the United States, increasing their basis of comparison with alternatives for
international study, including the community college. All of the students acknowledged
their attraction to the quality of higher education in the United States, and some had been
given specific recommendations to California’s educational system. However, most of
the students were initially referred to university extension programs for intensive study in
the English language. These prior experiences and disappointments created high
expectations on the part of the students in Stage II for better opportunities and social
status through international study, particularly within the socio-cultural and political
dimensions.
In selecting a specific institution for international study, students made decisions
based on limited information. Few of the students were aware of the community college
prior to their arrival, or the systems of public higher education in California in general,
and most chose a public university extension program for intensive English language
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study first, relying upon commercial representations by proprietary travel agencies. This
lack of awareness of alternatives for international study accounted for the initial selection
of the more expensive intensive English language programs by the majority of the
students. Some of the students also reported that they had originally intended to briefly
study English and return to the university in their home country to complete their
degrees. Many of these students would have met the international student admissions
requirements for English proficiency at the community college based on their prior study
of the English language. These factors demonstrate the consequences of the lack of
available information regarding educational alternatives for these students and the
potential for improved communication regarding the community college experience for
international students, in cooperation with English language programs.
The second category of the political dimension, political stability, appeared as a
factor influencing international study for a smaller group of students, who referred to this
as a motivating factor influencing them to leave their countries for international study,
citing fear of crime and interruption of studies as their concerns. As a value, however,
the expectations for the civil and political environment appeared more pervasively among
students in this group in Stage II, when they experienced a legal system that was
culturally different in organization, orientation, and practices of enforcement that
influenced their daily lives.
The values of the economic dimension of Stage I appeared in the students’
interest in participating in employment prospects and careers enhanced by international
trade, the affordability and value of education, and competitive preparation for
employment. The specific advantages of educational achievement, with a degree from
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the United States rating higher than a degree from the home country, proficiency in
multiple languages and cultural skills, all appeared as success and status factors
interacting within the socio-cultural dimension. Students also perceived these socio
cultural factors as facilitating more competitive preparation for future employment in
their home countries, including employment in international companies. Though
generally less frequently described in students’ motivation for study than factors in the
political and the socio-cultural dimensions, except for the element of competitive
preparation for employment, all of these factors in the economic dimension were
perceived by students as contributing to the paradigm of future success. The issue of
affordability of international study was mitigated by students’ preferences for private
universities in their home countries, resulting in cost comparisons with private tuition
which offset students’ and parents’ considerations of benefit with the anticipated value of
their international experience. Students’ values and expectations demonstrated a high
degree of interaction between the economic dimension and the socio-cultural and
political dimensions, a manifestation of the dynamics between the comparative
opportunities.
The prominence of socio-cultural factors in reinforcing the achievement of
language acquisition and cultural experience through the academic experience of
international study represents the comparative value of international study for these
students that transcends differences in opportunity between more developed and less
developed countries. Emphasis upon separate factors of the political and economic
dimensions that have emerged in prior studies of international students tends to minimize
the interaction of these push factors with the academic achievement, language and
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cultural factors of the socio-cultural dimension, which presented themselves as
culminating factors in the students’ career preparation. Students expressed preferences
for the increased opportunities they anticipated through international preparation for life
and work, not only formal education, and recognized the value of language acquisition
and cultural skills as critical components of their socio-cultural success and in
relationship with their career prospects. These attitudes support the probability of
increased student mobility for participation in an increasingly global economy and
society.
Comparative Opportunities Stage II: Comparisons between Expectations and
Experiences and Strategies for Negotiating Differences
One of the striking elements manifested in the students’ actual experience of
international study is the relationship that emerged between the values of the socio
cultural, political, and economic dimensions originally identified by students as
motivating factors. Though socio-cultural factors continued to dominate, their interaction
with the other dimensions became more apparent in the comparisons characterizing Stage
II. Students’ expectations, based in tensions between the comparative opportunities of
the dimensions and categories in Stage I, assist in explaining the congruency of some
factors of their experiences, as well as the gaps between others. More importantly,
students’ strategies begin to explain how students negotiate value gaps between their
expectations and their experiences, including pursuit of the community college as an
alternative for their study.
In the socio-cultural dimension, students’ expectations for promotion of their
academic achievement were disappointed in the more limited classroom support for small
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group interaction with other students, but reinforced in the more individual support
provided by instructors to students in the community college. In this respect, students
rejected the lack of group support from other students that they were accustomed to and
valued in the classroom, but accepted the individual support provided by community
college instructors. This compensatory strategy appeared to be satisfactory to students as
part of their educational experience, however they continued to express the value of
support and interaction with their fellow students as an important component for their
academic achievement. Students’ disappointment with peer group support also extended
to the more limited cultural interactions in making friends that they described within a
more competitive and less collaborative classroom environment, an important
pedagogical consideration in working with these international students. Students’
expectations for meeting students in the classroom, a responsibility they placed on the
instructor based in their prior experiences in the home country, required greater efforts
and adjustments on behalf of the students to meet other students, which were
demonstrated in the strategies they described. These factors need to be addressed in
assisting students, faculty, and staff in transitioning between educational cultures and
understanding students’ expectations.
To meet the challenges associated with language acquisition, which also proved to
be more challenging than students anticipated, students valued contacts with native
speakers and sought to avoid the temptation to speak their own language. For the
Spanish-speaking students, resistance appeared in the form of a strong rejection of
contacts with the Spanish language with respect to resident native speakers and exposure
to media in Spanish. However, associating with other international students, or other
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Latin American students, but less frequently with Spanish-speaking residents of
California due to socio-cultural and educational differences, sometimes mediated the
social and linguistic difficulties of communicating in English. These strategies for
success deserve further study across groups of international students from other cultures
as part of a more specific review and comparison of the experience of international study,
including situations where there is a strong presence and use of the international student’s
native language.
The most challenging area for students appeared in the categories of the socio
cultural dimension. The negotiation of cultural differences was most evident in the
strategies students chose in making friends, encountering cultural diversity and
identification as “other”, and dealing with a more individualistic and competitive culture.
These challenges revealed the greatest discrepancies between students’ expectations and
their experiences, as well as their ability to selectively adapt to cultural differences.
Students as a group appeared to be less willing to change their values than to accept or
accommodate different strategies for achieving their goals, reinforcing one of the
observations on Latin America international students as having “strong organizing
principles”. This finding is mindful of Wolcott’s statement that, “Adding new cultural
competencies does not require abandoning old ones”, a position reinforced by the
selective cultural acquisition demonstrated by these students (1994, p. 324).
For most students, the ethnic and linguistic diversity of this area of Southern
California, which was also reflected in the students at the College, came as a shock. In
their desire to meet “Americans” and experience the American culture, students were
unprepared for the relatively large numbers of students from countries in Asia. Students
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demonstrated their flexibility in making friends and learning about another culture by
broadening their definition to include a wider variety of cultures than they had originally
anticipated, particularly Asian cultures, and succeeded in achieving greater satisfaction
with this aspect of their study than they originally anticipated. This flexibility presents a
stark contrast in comparison to a recent study of the strategies of Japanese students in
Canada in rejecting all cultures except the “other” (Takayama, 2000). Students generally
described cultural diversity as an additional benefit of their international study,
particularly the greater diversity offered by the community college and the Southern
California environment.
Most of the students ultimately embraced the opportunity to learn about multiple
cultures, after adjusting in the beginning to a degree of cultural diversity which most of
the students had not anticipated. This finding merits further research to better prepare
students and reduce this information gap, as well as to observe successful strategies for
learning about diverse cultures across different groups of international students.
International students from Latin America have been described by professionals in
international education as more successful than other groups in making this transition,
and may offer some new findings in this area. Future comparative analysis of students’
strategies could inform this observation. The openness students demonstrated in learning
about other cultures also reinforced their original motivation to become a more
“international person”, adept at living and working in the global environment they
increasingly observed in their home and host countries.
A second area in which students generally observed gaps between their
expectations and their experiences was in the stereotypical projections and lack of
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information regarding their home countries which students encountered in meeting
California students. In combination with the nativism they experienced in the political
dimension, a smaller number of students described prejudice. These observations support
the position that the presence of international students in colleges and universities in the
United States provides an important international exposure for domestic students. This is
particularly true for community college students who are less likely due to socio
economic circumstances to have the economic resources to travel and experience other
cultures. However, for this group of international students, these experiences also
challenged their beliefs regarding the educational level of students in California, and the
United States by implication, as well as their perception of the equity of the societal and
political realms. Some of these contrasts between expectation and experience may be
explained as the consequence of limited information, dependency on mass media images,
and romanticized ideals. However, the more significant observation is found in the
tendencies of most of the students to resist rather than internalize these projections
through their explanations and behaviors. Some exception was observed in some of the
younger students who demonstrated a greater vulnerability, a finding consistent with
prior studies, and warrants attention in working with and supporting these students.
A third area of surprise for students was observed in the pleasure they expressed
in developing more maturity and self-sufficiency. This extended also to the choice of
courses and specialized career programs they experienced within the community college.
This flexibility to change, however, contrasted with their rejection of the more
competitive aspects of independence, and their continued preference for collaborative
learning and other experiences of group support that they valued, demonstrating their
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selective accommodation. The selectivity of students’ adaptive responses in general,
combined with flexible strategies consistent with their values, helps to explain the high
level of educational success and satisfaction among this group of students.
In the political dimension, the comparative values of availability, quality, and
choice were strongly affirmed by students’ experiences at the community college, which
most students discovered after their arrival in California and recommendations by friends,
family or college and university officials. Students perceived comparative advantages in
all of the educational values— availability, quality, and choice— despite students’ access to
education, usually private, in their home countries and their level of prior educational
achievement in their home countries. The vagueness of students’ expectations in the
motivational Stage I for a “better opportunity” was made more specific by the students’
actual experiences in Stage II. The greater specificity regarding the advantages of
international study that students demonstrated in their comparison of educational
alternatives was informed by students’ experience of educational alternatives that they
encountered in California and, more specifically, in their selection of the community
college.
Students’ responses to their experience of international study in a California
community college demonstrated their receptivity to socio-cultural alternatives. For
students who first attended other educational institutions, specifically language schools,
their strategies emerged from gaps between their expectations and initial experiences.
Students reported that the public community college generally met their needs for
transition between languages, cultures, educational systems, and transfer preparation for
the university degree or directly for a career, at a cost comparable to private tuition in
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their home countries. These findings provide a basis for community colleges to inform
prospective international students regarding the factors most critical for this group of
students.
The specific contrasts students expressed between relevant, up to date curriculum,
technological resources and support services such as libraries were to be expected based
in previous findings of studies of international students from developing countries who
have studied in the United States. The new finding, however, was the value students
experienced in having choices in the openness and breadth of the curriculum of the
community college and support for their period of transition. These choices facilitated a
decision-making process for students in more independently determining their major and
future career, an opportunity they described as unavailable in the more lock-step
curriculum and programs in higher education in their home countries. Students found the
opportunity for testing out satisfactory alternatives for their major and future career very
helpful in preparing them for a more successful and satisfying future, and several
changed their course of study.
Students readily took advantage of the structure and organization of higher
education in California as demonstrated in their familiarity with the different segments,
attendance in multiple types of institutions, pursuit of alternative degrees and certificates
in specialized career majors, and their patterns of transfer and reverse transfer. The
strong interest in the specialization offered by career certificate courses and programs at
the community college was demonstrated in students preparing for transfer to the
university, as well as students who had already graduated from universities in their home
countries. University graduates consistently selected programs in the community college
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that were related to their undergraduate majors and described them as a more advanced
specialization for them in preparing for work, or in enhancing their opportunities for
pursuing master’s degrees in California. These findings identified the high level of
technological and instructional resources students perceived in the community college in
comparison with their prior university education in their home countries. This finding
identifies the potential for less expensive alternatives from the standpoint of the students,
and also for California’s system of higher education in providing education to
international students in technologically dependent majors that are more costly to the
individual institution. It also argues in favor of an evaluation and analysis of the pathway
for international students in the system of higher education in California, with
implications for a new master plan.
A second aspect of the political dimension, the civil and political environment
affecting their daily lives, presented surprises for many of the students. They
experienced California as far more restrictive in enforcement of its laws and regulations,
with a more litigious environment than what they had been exposed to in their home
countries, as well as being safer and more secure. The more ordered organization and
consistency were difficult for some of the students to comprehend, though they generally
embraced the benefits. Additionally, many of the students were aware of the attitudes in
California toward immigrants, particularly Mexicans, and the propositions of nativism,
some of which they experienced personally through stereotyping and typically resisted.
This strategy also contrasts with those identified in Takayama’s study of Japanese
students, who internalized hegemonic differences (2000). These observations are
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important for institutions in helping students to understand these factors and manage
them while living abroad, and may be more important than original, motivating factors.
In the economic dimension, students were even more enthusiastic about their
exposure to the more advanced technology they associated with the global infrastructure
than they had anticipated, except for the reduction in human social contact, which they
described with concern. Students described the positive effects on their career that they
anticipated from their education in the community college, especially from specialized
certificate courses, but also what they were learning informally in their daily lives as a
participant in a larger economic system. The fact that they perceived the lower cost of
their education in the community college in comparison with the universities in
California as a high value or cost-benefit provided clear evidence that cost was a relevant
consideration for them. Though students and their families demonstrated their ability to
afford international study, including transfer to the university for nearly all of them,
comparative value continued to be a consideration. These students confirmed the
viability of the community college as a lower cost alternative for the first two years of the
university, as well as a post-baccalaureate specialization. This finding may assist
community colleges to more clearly identify specialized career certificate programs in
conjunction with transfer and degree programs to improve understanding of the
alternative pathways available to international students who are unfamiliar with this
system of higher education.
In preparing for a future career, students perceived their future economic
opportunities very positively as a culmination of all of the dimensions of their
international study, and expressed very little concern about any of the potential
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opportunity costs associated with their international study. Though they described their
experience in the community college as current, relevant, and up to date and valued the
opportunity of enrolling in specialized career courses, several students described their
frustration at not being able to work as part of their career preparation for the future. A
few of the students described “informal” volunteer work and even invisible remuneration
for work activities outside of the college. The possibilities for on-campus work and
viable internships for international students deserve additional development as part of the
higher education experience of preparing students for future employment. These
opportunity costs present potential liability for the future employment of international
students, given the federal restrictions on employment affecting them, unless higher
education institutions assist them in pursuing legal alternatives. The consequences of
these practices in the United States, and for international students upon return to their
countries, is largely unknown and difficult to research. Sensitive legal issues and the
difficulty of tracking across borders raise major obstacles for follow-up research, though
these aspects are critical to evaluation of the ultimate success of policies affecting
international study and the future success of international students.
In Stage I, students’ expectations for a “better opportunity” for academic
achievement, language acquisition, and cultural learning were high, but relatively
unformed. In Stage II, more specificity emerged as students’ values and expectations
encountered contradictions with their actual experiences and some contrasts emerged in
all of the dimensions. The highest contrasts were observed between the value-based
criteria of the “pull” factors and the students’ actual experiences, with the socio-cultural
and political dimensions presenting the greater challenges. The push-pull factors in the
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economic dimension were more closely aligned, with the exception of socio-cultural
implications related to a more competitive culture and diminished social contacts
resulting from the efficiency of more advanced technology. These more complex
interactions warrant further analysis of the relationships and interactions between the
commonly identified motivating factors of English language study, a degree from the
United States, and career preparation, to reach a greater understanding of students’
strategies for achieving goals through international study which are consistent with their
values. This analysis needs to consider the values and goals of the international students
with respect to levels of assimilation and accommodation that may conflict and present
contradictions for these students.
Comparative Opportunities Stage III: Realizing Goals and Anticipating Consequences
Students’ ability to describe their future plans was very much influenced by their
length of stay, with few exceptions. The speculative nature of this final research question
is accepted as a delimitation of the study. Asking students to describe their future
expectations did provide additional assistance, however, in confirming a number of the
findings in the first two stages and served as a temporal method of triangulation within
the interview-based data of the study. Most importantly, these final questions also
revealed that most of the students planned to remain in the United States, a factor that
heavily colored the findings in all of the stages and dimensions.
With respect to their socio-cultural experiences, students were satisfied that they
would be rewarded for their academic achievement, English language acquisition, and
interaction with persons from far more culturally diverse backgrounds than they had
originally anticipated. They described the social status and recognition they received
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upon return visits to their home countries, as well as their increased comfort from
increased proficiency in English and contacts with people from other cultures. Students’
overriding interest in the socio-cultural aspects of international study was reflected in the
preponderance of their responses addressing the socio-cultural dimension. This included
intrinsic interest, status issues of trends and fashionableness, and the practical
international applications they anticipated for career opportunities and advancement,
either in the United States, another country, or their home country. Some of the students
did express concern regarding the lessening of some of their social and familial contacts
in their home countries, a factor deserving of follow-up on international students who
decide to return, which is outside of the scope of this study.
For the political dimension, the overriding issue appeared in the students’
decisions to return to their home country or re-negotiate their visa status in the United
States. In analyzing the prospects of the thirteen students planning to remain, it is
relevant to note that four of the students had already changed their F-l international
student visa status, two by marriage, and two by sponsors for specialized worker visas.
Two additional students were in the process of applying for permanent resident status
through family members already having that status. Therefore, it is realistic to assume
that nearly half of these students were already successful, and others had not yet begun
the process. It is this factor that requires further examination from the home country
position of “brain drain” resulting from the experience of international study for this
particular group of students. The findings present high rates of both intention and
success in realizing this goal. These findings may be related to the relatively high level
of previous study and dissatisfaction with opportunities presented by the university in
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their home countries, prior to pursuing international study. The students most likely to
declare their intentions to remain were more likely to be students who had married,
students who had studied for a longer period of time in California, students who had
completed a university degree in their home country, and students interested in an
advanced degree. Women in this study were more likely to meet all of these
characteristics than men. This finding requires further research for understanding this
phenomenon and the degree to which it is unique to this group of students, international
students from other world regions, international students who select the community
college, or other factors beyond those that emerged in this study.
The economic dimension also appeared prominently in terms of students’ plans to
participate in international living and work, but most importantly in terms of the
improved career opportunities that they anticipated. Without follow-up research, no
conclusions can be drawn regarding how realistic the expectations expressed by these
students actually were, except to state that students held consistently optimistic
perceptions, particularly those planning to return to their home countries. Students
planning to remain were more likely to have worked in their home countries and were
generally completing certificate programs in areas of their career interest, typically in
high demand, technology dependent fields. This group of students was undoubtedly
influenced by the full employment that characterized the United States economy during
the period of their study. In focusing on student perception of how their goals would be
realized, this study is most limited in making conclusions in the economic dimension of
Stage III regarding students’ actual success in future employment, with two exceptions.
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Two of the students had obtained sponsors and held positions they valued highly in their
respective fields: hospitality management and electrical power distribution.
Comparative Opportunity Theory
The final stage in the students’ experience of realizing their goals for international
study built upon the original values motivating students to pursue their education in
California. The pattern of value-based decision-making and evaluation was evident in
students’ expressed plans for their future, which included further educational study,
language acquisition and learning about other cultures. Students’ interest in the socio
cultural dimension was observable separately and in reinforcement of the students’ career
goals. The comparative opportunity theory facilitated identification of the interaction
between the categories and dimensions of the students’ emergent themes throughout the
stages, and was evident in analysis of the students’ responses.
Utilizing the students’ values to analyze the values and factors throughout the
stages and dimensions revealed the interactive patterns and demonstrated the complexity
of the students’ decision-making. This process also confirmed the importance of multi
dimensional analysis of the student experience, though the emphasis on different
categories and dimensions varied with the individual student. Socio-cultural values
dominated students’ responses, and were highly integrated within and between the
political and economic dimensions. All of the categories of the theory contributed to the
analysis and findings in varying degrees, permitting comparison across groups of
international students from other countries. Given the manner in which the theoretical
framework was developed, it is also possible to make comparisons with the quantitative,
macro level student mobility models and approach the multiple dimensions of
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international study using more than one methodology across different groups of
international students and other host countries.
Limitations of the Study
The major limitations of this study are found in the current inability to compare
the findings with other groups of international students studying in the community
college, the limits of self-reported data, and the single testing of the comparative
opportunity theory. In reviewing each of these areas, it is possible to identify both
strengths and weaknesses and the potential for future research that will mitigate these
limitations.
The lack of research on successful strategies employed by international students
in decision-making and negotiating the challenges of international study, particularly for
international students from Latin America and students selecting the community college,
limits the comparisons that can be made. Some of the findings are congruent with a great
deal of research at the macro level on the primary factors influencing student mobility
and demographic flows (push-pull research). Other findings are consistent with research
on factors influencing students to study in the United States (e.g., English language, the
status and value of a degree from the United States, and preparation for a career).
However, there is a lack of research on the motivational dynamics (push-pull) of the
student perspective of decision-making and the strategies they use to negotiate gaps
between their expectations and their experiences of international study. The theory of
comparative opportunity provides a framework for bringing these perspectives together
for analysis and informing student mobility models at this dynamic level.
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The limitations of self-reported data are clearly understood as part of this study,
including the desire to please, cultural and national loyalties, and the simple politeness of
guests in another’s home. These reservations notwithstanding, several efforts were made
in the design of the study to mitigate these influences. Triangulation with focus groups,
written documents of students’ records and admissions essays, in-depth interview
protocols, two key informants, and professionals experienced in working with
international students (particularly in the community college setting) all contributed to
these efforts. Additionally, one of the key informants, who was formerly an international
student from Bolivia, was hired as a research assistant to present the opportunity to
participate in the study to students and schedule the appointments, in order to create a
more comfortable and less threatening context for the interviews. The full transcription
of the taping of each interview session also assisted in identifying information that may
have been missed during the actual session.
In developing the theory of comparative opportunity, care was taken to identify
emergent themes through open coding, group and interpret them appropriately and finally
to examine the theoretical basis for each major theme. The prior push-pull models
explaining the macro dynamics of student flow were openly used as a resource in
conducting an iterative review of the emergent themes and developing the theory. The
preponderance or weight of the student data was used to establish each category of the
dimensions in order to avoid inadvertently forcing the data to fit the categories. This
process minimized the risk of undue influence from the push-pull models; however, it is
possible that these models may have led some of the findings. It should be noted,
however, that corresponding pull factors that were lacking in the push-pull models
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emerged from the student data and resulted in the creation of additional categories in the
comparative opportunity matrix. Additionally, some of the factors in the push-pull
models did not emerge from the student data and therefore are not incorporated in the
theory. These differences support the evidence for independent theory reflecting the data
in the study, rather than the process of data being made to fit the quantitative, macro level
models.
Implications
The first implication of the study concerns the creative use of the community
college by these international students and the multiple purposes for which they engaged
their study in this foreign institution, with respect to the growth of international student
enrollments in community colleges. The variety of reverse transfer arrangements
recommends comparative opportunities for international students in the community
college beyond the classic entering freshman transfer to university conceptualization.
These findings suggest several relevant and unique contributions of the community
college for international study: assisting freshmen students to select their career majors,
and students with some years of university study to change their majors, especially where
their first choice was unsatisfactory, and enhancing the career preparation of students
who have already completed the baccalaureate. The particular attraction of the
specialized career courses and programs may reflect the need for expanded information
and technology age training required for an international work force as well as direct
access to the major that is more characteristic of higher education in Latin America.
Additional research to determine if international students from other regions demonstrate
similar patterns of success is recommended for comparison. The apparent effectiveness
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of these strategies deserves attention in the field of international education with respect to
the benefits as well as the costs to the students and the system of higher education in
California, both from the standpoint of the student as well as the system of higher
education.
A second implication of the findings concerns the high number of students who
planned to remain in the United States, and the relatively high proportion who had
already effectively accomplished this goal through change of visa status. This group of
thirteen students had several distinctive characteristics within the larger group of students
in the study, in that they were more likely to be women, students who had prior university
education in their home country, and students who had studied for a longer period of time
in the United States. The fact that women students in this study were more likely to plan
to stay than the men students were is curious. Countries and researchers concerned with
brain drain may want to reexamine the student characteristics associated with this
phenomenon to develop further understanding. However, it is not known to what degree
the contributing weight of the fact that students were from Latin America, or that they
were enrolled in a community college was relevant to their decision to stay in the United
States.
A third implication regards the degree to which socio-cultural factors dominated
the students’ experiences singly and in combination with the political and economic
dimensions. It appears from this study that the interaction of these factors and
dimensions in dynamic relationships demonstrated a higher level of complexity and
reinforcing tendencies that enhance the understanding of the student’s decision-making
process and actual experience than the static lists of motivating factors typically used to
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describe student mobility. This finding challenges the separate listings of factors found
in the traditional push-pull models of student mobility, even those viewed as having
dialectical relationships, since they do not reflect the more dynamic, interactive value-
based influences and strategies manifested in the students’ stories. In moving to a greater
understanding of the values motivating international study, and how they influence
students’ decision-making process and actual experiences of international study,
institutions will be able to provide better information to students to inform their choices
and prepare them for a successful experience. Additionally, this research will provide the
opportunity for institutions to diversify their programs for broader international
representation, a well recognized goal for international education.
Several questions are raised by this study that remain to be answered. Though
some of the findings confirm prior studies, it is not known if the strategies students
demonstrated in overcoming gaps between their expectations and experiences are unique
or characteristic of international students in community colleges, or students from Latin
America, factors that could improve success rates for students. The extent to which
international students are successful in implementing their career goals through the
various community college options is an area for research that would assist in
representing opportunities accurately for other students. Lastly, the degree to which the
comparative opportunity theory may assist in illuminating the multi-dimensional and
reinforcing complexity of the decision-making process for other groups of international
students and help to identify differential strategies of selectivity in adaptation,
accommodation, and resistance can only be answered by future studies.
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Border crossing is associated with the processing of moving across boundaries,
whether they are invisible, abstract, or imaginary. The international students in this study
participated in this process by sharing their values, active decision-making and
implementation processes, and their dreams for the future. They also blazed creative
pathways to the community college, sometimes without realizing the novelty or
uniqueness of them. The initiative, courage, and agency they demonstrated in pursuing
this pathway were evident in the strategies they developed for overcoming the challenges
they encountered along the way. Their experiences reflect uniquely upon our culture and
institutions in providing positive and supportive encounters, but also on their own
resourcefulness in encountering obstacles and unfamiliar situations independently.
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APPENDIXES A-H
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Appendix A
Pilot Studies: Student Interactive Evaluation Matrix
M O TIV A TIO N............ S A T IS F A C T IO N ------- EXPECTATIONS
from with for
Academic
Factors
Quality Academic
Programs
Quality Education Career Opportunities
United States Degree Instruction/Services United States
Degree/Knowledge
English Acquisition English Usage Bi-lingual Proficiency
Socio
cultural
Factors
Socio-cultural Support Socio-cultural
Experiences
Socio-cultural Future
Family Support Family/Friends
Support
Family Pride
Personal Referral Social contacts Social Status
International/Cultural International/Cultural
Exp.
International/Cultural
Skills
based on based on based on
VALUES <---------- >EXPERIENCES< >GOALS
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Appendix B
Summary of Factors from Four Models of Student Mobility
Developing Country Perspective:
Cummings. (1991) Home Country Factors
Facilitating Studv
Host Country Factors
Influencing Destination
Tertiary Level Preparation
Humanities Bias
Language Affinity
Higher Standards of Living
Rapid Economic Growth
Smaller Scale of Countries
International Trade Dependence
Institutionalization of Study
Ethnic/Racial Tension
Political Uncertainty
Technical/Military Assistance
Economic Exchange Level
Migrant Flow to Host Country
Linguisticand Cultural Linkages
Host Absorptive Capacity
Diversity of Educational System
Cost of Education
Sirowv/Inkeles. (1985) Push
Limited Openings
Inadequate Training Facilities
Competition for Jobs
Home Restrictions
Financial Assistance (Home Country)
Pull
Cultural/Linguistic Similarity
Relative Cost of Training
Compatibility of Ed. System
McMahon. (1992) Hvpothesis I--Push
GDP/Capita
Global Trade
Priority of Education
Availability of Education
Hvpothesis II~Pull to U.S.
ComparativeEconomic Strength
Trade
Aid
Institutional Support
Developed Country Perspective:
Goodwin and Nacht. Educational and Social Goals. Explicit and Unarticulated
(1988) The “Grand Tour”
Fulfillment of Institutional Mission
Comparative Understanding
International Relations
Foreign Exposure
Identity of Ancestors
Specialized Academic Studies
Specific Bodies of Knowledge
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Appendix C
Fagerlind and Saha’s Dialectical Model of Education and Development Dimensions
Social
(eulturol-
idsotogical)
Political
Education
system
Economic
Fagerlind and Saha, 1992, Figure 9.2, p. 227
Note: Request to reproduce copyrighted material is in progress.
298
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Appendix D
Strauss and Corbin’s Conditional Matrix
Internationa/
Nationa/
Community
Strauss and Corbin, 1990, Conditional Matrix p. 163.
Note: Request to reproduce copyrighted material is in progress.
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Appendix E
International Student Mobility:
A Dialectical Model of Dimensions and Conditions
Social
(cultural-
ideological)
Political
CO fT'm ufW fy^^.
Economic
Adapted from the Dialectical Model of Education and Development Dimensions of
Fagerlind and Saha, 1992, Figure 9.2, p. 227 and the Conditional Matrix of Strauss and
Corbin, 1990, p. 163.
Note: Request to reproduce copyrighted material from the authors is in progress.
300
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Appendix F
Comparative Opportunity Theory:
Analysis of Student Mobility Models
By Socio-Cultural, Political, and Economic Dimensions
Dimensions Home Country Factors Host Country Factors
Socio-cultural Priority of
Education-2, 4 (Grand
Tour)
“Quality of Education”— 4 (Specific Bodies
of Knowledge)
Same language of
instruction-1
Linguistic Linkages
-1 ,2
Cultural Disposition— 1,
4 (Comparative
Understanding)
Immigrant Flow— 1, 4 (Foreign Exposure)
Political Domestic Opportunities
for Higher Education— 1
System Compatibility of Higher Education
— 1,2, 4 (Specialized Academic Studies)
Political Uncertainty-
1,4 (International
Relations)
“Political Stability”
Economic Dependency on
International
Transactions-1,3
Economic Exchange Levels— 1,3
Facilitating
Institutions-1
Ability to Pay— 1,2
Competition for Jobs— 2 “Competitive Educational Opportunity”
Source of Factors: 1. Cummings, (1992), 2. Sirowy and Inkeles, (1985), 3. McMahon,
(1992), 4. Goodwin and Nacht (1988).__________________________________________
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Appendix G
Nom de Vox: Table of Student Names and Abbreviated Demographics
Nom de Vox Country Gender Fevel of Prior Education Plans
Alessandro Brazil Man 2 years home university Stay
Ana Colombia Woman 2 years home institute Stay
Antonio Colombia Man Entered as freshman Return
Carlos Peru Man Entered as freshman Stay
Carolina Brazil Woman B.A.-hom e university Return
Cisco Mexico Man Entered as freshman Stay
Daniela Brazil Woman 2 years home university Stay
Enrique Mexico Man Entered as freshman Stay
Fabiane Brazil Woman .5 years home university Stay
Fernando Mexico Man 1 year U.S. unv. & college Return
Juan Chile Man 2.5 years home university Return
Juliana Brazil Woman B.A.-hom e university Stay
Fuciana Brazil Woman 2 years home university Return
Maria Colombia Woman B.A.-home university Stay
Marina Brazil Woman Entered as freshman Stay
Paulo Brazil Man B.A.-hom e university Stay
Pedro Brazil Man Entered as freshman Return
Roberto Mexico Man Entered as freshman Stay
Rosa Mexico Woman Entered as freshman Stay
Tiago Brazil Man 2 years home/Italy unv. Return
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Appendix H
Comparative Opportunity Theory:
Categorical Linkages to Existing Student Mobility Models
STUDENT M OBILITY M ODELS STUDENT COM PARATIVE EVALUATION
->M otivation from <-
Stage I Factors
Home Country Factors Host Country Factors Home Country Factors Host Country Factors
s
0
c
I
0
c
u
L
T
U
R
A
L
Priority of
Education— 2, 4 (Grand
Tour)
“Quality of Education”—
4 (Specific Bodies of
Knowledge)
Importance o f Academic
Achievement
Referral to US Education
Same language of
in stru ction-1
Linguistic Linkages
- 1 ,2
Learn/Improve a Second Language English Acquisition
Cultural D isp o sitio n -1, 4
(Comparative
Understanding)
Immigrant F lo w -1 , 4
(Foreign Exposure)
Cultural Acquisition US/California Culture
P
0
L
I
T
I
C
A
L
D om estic Opportunities for
Higher E d u cation -1
System Compatibility of
Higher Education
—1,2, 4 (Specialized
Academic Studies)
Limits o f Dom estic Educational
System
Educational System
Offerings/Diversity o f US
Political Uncertainty—1,4
(International Relations)
“Political Stability” Political Uncertainty “Political Stability”
E
C
0
N
0
M
I
C
Dependency on
International Transactions—
1,3
Econom ic Exchange
L e v e ls -1,3
Awareness o f International
Transactions and Standards
U S Econom ic System
Facilitating
In stitu tion s-1
Ability to P a y - 1,2 D om estic Educational Cost/Benefit Affordable Options
Competition for J o b s-2 “Competitive Educational
Opportunity”
Competition for Jobs “Competitive Preparation”
-> based in V A L U E S<-
Source of Factors: Cummings, (1992), 2. Sirowy and Inkeles, (1985), 3. McMahon,
(1992), 4. Goodwin and Nacht (1988).____________________________________________
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Creator Kidder, Nancy Louise (author)

Core Title Border crossing: the experience of international students from Latin America in a California community college

School Graduate School

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Education

Degree Conferral Date 2000

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag education, bilingual and multicultural,education, community college,education, guidance and counseling,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Stromquist, Nelly P. (committee chair), Hagedorn, Linda Serra (committee member), Kaplan, Elaine Bell (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-237840

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