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Environmental education in community -based coastal resource management: A case study of Olango Island, Philippines
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Environmental education in community -based coastal resource management: A case study of Olango Island, Philippines
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Content
ENVIRONMENTAL EDUCATION
IN COMMUNITY-BASED COASTAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT:
A CASE STUDY OF OLANGO ISLAND, PHILIPPINES
by
Brian Joseph English
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment for the Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
(EDUCATION)
December 2002
Copyright 2002 Brian Joseph English
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UMI Number: 3093954
Copyright 2002 by
English, Brian Joseph
All rights reserved.
®
UMI
UMI Microform 3093954
Copyright 2003 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company.
All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.
ProQuest Information and Learning Company
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P.O. Box 1346
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
The Graduate School
University Park
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90089-1695
This dissertation , w ritten b y
Brian Joseph English
U nder th e direction o f A ?..... D issertation
C om m ittee, an d approved b y a ll its m em bers,
has been p resen ted to an d a ccep ted b y The
G raduate School, in p a rtia l fu lfillm en t o f
requirem ents fo r th e degree o f
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Dean o f Graduate Studies
D ate
Iie_c.eja.h£.r IB.., 7 - D . O . ? -
DISSER TA TION COMMITTEE
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DEDICATION
I would like to dedicate this dissertation to my parents, Charles and Leona English;
and, to my sisters and brothers, Anne, Tim, Kevin and Maureen . It was their love,
support and belief in me that helped keep me motivated through the research,
writing and editing of this document.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to express my sincere appreciation and gratitude to all of the faculty
and staff of the International Education program at the University of Southern
California. Their guidance and assistance have been a major contribution to this
work. Especially, I would like to thank Dr. Nelly Stromquist for her
encouragement and advice through the research and writing process.
I would also like to thank the fisherfolk on Olango and Gilutongan who
welcomed me into their lives and hearts, the dedicated community organizers who
assisted me in the field, and all the CRMP staff who made me feel at home in the
Philippines.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication........................................................................................................................ ii
Acknowledgements......................................................................................................... iii
List of Tables and Figures............................................................................................. vi
Acronyms and Abbreviations....................................................................................... vii
Abstract............................................................................................................................ ix
Chapter 1...........................................................................................................................1
Statement of Problem...................................................................................................... 2
Overview of Theories...................................................................................................... 6
Research Questions........................................................................................................10
Overview of Research Methodolgy
Definition of Terms........................................................................................................13
Organization of Dissertation.........................................................................................17
Chapter 2.........................................................................................................................19
Learning Theories......................................................................................................... 21
Ecofeminist..................................................................................................................... 39
Empowerment Through Environmental Education.................................................... 46
Environmental Non-Formal Education In The Philippines........................................54
Non-Govemmental Organizations And Non-Formal Education..............................57
Summary Of Literature Review...................................................................................62
Chapter 3........................................................................................................................ 64
Research On Environmental Programs....................................................................... 67
Research Design............................................................................................................ 68
Chapter 4........................................................................................................................ 92
Local Informants........................................................................................................... 93
The Coastal Resource Management Project................................................................93
Other Agencies...............................................................................................................98
Protected Areas............................................................................................................102
Coastal Resource Management Issues.......................................................................103
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Chapter 5...................................................................................................................... 108
Training For Resource Assessment And Monitoring................................................108
Eco-Tourism................................................................................................................. 123
Workshops Seminars And Activities.........................................................................130
Women’s Involvement In The Education Process....................................................135
Social Interaction In The Exchange Of Environmental Knowledge....................... 139
Evolving Toward Community Empowerment.......................................................... 152
The Impact Of Coastal Resource Management On The Environment....................170
Other Factors In Developing A Common Environmental Ethic............................. 173
Chapter 6...................................................................................................................... 183
Summary...................................................................................................................... 184
Key Findings................................................................................................................ 185
General Conclusions................................................................................................... 187
Practical And Theoretical Implications......................................................................193
Suggestions For Further Research.............................................................................. 196
Concluding Comments................................................................................................ 197
References.................................................................................................................... 199
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LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES
Figure 1.1: Factors Influencing Pro-Active Environmental Behavior.......................9
Figure 2.1: Theorized Chain of Events in the Empowering Process.......................47
Figure 2.2: Empowerment Process of Community-Based
Environmental Education....................................................................... 48
Figure 3.1: Map of Olango and Surrounding Islets................................................... 76
Table 5.1: CRMP Sponsored Programs in the Olango Learning Area..................110
Figure 5.1: Reef Check Survey Data..........................................................................122
Figure 5.2: Reef Check Survey Data..........................................................................122
Figure 5.3: Dissemination of Information in the CRM Process............................. 141
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ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
BFARMC Barangay Fisheries and Aquatic Resource Management
Council
Cl Conservation International
CLEAR-7 Coastal Law Enforcement Alliance in Region 7
CRMP Coastal Resource Management Program
DA-BFAR Department of Agriculture-Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic
Resources
DECS Department of Education Culture and Sports
DENR Department of Environment and Natural Resources
DILG Department of Interior and Local Government
GMS Gilutongan Marine Sanctuar
ICM Integrated coastal management
ICNU Intemation Union for the Conservation of Nature and
Natural Resources
ICRI International Coral Reef Alliance
IEC Information, education and communication
IMA International Marinelife Alliance
JAIP Jerusalem AIDS Project
JICA Japanese International Cooperative Assistance Agency
LGU Local Government Unit
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NGO Non-governmental organization
OBST Olang Bird and Seascape Tour
OIWS Olango Island Wildlife Sanctuary
PBSP Philippine Business for Social Progress
PCRA Participatory Coastal Resource Assessment
SEACAM Secretariat for East African Coastal Area Management
UN United Nations
USAID United States Agency for International Development
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ABSTRACT
This study examined the dissemination of environmental knowledge and
information in a community-based coastal resource management program in
Olango, Philippines. Poor coastal planning and inappropriate fishing techniques
threaten marine estuaries and coral reefs around Olango. Environmental education
can be part of a solution to these problems through raising awareness of issues and
encouraging behavioral change.
As a case study of a community-based coastal resource management program,
this dissertation facilitates an understanding of how the acquisition and learning of
environmentally appropriate behavior take place through increased knowledge and
attitudinal change. Using qualitative research methods, this study investigated how
non-formal education can raise consciousness about coastal resource management,
ultimately resulting in attempts to maintain a sustainable symbiotic relationship
with the marine environment. The juxtaposition of several theories frames possible
avenues for exchange of environmental knowledge and information. Social
learning theories explain one process for the dissemination of environmental
knowledge; however, other theories may offer complementing explanations for the
dissemination of environmental knowledge and information. Organizational
learning theories address the issue of how learning takes place within and among
environmental organizations through the sharing of information that includes
lessons learned from experience. Historical, experiential and political aspects of
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ecofeminist theory help to frame the process of community empowerment, a
necessary step in the behavioral change process.
The study specifically describes how the Coastal Resource Management
Program (CRMP) mobilizes community members in the Olango area to collectively
work for coastal resource management. The CRMP initiatives include
consciousness raising campaigns about environmental issues, enterprise
development for an alternative livelihood, and strategic planning for law
enforcement. The CRMP multisectoral approach to consciousness raising
emphasizes information, education, and communication. To encourage illegal
fishermen to give up their practices, CRMP’s Enterprise Development division
works with local island residents in the building and promoting of an eco-tour
business. The enthusiasm among active community members gives optimism to
the issue of sustainability for the Olango coastal resource management. However,
lack of education and a rapidly growing population remain issues that need to be
addressed.
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"Our task must be to free ourselves— by widening our circle o f compassion to embrace all living
creatures and the whole o f nature and its beauty."
Albert Einstein
Chapter 1
Introduction
Einstein’s words epitomize the spirit of environmental education that includes
elements of community cooperation and trans-generational communication. As
somewhat of a philosopher on education, Einstein was well aware of the need to
pass on knowledge about the environment to future generations in order for them to
better understand how to maintain a sustainable relationship with nature.
Environmental education has grown to include more than just field studies in
biology and geology. Environmental education also aims to teach critical thinking
skills that involve problem solving and decision making; occupation-specific skills;
and attitude development based on community morals and ethics (Gayford, 1996).
The undeniable human impact on the environment is causing communities all
over the world to rethink planning and development. Environmental education is
linked to development because it is through education that communities can raise
awareness of detrimental practices and hopefully nurture a new social
consciousness that will result in a more symbiotic relationship with nature. Many
theorists and educators believe that environmental education is fundamental to
effecting change in environmental attitudes and behavior (Milbrath, 1989; Bowers,
1995, 1997; Palmer, 1998). Because of the growing number of non-formal
education programs in communities throughout the world, it is necessary to
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examine more closely how information is passed on and how learning takes place
in non-formal educational settings. Therefore, this study aims to explain how non-
formal community-based environmental educational programs function, and how
they disseminate environmental knowledge and information. Specifically, this
study employs qualitative research methods to gather and analyze data on how a
community-based coastal resource management program uses and disseminates
information about the environment. A major goal of this study is to broaden an
understanding of how consciousness-raising efforts at the local level attempt to
promote pro-active programs that initiate change as well as minimize inappropriate
practices that threaten coastal environments. Although this study does not attempt
to uncover causal relationships, the findings add to a better understanding of the
variables that influence the implementation process and the effectiveness of
community-based coastal resource management programs.
Statement of Problem
There is a growing international concern about the widespread global degradation
of coral reefs and their related ecosystems (International Coral Reef Initiative,
1995). Exponential increases in coastal populations magnify the overuse and abuse
of coral reefs as communities compete for marine resources (Jackson, 1995).
Although some natural phenomena such as earthquakes, typhoons, climate changes,
coral eating predators and plagues may cause threats to marine ecosystems, human
activity accounts for the majority of degradation to coral reefs. Siltation, pollution,
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poor coastal planning and inappropriate fishing techniques are some of the ways
that humans threaten marine estuaries and ecosystems.
There are two basic reasons to argue that coral reefs are worthy of saving. The
first reason is that continued destruction or coral reefs will negatively affect
people’s ability to feed themselves. The other reason is that coral reefs have
intrinsic value beyond the need of humans. The former argument relates to
economics and development, while the latter is an eco-centric philosophical
argument. Many educators and planners may believe that the philosophical
argument alone demands that action be taken to limit human destruction of reefs.
Although others may not have the same view, the economic value of these marine
resources is indisputable. In many island communities, both the fishing and tourist
industries are dependent on healthy coral reefs. Thus, coral reef destruction can
result in higher unemployment, smaller fish catches and lowered income locally.
On a national level, coral reef degradation can lead to loss of income tax moneys,
urban crowding due to the collapse of local economies and diminishment in a major
source of protein (McAllister and Ansula, 1993). The economic implications of
destroying coral reefs alone should be enough to convince people of the need to
modify behavior.
Effective coastal resource management is essential to ensuring the health of
these important resources. The destruction of coral reefs can have catastrophic
effects on local economies and create potential problems for providing enough food
for local populations. Unfortunately, poverty and myopia in development planning
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cause people to seek short-term gains without realizing the long-term detrimental
effects. It is important that effective measures are taken at all levels of government
to ensure sustainable use of the coral reef resources and their associated
ecosystems. The International Coral Reef Initiative (ICRI) predicts that if proper
measures are not taken, 48% of South East Asia’s coral reefs will be depleted
within two decades (1995). Scientists and lawmakers are limited in their ability to
change attitudes and values. Therefore, it is necessary for educators at the grass-
root level to assist in the process of disseminating information about practices that
can help local communities maintain a more symbiotic relationship with the coastal
environment. Various types of programs that address coastal resource management
exist; however, localized educational programs may be more feasible and more
effective in creating environmental awareness. When members of the community
actively participate in the assessment of their coastal resources, they become more
environmentally aware of the need to manage those resources. This heightened
level of community environmental awareness facilitates better management of the
coastal resources. Knowledge empowers communities to plan effective strategies
for sustainable use of coastal resources; thus, building a healthier, more symbiotic
relationship with the ecosystem.
For many countries, and especially developing coastal nations, the economic
implications of healthy coral reef eco-systems are far reaching because coral reefs
provide food and a vital source of protein for local communities. In addition,
healthy coral reef eco-systems can “provide millions of jobs, earn export dollars
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and attract tourists” (McAllister and Ansula, 1993). Because these coastal
resources are tied so closely to the quality of life for those living in small island
communities, it is important to study how knowledge and information about caring
for the environment are disseminated at a local level.
This dissertation addresses the issue through analysis of qualitative data
collected in a case study of a community-based coastal resource management
program in the Republic of the Philippines. The Philippines is an example of a
developing country that has a heavy reliance on its marine environment. Coastal
waters provide “half the dietary protein for many of the 62 million Filipino people
and fishing employs over 2 million people either directly or indirectly”
(MacAllister and Ansula, 1993, p. 7). A significant number of these people are
women who gather mollusks, seaweed and other reef resources. Coral reefs also
help to support the tourist industry by attracting over a million foreign visitors a
year to the Philippine Islands.
The situation in the Philippines is particularly grave. In the Philippines, “coral
reefs occupy an area of 33,000 square kilometers at depths under 37 meters”
(Carpenter as cited in McAllister and Ansula, 1993). About 80% of these reefs are
in poor condition due to damage by humans (McAllister and Ansula, 1993; Pineda-
Ofreneo, 1993). The magnitude of inappropriate practices can be seen in one
example from the on-line magazine, People and Planet'. “In the Philippines, over
6,000 cyanide divers squirt an estimated 150,000 kilograms of dissolved poison on
to some 33 million coral heads each year” {People and Planet, 1996).
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Inappropriate and destructive fishing techniques include fishing with explosives,
using cyanide or other poisons to stun rare tropical fish for the lucrative pet
industry, and using poles to break up the coral to drive fish into large heavy nets
(McAllister and Ansula, 1993; U.S. Department of State, 1998).
Overview of Theories
This dissertation attempts to explain how the acquisition and learning of
environmentally appropriate behavior take place through increased knowledge and
attitudinal change. The juxtaposition of several theories frame possible avenues for
exchange of environmental knowledge and information. Social learning theories
may explain one process for the dissemination of environmental knowledge via
community-based programs because ecological information can be passed on from
one person to another through social interaction and involvement in community
activities. Since social interaction is inherently part of community-based education,
it logically follows that social learning theory can at least explain the pathways for
sharing knowledge about the environment. However, other theories may offer
competing or complementing explanations for the dissemination of environmental
knowledge and information.
Organizational learning theories address another aspect of environmental
education and lend insight into how learning takes place within and among
organizations. A non-governmental organization (NGO) that promotes
environmental education in small coastal communities needs to develop approaches
to learning based not only on its own experience, but also based on the experience
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of other organizations with similar objectives. Organizational learning theories can
also help to explain how an organization’s structure affects the learning process and
how the organization changes over time to meet the needs of the community. The
discussion on organizational theories will consider the possibility that social
interaction is a key variable in organizational learning that may result in the
acquisition of new behaviors.
One competing theory that suggests an alternative view of environmental
problems is ecofeminist theory. Ecofeminist theory helps to frame environmental
problems in the context of productive and reproductive labor while also bringing to
light how the process of community empowerment is a necessary step in the
developing of proactive environmental behavior. Ecofeminism emphasizes the
need to change social and political constructs based on patriarchal attitudes that
breed unsustainable development. One major principle of ecofeminism is the
“absolute respect for nature as the foundation of liberation from both patriarchalism
and industrialism” (Castells, 1997, p. 117). In addition, ecofeminism attempts to
explain the need to include all members of the community and especially
marginalized groups that may suffer most from environmental degradation.
Education can increase awareness about such attitudes and help to promote change
by encouraging grass roots involvement in environmental programs. Therefore,
community-based environmental programs that reach out to and seek the
involvement of all members of the community become tools for empowerment that
focus on the importance of education to promote attitudinal and behavioral change.
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Through qualitative investigation, this study explains how non-formal education
can raise consciousness about coastal resource management, ultimately resulting in
attempts to maintain a sustainable symbiotic relationship with the marine
environment. This study is primarily concerned with explaining how a community-
based coastal resource management can effect change in attitudes toward the
environment over time through consciousness raising efforts and how any change
in attitudes might affect behavior.
An increase in knowledge about local environmental issues is expected to
contribute to the development of a enviromental ethic manifested in proactive
environmental behavior. Although it is hypothesized that community-based coastal
resource management promotes positive environmental attitudes resulting in
proactive environmental behavior, it is possible that other factors influence
people’s attitudes and behavior (see Figure 1.1). These factors include, but are not
limited to, peer groups, level of education, social norms, monetary incentives,
legislation and available law enforcement. Some of these factors may facilitate or
hamper a community-based coastal resource management program’s initiatives.
For example, peergroups may either function to challenge or to facilitate the
process of attidudinal change. Peer groups may pose as a challenge if the lack of
awareness about environmental issues results in peers continually modeling
environmentally inappropriate behavior. The continual modeling of inappropriate
behavior leads to the social norms of a group. Therefore, coastal resource
management programs can target specific peers groups (e.g., community
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Figure 1.1: Possible Factors Influencing the Promotion of Pro-Active Environmental Behavior
• Peer
Groups
• Education
Legislation
and Law
Enforcement
$$$
Incentives
• Religious Beliefs
• Social Norms
KNOWLEDGE
Behavioral
Change
ATTITUDINAL
CHANGE
Improved
Environmental
Conditions
Coastal Resource
Management Program
organizations and labor organizations) for involment in consciousness raising
activities. Helping these specific groups better understand the causal relations of
human interaction with the environment and the deep implications of their actions
is expected to effect change in attitudes and ultimately behavior.
Similarly, money is a double-edged sword in any campaign to manage
environmental resources effectively. Illegal fishing and other environmentally
determental activities are products of “want” or “need.” Money can influence
action and the lack of action. If environmentally appropriate practices are believed
to have greater financial rewards, it is hypothosized that peolple will adopt those
alternatives. Therefore, coastal resource management programs need to explore
how money can influence the development of an environmental ethic in
communities and what types of alternative livelyhood are available for those
dependent on illegal fishing or gathering of resources.
Finally, lobbying for legislation and effectively enforcing laws can pressure
individuals and companies to adopt more environmentally appropriate practices.
The lack of action on the part of law enforcement reduces any immediate negative
consequences that otherwise may discourage illegal degradation to the
environment. Therefore, community-based coastal resource organizations need to
lobby on behalf of the community and campaign for the protection of
environmental resources while also working with law enforcement to develop
effective strategies for enforcing regulations.
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Exactly how all the factors in Fig. 1.1 affect the learning process in community-
based projects is one of the questions this study begins to answer. In addition, this
study examines the community empowerment process and how it relates to
building a more sustainable relationship with the marine environment.
Research Questions
The main research questions that this study addresses are:
1) How does a community-based coastal resource management program
contribute to the dissemination process of environmental knowledge among
community members
2) What is the dissemination process of environmental knowledge in a
community-based coastal resource management program
3) How has the organization evolved over time in attempts to better meet its
goals?
4) What effects has the coastal resource management program had on the
community?
5) How has the community-based coastal resource management program impacted
the lives of women in the community?
6) How has the community-based coastal resource management program affected
any marginalized members of the community?
What other variables contribute to the acquisition of environmentally friendl
behavior?
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Overview of Research Methodology
This study uses qualitative research methods to investigate how a community-based
coastal resource management program contributes to the dissemination of
environmental knowledge and information in an island community. The study is
particularly concerned with explaining any perceived changes in attitudes or
behavior. Data will be gathered through interviews, participant observation and
document analysis. The data will be analyzed through coding and theme definition.
Both emic and etic perspectives will contribute to the explanation of themes and
concepts as they emerge.
Assumptions
(1) It is assumed that all the subjects interviewed have answered the questions
honestly and to the best of their ability.
Delimitations
(1) Since this study focused on a specific community, its people and its
environment; the data may reflect a particular social, cultural or political
climate that may not be characteristic of other coastal communities.
(2) This study was limited to the subjects who agreed to participate voluntarily.
Limitations
The data and analysis will reflect only one experience involving the cooperation
of an environmental program and a local community. Other programs or
communities may have very different experiences.
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Definition of Terms
Much of the environmental literature refers to both coral reefs and their related
ecosystems. The International Coral Reef Initiative (ICRI) describes the related
ecosystems as “including mangrove forests, seagrass beds and beaches” (ICRI,
1995). In a broader sense, ecosystems refer to large and small areas and the
interaction of all living and non-living entities in those areas.
Sustainability is a common term in discussions about development and the
environment. Although sustainability is a common term, it is also sometimes
vague. Smith and Williams (1999) assert that “sustainability is about the
relationships between human beings and the world; it is about morality” (p.l).
They further define the concept as recognizing “natural limits” and deriving “an
understanding of sustenance directly from nature.” Sustainable development
should not be interpreted as a fixed notion, but should rather be seen as “a process
of change in the relationships between social, economic and natural systems and
processes. These interrelationships present a challenge to us in reconciling
economic and social progress with safeguarding the global life support systems”
(Van Ginkel, 1998). Although sustainable development has many definitions, the
most widely used definition comes from the World Commission on Environment
and Development in its 1987 report Our Common Future: "Sustainable
development is development that meets the needs of the present without
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compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.” It contains
within it two key concepts:
• the concept of needs, in particular the essential needs
of the world's poor, to which overriding priority should
be given; and
• the idea of limitations imposed by the state of
technology and social organization on the
environment's ability to meet present and future needs.
Much of the community-based learning about sustainable use of resources takes
place in non-formal settings. Perhaps, the best general definition of non-formal
education is from the person who is credited with coining the term. Philip Coombs
(1968) describes non-formal education as “an important complement to formal
education in any nation’s education effort” and as having “a high potential for
contributing quickly and substantially to individual and national development” (p.
138). Coombs (1974) more specifically defines non-formal education as “any
organized, systematic educational activity carried on outside the framework of the
formal system to provide selected types of learning to particular subgroups in the
population” ( p. 8). Although this is an adequate general definition, more detailed
criteria will be introduced in the section on non-formal education.
Since this dissertation examines how environmental knowledge and information
are disseminated through social interaction, it is important to differentiate informal
education from non-formal education. Coombs (1974) again provides an
appropriate definition:
Informal education...is the lifelong process by which every
person acquires and accumulates knowledge, skills attitudes
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and insights from daily experiences and exposure to the
environment—at home, at work, at play from the example and
attitudes of family and friends; from travel, reading
newspapers and books; or by listening to the radio or viewing
films or television, (p. 8)
Non-governmental organizations’ (NGOs) have a role in promoting “bottom-
up” non-formal education that acts as a counter weight to governmental “top-
down” policy. These organizations have a vital role in the support and success of
community-based environmental programs. NGOs can be pivotal in providing
technological support and funding for community-based initiatives that encourage
coastal resource management. Ferrer and Nozawa (1997, section 6; available on
line at: http://www.idrc.ca/cbnrm/documents/publications/ferrer.htmll define a
community-based coastal resource management program as a “participatory,
integrated and multi-sectoral approach” to coastal management (also see Alcala,
1995).
The literature discussion of NGOs focuses on their relevance to the promotion
of non-formal education and community-based coastal resource management
programs. The discussion implicitly includes aid agencies that operate similarly to
NGOs. Specifically, it includes the Coastal Resource Management Project
(CRMP), a bilateral effort funded by the United States Agency for International
Development (USAID) and implemented through the Republic of the Philippines
government. Although NGOs and bilateral aid programs differ in definition,
CRMP functions similar to some development NGOs. Like many NGOs, CRMP
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gives technological support, provides expert advice and encourages community
participating to better plan for effective resource management.
Since this is a case study of a coastal resource management program in a
Philippine community, it is necessary to explain the barangay system of community
government. The word “barangay” is derived from the word for the large banca
boats that originally brought Malay people to the Philippine islands from Borneo.
As the arrivals formed villages, the villages retained the name of barangay. Before
the Spaniards came to the Philippines, a chief or “datu” headed this political
grouping. However, this decentralized form of government not only contributed to
village warfare, but it also weakened any organized resistance against the Spanish
campaign to colonize the islands. The Spanish maintained this localized system of
government during the years of colonization. Today, barangays remain a major
governing unit in the Philippine political system with an elected barangay captain
at the head of an elected barangay council. It is the barangay council that must
serve as a primary planning and implementing unit of government policies in order
to help decide what is best for the local community. In addition, barangay captains
often become mediators in disputes and problems involving neighbors or even
family members. There are about 42,000 barangays in the Philippines. Although
barangays are the most local form of government in the Philippines they must work
closely with the municipal governments, often referred to as local government units
(LGU) on issues of development and education.
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Organization of Dissertation
The following chapter gives an eclectic review of literature on community
involvement in environmental education. The first section examines learning
theories and discusses social interaction as a main variable in the learning process
of community-based environmental programs. The theoretical frameworks on
learning theories attempts to provide insight into how learning takes place among
the members of a community as well as how lessons are shared across community
boundaries. A broader discussion on organizational learning adds perspective to
how a community organization disseminates environmental knowledge and
information.
The following section addresses the more philosophical, eco-centered view of
why coral reefs are valuable resources from an eco-feminist perspective. This
dissertation draws on the liberating educational and philosophical aspects of
ecofeminism to argue for the need that the whole community has access to
participation in environmental programs and resource management.
The importance of involving all groups in environmental campaigns leads into
the following section, which examines the empowerment process in community-
based environmental education programs. Relating the discussion on
empowerment to non-formal education begins to explain the need for community
involvement to protect common resources and guard against the economic
marginalization of any specific groups. The section also provides several specific
examples of non-formal educational programs in the Philippines.
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The final section of Chapter Two examines the role of NGOs and development
agencies in community-based environmental programs. This section defines, in
detail, the relationship between NGOs and non-formal education. It further
suggests that non-invasive approaches on behalf of NGOs and development
agencies may be more effective than invasive approaches.
The third chapter of this dissertation relates the research methodology to the
research questions. It details the nature of the study and explains why the research
methods were appropriate for this study. It also contrasts the etic, or outsider
perspective of the researcher as an observer, to the emic, or insider perspective of
the participant. The chapter ends with a discussion on how the data were analyzed.
Chapter Four describes the combined efforts of an aid agency and an island
community to promote coastal resource management. Social interaction is
discussed as an avenue for the dissemination of environmental knowledge at a
community level. Social interaction is also examined as an aid in getting
community support for resource management. The evolution of coastal resource
management in the community reveals the community’s struggle for
empowerment. The chapter ends with a brief discussion of how the coastal
resource management program has impacted the environment.
After summarizing the findings, the final chapter returns to the theories
discussed in Chapter Two. The data are viewed in the context of the theories with
comments on the appropriateness of each perspective. The chapter includes several
implications for future research and practice before the concluding remarks.
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“There is nothing more difficult to carry out, nor more doubtful o f success, nor more dangerous
to handle, than to initiate a new order o f things.”
Machiavelli,
The Prince, 1513
Chapter 2
Review of the Literature
The term “environmental education” was first used in 1948 at the International
Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (ICNU) conference.
The term did not gain much popularity until the late 1960s when UNESCO became
concerned with several environmental issues (Palmer, 1998). In 1977 at the first
Inter-governmental Conference on Environmental Education in Tbilisi, USSR,
UNESCO established definitions, recommendations and goals for environmental
education. The Tbilisi recommendations state that environmental education is a
life-long process. It is interdisciplinary and holistic in nature and application. This
means that environmental education is an approach to education as a whole, rather
than a subject. It is concerned with creating an environmental ethic that fosters
awareness about the ecological inter-dependence of economic, social and political
factors in a human community and the environment. The major goal in the Tbilisi
report aims to create new patterns of behavior towards the environment. The
acquisition of knowledge through information learned in the education process can
lead to changes in values and attitudes, ultimately leading to behavioral
modification.
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Consideration of future generations is a key element in environmental education
as C.A. Bower notes in his discussion of trans-generational communication in the
educational process (1995). Bower expresses the need to shift away from student-
centered learning and toward a process “of encoding, storing, and renewing a
cultural group’s ways of understanding and valuing the primary life sustaining
relationships between humans and the rest of the biome” or surrounding natural
environment (p. 135). This is an eco-centered approach that emphasizes tradition
and culture in a way that will require the elder generations to act as “carriers of
essential knowledge and values.” Bower’s description of the environmental
education process triggers images of “stewardship”, “nurturing” and “emancipatory
educational liberalism.”
In closer examination of the environmental education process, this chapter first
presents learning theories that may provide a better understanding of how
information and knowledge are disseminated in community-based education
programs. Learning theories from both social and organizational perspectives are
discussed. The discussion then focuses on social interaction as a key variable in the
acquisition of new behavior. The following section borrows ideas from
ecofeminist thought and ties them to an inclusive approach to environmental
education. The discussion on ecofeminism stresses the importance of equal
representation in community participation across generations and among specific
groups. The next section discusses how non-formal environmental education and
shared learning in socially valued pursuits can lead to community empowerment.
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Finally, the role of NGOs and development agencies in education for
empowerment is examined.
Learning Theories
Benjamin Franklin once said, “Tell me and I forget. Teach me and I may
remember. Involve me and I learn.” In one sense, involve can mean to engage in
social interaction with other members of a community. In another sense, involve
can mean to learn through experiencing. These definitions of involve connect when
discussing participation in social movements, community action or community-
based education. Involving members of a community in campaigns toward
common goals creates an environment where social interaction and new
experiences combine to prompt reflection about common values and build on
shared knowledge. Shared learning that takes place in socially valued pursuits may
add to the evolution of old values and the acquisition of new values. Therefore, it
is important to understand the intricate relationships that can develop within,
between and among community organizations and how those relationships can
influence learning.
La Belle (1986) reasons that because nonformal education has a close
relationship with social change, to be effective the educational program must foster
change in the individual. “It is individuals who, acting alone are instruments for
changing their own behavior and, acting in groups, can sometimes reshape the rules
and institutions that support the social structure” (p. 59). The ideas of individual or
institutional change are embodied in Maples’ and Webster’s definition of learning
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(as cited in Merriam and Caffarella, 1999). They define learning “as a process by
which behavior changes as a result of experiences.”
To better understand how learning takes place in community programs, it is
necessary to describe both the intra-organizational and the inter-organizational
relationships of a community-based educational program. The intra-organizational
relationships refer to the person-to-person communication that involves social
interaction among the individuals in a particular organization. By nature,
community-based educational programs promote social interaction among
participants. An examination of social learning theories attempts to describe how
interaction can affect learning in community-based educational programs. Since
learning takes place on multiple levels, learning on an inter-organizational level
might be best described by a review of organizational theories.
Social Learning Theory
Social learning theory combines aspects of reinforcement theories with cognitive
theories (Rotter, 1982a). However, in social learning theory the stimulus-response
is not a physiological drive; instead, reinforcement comes from social interaction
with others (Millard and Dollard, 1976; Bandura, 1976; Rotter, 1982a). Two major
components of social learning theory are the acquisition of new behaviors and a
change in learning to modify already acquired behaviors (Rotter, 1982a). In social
learning theory, the acquisition of new behaviors can take place either directly or
indirectly (Andreasen, 1995). Although social learning theory has been used to
describe such cognitive processes as language and memory, it can also be used to
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describe the learning process of adults in community settings. Since community-
based education involves people in social dialogue, it follows that social interaction
should be a vehicle that disseminates knowledge and information to initiate
behavioral changes.
One interesting example of how social interaction can play a role in the
dissemination of information about environmental concerns comes from a case in
Thailand. Sudara (1999) writes about how Buddhist monks were able to use their
important roles in society to become vehicles in consciousness-raising efforts about
environmental concerns. Several environmental NGOs recognized the connection
between Buddhism and respect for the natural environment. Accordingly, they
helped to organize seminars on environmental awareness for monks. The monks,
in turn, incorporated newly gained knowledge into their teachings to people in their
local areas. In addition to raising consciousness about protecting natural resources,
the monks’ efforts prompted the King of Thailand to declare over one million trees
sacred, thus saving them from the saw.
This spread of environmental information via respected community members
exemplifies how NGOs can utilize existing community networks as vehicles to
promote learning about socially valued issues. The motivation in this case could be
that the locals expected positive feedback from the monks as respected members of
the community, or the desire to conform to Buddhist values, or positive feedback in
the form of acceptance from other members of the community. Cross (1981)
maintains that societal motivation can be an important factor for encouraging adult
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learners to be more cognizant of issues relating to energy or ecology. Rotter
(1982b) claims that although the need for social approval varies among individuals,
the strength of the need is enough to motivate most people to conform to group
values. He cites the actions of millions of people during wartime as an example of
how individuals change their individual behavior to gain social approval. In the
Thai example, societal motivation and social approval may be perceived or actual
positive feedback from the monks or other members in the community.
A closer review of social learning theory can facilitate an understanding of how
social interaction is key in the dissemination of information for community-based
organizations. In part, the reinforcement aspect of social learning theory can be
credited to the work of B. F. Skinner. Although he worked mostly with animals, it
is appropriate to mention Skinner because in his learning programs he describes
reinforcement as being relevant to perception and memory (Talyzina, 1981).
Perception and memory are cognitive actions that allow individuals to process
information and make appropriate decisions based on experience and knowledge.
Involving these cognitive processes would seem to be a departure from traditional
behaviorism and a move through cognitive theory toward social-cognitive theory.
Bandura’s name is synonymous with social learning theory, a type of social
cognitive theory that emphasizes social interaction as a primary source of
information. Bandura combines the reinforcement aspect of behavioral theory with
the ability of the human mind to interpret and construct meaning (Simon, 1999).
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Unlike Skinner, Bandura worked mostly with human subjects focusing on the
impact people have on people (Hergenhahn, 1986).
For Bandura (1997), social interaction begins with observing the behavior of
others. Rushton (1980) relates observational learning to adult acquisition of
altruistic behavior. He asserts that “if people see others valuing altruistic
consideration for others, then this will become internalized as an appropriate
standard of behavior” (p. 93). Andreasen (1995) claims that observational learning
can be more effective than direct learning, even when the observation takes place
through a film or video. Observing others enables a learner to witness a variety of
valued behaviors or undesirable behaviors without having to go through a rigorous
trial and error process.
In spite of the fact that Bandura’s early work was with children, his learning
theory applies to adults as well. Bandura’s theory has relevance to adult learning
because it encompasses both the learner and the learner’s environment (Merriam
and Caffarella, 1999). Although Bandura (1997) recognizes the difficulty involved
in acquiring cognitive skills through modeling, he contends that when covert
thought processes are adequately reflected in modeled actions, observational
learning takes on a cognitive element. A higher level of social interaction than just
observation needs to be involved for this process to be effective. An example from
an environmental program in Indonesia helps to illustrate how observation and
higher levels of social interaction combine to influence proactive environmental
attitudes and behavior.
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Research describing the campaign to promote cleaner coastlines on the island of
Ambon in Indonessia reveals that obsevational learning alone is not enough to
sustain long-term behaviorial change (Uneputty, Evans & Suyoso, 1998). The
local government on the island combined forces with two NGOs to organize a
beach clean-up event for members of the coastal villages. The organizers believed
that modeling alone would not motivate villagers to keep coastlines clean so they
organized a one-day community event with an opening ceremony, speeches about
the importance of the marine environment and a group clean-up effort. The mix of
villagers participating in the event included community leaders, health department
officials, students and common villagers. After clean-ups in four villages, the
organizers held a seminar on marine pollution for about 100 government officials.
The results of a monitoring study after the event showed that the clean-up
activity had short-term effects (up to six months) on keeping shores clean. During
several months after the clean-up, monitors found that litter was being removed
from adjacent beaches by those not directly involved in the clean-up event.
Although the researchers do not speculate on a reason for this, it seems likely that
villagers from those beaches may have witnessed or heard about the clean-up and
showed efforts of trying to emulate that behavior. In spite of producing only short
term results, this project was successful in raising consciousness about
environmental problems and solutions, a necessary step to effect change in the
legislative decision-making process. In the months following the clean-up event,
the city of Ambon implemented a plan to reduce litter on shores and beaches.
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The impact that people have on people is dependent on the type of social
interaction and the specific situation in which that social interaction takes place.
Social learning theory considers how situational factors can influence behavior
(Andreasen, 1995). Lave and Wenger (1991) draw from Vygotsky in developing
the theory of situated learning. They borrow from Vygotsky’s idea that social
interaction is fundamental to the development of cognition. Social interaction is a
key feature in situated learning (Kearsley, 2000). Therefore, situated learning is a
derivative of social learning. Participating in communities of practice is learning
that involves “the whole person acting in the world” (Lave and Wenger, 1991,
p.48). The situated learning approach promotes the learning of knowledge and
skills “in the contexts that reflect how knowledge is obtained and applied in
everyday situations” (Stein, 1998). In situated learning, “cognitive apprenticeship
supports learning in a domain by enabling students to acquire, develop and use
cognitive tools in authentic domain activity” (Kearsley, 2000). Learning advances
through collaborative social interaction and the social construction of knowledge.
Learners engage in a “community of practice” acquiring group beliefs and
behaviors. Community-based education programs should have goals that include
community activities designed to share knowledge and encourage socially valued
behavior. This sharing of knowledge on an inter-community level typifies a
learning process consistent with the following principles of situated learning:
(1) knowledge needs to be presented and learned in an
authentic context, i.e. settings and applications that would
normally involve that knowledge, and
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(2) learning requires social interaction and collaboration.
(Kearsley, 2000)
Situated learning is a type of experiential learning that follows from a social
process involving cognitive problem solving, social interaction and knowledge
processing (Stein, 1998). This social process makes situated learning an
appropriate framework to describe how adults learn in nonformal education
settings. The experiential aspects of situated learning intensify its use as a
framework for community-based education. Kawashima (1999) affirms the
benefits of experiential learning for environmental education in the formal system
as not only allowing direct experience, but also nurturing the ability to analyze and
solve problems. It logically follows that these are benefits of experiential learning
in nonformal education as well.
Although no two community-based programs are exactly alike, an example may
facilitate an understanding of how the learning process relates to social learning
theory. Stromquist (1994) compares two South American social experiments
aimed at raising consciousness about gender issues and educational empowerment.
Both projects, though initiated by outside facilitators, involved participation and
interaction on a local level. The author attributes the success of the Brazilian case
to the involvement of women in a mother’s club. Stromquist’s description of this
project fits the aforementioned principles of situated learning:
Rather than by means of instruction linked to specific issues of
women’s conditions in society, the women in the Brazilian
experience attained new knowledge through their involvement
in an action-research project that placed them in the position
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of active agents from the beginning, evolving from a relatively
passive stage (receiving training to administer a survey) to
more active ones such as analyzing and interpreting the
information and sharing the knowledge acquired from the
research with the women in the mother’s club.
In this example of adult nonformal education, experiential learning and social
interaction were key to the learning process. By being placed in an authentic
situation where they were active agents, the women created a setting that involved
the acquisition of knowledge through social interaction and collaboration. The
women acting as active agents in this example parallel the role of the monks in the
previous example from Thailand.
Social learning theory, like any theory, can only partially explain the intricate
process of human learning. It can, however, offer a framework to elucidate an
understanding of the process. One drawback in using this framework is, as Rotter
(1982b) points out, social learning theory is both a process theory and a content
theory; therefore, it is difficult to measure effects of an experience and infer the
results in a broader sense. Secondly, there are motivational factors and information
sharing on levels outside the perimeters of a community-based organization that
mere social interaction cannot explain. In spite of its conveniences, social learning
theory has limitations that make it necessary to examine aspects of organizational
learning theory to explain the dissemination of information and knowledge in a
community-based educational program.
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Organizational Learning
Striving toward the attainment of common goals, the members of a community
should be continually learning from their individual or group ventures and sharing
the knowledge they gain. In this way, learning is a continuous force that drives and
shapes the organization or community. Since this study focuses on how
environmental education is disseminated throughout a community, it is important to
mention how organizations learn. Bedeian and Zammuto (1991) describe four
types of organizational learning:
(1) Imitation- learning occurs though copying ideas that have
worked for others.
(2) Innovative learning; learning is a willingness to
experiment.
(3) Learning from Errors; learning occurs through trial and
error.
(4) Superstitious learning- despite varying degrees of
uncertainty, decision makers act in hopes of getting a
particular response.
These four types of organizational learning may help to explain the learning
process for community-based coastal resource management programs. However, in
order to understand the “intra-community” learning process (i.e., among
community members) and the “inter-community” learning process (i.e., between
and among coastal communities), two conceptual frameworks are suggested.
These complementing theories together frame the organizational level learning
process for a community-based coastal resource management program. The theory
of liberating structure lends an understanding into how participants in an
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organization can learn or acquire a sense of shared purpose and shared goals. The
second framework applies Bandura’s idea of reciprocal causation to organizational
learning. This social learning perspective suggests that individuals can effect
change within organizations; thus contributing to the evolution of the organization
over time.
Tobert (1978) describes his theory of liberating structure as being based on the
authority of inquiry. He claims it “challenges the leadership as well as the
membership of an organization to inquire more and more precisely into the
purpose, boundaries and ecology and into one’s own particular assumptions about
the nature of reality” (p. 130). Four meaningful qualities of a liberal structure are:
(1) Leadership recognizes that participants may have different
models of reality
(2) Premeditated and precommunicated structural evolution
over time.
(3) The tasks are structured and the leadership functions to
provide a constant cycle of experiential and empirical
research.
(4) The structure is open to inspection and challenge by
organization members.
In order to move closer to the goals of socially valued pursuits, communities
need to somehow unite, decide on a common course of action and remember the
lessons learned from that action. Through unity of action a community begins its
organizational learning. The learning process should help the organization to
recognize problems and devise ways to correct those problems. The process should
move toward eliminating undesired behaviors while increasing opportunities for
more socially valued behaviors.
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There are definite aspects of social learning theory that apply to organizational
learning. These aspects are particularly relevant when discussing the relationship
between an individual participant and a community organization. People not only
impact people, but people impact organizations and organizations impact people.
Bandura (1997) stresses the significance of “reciprocal causation” between three
major classes of determinants. These determinants are behavior, internal personal
factors and external environmental events. Bandura alludes to how this might apply
to the group dynamics in social organizations, “Human adaptation and change are
rooted in social systems. Therefore, personal agency operates within a broad
network of sociostructural influences. In agentic transactions, people are both
producers and products of social systems” (1997, p.6).
The implication is that in addition to people impacting people, people create
social systems that in turn influence the development of social values for the
individual. This reciprocal learning between an individual and an organization
expands Bandura’s theory to dimensions of organizational learning. In discussing
organizational theory, Agryris (1993) held a similar view that organizations learn
through people acting as agents, and added, “The individuals’ learning activities, in
turn, are facilitated or inhibited by an ecological system of factors that may be
called an organizational learning system” (p. 123). In reference to non
governmental joint venture projects with local communities, Knowles (1995)
affirms the need for reciprocal learning when working in cross-cultural situations.
Knowles reasons that if these ventures are to be successful, development workers
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need to learn from the people and share with the people both the organization’s
knowledge and the local people’s knowledge. An example of how an organization
can share the knowledge of the local people in reciprocal learning comes from the
relationship of NGOs to indigenous people’s struggles in South America. Hudson
(as cited in Brisk, 2000, p. 228) explains that environmentalists working with
indigenous tribes value the “moral legitimacy and local knowledge” they provide.
Brisk (2000) stresses the value of learning from indigenous people’s cultural funds
of knowledge to supplement the NGOs’ environmental critique. McAllister and
Ansula (1993) reiterate the importance of reciprocal sharing of knowledge in
reference to coastal resource management in the Philippines. They maintain that
women’s roles in the fishing industry provide much expertise about coral reef eco
systems. The women cleaning fish and gathering mollusks have first hand
knowledge and generations of experience that can aid in the management of coral
reefs.
Other perspectives of organizational learning include how an organization learns
as a single entity and how organizations with common socially valued pursuits
share and interpret knowledge. In seeking solutions to social challenges, an
organization must make decisions based on relevant new information and past
experiences. Huber (as cited in Malhorta, 1996; Stromquist, 1999) divides
organizational learning into four processes: (1) knowledge acquisition, (2)
information distribution, (3) information interpretation, and (4) organizational
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memory. These divisions facilitate an understanding of how learning takes place in
an organization.
A brief description of the Jerusalem AIDS Project (JAIP) may offer an
illustration of Huber’s four processes. JAIP is an international NGO that trains
professionals in HIV/AIDS health care. The NGO offers five-day training
workshops to health workers in Mideastem, Asian and Latin American
communities. In addition, those workers learn how to give similar workshops to
other health care workers on proper HIV/AIDS prevention and care (JAIP, 2000).
To be effective in their work, the organization has a network of scientists and
trained experts that gather information about the virus and about effective ways to
instruct people to be AIDS educators in their respective communities. The
organization’s expansion in the last five years is evidence that experience has given
the organization a wealth of information on effective training practices, efficient
administrative programming and practicable budgeting.
Huber’s second process of organizational learning involves information
distribution. In this example, information distribution partially takes place through
the social interaction of program participants and JAIP workers. Two additional
ways JAIP disseminates information are through workshops and a website. Experts
and advisors should interpret information gathered from the lab, the field or from
other organizations and make appropriate adjustments to the organization’s
behavior. Following the distribution and interpretation of new information, the
process may begin again as reciprocal effects and environments change. At the
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same time though, the new knowledge gained through the process is recorded in
individual memories, organization reports and in databases. JAIP typifies the
organizational learning process for many NGOs working to promote community-
based education. However, since organizational learning also takes place on a
global level with organizations sharing knowledge via technology, inter-
organizational learning is more complex.
Bandura (1997) finds, “The relationship between individual and organizational
effectiveness assumes special significance when individuals have to work
interdependently to produce results” (p.472). The same may be true when separate
organizations are pursuing the same cause, goal or social value. For example, a
community organization trying to build a health education program might ask for
funding or planning assistance from a private sector organization that promotes
public health. Local or national governments may also assist-or possibly resist- the
community’s efforts. Finally, the community organization may share ideas and
lessons learned with adjacent communities and even, via technology, with the
greater global community.
However, organizations are as different and as similar as individuals. As
individual change takes place naturally in growth and deliberately through behavior
modification; social structures change naturally in a laissez faire manner and
deliberately through planning (Kunkel, 1975). Inevitable individual- and
organizational-change necessitate continual evaluation of new information and
knowledge. When this change takes place on very different levels, any one theory
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has limitations. Thus, one difficulty in trying to explain the learning process that
takes place in community-based education programs is the number of variables that
might or might not influence behavioral change. Among these variables are
financial motivation, government interference, government assistance, media
impact and available technology. Therefore, the necessity of interdependent
working among and between organizations increases the dimensions of
organizational learning.
The implication that this has for Huber’s four processes is that various
individual organizations may acquire different or even conflicting knowledge. The
information may not be distributed evenly among organizations that are working
interdependently. Using the example of a community health program, the local or
national government may have different perspectives of how certain issues should
be addressed based on scientific, economic or cultural information. Stromquist
(1999) affirms that organizational structure, process and culture can create
discrepancies in knowledge acquisition and information distribution within an
organization. In addition, organizational environments are “dynamic and
changing” (Viswanath, 1991, p. 8). Therefore, it is important for organizations to
continually evaluate their effectiveness. The “learning process approach” allows for
organizations to continually adapt the implementation process and demonstrate an
openness to learn from errors while adjusting to any new internal or external
variables (Viswanath, 1991).
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Bandura (1995) claims that organizations, like individuals, learn from
observation. Organizations model behavior in their successes and defeats. Bandura
relates this type of organizational modeling to social movements. In a discussion
about how bureaucratic structures hamper social action he writes, “Collective
efforts at social change are sustained in large part by the modeled successes of
other reformers and by evidence of progress toward desired goals. Long delays
between action and noticeable results discourage many advocates along the way”
(p.37).
In addition to observing trial and error behavior of other organizations, inter-
organizational learning can take place through interaction and exchange of
knowledge. Holdgate (1996) maintains that the increasing numbers of NGOs leads
to new dialogues with governments and industry. These new dialogues “advance
the process of social learning” (p. 292). One example of how this type of inter-
organizational interaction resulted in heightened levels of environmental awareness
and progressive measures comes from an evaluation study on several integrated
coastal management (ICM) programs in Africa.
One of the newest examples of the implementation of an ICM program is in East
Africa. In 1997, the Secretariat for East African Coastal Area Management
(SEACAM) was formally established to work with stakeholders in 10 coastal
countries; Comoros, Eritrea, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mozambique,
Reunion, Seychelles, South Africa, and Tanzania (Voabil, Engdahl & Banze,
1998). The objectives of the SEACAM project are to assist the Eastern African
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coastal countries in implementing and coordinating coastal management activities
in the region. Following one year of implimentation, Voabil, Engdahl and Banze
conducted an evaluation of the project (1998).
The authors found SEACAM was able to implement the most intensive effort in
coastal management training ever held in Eastern Afric. Furthermore, almost 80
stakeholders benefited from SEACAM’s courses in Project Development and
Management, and Environmental Assessment of Coastal Tourism. A major
priority in the first year of the program was the capacity building of local NGOs.
This effort included a series of five weeklong training courses throughout the
region. The courses were based on SEACAM’s training manual. This program
was able to reach over 60 NGOs in six of the countries. The authors reported
evidence that these programs help build confidence for designing projects among
NGO representatives. Self-designed projects alleviate the need for outside
consultants. Therefore, this capacity building exemplifies increased inter-
organizational interaction and exchange of knowledge.
SEACAM has elicited the advice of other coastal management programs so that
the projects in Eastern Africa can leam from the successes and failures of existing
activities. SEACAM brought together 66 coastal management practitioners from
18 countries around the world. These practitioners represented research
organizations, national and international NGOs, donor agencies and national
governments. Representatives from the World Bank were present at four of the
courses. Participation is an important component for newly established programs.
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Shared experiential learning from other organizations can save time and money,
thus increasing effectiveness (Voabil, Engdahl & Banze, 1998).
These examples describe a merger of learning theories by comparing the social
learning that takes place in bottom-up grass roots educational campaigns to more
organizational learning that occurs in top-down institutional sharing of knowledge.
Although learning on an individual-to-individual level may take place within
NGOs, a variation of social learning theory is needed to explain how an
organization as a single entity learns and how organizations learn from each other.
One possible problem with trying to explain organizational learning in the context
of a single theoretical framework is that there may be several organizations learning
on different levels and with very different motivations. Therefore several theories
and the examples are used to describe how experiential learning settings that
encourage social interaction and collaborative problem solving can facilitate the
dissemination of information and knowledge at a community level.
Ecofeminist Theory
Although learning theories describe the acquisition of new knowledge and
information, an ecological perspective is needed to frame the issues that
environmental programs address. Since environmental issues are often connected
to social and political concerns, an appropriate framework needs to encompass a
perspective that includes these aspects. Deep ecology, institutional
environmentalism, green political theory and possibly other schools of thought
make connections between environmental, political and social concerns. However,
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eco-feminism emerges as a more appropriate theory for framing the issues and
answers of coastal resource management because an ecofeminist perspective more
fully describes the connections between the degradation to coastal environments
and the social inequalities that plague the people living on these small islands.
Additionally, ecofeminist theory complements the aforementioned learning theories
in an explanation of how knowledge and information about coastal resource
management issues become emancipatory education that empowers communities to
better plan for their futures. Finally, it is important to include ecofeminist theory in
a discussion of environmental education because “in a patriarchal society, failure to
recognize the interests, experience and needs of women must mean that the value
and experience of men will determine the direction of green politics by default”
(Mellor, 1997, p. 128).
Ecofeminism is a liberationist philosophy that combines emancipatory elements
of feminism with the environmental concerns of ecology. It has become a
movement “that sees the connection between the exploitation and degradation of
the natural world and the subordination and oppression of women” (Mellor, 1997,
p.l). Ecofeminists view women as victims of the same patriarchal tyranny that
dominates nature (Castells, 1997). Karen Warren (1996) identifies eight
connections between feminism and the environment. Although it is not necessary
to discuss all eight connections, understanding several of Warren’s connections is
essential in relating non-formal education at a local level to the fostering of
environmentally proactive behavior.
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others might argue it occurred much earlier. Warren aptly quotes Salleh (1988, p.
138, n.l) to epitomize the relevance of this connection: “Ecofeminism is a recent
development in feminist thought which argues that the current global
environmental crisis is a predictable outcome of patriarchal culture.”
If this is true, then it logically follows that dismantling domineering patriarchal
behaviors will allow development to take new directions that consider the health
and welfare of the environment in the future. The magnitude of this challenge
becomes apparent if domineering patriarchal behaviors are tied to capitalism. In
discussing feminism and ecology from a socialist perspective, Mellor (1997) uses
the term “capitalist patriarchy” to explain productive and reproductive labor.
Gonzalez (1997) implies the current global environmental problem may be the
result of the free market notions of capitalism. Gonzalez suggest that capitalism
may be an obstacle to global sustainable development. Therefore, the dismantling
of domineering patriarchal behaviors may include rethinking liberal approaches to
development based on free market capitalism.
Empirical and Experiential Connections Between Feminism and Ecology
The next essential connection that Warren includes in her list is the empirical and
experiential tie between women and nature. She claims documentation of this tie
describes “the very real, felt, lived connections between the dominations of women
and nature.” Documentation of such connections should “motivate the need for
feminist critical analysis of environmental concerns” (p. xiii). In her discussion of
this connection, Warren provides ample evidence of how environmental issues
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directly affect women; however, these examples do not include the relationship of
coral reef degradation and women’s issues. Therefore, it is important to give
specific examples of how marine eco-system declines lead to further
marginalization of women.
According to McAllister and Ansula (1993), in addition to the over 600,000
people who work for municipal or small scale fisheries in the Philippines, another
600,000 people, mostly women, gather mollusks, seaweed and other reef resources.
Pomeroy (1987) investigated the roles of women and children in a small, typical
Philippine fishing community. He found that in Matalom, Leyte, Philippines,
women and children participated in both non-income generating activities and
income generating activities. The majority of fishermen’s wives’ income-
generating activities were related to the fishing industry. These activities included
marketing and processing of fish.
It is important to realize the role of women and children in the fishing industry
when analyzing causal relationships between environmental degradation and
women’s issues. In this type of small-scale fishing industry, a strong causal
relationship begins with human impact on coral reefs. Degradation of coral reefs
results in smaller bio-diversity in the marine environment consequently narrowing
the food chain. As certain prey become scarce; so do predators. An unhealthy
coral reef is not able to attract and sustain plentiful populations of fish and other
sea-life. This translates into fewer fish to catch, fewer to process and fewer to
market. Although lowered incomes and unemployment affect both men and
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women, it would seem that such sociological problems harm women more. As jobs
become scarce, women and children are the first to be pushed out of the market.
Some may leave rural communities for jobs in already overcrowded cities. The lack
of skills, inadequate education or limitations of only speaking a provincial language
is likely to make it difficult for some to find jobs in the cities; thus, forcing young
women and even children into prostitution. Less money often means less food in
developing countries. Women and children are the most likely to suffer from lack
of nutrition. Lack of nutrition is often linked to high infant mortality, disease and
problems during pregnancy. Since these are issues linked to any women’s
movement, the connection between coral reef degradation and feminist concerns is
lucid.
Warren’s empirical and experiential connection between the domination of
women and nature deem women’s participation necessary for the success of
community-based coastal resource management programs. The UN Chronicle
supports this position in declaring the “ women are among those who suffer most
from environmental degradation and also among the most significant actors in the
conservation and safeguarding of natural resources” (p. 47). Because the
conditions under which women must live are so contingent on healthy marine eco
systems, it is important that women play a decisive role in community
environmental education. This type of participation is a step closer to
empowerment.
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Political Connections Between Feminism and Ecology
The last essential connection that Warren discusses is the political connection
between the environmentalist movement and the women’s movement. Warren
reasons “ecofeminist and other feminist concerns for women and the environment
have always grown out of pressing political and practical concerns” (Warren, 1996,
p. xvii). Warren’s idea that both movements have related political concerns and
issues justifies further the decisive role that women should have in coastal resource
management programs. Political activism and political decisions about the
environment should be based on accurate and adequate knowledge about the
environment. Many women bring valuable knowledge to share in the non-formal
education arena. The benefits of women’s participation in the non-formal
education process may best be realized in qualifying the knowledge they can share
with the community. McAllister and Ansula (1993) maintain that women’s roles in
the fishing industry provide them with much expertise about coral reef ecosystems:
Women thus have the knowledge of the distribution and
seasonal occurrence of [reef] resources. When cleaning fishes
they observe when the eggs are large and know the spawning
season of individual species. They know which ones are
disappearing through over harvesting or through human
impacts such as pollution and siltation. The knowledge and
observations of women are therefore necessary for
management of coral reefs and the election of women would
benefit coral reef management councils. Women’s activities
inland, for example in farming, may also affect marine
resources and the supply of marine foods. Inland and coastal
women can play key roles in restoration of the environment,
for example through planting of trees and seagrasses. Women
play key roles in developing attitudes about and awareness of
the importance of nature, (pp. 80-81)
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Pomeroy (1987) reasons that since the active roles of women and children are a
fundamental element for the success of agriculture and rural development
programs, they should also be a fundamental element in the success or development
programs in fishing communities. The inference here can easily be extrapolated to
include the necessity for women’s and children’s active participation in
community-based coastal resource management programs. This inclusion is the
next step toward empowerment. However, for the eco-feminist, empowerment
should not exclusively refer to the empowerment of women. On the contrary, it
should refer to the empowerment of the community to effectively manage common
resources and accept the responsibility of stewardship for the non-human world.
The historical, political and experiential connections realized in ecofeminist
thought justify its use as a lens for framing coastal resource challenges. The
historical aspect of ecofeminism postulates that a history of class domination has
reproduced values and behaviors responsible for human degradation of
environmental resources. The empirical and experiential connections emphasize
the advantages of using a feminist perspective to analyze environmental issues and
plan proactive approaches to coastal resource management. The political
connections recognize that the power of collective effort is essential to minimize
differences of class representation in the decision-making process. This “flattening
out” of the hierarchy fuels the empowerment process.
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Empowerment through Environmental Education
A fundamental element of environmental education is its goal of freeing the
environment from human domination. This becomes the paradigmal shift from
domination to stewardship. Learning to nurture rather than control should also help
to alleviate the impacts that destruction to the environment have on marginalized
groups. In this way, environmental education is emancipatory for nature, and for
the victims of environmental degradation. Emancipatory education is a feasible
strategy to disseminate knowledge that promotes attitudinal change. Stromquist
(1992) defines emancipatory knowledge as “knowledge that questions the status
quo and seeks its transformation” (p.5). This knowledge is essential when
attempting to transform current detrimental trends of development into more
appropriate sustainable development. Thus, emancipatory environmental education
is a road to empowerment for communities wanting to protect themselves from
threats of environmental degradation. Stromquist (1993) defines empowerment as
“a process to change the distribution of power, both in interpersonal relations and
in institutions throughout society” (p. 13). Her “Theorized Chain of Events in the
Empowering Process” (Fig. 2.1) can be adapted to explain the theoretical
empowerment process of community-based environmental education. The
modifications in Figure 2.2 illustrate a conceptual model of how community-based
coastal resource management programs can inaugurate community empowerment
and address environmental issues. The process begins with grass roots participation
in an environmental education program that has a “collective agenda.” An example
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of a collective agenda is the management of coral reefs to ensure the continued
good health of marine eco-systems and to maintain a sustainable relationship with
the environment.
Figure 2.1 Stromquist’s (1993) Theorized Chain o f Events in the Empowering
Process
Understanding of
domination, organization, and
mobilization; setting up a wider
political agenda
Participation in small groups
with a collective agenda (human
rights, economic survival and
community improvement)
Macro level
Expanded political agenda, new
collective arrangements,
transformed citizenship
Micro level
Greater freedom and sense of
personal confidence, reshaped
motherhood values, renegotiation of
domestic relations
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Figure 2.2 Empowerment Process o f Community-Based Environmental Education
Source: 'Phis model is adapted from Strom quisl’s (1993, p. 17) Theorized Chain o f Events in the Empowering Process.
Macro level
Local efforts can grow to involve people on
national and international levels. “Expanded
political agenda, new collective
arrangements, transformed citizenship
Micro level
A sense of community competence in being able to
address local environmental issues will lead to a greater
consciousness of the interaction between social institutions
and environmental issues.
Participation in grassroots, non-formal education
programs that have a common goal to maintain a
sustainable relationship with the environment.
Sustainability is essential for long-term economic survival
and for continuing community improvement.
Behavioral change begins on a personal and local level. A
sense of community that includes the non-human world
helps people reshape their values about the environment.
People renegotiate environmentally harmful behaviors and
practices.
Micro level
Community-based non-formal education can
facilitate an understanding of: 1) the need for
resource management; 2) inappropriate
behaviors that are harmful to the
environment; and, 3) the power of collective
effort through organization and mobilization.
Understanding of these concepts can help
people expand their focus of
environmentalism to include a wider political
agenda.
oo
Environmental education programs can facilitate an understanding of
inappropriate behaviors that are harmful to the environment. Community-based
non-formal education can also help people to accurately perceive the power of
community effort through organization and mobilization. This understanding can
help people expand their focus of environmentalism to include a wider political
agenda. Knowledge and understanding give rise to attitudinal and behavioral
changes. A sense of community that includes the natural world helps people
reshape their values about the environment. People renegotiate environmentally
harmful behaviors and practices. As this consciousness raising process continues
and intensifies, people begin to realize the relationships between economics,
politics, religion and environmental issues leading to expanded political agenda.
Eco-Centered, Non-Formal Education for Empowerment
Although ecofeminism can provide a theoretical framework to analyze humans’
relationship with the environment, human communities need a structural
organization to disseminate knowledge as the first step towards emancipatory
action. Non-formal educational projects can provide the needed structure to raise
consciousness about environmental issues and promote behavioral change. In his
critique of ecofeminism, Robert Sessions claims ecofeminism’s real challenge “is
to articulate notions of community that include, in a comprehensible way,
nonhuman nature” (1996, p. 150). This section will offer explanations and
examples of how non-formal education can meet this challenge.
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Smith (1999) defines non-formal education as “learning settings and
opportunities that are not tied into the acquisition of diplomas, or licenses.”
Smith’s discussion primarily refers to adult non-formal education; however,
children can also benefit from programs outside the realm of formal education
(Blunt, 1994). For the focus of this study, non-formal education will more
specifically refer to environmentally based and eco-centered programs that use
proactive approaches to changing attitudes about the environment at local levels.
Criteria o f Non-Formal Education
Some proponents of non-formal education provide specific goals and criteria that
are helpful in understanding how programs can become deep-seated agents of
change within communities. Van Riezen’s (1996) explanation of the importance of
integration in non-formal education is a guide for proposing a list of several desired
criteria for eco-centered non-formal education programs. First, such programs
should maintain a flexible design so they can function as a “tool to reach
development goals” by addressing the needs of the community and adjusting to
ongoing interventions. These development goals should consider present
conditions, possibilities for change and the long-term perspective. This requires
some sort of needs assessment to determine the community goals and needs. One
important point of consideration in the needs assessment process is deciding who
can best evaluate the needs. This may be the first difficult challenge in designing
any non-formal education program.
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A second criterion for environmentally based non-formal education is the people
in the community should be able to freely participate in the program organization
and educational process. Participation has three basic features: decision making,
implementation, and rewards. The people in the community must not only be part
of the decision-making and implementation processes, they must also benefit from
the educational program (Midgley as cited in Van Riezen, 1996). Participation in
the needs assessment stage will better prepare community members to more
effectively make decisions and implement programs that benefit the community.
Third, non-formal education should be a life-long process. The concept of life
long learning should be a quintessential feature in eco-centered environmental
educational programs that not only allow each member of the community to
participate regardless of age, but also encourage trans-generational communication
about environmental issues. As previously mentioned, Bowers (1995) indicates the
value elders’ knowledge and experience has for the educational process. Elders
can pass on essential knowledge so that tradition and culture do not compete with
environmental education, but rather help to enforce appropriate values toward the
environment. However, it is logical to expect younger community members will
bring their own knowledge and perspectives into the trans-generational arena. In
this way, youth can be a bridge between formal and non-formal education
programs.
These three general criteria are important features of community-based
environmental education. The involvement of community is a powerful variable in
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taking proactive steps to maintain sustainable relationships with the environment.
Matching the criteria with the goal of maintaining a sustainable relationship with
the environment extends the concept of community to include the non-human
world. Through emancipatory environmental education, the community takes on a
stewardship role to nurture the whole environment-including the human society-
for a future based on sustainability.
Principles o f Environmental Education
These three general criteria for non-formal education need to be aligned with the
principles of environmental education. Smith and Williams (1999) provide a
concise, but complete list of their “Principles of Ecological Education” (p.6). In
context, their use of the word “ecological” is synonymous with this paper’s use of
the word “environmental.” Their seven principles are:
• Development of personal affinity with the earth
through practical experiences out-of-doors and through
the practice of an ethic of care
• Grounding learning in a sense of place through the
study of knowledge possessed by local elders and the
investigation of surrounding natural and human
communities
• Induction of students into an experience of community
that counters the press toward individualism that is
dominant in contemporary social and economic
experiences
• Acquisition of practical skills needed to regenerate
human and natural environments
• Introduction to occupational alternatives that
contribute to the preservation of local cultures and the
natural environment
• Preparation for work as activists able to negotiate
local, regional, and national government structures in
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an effort to adapt policies that support social justice
and ecological sustainability
• Critique of cultural assumptions upon which modem
industrial civilization has been built, exploring in
particular how they have contributed to the
exploitation of the natural world and human
populations
The similarities among the concepts of ecofeminism, the criteria for non-formal
education and the principles of ecological/environmental education are obvious.
These similarities are the foundation for a type of participatory community
education that raises consciousness about environmental issues effecting attitudinal
and behavioral change while encouraging emancipatory action.
A New Environmental Paradigm
Environmental education is emancipatory if it leads to the creation of new values,
especially new environmental values that become the cornerstones of a community-
wide environmental ethic. The passing on of environmental values from one
generation to another begins the process of structuring a new social paradigm.
Within the theoretical framework of eco-feminism, environmentally based non-
formal education can change the way people think about their relationship with
nature. Lester Milbrath (1989) aptly argues for the need to promote new social
paradigms that focus on sustainability and reconsider the way society dominates the
environment. Some of Milbrath’s ideas are radical in that they require a massive
restructuring of political institutions and society. For a discussion on non-formal
education and coastal resource management, it is not necessary to debate the
feasibility or plausibility of radical change. Still, some of Milbrath’s other points
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are relevant and can be addressed by environmentally based non-formal education
programs. These points include a shift toward placing a higher valuation on nature,
carefully planning action to avoid risks and limiting growth.
Through education and consciousness raising, non-formal education can help
citizens realize the dependence humans have on the environment. This could create
a more holistic perspective that tightens the relationship between humans and
nature. The ultimate goal here, however, is to encourage behavior that favors
environmental protection over economic growth. Economic growth is not
necessarily harmful; this simply means that environmental protection should be a
priority. To maintain a balance, careful planning is needed. Planning should
consider all short-term and long-term risks. Education is an important element in
the planning process because knowledge allows communities to make informed
decisions about their lives. A crucial element of informed planning is the ability to
realize the limits of growth. Thus, one major goal of community-based coastal
resource management programs is to determine what types of growth could lead to
the degradation of coral reefs.
Environmental Non-Formal Education in the Philippines
Historical and cultural variables may facilitate the workability and success of
environmental non-formal education in the Republic of the Philippines. A history
of political struggle has laid the groundwork for grass-roots movements in the
Philippines. The 1986 revolution and subsequent ousting of Marcos are evidence
of the power and possibilities that solidarity provides in the Philippines. This is
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important in the development of environmental non-formal education programs
because “few environmental movements in less affluent countries have their
primary origins in ecological concerns or focus exclusively on environmental
issues” (Taylor et al., 1993, p. 69). Since grass-roots movements have an anchored
base in the Philippines, the move to local, proactive environmental programs is
facilitated.
Women also play an important role in environmental movements. Through their
participation and involvement they are able to address many environmental issues
that parallel concerns about their position in society. It is women who may be
affected most severely by environmental degradation’s affects on the job market,
economy and demographic trends. Despite any traditional or historical subjection
of women in the Philippines and other countries, many of the environmental
movements are “essentially women’s movements” (Taylor, et al., 1993, p. 71).
Examples o f Environmental Non-Formal Education in the Philippines
Throughout the world there are a plethora of grassroots non-formal environmental
education programs. Some have been successful while others have little impact on
improving conditions. Taylor et al (1993) describe environmental movements in
several countries that have had varying degrees of success. In the Philippines, much
of the environmental non-formal education is limited to national parks and
museums. Bagarinao (1998) provides a detailed account of the national parks and
protected areas in the Philippines. Bagarinao asserts that “one way to popularize
biodiversity and environment issues is by popularizing national parks and
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biodiversity exhibits such as museums, herbariums, zoos and botanical gardens”
(p.230). The author specifically mentions particular marine reserves and protected
coastal areas. Tubbataha Reef has become one of the more famous reserves since it
was declared an UNESCO World Heritage Site. Despite claims of it being a
successful model, serious problems of management and enforcement still threaten
the area (also discussed in Manamtam, 1995). Bagarinao also names Puerto Galera
as an example of a more successful reserve. Puerto Galera has coral reefs and
beaches that are in good condition partly because the area has been declared a
“Man and the Biosphere Reserve.” Although designating some areas as protected
areas has merit in terms of environmental education, other types of management are
necessary to ensure against large-scale degradation of resources and eco-systems.
Perhaps, the most impressive example of coastal resource management in the
Philippines is Apo Reef (Bagarinao, 1998; Hinrichsen, 1997). By the mid-1980s,
the reef was almost totally destroyed by villagers’ inappropriate fishing practices.
The use of dynamite, cyanide and destructive nets to eke out a living from the
failing reef nearly destroyed the island community’s livelihood. Apo reef has made
a dramatic comeback in the last decade and a half due to proactive reef
management by the local community and experts from Silliman University in
Dumaguete. The villagers have learned sustainable practices that are essential to
maintaining healthy reefs. Hinrichsen comments on the hope that the Apo reef case
provides for community-based coastal resource management programs:
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Apo demonstrates that it is not too late to protect these
wonderfully diverse underwater ecosystems and to preserve
their productivity for the people who depend on them. The
model that Apo sets offers encouragement to the coral-reef
nations that recently launched a new international protection
plan, culminating in the designation of 1997 as the
International Year of the Coral Reef. (p. 14)
Non-Governmental Organizations and Non-Formal Education
The Role o f Non-Governmental Organizations
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) offer a “bottom-up” inductive approach
to bettering communities and addressing human concerns. Fernandes discusses
how NGOs in Latin America have promoted people’s participation in slum
management and encouraged political involvement. In a specific report on NGOs in
the field of education, Archer (1994) reviews how some NGOs have historically
focused on providing educational services to communities throughout the world.
Although it is certain that many of these organizations serve causes not directly
related to environmental issues, some of the other important literature on NGOs
makes direct references to their involvement in environmental programs. In an
overview of environmental politics in Asia, Schubert (1993) affirms that in most
Asian nations, NGOs are “the primary impetus for environmental protection and
nature conservation” (p.241). According to Schubert, many of the thousands of
environmental NGOs in Asia are “grass-roots movements of people concerned
about specific conditions in local eco-systems.”
Whether NGOs focus on environmental issues or seek to provide other services,
they provide additional monetary backing for local community efforts. Fernandes’
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(1985) assertion that there are thousands of NGOs administering hundreds of
millions of dollars in Latin America (p.7) gives an example of how NGOs can
provide needed resources for grass roots efforts. Schubert (1993) reasons that
despite good intentions, many governments lack sufficient funding, training and
enforcement to implement effective environmental protection policies and
programs. Therefore, there is a need for NGOs to augment environmental efforts
of national governments. Schubert clearly states, “The insufficiency of resources
available to most policy makers in Asian nations calls for, even necessitates, the
active inclusion of NGOs in policy formulation, enactment and enforcement” (p.
242).
Although Schubert is referring to a broad view of NGO roles in developing
effective environmental policies, there are definite implications for NGO roles in
more specific environmental education programs. NGOs can provide resources to
greater the probability that community-based environmental programs will be
effective agents of change. Ideally, educational programs can promote attitudinal
and behavioral changes to facilitate policy formulation, instigate action and reduce
the burden of enforcement.
Invasive or Noninvasive?
Fernandes (1985) provides a list of organizational problems that many NGOs have.
These include, designing goals to satisfy budgets and funding rather than vice
versa; poorly paid staff and inter-organizational communication problems.
Proposing solutions to these problems is beyond the scope of this paper; however,
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it is necessary to address criticisms of NGOs that are relevant to the theoretical
design of eco-centered community-based environmental education.
Some critics of NGO involvement in local community concerns may argue that
many NGOs are actually products of governments that are set up to implement
official agenda (Quizon and Reyes as cited in Toh and Floresca-Cawagas, 1997).
The argument would be that governments use NGOs to disguise political agenda.
Similarly, Toh and Floresca-Cawagas (1997) argue that, “there are differences in
world views and motivations among NGOs, some of which may not be
authentically dedicated to the well-being of their constituents” (p. 534). If NGOs
have goals that do not address the real needs of the community it is likely that their
involvement will be seen as an outsider attempt to control local social institutions.
When locals view NGOs as outsiders, resentment will grow and participation will
wane.
It is important that NGOs avoid becoming invasive in their involvement. This
is especially true for NGO support in establishing community-based educational
programs in rural areas. In addition to the theoretical reasons already discussed in
this paper, there are the practical reasons of workability for NGOs to maintain a
non-invasive approach to implementing educational programs. In specific
reference to non-formal education, Van Riezen (1996) reasons that since specific
groups have specific needs, the curriculum used in an educational program must
relate to the needs and resources of the local community. People in rural
communities will not profit from curriculum and textbooks designed for people in
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cities or more affluent countries. Van Riezen explains that avoiding invasive
involvement includes using the vernacular as a way of showing respect for the local
culture. The inclusion of local culture sends a message to communities that their
participation is valued. This gives community members a sense of worth and
purpose that encourages active participation.
McCormick (1993) gives two factors that influence the effectiveness of NGOs.
These, too, apply to NGOs in general, but also have significant relevance to
community-based educational programs. The two factors are:
• their political influence (as measured by the level of
political support they enjoy, and their ability to use
political structures effectively);
• the importance of having clearly defined constituencies
and clearly defined avenues through which to make
their appeals and to influence government, (p. 142)
Although McCormick contends that NGOs need clearly defined constituencies
and strategies to be effective, others may reason that this is not necessary. The
famous Chipko movement in India is an example of an effective campaign that
grew to a critical mass while remaining loosely organized. The Chipko movement
is a case where locals’ values and love for their forest homeland motivated them to
unite in an activist campaign against foreign logging companies. This campaign
began without clearly defined avenues through which to make their appeals or to
influence the government. Although the group of activists better fits the definition
of a movement than an NGO, it exemplifies one type of local organization in
developing countries. Viswanath more clearly defines the range of local NGOs in
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India as being a “mixed bag, ranging from service-oriented groups to militant
movements, usually of the left” (p.37). The Chipko is an example of one
community organizing to campaign for a local cause but having far reaching
influence in motivating other communities to form grassroots initiatives.
In their discussion on people-centered education in the Philippines, Toh and
Floresc-Cawagas (1997) suggest four themes. The four themes are, a pedagogy of
dialogue; a praxis of critical empowerment; active nonviolence for peace and
justice1 , and walking in solidarity. Consideration of these four themes allows
community educators and NGOs to negotiate how to maximize the positive impacts
of McCormick’s two factors. The first theme can begin to clearly define
participants, methods and approaches to achieving the goals of a community-based
education program. As previously discussed, empowerment, the second theme, can
lead to political clout beyond the local level. Thus, the first two themes address
McCormick’s second conditional factor for effectiveness. The second, third, and
fourth themes are all significant in optimizing the political influence that an NGO
backed grassroots environmental program might have.
It is essential to carefully weave all four of the themes in the planning and
implementing of community-based coastal resource management programs.
Inclusion of these themes will help to strengthen ties between any supporting NGO
and the coastal community. Inclusion of these themes will help to ensure a greater
effectiveness in achieving the goals of a community-based environmental program.
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Summary of Literature Review
This chapter has attempted to show how social learning theories may explain the
dissemination of environmental knowledge and information through a community-
based education program. Learning theories can explain how environmental
knowledge spreads among community members leading to changes in attitude and
acquisition of new behaviors for those members. Learning theories can also explain
how information moves across community boundaries and becomes shared
knowledge among communities. Eco-feminism can be a philosophical lens to view
community based environmental education as a vehicle for developing more
ecologically appropriate attitudes and behaviors. Eco-feminism is a lens to correct
the myopic view of development in many coastal communities. The empowerment
process is compared and contrasted to ecofeminist philosophy. Both, eco-feminist
and empowerment perspectives to development complement the principles of
environmental education and non-formal approaches to the dissemination of
environmental knowledge.
This brief review of theories intends to be a starting point from which to view a
community-based coastal resource management program. It does not intend to set a
definitive framework from which all community-based environmental education
programs operate. Community-based educational programs are social in nature;
and therefore, each is as unique as the individuals who are the organization.
Elements of these theoretical frameworks can, however, serve as a tool for
reflecting upon the social interaction involved in the transfer of knowledge. The
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following chapter details this dissertation’s research methodology for gathering and
analyzing data on the structure and learning process of a coastal resource
management program.
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“As an uneven mirror distorts the rays o f objects according to its own figure and section, so the
mind inform ing its notions mixes up its own nature.”
Francis Bacon, 1620
Chapter 3
Qualitative Research and Environmental Programs
Historically, civilizations have developed on the water’s edge. For thousands of
years humans have had a close relationship with the sea. The vast resources of the
oceans are an essential element for the survival of coastal communities. Coastal
communities’ populations continue to grow as a result of urbanization and
expansion of tourism. This increases the need for effective coastal management
programs. In many tropical island communities growing demographic pressure
impedes maintaining a symbiotic relationship with the marine environment;
therefore, effective coastal management programs are essential to the health and
welfare of the current and future generations. Human impact on the marine
environment is directly related to the depletion and destmction of vital marine
resources such as coral reefs and their related eco-systems. The survival of tropical
island communities may depend on the establishment of coastal resource
management programs that educate people about how to maintain a more
sustainable relationship with the environment. To be effective, a coastal resource
management program should attempt to “find the means of making man’s demands
upon the ecosystem compatible with the reefs ecology” (Craik, Kenchington and
Kelleher, 1990, p. 459). Since humans have become a dominant feature of the eco-
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system it is essential to understand not only how humans impact the environment,
but also how humans can modify interaction with the environment so as to create a
more symbiotic relationship with the marine environment. A closer examination of
a community-based coastal resource management program illustrates the role of
education in consciousness raising of human impacts and campaigns to modify
interaction with the environment. This case study uses qualitative research methods
in gathering and analyzing data to describe several essential elements in the
educational process of a coastal resource management program.
Valadez and Bamberger (1994) claim the purpose for using qualitative methods
for collecting data is “to understand reality as it is construed by the persons being
studied” (p.329). They also state that qualitative methods “should encourage
researchers to try to understand the meaning of particular activities or beliefs in the
context of the culture being considered” (p.329). This enables researchers to study
particular events in the context in which they occur. Babbie (1995) indicates that
field methods of research are superior when investigating behavior and attitudes
about topics best understood in natural settings. Babbie also says that qualitative
methods are especially appropriate when studying social processes over time. The
learning process and behavioral changes that take place during an environmental
education intervention at a local level would best be explored in a natural setting
over a long period of time.
Qualitative research methods satisfy some of the goals of social analysis
because qualitative data lends valuable insight into how a local people cope with
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and contribute to development interventions (Gow, 1990; Derman, 1990). Social
impact assessments are particularly valuable in environmental protection
movements because they can provide feedback on what resources and constraints
people’s organizations have for development efforts (Ingerscoll, 1990). Social
impact assessments add to the local body of community knowledge. Their results
can indicate targets for educational programs or contribute to evaluation studies on
existing programs.
Although ethnographic techniques are qualitative methods, in some studies the
approach may differ from that of traditional anthropological ethnography in terms
of the “unit of analysis.” Instead of a society or a culture being studied, the
research may focus on a community, family, group, gang or even an individual
(Valadez and Bamberger, 1994). Ethnography that focuses on schooling or other
forms of education is not fundamentally different from other ethnography (Spindler
and Spindler, 1987). Ethnographic accounts are valuable for investigating the
educational process in community-base environmental programs because they can
facilitate an understanding of how particular social systems work by providing
detailed descriptive data on a particular group or about a particular phenomenon
(Wolcott, 1987).
The data collected in qualitative studies can be useful in developing quantitative
studies. Valadez and Bamberger (1994) believe that qualitative analysis can aid in
the formulation of quantitative research hypotheses and data interpretation.
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Research on Environmental Programs
Proponents of environmental education would agree that the major goals of
environmental education programs are to raise consciousness about environmental
conditions and to teach environmentally appropriate behavior (Milbrath, 1989;
Bowers, 1995, 1997; Palmer 1998). Consciousness raising should lead to the
acquisition of an environmental ethic in peoples’ attitudes, ultimately developing
into a more pro-environmental paradigm in society.
Many researchers have used quantitative methods to describe relationships
between knowledge about the environment and attitudes toward the environment.
In discussing attempts to measure the effectiveness of in-classroom environmental
education, Dettmann-Easler and Pease (1999) cite numerous studies that indicate
exposure to environmental education in the classroom has at least minimal effect
on knowledge and attitudes. Zelezny’s findings (1999) that “educational
interventions can effectively improve environmental behavior” refuted previous
studies (Cone and Hayes, 1980; as cited in Zelezny, 1999) that argued educational
interventions have little or no effect on changing behavior. Reviewing several
quantitative studies, Najib (1999) found results showed inconsistencies between
environmental concerns and actually behavior. Other studies suggest the influence
of other variables such as religious beliefs, peer group, social norms and locus of
control (Negra & Manning, 1997; Harris and Blackwell, 1996).
From her qualitative research, Emmons (1997) speculates that environmental
education in a participatory, non-formal setting encourages experiential learning
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that results in independent pro-environment action. Her research indicates
“participants within the setting begin to actively influence the process of their
growth and change” (p. 42). Qualitative research can advance the understanding of
that process and reveal how consciousness raising efforts lead to the acquisition of
more environmentally sound behavior. Currently, there is a paucity of descriptive
qualitative research on community-based environmental programs; therefore, the
design of the current study contributes a different perspective to the literature on
environmental education programs. Although this is a case study of only one
community-based coastal resource management program, the data and analysis
intend to facilitate a general understanding of the learning process taking place in
community-based educational programs. Negra and Manning (1997) claim that it
is important for more research to be done on non-formal long-term environmental
education. Eagles and Demare (1999) echo this view in their statement,
“Environmental attitudes are formed by many influences over a long period of
time. For an environmental education program to be effective in influencing
attitudes it must be part of holistic environmental education over many years” (p.
35). Therefore qualitative research methods are appropriate to gather descriptive
data on an established community-based coastal resource management program.
Research Design
Research Objectives
This case study of a community-based coastal resource management program
attempts to address the following research questions:
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(1) How does a community-based coastal resource management program
contribute to the dissemination process of environmental knowledge among
community members?
• What are the goals of the organization?
• What types of environmental education does the program promote?
• What types of activities does the program have?
• How are women involved in the education process?
• What are the foci of lectures, seminars and events?
• Have the media participated in any activities or campaigns?
• What types of information and knowledge are exchanged through
informal education networks?
(2) What is the dissemination process of environmental knowledge in a coastal
resource management program?
• How does the program promote social interaction to exchange
environmental knowledge?
• How does the program utilize potential informal education networks to
disseminate information and knowledge about the coastal environment?
• Do the events and activities that promote social interaction contribute to
attitudinal or change?
• How do women contribute to the dissemination of information and
knowledge about the environment?
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• How has social interaction contributed to the education elements of the
program being spread to the formal education system?
• How has social interaction contributed to the ideas and the goals of the
program being spread outside the community?
(3) How has the organization evolved over time to develop a sense of community
competence in being able to address local environmental issues while building
stronger avenues of interaction between social institutions and community
members?
• How does the organization decide common goals?
• How does a community-based coastal resource management program
contribute to the empowerment process?
• How are community members involved in the decision-making process?
• How have local efforts grown to expand political agenda, initiate
collective arrangements, and transform citizenship?
• How does the organization attempt to meet the needs of women and
children in the community?
• How have women contributed to the change and evolution of the
organization?
• What is the implementation and planning process for programs,
activities and events?
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• What are the participants’ (staff, clients and all community members
affected by any action or lack of action) attitudes toward change?
• What are the participants’ attitudes toward successes?
• What difficulties does the program have in getting community support
for its goals?
(4) What effects has the coastal resource management program had on the
community?
• Has there been any effect on employment?
• Has the program created alternative forms of livelihood that promote the
use of resources to replace practices that abuse coastal resources?
• How have women and children been affected?
• Has the inclusion or exclusion of marginalized groups resulted in a more
sustainable community?
• Has there been any population shifts since the program’s
implementation?
• How has the environment changed as a result of the program?
(5) What other factors affect the acquisition of environmentally appropriate
behavior?
Methodology
The research process consisted of gathering information about a community-based
coastal resource management program in several steps:
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(1) A review of literature on community-based environmental programs and local
environmental movements facilitates an understanding of conceptual
frameworks and possible variables that can explain the dissemination of
environmental knowledge and information. This step addresses question five.
(2) Analyzing documents specifically pertaining to the selected program provided
data on the program’s origin, objectives, history and process for determining
the community’s goals. This step addresses issues in questions one and three.
(3) Volunteering to participate in various activities facilitated access to the
program and initiated contacts with key informants. Living in the community
and joining in the coastal resource management efforts allow me to move from
the etic, or outsider perspective, to the emic, or insider perspective. As a
participant observer I not only had an excellent vantage-point to observe social
interaction, but also participated to varying degrees in the activities that
promote social interaction. This method was valuable for gathering data to
answer all five principal research questions.
(4) Interviews with several of the core members of the program to help me learn
more about the emic view of the community members. The emic perspective
of the local people is essential in explaining the variables that may influence
attitudinal and behavioral changes toward the environment. These interviews
searched for in-depth perspectives on the more specific research questions.
(5) Interviews with key informants in the community, such as community
organizers, eco-tour guides, teachers, fishermen, politicians and law
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enforcement officials deepened the emic response and lent further insight into
how community members view the environmental efforts of a community-
based coastal resource management program. This insight addresses all the
research objectives.
Selecting a Site
The following characteristics were considered when selecting a site to conduct this
study. While some of the desired characteristics are practical considerations others
arise from Tobert’s (1978) theory of liberating structure. The Olango learning area
in the Philippines was selected as the site for this study because the coastal resource
management efforts in that area encompass the following key characteristics:
1) The primary characteristic for choosing Olango as a site was that the
community has a community-based coastal resource management program and
the members allowed me to be a volunteer for the program while conducting
research as a participant observer.
2) The activities of the coastal resource management program promote social
interaction of community members for the development of pro-environmental
attitudes and behavior.
3) The leadership of the community-based coastal resource management is open to
input from the participants.
4) The community also has, in its history, serious environmental problems that
have significantly impacted the people and the eco-system.
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5) A preferred characteristic for choosing Olango was the organization has
documentation relating to the pre-implementation environmental conditions, the
implementation process, and the history of the coastal resource management
program. Such documentation was found in newspaper articles, resource
assessment reports, academic papers, aid agency reports, local government
records such as environmental impact reports and long-term development
planning reports.
6) The organization also revealed evidence of premeditated and pre-communicated
structural evolution over time. Therefore, it was representative of an
organization with experience and evolving history. Thus, the community
organization on Olango was preferred over a new organization at the nascent of
learning the appropriate approaches to community-based coastal resource
management.
7) The leadership in Olango’s coastal resource management efforts functions to
provide a constant cycle of experiential and empirical research.
Description o f Site
Although there are many different sites with community-based coastal resource
management programs throughout the Philippine Islands, this dissertation describes
the efforts of the people on Olango Island and several of its surrounding islets.
Olango, one of six learning areas of the Coastal Resource Management Project
(CRMP), is located in the Visayas, a group of islands in the central Philippines (see
map on p. 69). This small island group is less than a two-hour trip from downtown
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Cebu, the center of the second largest urban area in the Philippines. The urban area
is a tri-city metropolis comprised of Cebu City, Mandaue and Lapulapu City. The
close proximity of Olango to this metropolis is why one CRMP informant describes
it as, “A rural place in an urban setting.” Olango and two of the satellite island
barangays fall under the jurisdiction of Lapulapu City which makes up most of
Mactan Island, while the other islets fall under the jurisdiction of Cordova, the
small city on the south end of Mactan Island. This is important to note because it
means that two separate municipalities have vested interest in the management of
coastal resources for this small group of rocky islands.
In better times, Mactan Island was hailed as a tourist’s haven and a diver’s
paradise. In lieu of hosting an international airport, tourism on Mactan has fallen
off as is evident by the numerous run-down pension houses and resorts scattered
about on the sunrise side of the island facing Olango. However, attempts to boost
the economy through tourism persist as new five-star resorts continue to fence off
huge stretches of coastline for heavily guarded beach paradises complete with
imported sand. Although 250,000 tourists a year still come to Mactan, the residents
of Olango “realize little benefit from the influx of foreign exchange” (Parras,
Portigo &White; 1998, p. 1).
Today, in spite of the depleting food supply from the coastal resources, families
continue to have children at a rate ensuring exponential population growth leaving
these island communities a bleak chance to escape the downward spiral of poverty.
According to one community leader, girls get married as young as fourteen years
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old and begin having babies soon after. Half of Olango’s inhabitants are less than
18 years old (Parras, Portigo &White; 1998). In twenty years, nearly all of them
will be raising families of their own.
Olango
Santa R o m
lungaaan
J 80H 0L }
San Vfeanta
Sabang
O lango
W ildlife S an ctu ary ^
Camungi
Pangarvan la.
LEGEND:
Caohagan la
Gilutongan la.
Road
Coastline
Reef slope
— — — — Lapu-lapu City - Cordova
political boundary
(approximated)
2000m 6000m
Figure 3.1: Map o f Olango and Surrounding Islets
Source: “Coastal Environment Profile of Olango, Island, Cebu, Philippines” CRMP
(Geographical coordinates provided by the PAWB-DENR 7).
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“Poor and uneducated” are the adjectives one CRMP official used to describe
the people of Olango. Although eighty percent of Olango residents have some
elementary school education, less than ten percent of the island residents complete
high school. This statistic is even lower for residents that live on the satellite islets,
which have no high schools (Parras, Portigo & White; 1998).
The lack of education is not the only limitation for earning a living and
supporting a family. Since the island is composed of porous and cavernous
limestone, plowing is impossible. Thus, to eke out a living the island residents are
dependent on the extraction of available coastal resources. Seventy-five percent of
the estimated 4,000 households rely on fishing, gleaning or harvesting other coastal
resources for their livelihoods (Parras, Portigo & White; 1998).
Unfortunately, the environmental problems that threaten this island cluster are
complex and deep-rooted. One CRMP worker described Olango as a “treasure of
biodiversity” that “has been damaged because of lack of stewardship.” Another
CRMP informant referred to Olango as “a microcasm of all the fishing problems in
the Philippines.” The fishing grounds around these small islands have fallen waste
to destructive fishing methods forcing the present generation of fisherfolk to
become transient fishers that must sail to far off islands such as Mindanao and
Palawan to catch their fish.
Although there are several inhabited islets on the southern end of Olango,
Gilutongan Island was the only primary site for data collection among the satellite
islets. This was mostly due to the involvement of the CRMP in the management of
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the marine sanctuary and closeness of the community organizers to the Gilutongan
community. The community of Gilutongan has close ties with the barangays on
Olango and share common goals in protecting the coastal environment. Gilutongan
is only about 11 ha, but has approximately 1,100 residents. It is a barrio on a rock
surrounded by water. If Olango represents “one of the worst case scenarios of
coastal management challenges in the Philippines” (Parras, Portigo &White; 1998,
p. 2), then Gilutongan represents the most challenging of the most challenging.
Ironically, one end of the island hosts an expensive resort hotel that does not
employ any of the locals and forbids them from trying to sell shells to the hotel
guests on the hotel pier.
In addition to the depletion of the coastal resources, Olango and its satellite
islets suffer from numerous other problems. Health care, and even more so, dental
care are luxuries that few can afford. A few children showing signs of malnutrition
and many young teens have severe tooth decay. Locals openly tell stories of family
members dying from dengue fever because there was no money to pay for the
proper care. Statistics on infant mortality are incomplete; however, one local
community leader estimated that as many as two in ten children die before the age
of two. Some of the satellite islands have no doctor and no pharmacy. This means
any type of health care is at least a boat ride away- and depending on sea
conditions, a some times perilous boat ride.
The lack of fresh water intensifies life’s struggles for these island people.
Although Olango has two freshwater lenses, most of the surrounding islets have no
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fresh ground water. In spite of the fresh water lenses on Olango, many of the wells
only yield brackish water that is not suitable for drinking. Therefore, during the
rainy months, residents will collect rainwater as it runs off rooftops and store it in
huge vats. When reserves of freshwater are depleted, small double out-rigger
motorized boats called bancas are used to bring containers of water in from Mactan
Island. The water is then sold for a few pesos per five-gallon container.
This description intends to underline some of the issues that the community
hopes to address in the coastal resource management process. Chapter Four
describes the program and how it tries to meet some of the specific needs of this
site.
Interviews
Derman (1990) aptly states, “Informant interviewing provides the window to
explore and analyze not only what a given population thinks about a given course
of action but also how to draw upon its knowledge” (p. 108). Wolcott (1987)
advises starting the interview process by “letting people tell their ‘story’ to an
interested listener” or by asking informants to recount the routines, events and
interactions of their daily lives (pp. 48-9). Either approach should trigger ideas
about topics for future elaboration. Both styles should also help to foster more
personal communication between subject and researcher.
Babbie (1995) offers several guidelines for interviewing informants. The
interviewer should keep a pleasant demeanor and dress in a fashion similar to the
respondents. Looking too affluent may create difficulties in getting cooperation
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from less financially advantaged respondents. Conversely, dressing too casually
may hamper communications with affluent, well-dressed respondents. Babbie also
stresses that recording responses precisely in the respondents’ words without
paraphrasing will help the researcher in the coding process to develop more specific
categories. Additionally, neutral probes are tools to elicit more specific information
from respondents. A neutral probe can be a silent pause or a question like, “In what
ways?” Spindler and Spindler (1987) emphasize the need for an interviewer to ask
neutral questions: “The management of the interview must be carried out so as to
promote the unfolding of emic cultural knowledge in its most heuristic, natural
form” (p. 19).
Lofland and Lofland (1995) assert that intensive interviewing of informants is a
major aspect of participant observation. During this study I maintained extensive
interaction with a large number of people in the community, both active
participants in the program and others not affiliated with the program. Accurate
records of relevant informal conversations were kept. In addition, I conducted
more structured interviews with key informants from the community. Key
informants were targeted based on their knowledge of environmental problems,
position in the community, experience with the program and access to vital
information about the relationship of the community members to the organization.
The interviews were conducted in a variety of settings. Intensive interviewing of
informants produced data that complements data collected through observation.
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Although interviews can be a crosscheck tool to establish more reliable
information (Gow as cited in Derman, 1990), it is also possible that informants may
differ in their versions of the same event. According to Rubin and Rubin (1995)
the researcher should understand that one person’s account of an event is not
intrinsically more true that another person’s account of the same event. Each
person may be “reflecting different perspectives on what happened or observations
of different parts of an event” (p. 10). Therefore, it is important that the interviewer
remain neutral and open-minded when analyzing responses.
A tape recorder was used in several of the structured interviews. The benefit of
using audio recorders is that they aid in keeping gathered data in a form that is
accurate and retrievable (Rubin & Rubin, 1995). Before using any recording
devices, the participants provided written permission by signing a consent form.
In the interviews I questioned informants about their attitudes toward the
environment, toward environmental education and toward development. I asked
people about their opinions on the conditions of the coastal environment and the
causes of those conditions. Interviewing people from several generations also
widened the view on community learning. Interviewing project organizers gave
perspective to the educational challenges that a community-based coastal
management program faces in pursuit of its goals. Exit interviews were conducted
with key informants to provide insight into the dynamics of the program as well as
fill in information gaps and check data.
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Although focus group interviews were originally planned to get a broader range
of opinions on the workability of the coastal resource management program,
language and logistical problems prevented focus groups from being an effective
source of data. Only one focus group interview was conducted, and only three
teachers chose to participate in that interview. Although this format can be useful
in obtaining data on how a local community feels about a project, there are several
disadvantages as were evident in this study. Problems can arise because of
difficulties in bringing a larger number of people together and trying to control
them (Gow, 1990; Valadez and Bamberger, 1994).
Key Informants
Gow (1990) identifies four types of informants that researchers can interview; the
individual respondent, the key informant, the confidential informant and the
resident gadfly. Gow suggests limiting questions for the individual respondent to
those that concern only that person’s knowledge and behavior and avoiding
questions about what they think of others’ knowledge and behavior. Key
informants, however, should be expected to answer questions about other people’s
knowledge and behavior. Although better-off, better educated key informants may
have a broader knowledge of community operations and systems, it is important to
create a balance by consciously offsetting any bias with the inclusion of informants
from marginalized groups.
Gow (1990) defines the confidential informant as a person who can provide
sensitive information. In some cases, a government official, industry worker,
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teacher, or other person with access to sensitive information may be willing to
divulge specific information under conditions of confidentiality. On the other end
of the spectrum is the resident gadfly who is more than willing “to criticize
everyone and everything” (p. 155). Although this type of person may give biased
information, the resident gadfly may reveal topics for further investigation.
Lofland and Lofland (1995) discuss the importance of cultivating key
informants. They suggest having multiple informants will lower the risk of relying
on possible misinformation from only one informant. In this study, some key
informants were selected based on their position at CRMP, their position in the
community, their willingness to be interviewed, their knowledge about the local
environment and/or their knowledge about coastal resource management. An
important goal in the selection process was to establish several key informants that
had varied profiles of involvement in the coastal resource management process.
Informants were identified and selected based on their knowledge and experience
with the program. Other informants included people from outside the core
members of the program that have significant experience in the diving industry, law
enforcement, community development, and local politics. This ensured that the
data was collected from a wider perspective.
Participant- Observer
As a participant-observer, I volunteered to take part in various activities for a
community-based coastal resource management program. I participated in
activities and interacted with the community for a period of five months in 2001.
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My scuba diving experience qualified me for a variety of tasks during the
Participatory Coastal Resource Assessment (PCRA) training and reef checks. This
participation aided in gaining access and trust to collect qualitative data. In
addition to facilitating access to a coastal resource management program,
participant observing has other advantages. Rubin and Rubin (1995) explain that
active participation gives the researcher an opportunity to learn any vocabulary
necessary for a better understanding of the data. For this study, that vocabulary
included vernacular, academic and professional terms. Rubin and Rubin also hold
that active participation may enable the researcher to learn enough to be considered
an insider by the community (p. 172).
According to Valadez and Bamberger (1994) the three components of
participant observation are pre-fieldwork, fieldwork and analysis. Pre-fieldwork, as
preparation for the study, includes finding a site and making the appropriate
contacts with the local organization, group or community. The fieldwork stage
begins with the researcher adjusting to the community and gaining trust from the
members. It is in this stage that the researcher must develop a systematic approach
to collecting data. The analysis stage involves coding the data and fitting it into a
logical framework that facilitates an understanding of certain aspects of the group.
Mason (1996) suggests participant-observers may have varying roles that will
determine to what degree they will participate and to what degree they will observe.
Throughout this study, periodic reflection on this point helped to maintain a
balance between participating and observing.
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Observations provided a better understanding of how the people in the
community respond to the efforts of a coastal resource management program.
Therefore, this study looked closely at whether, or not, people adopt
environmentally conscious behavior as a result of the program’s activities. In
addition to explaining individuals’ behavior, observations provided insight into the
practices, the organizational structure and the organizational learning process of a
community-based coastal resource management program.
Despite the positive aspects of participant observation as a method to collect
qualitative data there are some problems. One potential problem with observational
research is that the very presence of an observer could alter the behavior of those
being observed (Babbie, 1995; Valdez and Bamberger, 1994; Yin, 1994). Yin
(1994) refers to this as reflexivity and claims it is a weakness in observational data
collection because the observation of an event could cause the event to proceed
differently. Other researchers refer to this weakness in observational methods as
“reactivity” (Valadez and Bamberger, 1994). Reflexivity can be minimized if the
researcher adheres to certain principles of participant observation. These principles
are reviewed in the section on maintaining integrity in qualitative research.
Document Analysis
Mason (1996) views document analysis as “a major method of social research, and
one which many qualitative researchers see as meaningful and appropriate in the
context of their research strategy” (p.71). Document analysis provided both
meaningful and appropriate data during this study because legal documents, public
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planning documents, journalism articles and scientific reports aided in creating a
chronological perspective on the events that led to organizational change of the
coastal resource management program. Knowing the history and background of
the program facilitated the initial observation period.
Valadez and Bamberger (1994) describe two valuable types of documentation as
physical trace evidence and running records. Collecting data from these sources is
fairly unobtrusive; therefore, it is likely there would be less reactivity from those
being studied. Physical trace evidence is what a researcher can find in the
immediate environment. It can be any sensory input from the researcher’s
surroundings that lend insight into cultural aspects of the community. Some
examples of elements to observe might be types of housing, condition of
neighborhoods, objects in a classroom, pictures on the walls of a school, types of
transportation people use, markets or street life. Yin (1994) implies that physical
artifacts such as tools, technical devices and art are also examples of physical trace
evidence. Photography can be an aid in recording physical trace data because
visual stimuli activate reflection and jostle the memory (Dempsey and Tucker,
1994; Yin, 1995).
Content analysis of documents can be an unobtrusive method of gathering data
(Babbie, 1995). Either formal or informal running records provide historical
background information that enables the researcher to broaden the research
perspective in terms of time. For this study, organizations’ websites were used as
informal running records that supply accounts of past events that may have shaped
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the present situation. Political, economic, social, medical and religious institutions
keep formal running records that are useful in analyzing data (Valadez and
Bamberger, 1994). This study was able to obtain records such as resource
assessment reports, municipal planning proposals, proposals to implement
legislation that will protect the coastal environment, violations of municipal
ordinances related to marine protection legislation and newspaper or magazine
articles related to the coastal resource management. Yin (1994) claims that using
documentation can “corroborate and augment evidence from other sources” as well
as lead to “new questions about communications and networking within an
organization” (p. 81). Content analysis can also be economical in terms of time
and money (Babbie, 1995). However, researchers may have trouble retrieving
records if there is biased selectivity or deliberate blocks on the part of the record
holders (Yin, 1994).
Analyzing the Data
The analysis of the data stage in this research project began with an attempt to
move from the emic perspective of a participant to a more etic perspective of
outside researcher in order to better explain the data in terms of a conceptual
framework. Lofland and Lofland (1995) explain analysis in qualitative research to
be “conceived as an emergent product of a process of gradual induction” or the
“derivative ordering of the data” (p. 181). In order to avoid a constricted
perspective in the analysis stage, Miles and Huberman (1994) propose continual
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preliminary analysis to redirect the data collection and reveal any new categories
that may have been lacking.
One of the first steps in analyzing qualitative data is the data reduction process.
This is the process of selecting, focusing, simplifying, abstracting and transforming
the raw data. The data reduction process is a continual process and can be done
concurrently with coding data. Coding is a core activity of developing analysis
(Lofland and Lofland, 1995). Codes have their roots in research questions,
hypotheses, key concepts or important themes and they function as devices to
retrieve and organize data (Miles and Huberman, 1984). Coding generates new
ideas about the data as the researcher reflects on emerging patterns.
Drawing diagrams and constructing charts also prompt the researcher to be more
reflective. Valadez and Bamberger (1994) suggest mapping out social networks to
study how information is disseminated through a community. This process is likely
to aid the researcher in determining who key informants might be or how the power
structures in a community operate. Miles and Huberman (1984) comment that
clustering, a process related to mapping, initiates the analysis stage.
Miles and Huberman (1995) suggest designing a matrix as a tool for analyzing
data that is easily “combined into a summative index or scale” (p.95). This is one
way of organizing several components of a single variable. For example, a matrix
could display the presence of conditions that support participation in a community-
based environmental education program. Some of the conditions may include time,
distance, an understanding of environmental issues, previous involvement in
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community campaigns or social status. Specific groups of people could be
compared in a matrix for the presence of such conditions. Lofland and Lofland
(1995) give an example of crossing a list of units with a list of aspects (p.l 14). For
data in a study of community-based education the units could represent different
social settings such as church groups, activist meetings, classrooms, work
environments or home environments. The aspects could represent types of learning
that take place in those social settings; such as direct learning, learning through
observation, learning through social interaction or cognitive learning. Another type
of matrix is a conditional matrix. This can be an analytic aid that is useful in
distinguishing and linking a “wide range of conditions and consequences related to
the phenomenon under study” (Strauss and Corbin, 1990:158).
Maintaining Research Integrity
LeCompte and Goetz (1982) reason the problems of reliability in ethnographic and
observational research stem from the nature of the research itself. The very nature
of social settings and the fact that human behavior is never static makes
ethnographic type research difficult to duplicate. Duplication, however, may not be
necessary to generate, develop and refine constructs and postulates that frame a
particular event or action. Yin (1994) gives three principles to aid the researcher in
maintaining construct validity and reliability during the data collection process.
Researchers should use multiple sources of evidence, create a case study database
and maintain a chain of evidence.
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Using multiple methods to gather data enabled me to juxtapose interpretations
of the phenomena. Mason (1996) claims that this method of triangulation helps the
researcher to interpret social phenomena from a multi-dimensional perspective.
Shipman (1997) explains that triangulation “is useful as a check on the credibility
of evidence but not an insurance against the unreliable and invalid” (p. 106). This
study uses observation, interviews and document analysis in an attempt to
triangulate data.
Yin’s second principle is to create a study database as a procedure for
organizing and documenting case study data. Yin argues that the “case study
project should strive to develop a formal, presentable database, so that, in principle,
other investigators can review the evidence directly” (p.94). A case study database
enables other researchers to review relevant evidence without being limited to only
the written report. In addition to increasing the reliability of a case study, this
openness and sharing of data encourages social interaction among researchers.
The third principle for insuring construct validity and reliability is to maintain a
chain of evidence. The goal is to facilitate the understanding of how events
changed over time. An external observer or a report reader should be able to follow
the chain of evidence from the research questions to the researcher’s conclusions
and vice versa. Yin recommends sufficiently citing specific documents, interviews
or observations in the report to assist the reader in interpreting and following the
reports analysis. Explicit reporting of evidence reflects the researchers concerns for
construct validity and reliability.
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Since learning in social situations is a life process, one major limitation of this
study is the time period allowed for doing the research. The intra-community
learning and the inter-community learning through social interaction are an on
going process and the observation time is finite. It is plausible that the levels of
learning taking place within the community are much deeper than this study is able
to detect. It is also plausible that this study can only begin to detect the intricate
ways knowledge is exchanged and acquired through social interaction or
experiential learning.
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“It is not the strongest o f the species that survives, not the most intelligent, but the most
responsive to change.”
Charles Darwin
“We must become the change we want to see.”
Mahatma Gandhi
Chapter 4
The Challenges of Coastal Resource Management in Olango
Coastal resource management is about change. For the people and the coastal
environment of Olango, it is also about survival. Although many island residents
have a vision of the change they would like to see, the process is slow and
challenging. Those campaigning for better coastal resource management are
optimistic about change; however, there remains a question of how responsive to
change the greater community will be over time.
This chapter begins with a detailed description of the Coastal Resource
Management Project (CRMP) and its efforts in mobilizing community organization
to promote sustainable interaction with the marine environment. Proceeding by
themes the data begin to reveal the role of social interaction in the dissemination of
environmental information throughout the community. As learning takes place in
the context of a socially valued pursuit, empowerment emerges as a theme during
the education process. The empowerment process includes organizational change
and organizational learning as well as individual change and individual learning.
Successes and challenges of the coastal resource management efforts have resulted
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in additional learning among community members. Challenges include addressing
other factors that influence or hinder the acquisition of an environmental ethic in
human behavior.
Local Informants
Several key informants have major voices throughout the narrative. As community
organizers, Maria and Pedro provide essential information about the community’s
efforts, accomplishments and setbacks in the campaign to protect and conserve
environmental resources on Olango. Their long experience of working with the
fisherfolk gives them a special perspective on the local environmental challenges.
Two local fisherfolk also voice their perspectives in the narrative. Joseph and Saul
were early activists and since have become fundemental in organizing the local
coastal resource management effort. Joseph is the vigilant guard and project
director for the Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary. Saul is a community leader working
hard to develop the bird sanctuary’s eco-tourism project. These local voices in the
presentation of the data blend with the voices of Glen and Theresa, two staff
members from the Coastal Resource Management Program. Their technical
expertise and organizational background added a “top-down” perspective to local
environmental efforts.
The Coastal Resource Management Project
The Coastal Resource Management Project (CRMP) is being implemented by the
Philippine Department of Environmental and Natural Resources (DENR) and is
funded by the United States Agency for International Development. It is a seven-
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year (1995-2001) project that aims to provide coastal resource management
technical assistance and training to local government units and communities. The
project is in partnership with the Department of Agriculture-Bureau of Fisheries
and Aquatic Resources (DA-BFAR), Department of Interior and Local Government
(DILG), local government units (LGUs; i.e., barangays and municipalities), and
various NGOs. The project was initially implemented in six learning areas in the
Philippines: Olango Island, Cebu; San Vincente, Palawan; Malalag bay, Davao del
Sur; Negros Oriental; Bohol; and Sarangani Province. These learning areas are
intended to be centers from which coastal resource management practices will
spread outward to adjacent municipalities and provinces (CRMP, 2002).
Goals and Strategy
CRMP envisions better resource management for coastal communities
throughout the Philippines. CRMP has a nationwide goal of establishing coastal
resource management programs in a variety of communities. The target has been to
improve the management of 3000 kilometers (17% of the nation’s coasts) of
shoreline by 2002. CRMP asserts its mission is to, “catalyze coastal resource
management in the Philippines to a threshold that will expand nationwide and be
sustainable beyond the years of the project” (CRMP, 2002)
CRMP’s strategy is to begin consciousness raising for environmental awareness
by having community residents assess their own resources. After community
members assess the resources of their coastal area, resource management program
planning and implementation can begin. In the case of Olango, even though the
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process has moved far past the initial assessment, locals continue to reassess the
environmental resources. Based on findings from the original resource assessment,
a variety of educational and training programs have been implemented. A later
section will discuss these programs in detail.
After an assessment of coastal resources and environmental issues, CRMP
works to involve community members in the planning and decision-making process
for resource management. CRMP attempts to empower locals through the
development of leadership and self-reliance. The project also works to build an
inter-community bonding through institutional networking that promotes the
sharing of ideas and experiences. The desired outcome of this networking is to
spread effective coastal resource management practices to other areas of the
country and South East Asia.
In addition to the bottom-up approach of promoting community empowerment,
CRMP also aims to raise consciousness about resource management concerns
among politicians and legal authorities to influence policy at the national level.
The hoped for results are top-down assistance and bottom-up building initiatives
blending together in attempts to meet the needs of the community.
Divisions o f CRMP
Three divisions of CRMP work together to enhance the effectiveness and ensure
the sustainability for coastal resource management in the Olango learning area.
The specific divisions are the Information, Education and Communication Division
(IEC), the Enterprise Development Group, and the Coastal Law Enforcement
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Alliance in Region 7 (CLEAR 7). The IEC efforts in the Olango area aim to teach
ethics, literacy and advocacy that can lead to community betterment and sustainable
use of environmental resources. Theresa, a CRMP learning area coordinator,
defined IEC as “a tool to transform people’s behavior toward their environment.”
According to her, the goal of IEC is to, help bring the community members
together so they work as one. “In short, to help people you have to get them to tell
you where they would like to be in resources. Then get them to discuss and think
about how best to utilize those resources so there are some left after this life.”
Basically, IEC aims to change attitudes and practices through education and
community development.
Since Olango and the other islets are less than two hours from the CRMP
headquarters in Cebu City, the office staff and field workers are able to maintain
close relationships with the island residents. The IEC staff meets frequently with
local government units (LGUs) and community leaders to plan management
strategies. Maria, the Olango area community organizer and a member of the IEC
team, visits the islands several times a week to meet with community leaders, plan
workshops, schedule events and discuss current issues. As a key informant, Maria
contributed to this study by sharing her experiences and background knowledge.
To entice illegal fishermen to give up their destructive practices, a coastal
resource management program needs an occupational training program that can
provide reformed fishermen with an alternative source of income. The Enterprise
Development team at CRMP seeks to meet this goal through the continuing
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development of two enterprises in the area. Eco-tourism and seaweed farming are
potential industries in the Olango area that can provide an alternative livelihood.
Rex, one of the project coordinators, explains that the focus has been to get the
community of Sabang on Olango and the fisherfolk on Gilutongan., “organized and
registered as a legitimate business entity” and then to “set up there systems for
running the business.” Rex refers to enterprise development as the icing on the
cake for effective coastal resource management because with proper care of the
Olango shores and tidal flats can spawn eco-friendly sources of income for the
island communities.
Keeping the eco-tour “community-based” is a more specific goal and an
additional challenge for CRMP. Keeping the money in the community and
preventing outside agencies from reaping a majority of the profits is why it is
important to train the locals in proper business communications. To accomplish
this goal, Rex explains that CRMP has modified the traditional model:
We have reversed the process. I think the traditional way of
doing it is the tour guides organize something and then mobile
certain people and then pay them. The CRMP model is the
reverse of this. We organize the community, come up with a
product and give them a sufficient understanding of how to
run their own businesses. Then they name their price. In the
traditional model the communities are just paid for their labor.
They are not paid for their product. With the community in
Olango they get paid for their labor plus they get paid for their
product. So they have greater control over the money they are
being paid. Tour operators just do a mark up of it. In the
traditional model, maybe if you were paying 3000 pesos, the
tour operator has full control on how to spend that 3000 pesos.
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In addition to eco-tourism, the CRMP Enterprise Development staff has helped
to establish seaweed farming as an alternative livelihood program. CRMP has
pulled back on the promotion of this business for two reasons. Mainly, the locals
learn the techniques and methods of farming from their peers and neighbors;
therefore, it is not necessary to hold seminars or lectures on seaweed farming. The
second reason CRMP has lightened its focus on seaweed farming is that profits
have fallen due to poor weather conditions increasing the price of the seedlings and
the initial investment for the farmers. Middlemen also keep profits down by
lowering the price at which they buy the mature plants. Seaweed farming was not a
major focus of this study.
Finally, since the success and sustainability of a coastal resource management
program require proper law enforcement, CRMP has a division that specializes in
working with law enforcement agencies. CLEAR 7 aims to increase public
awareness of both laws and the consequences of not abiding by those laws. In
terms of education, CLEAR 7 also targets law enforcement officers with their
seminars and workshops. The in-service training that CLEAR 7 provides for local
law enforcement agencies increases awareness about environmentally detrimental
and illegal practices. Proactive approaches to minimizing those practices are part
of CLEAR 7’s solution to illegal fishing and exploitation of coastal resources.
Other Agencies
Although the Coastal Resource Management Project has had a major presence in
the area since 1995, other agencies have also contributed to the building of
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community awareness about environmental issues. These aid agencies assist in the
coordination of barangay level initiatives. In addition to periodic collaboration
with CRMP, these organizations play important rolls in the education process on
Olango and the surrounding islets. Two of the more prominent organizations are
reviewed below.
Philippine Business for Social Progress
The Philippine Business for Social Progress (PBSP) is a private, non-profit
organization of national business leaders that are dedicated to lessening the pangs
of poverty by helping the nation’s poor help themselves. This national NGO assists
groups of farmers, indigenous people and island fisherfolk in founding and
fortifying business ventures aimed at community development. PBSP will take
over the duties of CRMP when the seven-year bilateral project finishes in 2002.
In anticipation of this transition, PBSP has worked closely with CRMP. PBSP
has used their community organizer to build closer ties with CRMP and the
community members. Pedro, the PBSP community organizer runs leadership
workshops and gives lectures on social development for the members of the
community organizations. Although Pedro is employed by PBSP, he works directly
with Maria, the CRMP community organizer, and other members of the CRMP
staff. Pedro is also a key informant for this study.
PBSP’s ideas for alternative livelihood training go beyond those of CRMP.
Pedro explains some of PBSP’s future strategies for eliminating dependency on
illegal fishing methods:
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[We need to make] them aware that beyond illegal fishing we
could still survive as a family. That’s why PBSP has put into
its master plan this component of workforce development. It
is a kind of intervention where PBSP is going to provide
technical and vocational non-fishing skills and knowledge to
the community. Then once they are skilled, PBSP will [assist
them in finding] employment with PBSP member companies.
Since PBSP will be taking over much of the work CRMP has done, the national
NGO has drafted a new five-year plan (2001-2005) along with the City of
Lapulapu. In the most recent draft, the resident-supported goals for the Olango and
Gilutongan Management Area are:
To protect and manage the coastal resources of Olango and
Gilutongan Islands in order to ensure environmental integrity,
sustainability, and the health of island residents so that the
community can continue to benefit from the biodiversity and
environmental quality by maintaining and supporting the
traditional natural resource based economy and by promoting
appropriate and sustainable development endeavors through
eco-tourism and alternative livelihood opportunities. (Fourth
draft, 2001)
This goal statement for the next five years reiterates the objectives and
intentions that have been guiding CRMP and the community development efforts
of the past few years.
International Marinelife Alliance
The International Marinelife Alliance is an international NGO that works closely
with coastal communities all over the world. The IMA has had a special presence in
the Philippines since 1986. The IMA’s consciousness raising campaign has pushed
for reform and better enforcement of Philippine laws. Since 1987, the organization
has produced numerous articles that have appeared in magazines and scientific
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journals that document the details of the cyanide problem. Staff members from
IMA and CRMP often collaborate on environmental initiatives for Olango.
Like CRMP, IMA projects emphasize information, education and
communication programs that foster community enterprise and environmental
awareness. The NGO explicitly states its goals as fostering a tradition of
environmental awareness that begins in children’s schooling, and assisting in the
sharing of environmental knowledge obtained through the use of geographic
information technology (IMA, 2000).
The IMA encourages women, tropical fish pet trade operators, local officials,
and all community members to participate in lectures and activities. Targeting the
broader population with educational programs helps to ensure community support
in conservation and resource management efforts (IMA, 2000). Although the IMA
teaches and encourages sustainable use of marine resources, their approach to
enabling reformed fisherman to become successful in their business is slightly
different from CRMP. The IMA works to train fishermen in legal, non-destructive
methods of fishing, whereas CRMP develops alternative livelihood opportunities
for island residents.
The International Marinelife Alliance (IMA) has had a role in the establishment
of a coral farm on the north side of Olango. It has evolved into a community
project and there are intentions of making it part of the Olango eco-tour. The coral
farm is located 3 to 10 meters beneath the sea’s surface. There is a guardhouse
with photos and a guard to answer questions about illegal fishing or coral farming.
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Several “fish trap restaurants” have been built on the water, less than 100 m from
shore next to the coral farm. Tourists and divers dine at the restaurants to enjoy the
fresh seafood and beautiful view. The Coral Farm Project is a potential alternative
source of income for islanders.
Protected Areas
There are two protected areas of coastline in the Olango learning area. These
areas are especially important to the development of eco-tourism as an alternative
livelihood for reformed illegal fisherfolk. The protected areas are also “open
classrooms” for environmental learning to take place. Local island residents and
visiting tourists alike benefit from these environmentally unique sanctuaries.
Olango Island Wild Life Sanctuary
In spite of the poverty and environmental problems that plague many of the island
residents, the topography of the area has evolved into a beautifully unique coastal
area rich in resources. Olango’s extensive intertidal mudflats, wide fringing coral
reefs, immense seagrass and thick mangroves make it a paradise for both fish and
fowl. The southern portion of Olango Island is a stopover for “about 60% of the 77
species of migratory birds that use the East Asian Migratory Flyway” (CRMP,
2001). Thousands of birds migrate every year to and from Siberia, Northern China,
and Japan to Australia and vice versa. An additional 42 species of birds are local
residents of the wetland area. Therefore, in 1992 a 920 ha area was officially
declared as the Olango Island Wildlife Sanctuary (OIWS). In 1994, in recognition
of its international importance, it became the first Ramsar site in the Philippines
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(Sotto et al, 2001). The residents of Olango hope that developing eco-tourism in
the sanctuary will prove to be an alternative source of income and help to promote
more environmentally friendly behavior in the area. In February 2001,
Conservation International (Cl) awarded the Olango Birds and Seascape Tour
(OBST) the 2000 Ecotourism Excellence Award.
Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary
In addition to the OIWS, Gilutongan Island has a 14 ha marine sanctuary on the
west-end of the island that is a community project providing alternative income to
several families. Joseph, the project director and vigilant guard of the marine
sanctuary, compares it to a bank: “A sanctuary is like a bank, a venue for
withdrawing resources.. .the problem is that the fisherman can not make a deposit,
they only withdraw. A sanctuary gives the ability to build the resources.”
That building of resources has made the sanctuary a popular tourist spot for
diving and snorkeling on island hopping day trips. Moreover, it has become a
refuge for fish and coral among a wasteland of coral rubble and a reef blown to bits
by years of dynamite fishing. Despite laws prohibiting the use of dynamite, almost
daily, divers in the sanctuary can feel blasts rock there bodies from over several
kilometers away as the vibration travels farther and stronger underwater.
Coastal Resource Management Issues
Attempts at effective coastal resource management have targeted a number of
environmentally destructive practices. These activities have already taken a toll on
the environment; therefore, aid agencies in the area are making efforts to eradicate
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destructive practices and at the same time initiate alternative sources of income. A
brief description of these targeted practices and related issues will help provide a
better image of the challenges that a coastal resource management program must
face.
Cyanide fishing
Olango is said to be the birthplace of cyanide fishing (Rubec et al, 2000) and by
some accounts, the birthplace of dynamite fishing as well. The IMA was one of the
first organizations to put the cyanide fishing problem in the global spotlight (IMA,
2000; Rubec, Pratt & Cruz, 2000). The growing demand for tropical pet fish in
North America has fueled the use of sodium cyanide as a stunning device to aid in
collecting specimens. For years, collectors have used cyanide because it is an easy
way to increase their profits. However, either without knowledge or without
concern, these collectors risk their lives and damage the environment for needed
income. In the beginning, the pet trade hindered the IMA’s efforts by claiming the
cyanide was not harmful. In spite of this initial resistance, the IMA’s perseverance
finally pressured the industry to recognize the need for change.
From the accounts of both IMA community workers and island residents
themselves, the use of sodium cyanide in the area is still common, although not as
rampant as it once was. Although no evidence was found that cyanide-caught fish
are being sold to consumers in markets, there are disturbing accounts of fishermen
using sodium cyanide to catch fish for human consumption.
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Dynamite Fishing
According to the vendors at the marine sanctuary guardhouse, dynamite fishing
gained popularity as a fast, easy way to catch a lot of fish sometime after WWH
One middle-aged vendor speculated that ammunitions left behind by both the US
and Japanese troops at the end of WWII were used to make blasts for fishing.
Another man supported this claim from stories his grandfather had told him about
using dynamite to catch fish. Years ago his grandfather had told him about making
dynamite from left over bombs. His grandfather and the other fisherman would
then use the blasts for fishing “because they could make a better living that way.”
Therefore, dynamite fishing emerges as an historical connection between the
aggressive colonization of the Philippines and the victims of a capitalistic
patriarchy, who have subsequently become the aggressive dominators of nature.
Those at the bottom of the hierarchy have learned to use the same weapons to
conquer the environment as aggressors throughout history have used against them.
Although many residents in Cebu city are surprised to learn that fisherman a few
miles away still use dynamite to catch fish, the residents on the islands give
testimony as to how common it is. One woman, living a kilometer inland, claims
she hears an average of two blasts a day. The guard at the coral farm said he hears
an average of six blasts a day; mostly in the mornings, but sometimes in the
afternoon. Dynamite fishermen use small banca boats to find schools of fish in
shallow reef waters. A blast thrown into the school can produce a splash more than
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ten meters high. Within minutes the dynamite fisherman paddle away with their
kill. One blast can yield up to 5 kilograms of fish.
Often illegal fishermen are brazen enough to use dynamite in plain view of their
neighbors. An IMA worker explained that although most people are against blast
fishing, they are also very tolerant of it. Sometimes after the blast fishermen leave,
people who actually oppose the use of dynamite may go and gather the remaining
small fish floating on the surface to feed their families.
Transient Fisherman
The degradation to the Olango fishing grounds is forcing fisherman to go farther
and farther away from Olango in search of more plentiful fishing grounds. Paulo,
the IMA community organizer explained that since many of the resources in the
Olango area have been depleted the fisherman go off to other areas like Palawan
and Mindanao to fish either legally or illegally. These fishermen are called
transient fishermen. Fishing trips may be as short as a few days or as long as six
months. The fisherfolk earn little from their hard labor while the boat captains and
the middlemen are the ones who profit most from any catch. In addition to risking
their lives, transient fishermen must be away from their families for long periods of
time.
Despite the poor condition of the coatal environment and the related difficult
living conditions, the people of Olango have joined in their efforts to create a more
symbiotic relationship with their environment. The next chapter describes the
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programs and processes that offer hope for a solution to the current resource
exploitation and environmental degradation.
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“People have to be able to work together if they are to realize the shared destiny and to preserve a
habitable environment fo r generations to come.”
Albert Bandura, 1995
Chapter 5
Disseminating Environmental Knowledge at a Community Level
In the case of Olango, the CRMP bilateral aid program has worked to unite
community members in an educational and consciousness raising campaign for the
sustainable use of coastal resources. The Olango area benefits from several CRMP
educational initiatives that overlap and intertwine to encourage community
participation in managing coastal resources. The data help to provide a clearer
picture of how a community-based coastal resource program contributes to the
dissemination of the environmental knowledge in an attempt to change attitudes
and behavior. In this chapter, a description of CRMP’s major educational foci is
followed by an analysis of how the local environmental innitiative works to change
attitudes and behavior through education and training.
Training for Resource Assessment and Monitoring
CRMP’s major foci in the Olango area have been teaching resource assessment
skills, developing a marketable eco-tourism package and sponsoring consciousness
raising programs that aim to change attitudes and behavior. Table 4.1 summarizes
the most important programs and activities that CRMP sponsors in the Olango
learning area. Beginning with training for resource assessment and monitoring, the
following three sections detail the programs listed in Table 4.1. The Participatory
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Coastal Resource Assessment (PCRA) training and the seasonal reef monitoring
events teach locals proper methods of assessing their resources. This is important
because a better understanding of environmental impacts facilitates the stewardship
of resources.
Participatory Coastal Resource Assessment Training
Since an awareness of the environmental problems and issues of a coastal zone
must precede the planning of a resource management strategy, CRMP has
developed the Participatory Coastal Resource Assessment (PCRA) process.
Gathering information during the PCRA is the first, and perhaps, one of the most
important steps toward community empowerment that promotes sustainable local
development through responsible sharing of common environmental treasures.
Theresa, CRMP’s IEC team leader commented that the knowledge gained during
the PCRA process, “gives people a sense of identity; a sense of ownership of their
resources.” She further stated that the sense of ownership needs to foster
stewardship for community empowerment in coastal resource management. A
better understanding of the coastal ecosystem can lead to better resource
management.
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Reproduced w ith permission o f th e copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Table 5.1--CRMP Sponsored Programs in the Olango Learning Area
Training for
Resource
Assessment
and
Monitoring
PCRA
Training
Lectures,
hands-on data
collection and
analysis
training
Empower
communities
to assess
resources for
CRM
CRMP
And
collaborating
agencies
LGUs and
local
participants
Experiential,
social
interaction,
participant
observation
Communities
develop CRM
plans based on
the PCRA
results
Reef
Check
Hands-on data
collection and
analysis
training
Monitor
protected area
of local reef
CRMP,
collaborating
agencies &
LGU
Marine
sanctuary
stakeholders
Experiential,
social
interaction,
part.
observation
Community
involvement in
reef protection
Enterprise
Develop-ment
Tour
Guide
Training
Lectures, mock
tour
Train locals to
be eco-tour
guides
CRMP, local
travel
agencies
OBST
participants
Experiential,
social
interaction
Alternative
livelihood
Eco-
tourism
Guided
sanctuary tour,
demonstration,
discussions
Raise
consciousness
about the
Olango
environment
CRMP and
local OBST
participants
Filipino
and foreign
tourists
Experiential,
observational,
social
interaction,
participatory
Increased
environment-al
awareness/
cross cultural
exchange
Reproduced w ith permission o f th e copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
T able 5.1 (con t.)— C R M P S pon so red P rogram s in th e O lango L earn in g A rea
“Social
Develop
ment
Workshop
Lectures,
group
discussions
Develop
leadership
skills, and eco-
values.
Community
organizers
Community
participants in
CRM
initiatives
Social
interaction
Participants
become
agents of
change
“I Love the
Ocean”
Movement
Media
awareness
campaigns,
beach clean
ups
Coastal
beautification,
increase
awareness
CRMP, LGU,
the media
The general
public, local
volunteers
Social
interaction,
participant
observation,
informal
Cleaner
coastline &
awareness of
pollution
effects
Workshops,
Seminars, and
Activities
Youth
Sea Camp
Beach talks,
art projects,
drama,
lectures
Teach values
of preservation
and concern
for the marine
environment
CRMP Peace
Corp
volunteer,
school
teachers
Selected
students
Experiential,
social
learning,
informal
Heightened
eco-
awareness
among teens
CLEAR 7 Lectures and
seminars
Raise
consciousness
about
environmental
laws
CRMP legal
specialists
Communities
and law
enforcement
Social
interaction,
observational,
informal
Increased
awareness of
illegal
activities
Waste
Manage
ment
Lectures,
discussion
Modify waste
disposal habits
CRMP, LGU Coastal
communities
Social
interaction,
observational
Not fully
implemented
i - 1
i - 1
Reproduced w ith permission o f th e copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Table 5.1— CRMP Sponsored Programs in the Olango Learning Area
Training for
Resource
Assessment
and Monitoring
PCRA
Training
Lectures,
hands-on data
collection and
analysis
training
Empower
communities
to assess
resources for
CRM
CRMP
And
collaborating
agencies
LGUs and
local
participants
Experiential,
social
interaction,
participant
observation
Communities
develop CRM
plans based on
the PCRA
results
Reef
Check
Hands-on data
collection and
analysis
training
Monitor
protected area
of local reef
CRMP,
collaborating
agencies &
LGU
Marine
sanctuary
stakeholders
Experiential,
social
interaction,
part.
observation
Community
involvement in
reef protection
Enterprise
Develop-ment
Tour
Guide
Training
Lectures, mock
tour
Train locals to
be eco-tour
guides
CRMP, local
travel
agencies
OBST
participants
Experiential,
social
interaction
Alternative
livelihood
Eco-
tourism
Guided
sanctuary tour,
demonstration,
discussions
Raise
consciousness
about the
Olango
environment
CRMP and
local OBST
participants
Filipino
and foreign
tourists
Experiential,
observational,
social
interaction,
participatory
Increased
environment-al
awareness/ cross
cultural
exchange
Reproduced w ith permission o f th e copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Table 5.1 (cont.)— CRMP Sponsored Programs in the Olango Learning Area
“Social
Develop
ment
Workshop
Lectures,
group
discussions
Develop
leadership
skills, and eco-
values.
Community
organizers
Community
participants in
CRM
initiatives
Social
interaction
Participants
become
agents of
change
“I Love the
Ocean”
Movement
Media
awareness
campaigns,
beach clean
ups
Coastal
beautification,
increase
awareness
CRMP, LGU,
the media
The general
public, local
volunteers
Social
interaction,
participant
observation,
informal
Cleaner
coastline &
awareness of
pollution
effects
Workshops,
Seminars, and
Activities
Youth
Sea Camp
Beach talks,
art projects,
drama,
lectures
Teach values of
preservation
and concern for
the marine
environment
CRMP Peace
Corp
volunteer,
school
teachers
Selected
students
Experiential,
social
learning,
informal
Heightened
eco-
awareness
among teens
CLEAR 7 Lectures and
seminars
Raise
consciousness
about
environmental
laws
CRMP legal
specialists
Communities
and law
enforcement
Social
interaction,
observational,
informal
Increased
awareness of
illegal
activities
Waste
Manage
ment
Lectures,
discussion
Modify waste
disposal habits
CRMP, LGU Coastal
communities
Social
interaction,
observational
Not fully
implemented
The PCRA is an information-gathering event designed to initiate local
awareness of the issues, problems and benefits that are directly related to the use of
coastal resources. It begins with four-day orientation during which experts teach
locals various methods of assessing their coastal area. After the orientation the
locals continue to evaluate the condition of local resources and livelihood issues
related to the use of those resources. The PCRA training teaches community
members how to gather quantitative and qualitative data that will help them more
fully understand the limits and assets of their coastal resources. When CRMP co
sponsors PCRA training in coastal communities, any members of the community
are welcome to participate. Municipal governments help in recruiting local
volunteers. Most volunteers are active members of community organizations. The
training enables local community members to accurately assess their community
resources and realistically understand the issues related to those resources so they
are better able to make decisions about how to protect those resources while
planning for sustainable levels of development. This awareness can help
communities to make well-informed decisions about development and can lead to a
betterment of living standards for all.
One CRMP informant referred to the PCRA as, “a continuing process of giving
feedback”, because it encourages the participants to share their newly-learned, data-
gathering skills with other members of the community. In this way it becomes a
continual process in which locals consistently monitor, evaluate and reevaluate any
coastal resource management program that the community initiates. A program
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coordinator at CRMP explained that this process begins with an understanding of
the situation and problem analysis. Then, after the PCRA comes the planning and
capacity building.
PCRA is an integrated approach to coastal resource management. It is
integrated in a dual sense. The training is a combined effort of several agencies
while the assessment itself combines several types of research methods to gather
data about geographic, demographic and social issues affecting the community.
Although the PCRA training was originally designed to be a three-day event it has
been extended to four days to give the participants more time to digest the
information they gather and prepare a presentation of their findings. A group of
trainers from the CRMP, the DENR, certified participants from other communities
and members of academic organizations work directly with the municipal
governments of various coastal communities.
Since the PCRA training teaches methods of resource assessment as
groundwork for practice, the first day of the training consists of a series of lectures
to prepare the participants for the field surveys and data analysis. The first lecture
sets the stage by describing the problems related to overuse and abuse of coastal
resources. The CRMP speaker emphasizes the importance of a participatory
approach to assessing the communities’ environmental resources, “What you hear,
you may forget; but what you do, you will learn.” The theme of the lecture
underlined the need for proper management of coastal resources at the community
level. One lecture described interviewing techniques for gathering qualitative
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demographic data while another dealt with transect methods of gathering secondary
data and mapmaking. The other lectures focused on methods for surveying corals,
mangroves and seagrasses to determine the abundance and health of these
resources.
The lectures are conducted in the local dialect and meals and snacks are
provided for the participants. One CRMP member commented that providing food
is a covert strategy to boast the attendance of the local participants. Getting local
fisherfolk to attend the training is one of the challenges for CRMP because as one
informant stated, “It is difficult to get fisherfolk to take away a days work.”
However, the fisherfolk and other local participants that do commit to the training
remain attentive during all the hours of lectures, participate enthusiastically in
group exercises and often ask the trainers questions.
The second day, five groups of participants begin the “hands on” part of the
training. The groups are named “coral”, “mangroves”, “seagrass”, “transect”, and
“interviews.” The coral group, mangrove group and seagrass group must all gear up
to sedulously survey the conditions of the tropical coastal environment. In these
three groups experienced botanists and biologists teach local participants how to
identify changes in the environment by closely monitoring the health of the eco
system. Using snorkeling or diving gear, the participants view the destruction of
the marine environment from illegal fishing methods. The mangrove group
surveys the various mangrove species and records the environmental condition of
the area looking for illegal cutting, dumping of garbage or improper waste
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management. The seagrass participants not only learn how to identify types of
seagrasses, but also how valuable the seagrasses are for the breeding of fish and
shellfish. Participants record observational data about various types of coral, target
species of fish, mangroves and seagrasses. The data can be compared over time to
identify changes in the ecosystem’s health. This helps the locals to better
understand the condition of their island eco-system and the health of their coastal
resources.
The transect group, is jokingly referred to as the “chismoso and laquacherro”
group. That is Tagalo for “talking and walking”. The transect group has the
responsibility of walking along the coastal roads, recording information on existing
resources (e.g., coconut trees, banana trees, fresh water, fish ponds), listing
problems (e.g., litter, pollutants) and talking to people they meet along the way
about issues related to the management of resources. This is a good opportunity for
the local participants to talk with people in neighboring barangays and learn more
about their greater community. It is also, an opportunity for the CRMP trainers to
hear testimony about issues affecting the coastal residents.
The interview group visits people in their houses and asks questions about
education, economic conditions, standards of living and health issues. These
demographic data are valuable in all steps of planning management strategies and
implementing community programs. In both, the transect group and the interview
group, participants are reminded
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On the fourth and final day of the training, the participants and the trainers begin
analyzing the data through calculations and map making. The participants draw
detailed maps with notations showing resources and issues. Each group presents
their data and makes connections between the results. Afterward, the participants
receive certificates signed by representatives from CRMP, DENR, the local
government, the German Development Service, and the Japanese International
Cooperative Assistance Agency (JICA). Participants have a responsibility to share
their newly gained knowledge about the environmental issues to spark action from
their friends and relatives in the community. Realizing what they have learned
during the training should inspire participants to recruit others for the continual task
of resource assessment.
Reef Checks
Twice a year, CRMP and the Cordova Municipal Government sponsor coral reef
assessment events called “reef checks” to monitor the changing conditions of the
Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary. The events are in coordination with the global coral
reef monitoring program Reef Check. Experts from the DENR and San Carlos
University train new participants and supervise the collection of data. The experts
train locals to collect data marine life abundance by counting species along sample
transect lines. After the training the experts supervise the actual collection of data.
Teams work together counting specific target species and indicator species of fish
and invertebrates. They also record information on bottom composition (i.e., sand,
seagrass, rock, live coral or coral rubble). Therefore, one goal of a reef check is to
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periodically survey the conditions of the marine sanctuary and thus provide data for
a long-term study on the sanctuary’s environmental impact.
Since another goal of the reef checks is to promote community awareness of
environmental conditions, it is important to teach the locals how to properly assess
their resources. One DENR informant described the March 2001 reef check for the
Gilutongan Sanctuary as a “mini PCRA” because it was essentially a training
session for the local community. Although a reef check intends to be a community-
based monitoring of fish abundance and coral conditions, it differs from the PCRA
in that the participants observe only the conditions in the marine sanctuary and the
surrounding buffer zone.
Reef monitoring is for the community, but the participants are not limited to
community members. In fact, just the opposite is true. For all the reef checks,
Joseph extends an open invitation: “Anyone who is willing is welcome.”
Invitations are primarily by word of mouth. The IEC staff members cooperate with
the local government, community leaders and field experts in the planning of these
monitoring events. The CRMP and PBSP community organizers actively recruit
volunteers during their frequent visits to the local community. Consequently,
participants and equipment come from a variety of institutions. For example, a
sign on the guardhouse door at the March 2001 reef check welcomed participants
from the DENR, CRMP, local dive shops, the University of the Philippines and
University of San Carlos.
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The local volunteer participants receive an orientation one-week prior to the reef
check. The orientation provides new participants with background into the purpose
and procedure of reef monitoring, it informs them of the historical results of past
reef checks, and it teaches them resource survey methods. At the March
2001 orientation, women participants out numbered men eleven to nine. Maria first
reasoned that many of the men had been out fishing every night taking advantage
of seasonally favorable conditions to feed their families. She further explained that
many of the men had participated in previous reef checks, therefore they did not
need to go through the orientation. Maria added that the favorable turnout of new
women participants is characteristic of the expanding participation of wives and
mothers in coastal resource management efforts on Gilutongan. A local informant
added that some women were participating in hopes that involvement might lead to
additional income, if the sanctuary attracts more divers and tourists to the island.
The local volunteers are vendors, guides and their wives. All benefit in some
way from the sanctuary. Like many social gatherings in the Philippines, the
orientation begins with a prayer. The speaker prays for guidance and wisdom to
protect the marine sanctuary and to address the social problems of the island. The
prayers tie religion to the campaign for resource management by reminding fellow
worshipers and community members that they are bond in faith of Creator who will
provide everything they need and that each creation exists for a purpose. Although
religion may have a part in unifying the community, outside the ceremonial
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opening and closing prayers the group does not openly use religion to change
attitudes and behavior toward the environment.
After the opening prayer, the CRMP community organizer explains the purpose
of the reef check is to document the changes in the marine environment since the
establishment of the marine sanctuary. Maria also discusses the history of the
sanctuary and its importance to the community. Joseph proudly presents the results
of the previous biannual reef checks showing an increase in fish since 1999. The
participants react with smiles and applause. During the second half of the
orientation the participants learn proper techniques for conducting transects and
recording data. Finally, Maria reminds everyone of the personal requirements for
the reef check. First, participants must wear appropriate attire for snorkeling while
conducting monitoring activities in the tropical sun. Second, participants need to
maintain an appropriate frame of mind. Maria explains that reef check is an
important event so the participants should try to forget about any household
problems and focus on working as a team.
The March 2001 reef check got off to a late start because tidal conditions
prevented boats carrying participants, food, and equipment from leaving until
midday. The delay left community members looking slightly disappointed, holding
donated masks and snorkels and wearing new “reef check” attire. In spite of their
apparent disappointment in the late start, they joked while waiting for the visiting
participants to arrive. One participant from the vendors association facetiously
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explained Filipino time; “You come to a meeting or work two hours late, but you
come to a party or wedding two hours early.”
As in the orientation, the reef check operations begin with an opening prayer,
greetings and introductions. A short briefing and review of data gathering
techniques follow. People break into groups according to their assigned tasks.
These tasks included observing, timing intervals, and recording the data. New
participants first watch the experienced participants demonstrate how to set up a
transect-area and then how to gather survey data about the marine environment
from the transect area. After observing, the participants practice their tasks
individually and as a group to prepare for the following day.
During the following two days, the group gathers survey data by counting
species of coral and fish in specific quadrant areas. For some new comers using
snorkeling gear, this is the first time they have ever seen a coral reef from
underwater. In addition to those snorkeling and free diving, experienced scuba
divers also gather data from reef quadrants that lie in the deeper water on the edge
of the sanctuary and in the buffer zone.
In between data collecting dives, the sanctuary guardhouse takes on a picnic
atmosphere. Some of the locals prepare food on open fires. The food is provided
by CRMP and the Cordova Municipal Government to show their appreciation to
the volunteers and their families for taking part in the reef check. Participants
gather in the guardhouse lounging and talking. It is during these informal
discussions that additional exchanges of knowledge take place. Common topics of
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conversation are dynamite fishing, plans to expand the sanctuary, getting more
support from the LGU and conditions of the local reef. Several participants crowd
around a marine life book asking and answering questions about the species of fish
and coral found in the sanctuary.
After dinner, the participants work with the IEC team to learn how to analyze
the data. The new participants observe the calculation procedures first and then try
it themselves. Although several of the experts admit that it is impossible to
guarantee the preciseness and accuracy of the sample surveys, the data indicate the
numbers of fish and percentage of coral have been increasing since the sanctuary
first started doing reef checks in 1998. In addition, there has been a greater
increase in fish and coral inside the sanctuary than outside the sanctuary.
In addition to gathering another set of data for the long-term study of the
sanctuary, local volunteers learn how to conduct a reef survey; therefore, they will
be less dependent on expert help in the future. The current plan is for the locals
involved in the protection of the sanctuary and those benefiting from the tourists
visiting the sanctuary to gather data every March and November. Some marine
sanctuaries in the Philippines have been gathering data for more than 15 years.
Although Reef Check survey data from the Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary (see Fig.
5.1 and 5.2) indicate that coral cover and fish populations have increased in the
Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary and adjacent buffer zone, the true environmental
impact of coastal resource management in Olango may not be known for years.
121
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Live hard coral cover inside and adjacent to the sanctuary
6 0
C o ra l b le a c h in g d u e to h tg h
50
48.8
48.5
40.6
0 }
>
O
O
40
39.0
8 30
24.9
21.6
® 20
tm proved M n ctu ery m an a g em en t
Adjacent
1998 2000 1999
Fish abundance (target species) inside and adjacent to sanctuary
< D
>
D
V )
£
8
m
C D
Q.
©
j Q
E
3
C
©
O )
2
C D
>
<
3500
inside
2993
3000
Adjacent
2500
2000
1500
1000
8 9 4
841
500
269
0
1998 1999 2000
Figures 5.1 and 5.2: Reef Check Survey Data. Source: Ross et al, (2001), CRMP.
1 2 2
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Eco-Tourism
The eco-tourism initiative provides alternative livelihood training for reformed
illegal fishermen and their wives. In addition, it promotes environmental
awareness and encourages cultural exchange between the residents of Olango and
their visitors.
Tour Guide Training and Enterprise Development
In order for eco-tourism to be successful as an alternative livelihood, the
community members need to learn not only guide skills but also business skills.
Therefore, CRMP has designed their enterprise development program to include
multifaceted training. In addition to lectures and training workshops, community
members also receive hands-on training in luring prospective customers to the eco-
tour and then ensuring those tourists have an enjoyably rewarding experience on
the tour.
Rex describes the program as holistic because “it doesn’t only institute
conservation measures, but tries to help these communities find a way out from the
question that they have to ask, ‘If I conserve, what shall I eat now?’ So it tries to
address the food problem.” Rex believes the eco-tour component of CRMP is an
essential part of the solution to some of the communities’ problems.
For almost three years, CRMP has been working closely with community
members in Sabang and Gilutongan in hopes of establishing sustainable businesses
that will provide alternative sources of income. Although the Olango International
Wildlife Sanctuary (OIWS) and the Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary have been in
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place longer than that, initial attempts at profiting from eco-tourism failed because
of lack of organization. There were often incidents of competing vendors scaring
off tourists with shouting frenzies as they tried to sell their goods or services.
There were also reports from tourists that they had been over-charged or ripped-off
by locals. Hence, part of the focus of the eco-tour training is to teach local guides
effective communication skills for interacting with both Filipino and international
tourists.
Early in 2001, CRMP held a workshop as part of the eco-tour guide training.
The participants included environmental experts from academia, professional tour
guides from area travel agencies, CRMP community organizers, the CRMP
enterprise development staff, and community members from Sabang and
Gilutongan. Tour guides from the local tourist industry in Cebu volunteered to
lend their business and communication expertise for the training workshop. The
three professional guide participants all expressed an interest in learning more
about the eco-tour on Olango and Gilutongan Islands. One professional guide that
sells various tour packages granted he volunteered for the workshop to gain more
knowledge about the OIWS so he could give tourists accurate information about
what they can expect to see. The environmental experts participating in the
workshop came form local academic institutions and have established relationships
with the CRMP, the sanctuaries and the communities.
The enterprise development staff had a conscious process for selecting the locals
that would participate in the workshop. Rex affirmed that the focus was on the
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community leaders because they are likely to have the influence to pass on
knowledge to other community members:
There are always leaders in each community. And it is only
natural for them to be the “targets” for this kind of seminar
because in some way they have all ready that leadership
capability. We have one great theory for choosing the
participants...that they have the power to re-echo what they
have learned here, down there. What they learn in the office
or whatever seminar they are sent to; if they could reflect it
back or teach it back to the local community. So, in a way that
gives you an idea on who to select.
Time and availability were also factors for deciding which community members
would attend the workshop. Many of the male participants are fishermen and they
may be fishing in the day. Consequently, they lose the chance to participate in
some seminars because they have to feed their families.
The three-day workshop on eco-tourism was a very professionally run initiative
to bring experts from several fields together for the common cause of developing
the Olango Birds and Seascape Tour (OBST) into a sustainable, community-run
enterprise. Each participant receives a workshop workbook that they can keep for
future reference and review. The following words are on the cover of the book:
The Birds and Seacape Tour is a special group tour conceived
by the Coastal Resource Management Project as a way to
develop the eco-tourism potential of Olango and encourage
residents to give up their destructive fishing practices, which
have already severely damaged the coastal resources.
During the first two days, participants joined in lectures and discussions at the
CRMP headquarters in Cebu. Themes included tour interpretation, tour leadership
versus tour guiding, specific environmental foci (bird, mangroves, and marine life)
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and techniques for translating technical information to lay person’s terms.
Although much of the lecturing was in Cebuano, the transparencies and other visual
aids were in English. Many of the exercises were interactive which helped the
participants maintain enthusiasm. Pedro, one of the community organizers
commented that the workshops are “hitting two birds with one stone.” He reasoned
that the teaching methods also help the locals who did not finish high school
improve their literacy skills.
The third day of the workshop was a mock tour giving the community
participants a chance to go through a dress rehearsal. All the participants went to
the Olango Bird Sanctuary in Sabang and the Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary to
enjoy the tour. The locals went through the actions of a regular tour using the
professional tour guides and CRMP staff members as mock customers. This is a
way of incorporating experiential learning into the tour-guide training. The guides-
in-training then receive advice and criticism from their “mock” tourists, the experts,
and professional tour guides. After the mock tour, 15 community participants
received certificates of completion.
The Olango Birds & Seascape Tour
“The tour is a theater production. The guide has to be an educator, a storyteller, an
entertainer, an advocate of environmental values, and an advocator of social
ethics.” An enterprise development staff member uses these words to explain the
difference between the Olango eco-tour and other island hopping tour packages.
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The Olango tour intends to be an educational experience both in cultural exchange
and environmental awareness.
Although it is contingent on the tide schedule, the tour usually starts on Olango
and then moves on to Gilutongan. A 30-40 minute boat ride brings the tour
participants to the southeast point of Olango, where the sandy bars of Sabang roll
into the tidal flats and mangroves of the bird sanctuary. The local guides brief the
tourists on how the sanctuary came to be and on what they can expect to see in the
sanctuary. The local guides and the tourists then pair up to venture into the
mangroves in search of wildlife in the sanctuary. The guides paddle small two-
person bancas into the heart of the sanctuary explaining facts about the
environment and providing their guests with personal anecdotes. The guides also
try to answer any questions the guests have.
After the paddling and picture taking, local women wearing colorful island attire
and carrying refreshments greet the guests on the beach. The guest participants and
the local participants mingle while waiting for lunch. Some of the community
members try to sell T-shirts advertising the Olango bird sanctuary. Guests take
photos with the locals and soon all are enjoying a buffet lunch that consists of
locally harvested fresh shellfish, fish and seaweed.
After lunch the community members give demonstrations in shell crafting,
preparing local delicacies and fishing. The shell craft demonstration is another
opportunity for the local women to sell souvenirs to the guests and make additional
profits from the eco-tour. Rex and other tour organizers encourage the guests to
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ask questions, taste the dishes and even try their hand in making some of the
pastries. Locals play guitars, beat drums and sing local Visayan songs during lunch
and the demonstrations. From the demonstrations the guest participants gain a
deeper understanding of how the fisherfolk have been living for many generations.
Maria claims that the demonstrations also boost pride among the community on
Olango for their culture and for their unique coastal environment. She adds this
pride is necessary to preserve both the culture and the environment.
An ornithologist gives a short lecture on the migratory habits of birds and
explains how important the birds are to the eco-system. He stresses that any
changes in the number of birds using Olango as a stopover on their migratory
travels may signal changes in the environment. Therefore, it is as important to
monitor the birds in the sanctuary as it is to watch the canary in the coal mine.
The final interactive activity that the guests have with the people on Olango is a
discussion on the efforts and challenges of the community-based program. One by
one, community leaders explain their efforts in trying to mobilize the community
for common causes such as establishing a waste-management system, abolishing
illegal fishing methods and making eco-tourism a sustainable livelihood. From
these presentations the guest participants learn of the challenges the community has
in trying to manage their coastal resources.
The Olango half of the tour ends with the locals performing traditional dances
while singing some traditional songs. The guests then re-board the boat and move
on to the Gilutongan marine sanctuary. At the marine sanctuary, Joseph gives a
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short and friendly presentation and answers questions on the history, purpose and
successes of the marine sanctuary. Then the guests who would like to snorkel in
the sanctuary pair up with local “lifeguards” who act as guides while swimming in
the sanctuary. Other locals prepare food for the guests. By this time, the exercise,
the food and the hot afternoon sun usually have taken a toll on the guests so many
will just relax in the sanctuary guardhouse chatting with the local vendors and their
families. This “chismoso time” becomes a medium for two-way informal learning
between the visiting tourists and the local sanctuary guardians. Whether the
tourists are Philippine nationals, Asian vacationers or Western travelers, the
islanders are always enthusiastic about sharing information on the local coastal
resource management efforts. Some guests choose to walk around the small island
stopping to chat with the friendly residents. The tour ends with a sunset boat ride
back to Mactan.
The tour is expensive compared to many of the island hopping options. It costs
about $70 US for non-Filipinos and about $50 US for Filipinos. The high price
eliminates the budget backpackers and most Filipinos sightseeing in their own
country. There are also no, or at least very limited, overnight accommodations.
The CRMP coordinators argue that the package justifies the price. Therefore, they
promote the package as more than just a boat ride to a few islands. Rex explains
that the tour is a cultural experience, a lesson in sociology, and a testimony to the
closeness humans have with the natural environment.
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The community women benefit from the additional employment that the tours
bring. Several of the women are employed through the business venture to do the
accounting and the meal planning for the tours. Still, the Olango eco-tour business
is only able to supplement the income for approximately thirty families, leaving
many island residents without benefits from the program.
Workshops Seminars and Activities
CRMP also uses lectures, seminars and one-day events to raise consciousness about
environmental and social issues. These include leadership workshops, beach clean
ups, law enforcement seminars and multi-organizational meetings for waste
management.
Social Development Training
One of Pedro’s duties as the community organizer is to conduct periodic seminars
aimed at developing strong leadership qualities and an environmental ethic among
a core group of community members. Attendance at the seminars is voluntary;
however, those community members having a role in the management of the
sanctuaries or the management of resources are strongly encouraged to attend.
Still, attendance is often lower than Pedro expects. Women usually outnumber
men slightly because the seminars are always in the day and many men are fishing
or working as vendors. However, Pedro makes special efforts to encourage
members of the youth group to come the social development and leadership
workshops. He reasons that they will soon be the ones making decisions for the
community.
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Reoccurring themes for the seminars include participation, community,
organization, cooperation and unity. Pedro uses both lectures and interactive group
work to seed an understanding of leadership and moral commitment to the
community. In one lecture he stresses that “vices kill potential” and uses several
infamous Filipino leaders as examples. A group activity follows with the
participants brainstorming ideas on what makes a good leader, how they can
improve leadership in their community and what the problems are with today’s
leaders.
The seminars emphasize the need for social development both on an individual
level and a community level. Pedro draws on both his studies in social work and
his experience working with Catholic priests to stress the relationship between self
development and social development. He explains that the acquisition of healthy
mental factors such as insight, foresight, confidence, modesty, impartiality, and
patience can enable an individual to be a leader in social development.
Pedro always tries to work the idea of family planning into his seminars drawing
a parallel between over population and depletion of coastal resources. He openly
raises the issue of birth control as a solution to the islands’ exploding population
problem. He frames the population problem in the context of an environmental
problem and a coastal resource management issue by explaining how increases in
the number of people living in the area put added stress on coastal resources. Some
participants giggle and joke about using contraceptives. Others joke that if they
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had television there would not be so many babies. Two women breast-feeding
babies during the discussion on birth control just smile.
The seminars also become a forum for community members to voice their ideas
and concerns about development issues. Together the participants discuss barriers
and constraints to area resource management projects. While discussing the plans
for projects, the seminar participants work toward establishing specific goals,
attempt to pinpoint effective strategies to reach those goals and try to identify
change agents that may facilitate the workability of the projects.
“I Love the Ocean” Movement
The CRMP staff conceptualized the idea for an “I Love the Ocean” campaign as a
way to celebrate the United Nations designating 1998 as International Year of the
Ocean. The campaign has grown to have more than 13,000 members throughout
the Philippines and continues to gain momentum by expanding its consciousness
raising efforts. Although the initial public awareness campaign used bumper
stickers to send a message, the movement now sponsors activities such as Sea
Camp, beach clean-ups, and celebrity events.
Sea Camp is “a field-based experimental coastal resource management
appreciation course” that targets youths in an attempt to instill an environmental
ethic in the next generation of community leaders. During the four-day event, the
participants learn the values of preserving the marine and coastal environment.
Upon completion of the course, the participants vow to be advocates of
conservation both in their activities and their interaction with others.
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The IEC staff of CRMP, the CRMP Peace Corps worker, and science teachers
from the local high schools all work together to organize Sea Camps for some of
the Olango Youth. Although some student-participants are selected based on their
academic performance for the first Sea Camp, other participants for the Sea Camps
are selected based on teachers’ opinions of who might benefit most from the Sea
Camp. During the four days the participants paint murals, plant trees, and clean
stretches of coastline. Lecture topics include waste management, ocean navigation,
leadership skills, development, and ecology. One participant, Elosia Roa (2000)
wrote of her experience:
The Sea Camp brought about an obvious change for the better
in the way participants view their environment. It helped us
recognize the integral and interdependent relationships
between humanity and the rest of creation. We now fully
appreciate that, as humanity is dependent on the fruits of
nature, so is nature’s very survival greatly dependent on
humanity, (p. 14)
In addition to the Sea Camp, “I Love the Ocean” also sponsors some celebrity
events in which popular Filipino entertainers join in conservation activities to
model environmental friendly behavior. Television and movie celebrities go scuba
diving to clean marine sanctuaries of unwanted debris or take part in planting of
mangroves to reforest the thousands of acres of marshlands lost in the last century.
Newspapers and television stations, attracted by the celebrities, cover stories about
the “I Love the Ocean” campaign and celebrity awareness-raising dives. The
celebrities not only attract the attention of the media, but they also become role
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models to encourage environmentally friendly behavior among the greater
population.
To gain media attention and to optimize the effect of an event, “I Love the
Ocean” promotional activities are planned to coincide with international or local
events like International Coastal Cleanup Day, Month of the Ocean, World Food
Day or Fisheries Week. Keeping the media informed about “I Love the Ocean”
events lead to additional national and cable stations broadcasting programs about
the Olango Island Wildlife Sanctuary and the Gilutongan Marine sanctuary. In
addition, the Cebu Sun-Star, a local paper, consistently reports on CRMP activities.
CLEAR 7
The Coastal Law Enforcement Alliance for Region 7 (CLEAR 7) attempts to
coordinate the efforts of law enforcement agencies through education and
communication. Since effective law enforcement an integral part of CRMP’s plan
for coastal resource management in the Olango area, it is necessary to share
information among agencies, provide in-service training for officers, and pool
resources for patrolling coastlines and enforcing the law. The CLEAR 7 division
of CRMP organizes seminars to educate officers about laws protecting the
environment. Experts provide training in how to address problems of illegal
fishing and mangrove cutting through increasing awareness of the laws and then
properly enforcing the laws. The seminars are also opportunities for various
agencies to share information and discuss strategies for the future. One strategy
that CLEAR 7 is currently working on is to build a database to keep the names of
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known dynamite fishermen and other information on dynamite fishing. So far,
there has been a greater awareness of the legal side of environmental issues among
law enforcement officers; however, a lack of resources hampers attempts to use the
law as a deterrent to illegal fishing and mangrove cutting.
Waste Management
Since much of the ground is rocky, it is difficult to bury waste on the island. Many
residents of Olango dispose of waste directly in to the ocean in hopes the tide will
carry it away. Although island residents have been doing this for generations, the
increase in use of plastic byproducts and cans makes the practice of dumping
garbage into the ocean a pressing environmental issue. Therefore, proper waste
management is essential for the protection of coastal resources.
Beginning with local officials, the CRMP staff has been working to educate
communities about effecting waste management. Discussions at community
meetings have led to preliminary plans for an island recycling center and
alternatives for other waste disposal. The hoped-for outcome is to change
residents’ attitudes about the disposal of waste while provide them with disposal
alternatives.
Women’s Involvement in the Education Process
Trans-generational communication among fisherfolk women who supplement
family incomes by gleaning and shellcraft activities has built an important body of
shared environmental knowledge. Therefore, women’s contributions in assessing
the condition of the coastal environment add a valuable perspective to the planning
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for coastal resource management. The value of those contributions are more
clearly understood in the context of the experiential aspect of ecofeminism that
recognizes the cumulative generational experience of women gives balance to the
community approach of resource management.
From a top-down perspective, CRMP models an organization that values that
contribution and experience of women. Women are well represented among the
CRMP staff and especially among the IEC team. Moreover, CRMP recognizes the
importance of involving the community women in any environmental initiatives or
resource management proposals. The IEC coordinators agree that it is important to
go to the wives first because, “Most often wives are power.” Since it is most often
the wives who handle the family budgets, it is the wives who most easily
understand the concepts of resource management. Therefore, according to the IEC
staff, it is the wives who are able to more easily understand the need for change.
Furthermore, once the wives understand the need for change, they become
agents of change for their husbands and children. In addition to contributing to the
body of shared community knowledge, women also facilitate the dissemination of
that information through established social networks. Pedro gives the example of
how women become agents in the informal education process by sharing
knowledge they have gained with their husbands. Women often attend the social
development seminars and coastal resource management training activities in place
of their husbands because their husbands are fishing or working day labor on other
islands. The women then share what they have learned when their husbands return.
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Likewise, since many of the men are gone fishing for days or even weeks at a
time, it is the women who spend the most time with the children during the
formative years. Because women usually spend more time with children during the
formative years, they have a greater opportunity to promote an environmental ethic
and model environmentally friendly behavior for the next generation. It is through
mothers that young children can most easily learn environmental values. One
member of the Gilutongan women’s organization explained that the active
members of the group understand this responsibility, “We need to give an action so
we can give education to our youth so that they will know how to care for our
surroundings.”
However, another member of the organization qualified the scope of this
understanding as not including many of the women in the greater community. That
member believed a majority of the island women are unable to fulfill this
responsibility due to a lack education about environmental issues. Many of the
local informants during this study also believe that some mothers model types of
behavior that hamper the development of an environmental ethic. These types of
behavior are the ubiquitous gambling and improper waste disposal. The informants
stated that they felt gambling instills a “get-rich-quick” mentality into the island
youth; thus contradicting principles of resource management. If these feelings are
viewed from an ecofeminist perspective, the daily gambling activities reinforce a
capitalist patriarchy in which “money today” triumphs over “resources tomorrow”.
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The IEC group members also recognize that women in the greater community
have a weak understanding of environmental issues; therefore, they actively recruit
island women for participatory roles in all CRMP activities and events. The IEC
members stress the importance of recruiting women for the assessment events, such
as the PCRA training, because their knowledge and experience valuably contribute
to creating an accurate profile of environmental conditions and related social issues.
First, many women and children who have worked as gleaners and fish vendors are
directly affected by degradation to the environment and depletion of resources.
Therefore, they can be beneficiaries of improved coastal resource management.
Furthermore, their work in the fishing and shell-fishing industries has already given
them some awareness of the environmental problems affecting the coastal
resources. A building on that awareness during the PCRA training can nurture
commitments to participate in a collective effort that seeks proactive solutions to
coastal environment issues.
One IEC staff member spoke of how the women become more motivated to
participate in resource management after realizing the connections between the
health of the environment and the health of their families. Many of the women
attending meetings and seminars voiced similar accounts of their participation
fostering a new understanding of local environmental issues. Some women
mentioned that they now better understand how illness in their villages can be
related to poor environmental conditions. Other active women participates
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expressed a better understanding of environmental stewardship for the sustainable
use of coastal resources.
Recognizing the need to be involved in the management of their coastal
resources many of the community began taking on duties and participating more
actively. Now, the women often outnumber the men at meetings and never hesitate
to voice their opinions or make suggestions on budgeting funds, planning events
and assigning tasks. One example of the growing influence of women in the
coastal resource management community initiative is that women have been most
active in creating the island’s branch of the Barangay Fisheries and Aquatic
Resource Management Council (BFARMC). This is a community organization
that works to coordinate coastal resource management efforts on the barangay level
and provides input for development plans at the municipal level. The members of
BFARMC are working to expand the community’s political agenda and establish
new collective arrangements.
Social Interaction in the Exchange of Environmental Knowledge
In the coastal resource management process, social interaction can work to ensure
ample “bottom-up” and “top-down” communication in planning and decision
making. Social interaction aids in the dissemination of environmental knowledge
on various organizational and individual levels. Three common levels of social
interaction are organizations sharing information with other organizations,
organizations passing on information to target individuals and finally, the target
individuals sharing newly gained knowledge with family and neighbors. The
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following three sections detail Figure 5.1 that shows how each level of social
interaction works to educate communities about the environment.
Social Interaction between Organizations
The type of coastal resource management that CRMP teaches is often referred to as
Integrated Coastal Management (ICM) because part of the strategy is to integrate
the knowledge, skills and power of stakeholder organizations and agencies. Sharing
of knowledge at the inter-organizational level involves publishing and presenting
research findings to augment the pool of existing “lessons-learned” in resource
management. For CRMP, the entire staff works together to record data and publish
documents. These publications include Tambuli, a monthly news journal for
coastal management practitioners; environmental profiles from PCRA data; articles
about alternative livelihood projects; training manuals for resource management;
and, theoretical based research findings. Although local fisherfolk greatly
contribute to the assembling of the environmental profiles, they rarely read other
publications available through CRMP. These publications are primarily a vessel
for organizational sharing of information.
Conferences also provide a forum for organizations to share information and
discuss the implication of specific research findings in the planning of coastal
resource management programs. The International Coral Reef Initiative (ICRI)
sponsors regional and global conferences that bring together experts contributing to
the advancement of coastal resource management. The ICRI chose the Shangra-La
Resort on Mactan to host the 2001 regional conference. Experts representing X
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Figure 5.3 The Dissemination of Information in the Coastal Resource Management
Process
Academic
Conferences
Youth Sea Camp
“I Love the
Ocean
NGOs
CRMP
PCRA Training/
Reef Checks
Community
Organizers/
Information
Bridges
Schools
LGUs
Community LeadersA and Active
Participa
The Greater Co
Teacher
Facilitators/
Information
ridges
□ Events/Activities 4 —
O Top-Down organizations
/ \ Bottom-Up Community Initiative
Information Bridges
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various stakeholder organizations throughout Southeast Asia engaged each other
for several days with ideas for improving coastal resource management. Although
it is usually only CRMP staff members that are able to attend coastal resource
management conferences, the close proximity of the Shangra-La to Olango made it
possible for several of the sanctuary caretakers to attend the conference. In
addition to giving a few of the local community leaders a chance to act as
“information bridges”, their participation put CRMP and the Olango learning area
in center stage for the conference.
Network building at conferences works to build partnerships among
organizations with common goals. These partnerships facilitate the long term
planning of effective resource management for coastal communities. Therefore,
from the nascent of the coastal resource management process, sufficient inter-
organizational communication is necessary. CRMP begins this communication by
forging partnerships to share in the coastal resource management process during the
planning stages for the PCRA training. This invites a sharing of skills and
resources. The PCRA training extends the bonds of partnership to the community.
The four-day intensive PCRA training is a period in which individuals from various
organizations form friendships through collective effort. It is an event that pulls
together the efforts of the municipal government, the DENR, various NGOs,
academic institutions and community organizations. Like the PCRA training,
planning for a reef check requires input and collective effort from the municipal
government, NGOs, academe and community members. Agencies and
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organizations participating in reef checks use the results for resource management
planning and for on-going research projects.
This collective effort works to maintain inter-organizational communication
after the PCRA training has been completed. In the case of Olango, the
organizational partnerships led to the creation of the Olango Synergy Group to
coordinate the sharing of information for island development and resource
management. Primarily through word-of-mouth, community leaders and
organization representatives disseminate information about regular meetings and
current issues affecting island residents.
Target individuals as Information Bridges
For organized word-of-mouth transmission of information and knowledge to take
place, specific individuals must act as liaisons between organizations. Community
organizers, teacher facilitators and community leaders are all liaisons acting as
information bridges in the coastal resource management process.
Essentially, community organizers bridge the information gaps between the
CRMP office staff and the fisherfolk on Olango and Gilutongan. Their relationship
with the community accords community organizers a position to be active agents in
the dissemination of information and knowledge. In their field visits they relay
information to the island communities about upcoming events. They also hold
seminars and lectures during which they pass on knowledge to community
members about resource management, leadership skills, enterprise development
and other issues relevant to the local coastal resource management initiative.
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Community organizers visit municipal government offices, universities and other
NGO offices to exchange information about coastal resource management sites and
plan community events. As information bridges, community organizers also pass
information in the opposite direction; that is, they report their observations and the
voiced concerns of the fisherfolk back to CRMP. Therefore, they are critical in the
reciprocal learning process of the organization. The input that community workers
provide is helpful in developing strategies for organizational development, boosting
community interest, assessing the effectiveness of initiatives and planning new
initiatives.
Teacher facilitators and community leaders also act as information bridges
between groups by bringing CRMP’s awareness campaign to the formal education
system. Teacher facilitators relay information to principals and teachers about
ecology and consciousness raising activities for the island youth. Teacher
facilitators work with CRMP’s IEC staff and schoolteachers to conduct
environmental awareness activities with schools such as field trips to the wildlife
sanctuary and the marine sanctuary. The facilitators also help in the planning of the
Youth Sea Camp, inter-island trips for students, tree planting events for students,
beach clean-ups and a proposed eco-center in one high school.
Sandra, the Peace Corps volunteer working with CRMP, became a bridge
between CRMP and the two schools in Barangay Tingo. In her time on Olango she
taught ecology lessons at the Tingo schools covering subjects such as waste
management, conservation and resource management. Her efforts have motivated
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other teachers to add environmental elements into their lessons. For example, with
the aid of Peace Corps resources the science teacher has been developing an eco-
center to provide students with more hands-on learning about the environment and
marine eco-system. The same teacher has substituted a final exam for his high
school class with a research project on environmental awareness. Instead of the
final exam, his students conducted surveys on environmental awareness in their
communities.
However, his trend is apparently limited to only a few schools in the Olango
area. Teachers and students from other schools claim there is no environmental
education in their schools. This is partially due to teachers feeling compelled to
follow lessons exactly as they are in the assigned books. According to Pedro,
teachers are eager to incorporate environmental education into their lessons, but the
policies of the Department of Education, Culture and Sports (DECS) strictly dictate
the material that teachers must cover; consequently, limiting the opportunity and
motivation for improvised environmental education in schools. CRMP and several
environmental NGO’s continue to lobby DECS to adapt curriculum that builds a
greater awareness of environmental issues. Teacher facilitators have a role as
information bridges in strengthening the ties with DECS during these lobbying
efforts.
Much the same as community organizers and teacher facilitators, community
leaders are pivotal in the dissemination of coastal resource management
information. Community leaders are constantly learning more about coastal
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resource management from seminars, visits to other communities, municipal
government meetings, and agenda setting sessions with the CRMP staff. They in
turn pass this information on to their friends and neighbors during daily interaction.
As information bridges, community leaders move from a passive role of receiving
training from CRMP to an active role of sharing knowledge with the greater
community. Therefore, an essential step in the process of disseminating
information is the informal learning that takes place through social interaction of
individuals.
Informal Learning through Individuals Interacting
During the PCRA training, more active participants emerge as the community
leaders for the coastal resource management initiative. Awareness is a key quality
that the IEC team looks for in targeting community leaders to act as bridges in
disseminating information about coastal resource management. A high level of
awareness enables individuals to better communicate to others the need for and
process of coastal resource management. The IEC staff at CRMP utilizes these
individuals’ enthusiasm to fortify the bonds between the island communities, local
government units and NGOs working in the area.
Joseph typifies a community leader who has become a pivotal voice in the
campaign to protect the marine environment and conserve coastal resources. As
the marine sanctuary guard, he interacts with visitors discussing the history and
successes of the sanctuary in a well-rehearsed speech that is also a call for support
from the groups of divers and snorkelers that visit the Gilutongan sanctuary daily
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during the tourist season. Additionally, Joseph is an unofficial consultant for other
communities that consider designating a section of their coast as a marine
sanctuary. In 1990, he went to Apo Island to observe a successful marine sanctuary
and learn the steps to establish and care for a protected coastal area. Just as the
Apo Island residents shared their knowledge of marine protected areas with Joseph,
he now receives groups from as far away as Mindanao that have come to visit the
Gilutongan sanctuary and hear his advice on implementing and caring for a marine
sanctuary. At the marine sanctuary guardhouse, visitors relax, chat, swim, snorkel
and eat with the folks on Gilutongan opening the gates for more informal exchange
of culture, knowledge and information.
Reef checks provide another opportunity for individuals to share environmental
knowledge informally since members of various organizations and agencies spend
several days working, eating and sleeping together. Similar to the PCRA training,
reef checks are events in which individuals from various organizations form
friendships through collective effort. The atmosphere of collective effort combines
work and social interaction. During both the PCRA training and reef checks, non
participant island residents become more aware of local coastal resource
management efforts. They see their neighbors gathering data about the
environment. Curiosity leads to questions and further discussions about coastal
resource management issues and strategies. In this way, the event participants
become role models for other community members.
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Women on the IEC staff are also leadership role models for the women on
Olango and Gilutongan. The island women see the EEC members negotiating with
local officials for funding. They see them organizing and managing environmental
activities and events. And they see them working side by side with community
members during the PCRA training, reef checks and beach cleanups. Over the
years, the EEC members’ involvement with the communities has built strong bonds
and friendships. However, since CRMP will be leaving the community in 2002, it
is important that people from Olango and Gilutongan are ready to fill in for the IEC
team. Therefore, certain women in the communities have been targeted as leaders
based on their commitment to coastal resource management. One EEC member has
gone as far as to reward several women with a modest monthly salary, paid out of
her own salary, for their help in organizing events, workshops and tours. Realizing
that community involvement may create jobs in the community has motivated other
women in the community to get involved.
Individual to individual exchange of information is fundamental to the Olango
Bird and Seascape tour. Rex defines eco-tourism “as not only natural conservation,
but also as a way of social education.” Members of the Paddlers Association (the
individual boat guides that take tourists into the bird sanctuary mangroves) provide
tourists with endless information about the natural environment. Other members of
the community provide the tourists with cultural information through shell craft,
fishing and cooking demonstrations. These demonstrations generate questions and
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promote more in depth social interaction between community members and their
guests.
Finally, community groups facilitate the flow of information from core
participants in the coastal resource management process to the greater community.
Various organizations on Olango provide opportunities for men, women and youths
to interact and exchange information. These include church groups, employment
organizations, school groups, political campaigns and basketball teams. Through
their additional involvement in such groups, proponents of coastal resource
management can reach out to the greater community in an attempt to raise
consciousness about coastal management issues.
Social Interaction and the Learning o f Inappropriate Behaviors
Unfortunately, the residents of Olango not only learn appropriate environmental
behavior through social interaction, but some also learn environmentally
inappropriate behavior as well. While CRMP, other development organizations,
and individuals involved in the coastal resource management collective effort strive
to promote protection and conservation, other groups work to profit from the
inappropriate and unsustainable use of coastal resources. Paulo, the community
organizer for the IMA, explained that cyanide fishing began in the 1970s when an
American introduced the method as a more effective way of catching fish for the
pet industry. The technique of using sodium cyanide quickly spread among those
gathering exotic tropical fish from the local reefs. Social interaction and
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observational learning contributed to the widespread use of this illegal fishing
method.
Social interaction and observational learning also contribute to the spread of
dynamite fishing. According to local newspapers and accounts from informants, the
major center for manufacturing blasting caps and detonators used in dynamite
fishing is Talisay, a short boat ride from Olango. Several small groups in Talisay
are allegedly responsible for supplying dynamite fishers throughout the Philippines.
Local fisherfolk corroborated a coast guard informant’s testimony that fishermen
from Talisay use their products in other island areas as a way of advertising.
Talisay fishermen make periodic trips to Olango to sell their products and recruit
new dynamite fishermen. In fact, one local dynamite fisherman who was
apprehended and released with a warning is said to have spent several months in
Talisay helping to manufacture blasting caps.
Social interaction may also work against desired change in attitude and behavior
by continually reinforcing common, but environmentally inappropriate behaviors.
The most visible example of this is people freely tossing food wrappers, drink
containers and other trash on the ground or in the sea. Children witness this
behavior daily and grow up thinking that littering is not only social acceptable but
it is also the social norm.
One American tourist visiting the area speculated that litter is an endemic
problem in some parts of the Philippines because plastic and other non-
biodegradable containers are a relatively new introduction to some areas. He
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reasoned that it was not so long ago that most people living in coastal areas served
food on leaves instead of on Styrofoam plates and snacked on fruit or berries
instead of candy or chips in plastic wrappers. Old behaviors, such as tossing leaves
that had been used for plates on the ground, were never unlearned when people
started using plastic for convenience. Therefore, the old behavior is still common
practice and is reinforced through observational learning. However, since what
people are now discarding is not biodegradable the behavior is environmentally
inappropriate. Without protests against this behavior, people have no negative
feedback that would promote reflection on the consequences.
It is not just littering that children may learn from their older siblings, relatives
and peers. One teacher informant spoke of how the children on Olango leam to
gamble, fish with cyanide and use dynamite from watching others. In reference to
a gambit of behavior she termed undesirable, one teacher commented, "The little
ones see what the big ones are doing and they follow. The little ones leam from the
big ones."
Social Interaction in Program Monitoring
The continual interaction of the community organizers with the community is one
way of monitoring programs to insure the sustainability of the coastal resource
management process. From his experience as a community organizer, Paulo
understands a need to maintain a presence in the community even after projects
have been turned over to the community. Paulo says, “It is hard to leave the
people. You should be there to do the monitoring. If they see you they will be
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reminded.” The continual interaction with the community organizers and
discussions about ongoing environmental projects renews enthusiasm for
community betterment. Paulo also asserts that a “cat and mouse” mentality among
some community members make it necessary for NGOs to maintain ties with
communities through community organizers. “When the cat is away the mice will
play—It is different when you are always there.” Community organizers, therefore,
aid in monitoring programs by reporting back to their organizations about the status
of community projects and they help to ensure the sustainability of projects through
their continual interaction with the community.
Evolving Toward Community Empowerment
The intervention of CRMP and development NGOs intends to be a temporary
phase in the community empowerment process. The dissemination of information
and consciousness raising about environmental problems are the first steps in the
empowerment process for community management of coastal resources. Successes
demonstrate the power of collective efforts and consequently strengthen the bonds
in socially valued pursuits. Still, community empowerment is an evolving process
of rethinking common goals and strategies to attain those goals. New information
and knowledge—products of both successes and failures—guide the rethinking of
approaches to resource management. Successes minimize skepticism; hence,
encouraging passive members of the community to join the collective effort. The
power of collective effort gives the community a voice in the expanded political
agenda and establishes new collective arrangements to fortify the campaign for
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coastal resource management. This section will describe how community-based
coastal resource management in the Olango area has evolved toward empowering
the community to more effectively steward their environmental assets.
Consciousness Raising
The empowerment process begins with awareness. In the coastal resource
management process, awareness begins with the PCRA training. Theresa, the IEC
team leader, recalls the PCRA as a definitive point at which some local residents
started looking at the environmental situation and understanding the implications
that proper coastal resource management has for their families and for future
generations. She says gathering data during the PCRA helped some community
members “come to terms with the condition of the environment.” Community
members voiced similar feelings after conducting their first reef check assessment
in which they compared marine life inside the sanctuary and marine life outside the
sanctuary. Several community members testified that after seeing the contrast they
understood more fully the potential that proper coastal resource management has
for improving the marine environment and replenishing resources.
Since consciousness raising is a continual process, the CRMP staff schedule
several lectures and workshops each month to discuss local environmental issues
and strategies for more effective resource management. Maria and Pedro organize
these events that reinforce previous learning and aim to broaden the understanding
of the connections between the quality of life and the quality of the environment.
Theresa adds that CRMP determinedly encourages the community members to
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think of solutions to environmental problems, plan strategies to address
environmental issues, and reflect on the implementation of programs. A core group
of community members have emerged as leaders in the campaign for better
resource management. Along with CRMP staff members, these community
members actively participate in development planning meetings at the barangay
and municipal levels.
To effectively guide the coastal resource management process CRMP and other
development organizations need to be aware of the community issues and the
feelings of the community members. Therefore, the IEC staff collects periodic data
from consultations, focus groups and discussions. Maria asserts that the interactive
information gathering methods give the local residents a more secure feeling that
they have an informed role in the decision-making process. She explains that
inclusion of community members in the needs-assessment and development of
activities promotes a feeling of program ownership.
The Role o f Community Organizers in the Empowerment Process
Whenever CRMP’s community organizers, Pedro and Maria, arrive in the island
villages they are welcomed with smiles. Children follow them as they make their
way through the narrow village paths stopping to greet everyone and exchange the
latest news. In the years Maria has been working with the fisherfolk, she has grow
to be part of the island family. Although Pedro has only been working in the
Olango area for about a year, his experience as a social worker and an activist have
enabled him to quickly gain the confidence of the locals. Many of the island youth
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view Maria and Pedro as role models. This respect is useful in organizing youth
groups to take part in environmental awareness events and activities.
The adult community also relies on the community organizers for guidance in
planning events, mobilizing non-participants, and networking for new collective
arrangements. There is a consensus among the active members that Maria and
Pedro have been vital in building a collective effort to address environmental
issues. This collective effort gives change to the process of deciding common
goals.
Pedro describes the process of deciding common goals as “tedious” because of
the “strong cultural silence” that community members maintain when NGOs or
development agencies first come to a site. He says that the people may be aware of
various environmental issues in their municipalities, but they are afraid to speak out
or mobilize to address the issues. Pedro feels that community organizers have to
begin by building a trust with the community so the people “will have the
confidence to verbalize their issues and the courage to take action.” According to
Pedro, it is not enough that community organizers build trust and confidence; they
must also provide advice and feedback on how the community can proceed
effectively in clearly identifying their goals.
Maria states part of her role as a community organizer is to help ensure the
decision making process is one of “informed decision making.” She works to keep
the community informed about local political, social and environmental
information. The information exchange also works in the reciprocal route. Maria
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conducts periodic interviews, consultations and focus group discussions to gather
information about the community for the CRMP staff. She believes the community
members feel a greater sense of ownership when they have a voice in deciding
common goals for resource management.
In the Olango area, community organizers strengthen the organizational base by
going home-to-home telling families about the purpose of specific programs. They
also periodically run workshops to raise consciousness about issues affecting the
health of the community and the health of the environment. Finally, community
organizers help in brainstorming ideas on how to respond to specific issues. They
are critical in the process of providing feedback on organizational development,
organizational leadership and enterprise development.
Decision-Making, Change and Resistance
The data CRMP and community organizers collect in the consultations, focus
groups and discussions is useful in developing a strategy to better meet the needs
and goals of the community. Maria refers to this as part of the process for
informative decision-making. Consequently, through the guidance of CRMP the
community is then able to develop strategies toward achieving their goals.
Specific community goals may become part of the barangay level development
plan, which in turn serves as input for the larger municipal plan. A series of all-day
workshops have brought together government officials, CRMP representatives,
PBSP representatives, and representatives living on Olango to discuss coastal
resource management strategies and plan for more sustainable interaction with the
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environment. CRMP and PBSP lobby on behalf of the island residents to include
coastal resource management in the wider political agenda. As large organizations,
CRMP and PBSP are able to provide institutional support for the proponents of
coastal resource management on Olango. An example of this is how these
organizations try to pressure political leaders at the municipal level to reconsider
plans for land reclamation that could negatively impact the coastal environment in
the Olango area. Since these lobbying efforts involve leaders from the island
communities, there is a greater sense of community competence to continue
dialogue on environmental issues with the municipal government.
However, not all the residents on the islands welcome the change CRMP is
promoting. Theresa recalled that there was some resistance from the community
when the bird sanctuary was initially declared a national wetland in 1992. Still
today, many island residents feel they receive no benefits from the tourists visiting
the sanctuary.
Additionally, CRMP’s measures to stop illegal fishing in the area have not been
completely effective in modifying behavior among all illegal fishermen. Therefore,
some fisherfolk remain intransigent. Often the initial reaction to consciousness
raising efforts about the poor condition of the coasted environment has been one of
denial. The CRMP informant explains that some island residents maintain an “It’s
not us; it’s them” attitude and blame other groups for dynamite fishing and illegal
mangrove cutting. The campaign to eradicate illegal fishing has also created a
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feeling among some fisherfolk that if they cannot fish using illegal methods, then
the aid agencies and the government should provide for them and their families.
Likewise, on Gilutongan, the initial attempts at designating a specific area as a
marine sanctuary and making it off-limits to fishing were not received well by
some of the local fishermen. Joseph recalls the general reaction, “People didn’t
like us telling them they could no longer fish in a place where their fathers and their
fathers’ fathers had fished.” Joseph explains that one of his challenges has been to
get local fishermen to understand that one of the basic reasons for establishing a
sanctuary is to aid in the replenishment of fish populations and coral covering that
have dwindled due to inappropriate fishing methods. As fish populations and coral
increase within the sanctuary, marine life in adjacent areas also becomes more
abundant. Joseph’s wife, Rachael, and several of their daughters who are active
members of the Gilutongan Women’s Group campaign for community support of
the sanctuary by informally discussing the benefits of a marine sanctuary with
neighboring fishermen and their families.
Some island residents are leery of aid agencies and government workers
regarding them as outsiders. Theresa explains that a history of broken promises
that have created a distrust of government for many island residents. Some
residents claim loopholes in the legal system allow those with influence to
circumvent environmental regulations. Others blame corruption for the ill fate of
past aid projects. There is also a distrust of private investors with plans to develop
tourist accommodations. One example of a private investment that has
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marginalized the people living on Gilutongan is a small, exclusive resort that caters
to wealthy tourists. Although a few locals were allowed to work on the
construction of the resort, no locals currently work there. The resort requires
employees to have a high school education, however, Gilutongan does not have a
high school so few of the local residents have high school degrees.
Paulo, the IMA community organizer, theorizes that resistance to outside
intervention of coastal resource management is common with any project. He says
that as long as the resistance is limited to a small percentage of the people, the
resistance is unlikely to jeopardize the project. Paulo adds that in the Olango area,
the resistance is usually passive because the island residents take a “Wait and see”
attitude toward new projects. As an example, he discusses the early stages of the
coral farm. The initial reaction from the community was that the project would not
involve the local residents because a German national had initiated the
implementation. Therefore, from the start, the IMA was on the defensive in
regards to the coral farm. However, as the project has grown, management has
been turned over to local residents augmenting interest in expanding the coral farm
as an alternative livelihood for the families of reformed illegal fishermen.
Women’s Involvement in the Evolution o f the Program
From the initial planning of the PCRA training, the participation of women in the
coastal resource management process has contributed to the direction of the
program. Women have widened the perspective for gathering information,
analyzing data, planning activities, and making decisions for the protection and
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conservation of coastal resources. The inclusion of women in this process allows
women to voice their concerns and give their perspective on how environmental
issues affect the community. That voice has uniquely shaped the process to better
address the needs of women in the community.
The Women living near the Olango Bird and Wildlife Sanctuary have been
pivotal in developing the cultural interaction section of the eco-tour. Several of the
women are very active in the business management of the eco-tour project. With
the help of the CRMP enterprise development staff, these women have been
learning various skills needed to effectively run a tour business. These skills
include the sales and promotion of the tour to attract customers as well as
budgeting and accounting.
The women’s involvement in the eco-tour on Gilutongan has not been as
successful as on Olango Island because the Gilutongan part of the eco-tour is
restricted to the marine sanctuary. Therefore, the tourists rarely enter the island as
they do on Olango. Several members expressed a growing sense of apathy within
the organization. They reasoned this was primarily because of their limited
opportunity to generate revenue from the sanctuary visitors. However, there are
plans to involve the Gilutongan women when tourists arrive at the sanctuary
guardhouse. The plan has been for the women to help in catering and selling
souvenirs or T-shirts. Although another idea has been for the women to entertain
tourists by giving walking tours around the island, some community informants
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feel that waning interest among the women on Gilutongan to get involved in the
eco-tour have kept the plans from materializing.
Members of the Cawoy women’s group are active in the development of the
coral farm. They work closely with Paulo and local IMA employees. In groups,
the women take part in attaching coral transplants to limestone blocks with wire
and make mesh nets used in anchoring the corals to the sea floor. It is a social
activity in which the participants exchange ideas for community betterment and
resource management. After the coral is attached and the nets are made, the IMA
divers plant the blocks on the sea bottom.
The group has grown out of the community shell crafters whose incomes have
suffered from degradation to the coastal environment. In this way the IMA has
built upon an existing organization and uses the existing skills and knowledge of
the women in coastal resource management activities. Their close relationship with
the coastal environment and acute awareness of the condition of the resources
motivates members of this neighborhood women’s group to attend local political
meetings ensuring that conservation, management and enterprise development are
on the agenda.
Individual Change in the Empowerment Process
On a micro level, the empowerment process involves individual attitudinal and
behavioral change. Although the process of individual change differs from person
to person, one person’s increased awareness of environmental issues can effect
change in others through sharing knowledge about the environment. Bonds
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between individuals develop and strengthen the influence of socially valued
pursuits. Momentum grows with the collective efforts of a group to raise
consciousness about environmental issues for a renegotiation of environmentally
harmful behaviors.
Testimony from key informants and residents of the Olango area provide a
variety of perspectives on attitudinal and behavioral change. This section uses a
range of those perspectives to illustrate general characteristics of change at both a
local and a personal level. The accounts follow a somewhat chronological order
culminating with two individuals’ self-reported recollection of personal change in
developing an environmental ethic as a standard for behavior.
Although the PCRA training was a definitive point of enlightenment for some
participants, Joseph recalls that the reaction of many locals to the PCRA was “Ah,
it is useless. It is wasting our time.” Joseph credits the community organizers for
their perseverance in continuing to recruit people to participate. In spite of the
passive resistance for some residents, the community organizers were able to
recruit enough participants to make the event a success. Joseph also recalls the
barangay captain was indifferent to the PCRA, but politely decline to participate.
In the few years since the initial PCRA, the barangay captain has become a
supporter of coastal resource management. However, Joseph explains that the
barangay captain’s pride and public endorsement for the marine sanctuary have
come only since the barangay recently received approximately US$ 2,000 for its
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share in the sanctuary revenues. The revenues are divided 30% for the barangay
and 70% for the municipal government with specific guidelines for using the funds.
Thersa echoes Joseph’s perspective with her claim that there is a growing trend
on Gilutongan to view the marine sanctuary as a community resource. Increasing
support for the sanctuary arises from the realization that it has economic value for
the community because it can provide tourist revenue and aid in the natural
replenishment of fish populations along adjacent coastline. According to Theresa,
this realization has changed past cynics of the sanctuary into current supporters.
She says that although people once had a “wait and see” attitude, the success of the
sanctuary has now moved the people to contribute their share. She adds that most
importantly the barangay captain is now proud of the sanctuary because the
barangay captain’s support is essential in order to expand the focus of
environmentalism to include a wider political agenda.
Pride in the sanctuary is most evident among those that work as vendors,
snorkeling guides and caretakers. Although some of their pride is a product of the
benefits they receive from the project, much of it comes from their sense of
accomplishment. They relish the fact that their group efforts have turned a
protected section of coastline into a popular recreational dive site for foreign
tourists. Many of the active members also expressed a sense of individual
accomplishment at having received certificates for the tour guide training and
PCRA training.
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Rex’s perspective on change at a local level brings attention to former illegal
fishermen that are now actively pursuing alternative livelihoods. Rex sees the
reformed dynamite fishermen as the most obvious examples of individual change.
Many of the paddlers and vendors working on the eco-tour are former dynamite
fishers. The development of eco-tourism as an alternative livelihood enterprise
affords these fishermen an opportunity to earn a living while making a commitment
to promote environmentally friendly behavior through their own actions. Although
dynamite fishing continues in the area, these reformed fishermen are both role
models and agents of change for the eradication of such illegal fishing practices.
Sandra and Diego, a science teacher, provide a perspective on how the area
coastal resource management efforts have effected change in some of the Olango
youth. Both feel that consciousness raising efforts in the Tingo High School have
had at least minimal impact on the youth. They described one of their more critical
teaching moments as happening during an environmental activity at the beach. The
students were counting dynamite blasts as Sandra and Diego lead a discussion on
how illegal fishing destroys the environment, ultimately effecting the local fishing
industry. At first, many students were indifferent to the blasts because some of
their fathers are dynamite fishermen. During the discussion, the students showed
signs that they were beginning to understand some of the deeper cause-and-effect
implications of environmentally inappropriate behavior. They began asking
questions and Sandra reports the discussion turned to why some fishermen use
dynamite. With some reluctance, several students admitted that members of their
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families were dynamite fishermen. One student verbally expressed his new
perspective on illegal fishing and vowed to share the knowledge he gained from the
discussion with his relatives in the fishing industry. Other students agreed they
would do the same.
Diego feels that in his time working in the Tingo high schools the students have
been progressively showing signs of developing an environmental ethic in their
behavior. He says that in conversation they are able to discuss local environmental
issues such as illegal mangrove cutting and the importance of coral reefs. They
also make posters in art class to promote environmental awareness through in the
school community. Finally, Sandra’s efforts in promoting waste management have
prompted the Tingo schools to begin separating trash for recycling.
Consciousness raising efforts in schools may contribute to developing an
environmental ethic in youths; however, some locals attest to having always had an
understanding of the links between a healthy environment and a healthy life.
Although not necessarily typical, Joseph represents the type of person who
remembers being aware of coastal environment issues at an early age. Having tacit
knowledge of the detrimental effects of blast fishing, Joseph asserts he has never
used dynamite since he began fishing at age thirteen. He recalls how plentiful fish
were when he was a young boy in the 1950s. Fishing with his father, he saw the
average catch in the area decline from 20 kilograms per day to 2 kilograms per day.
As a young man, he was forced to go on long fishing trips to earn money to feed his
growing family. However, Joseph had a brush with death when pirates confiscated
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his boat during a raid on a fishing village. Although he escaped without physical
injury, the incident was terrifying enough to detour him from going on long fishing
trips that would keep him away from his family for months at a time.
Joseph recalls the changes he went through that led to his guardianship of the
marine sanctuary on Gilutongan began with attending workshops and seminars on
the detrimental effects of illegal fishing. After learning about marine sanctuaries, he
went to Apo Island to visit the highly acclaimed marine sanctuary there. With the
help of the Cebu Resource Management Office, Joseph and his supporters were
able to designate a ten-hectare area as the original marine sanctuary. Joseph
volunteered to patrol and guard the sanctuary from violators for several years
before finally being given the paid position of program director. Not all his nights
of vigilance have been silent. Up to several times a month there is some sort of
confrontation. Most are resolved quickly, others may require the barangay
captain’s mediation. However, Joseph’s constant guard and the growing support
for the sanctuary from the community have reduced the number of violations in the
sanctuary and surrounding buffer zone.
Joseph’s pride and dedication to the sanctuary are infectious. The vendors and
guides waiting for dive boats full of tourists speak with affection for their
sanctuary. Their hard work at maintaining the sanctuary and their vigilance to keep
it safe from dynamite fishermen are proclamation that their bonds to this
community project go beyond the limits of their income. Joseph even jokes that the
guardhouse is his first house. Although he was impressed enough with the Apo
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Island Sanctuary to build one for the community on Gilutongan, he believes that in
time the Gilutongan sanctuary is going to be more successful and more beautiful.
Despite Joseph’s dedication to preserving and protecting the coastal
environment, some local traditions conflict with more global issues. An example
of this conflict is the collecting of turtle eggs. Although turtles are an endangered
species, local islanders believe find a nest of buried eggs to be good fortune and
good food. During the reef check several locals found a nest of about 120 turtle
eggs. Joseph and his neighbors understood this to be a fortunate occasion because
many people could enjoy the healthy delicacy. However, from a global
perspective, sea turtles are a protected species and the eggs should not be bothered.
Joseph reasons that the men had taken the eggs because “the turtle left them there
and probably wouldn’t come back.” This is instinctual behavior for turtles; the
mother always leaves when she has safely buried her eggs. After learning that
protecting the sea turtle population is an important environmental issue, Joseph
explained that he would discuss the issue with the men and try to persuade them to
return half the eggs to the nest as a compromise.
As mentioned above, individuals may have very different accounts of personal
experiences that lead to a greater affinity with the environment. In contrast to
Joseph’s early concerns, Saul is more characteristic of a convert to environmental
ethics. Unlike Joseph, Saul did not have the tacit knowledge about environmental
issues nor fully understand the consequences of environmental inappropriate
behavior. Saul learned how to use sodium cyanide while free diving to catch exotic
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fish for the tropical pet industry at age eleven. Although his father would
sometimes rely on cyanide fishing to earn a living, Saul learned the techniques
from fishing with some the older boys. It was a way to earn some extra spending
money during the southern monsoons that hit the area between May and August.
In his teens, Saul was fascinated by the foreigners that would come to his village
to see the migratory birds nesting and feeding in mangroves and mudflats.
Although most of the villagers were too shy to talk to the hunters, backpackers and
occasional scientists, Saul revealed in meeting them. He would offer to take them
on tours of the wetland area that has since been declared a sanctuary. Sometimes
the hunters would fill several sacks with their kill. They would eat some of the
birds with Saul’s friends and others the hunters would keep to be stuffed for wall
trophies. Ironically, his own experience at hunting birds with a slingshot taught
him much about their migratory and nesting habits, therefore qualifying him as an
ideal freelance tour guide for scientists, as well as hunters.
As a freelance tour guide, Saul learned about other countries and other cultures.
His perspective on the world grew and from some visitors he learned that the
unique mangrove area in his backyard is a vital nesting and resting haven for
thousands of birds on their transcontinental migrations. Through informally
exchanging information with amateur ornithologists and botanists, Saul was able to
gradually understand the fragility and importance of his local environment. He
recalls this gradual understanding at age sixteen coincided with the designation of
the mangrove area as an international wetland and Ramsar site. At that time, there
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was much discussion among his neighbors about the local environmental issues,
because the government and several NGOs began showing more interest in coastal
management issues. Saul recalls that while some people welcomed the
intervention, others felt threatened. Saul describes the opposing arguments as
coming from illegal fishermen who felt outsiders were infringing on their right to
earn a living from the sea. Some demanded that in order for them to give up their
illegal fishing activities, the government and NGOs must provide them with an
alternative source of income to care for their families’ needs.
To learn more, Saul attended a conference for the designation of the wetlands as
a Ramsar site. He recalls the conference as a baptismal experience that prompted
him to make a personal commitment to protect and preserve the environment.
Essentially, he began to realize how his community relies on the environment for
survival; therefore, the community has a responsibility to protect the environmental
resources for future generations. He continued to attend local coastal resource
management meetings and even enrolled in a university to study marine biology;
however, financial problems prevented him from ever attending classes.
Perhaps, some of the same qualities that helped Saul profit from
environmentally inappropriate behavior in his teens have been re-channeled to
further consciousness raising efforts about coastal environment issues. Saul’s
youthfulness, friendly disposition, commitment to learning and ability to share his
knowledge with others make him a candidate for leadership in the coastal resource
management efforts. Completing the PCRA training and the tour guide training
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gives him additional skills and knowledge to share with neighbors and visitors. He
is one of the most active participants in the eco-tourism project and a role model for
youth in area. Saul’s participation in the collective effort for coastal resource
management has prompted his additional involvement as a political campaign
worker and a volunteer vote counter in the municipal and national elections.
According to Saul, the resistance to outside intervention has quelled and today
there is a general acceptance and feeling of gratitude for CRMP, NGO and
government efforts in coastal resource management. He reports that support for
coastal resource management has grown strong enough to sustain community
efforts even after CRMP has pulled out of the area. Most people in the community
have begun to view the sanctuary as a legacy to pass on to their children. However,
Saul admits, to do that his generation must learn and practice effective coastal
management. Otherwise, he fears his children will only see the birds, mangroves
and coral in textbooks.
The Impact of Coastal Resource Management on the Environment
Perhaps, one challenge in trying to develop an environmental consciousness in a
community is that the rewards are not immediate. Especially for those who rely on
the coastal environment for their daily sustenance, the natural replenishment of
resources may come too gradually. Several decades of over fishing and using
destructive methods have damaged the coastal area so severely that it will take
many years to heal. Since some illegal fishermen still use these destructive
methods, an even greater challenge is to keep faithful participants from feeling their
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efforts are futile. Therefore, even the smallest indications of improved coastal
conditions are reasons for optimism among the proponents for coastal resource
management.
The increase in coral cover and growing fish populations within the Gilutongan
Marine sanctuary are the most obvious improvement to the environment.
Comparing the data collected in the sampling surveys of marine life from a series
of reef checks indicates that coral cover has increased significantly in the sanctuary
and in the surrounding buffer zone. CRMP’s most recent analysis of the data show
a 25% increase in live coral and a 70% increase in the abundance of target species
of fish within the Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary from 1999 to 2000 (Ross et al,
2001). However, between 1998 and 1999 the warm El Nino currents had caused a
coral bleaching phenomenon reducing live coral cover by almost ten percent.
The unofficial results of the March 2001 reef check indicate a continued steady
increase for both coral and fish inside the sanctuary as well as in the adjacent buffer
zone. Furthermore, the anecdotal testimonies from local free divers, scuba divers
and coast guard officials all add promise and optimism that the sanctuary reef is
beginning to reblossom. Although there is evidence of dynamite fishing in adjacent
areas, the only coral rubble evidence in the sanctuary in years old and slowly
disappearing with time.
Unfortunately, in other areas around Olango there are daily incidents of blast
fishing. The sea grass beds are spotted with barren areas reaching ten meters in
diameter from the blasts. Fresh coral rubble on nearly ever part of the reef gives
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further evidence that dynamite fishing continues to destroy the coastal
environment. Participants in the coastal management efforts are saddened when
they see evidence of dynamite fishing or hear the blasts. However, instead of
becoming discouraged, most participants realize that continued destruction to the
environment means that even greater efforts to promote coastal resource
management are needed.
During the May fiesta and the annual elections, former residents return to
Olango to vote and spend the holiday with family and friends. One woman who
had fond memories of growing up on the “beautiful island” but who has since
moved to Cebu City, described her annual returns as a retreat from the stress and
pressure of the city. Although she referred to Gilutongan as a beautiful island, she
admitted that every year the impoverished living conditions for the island residents
grow worse. She believes this is primarily due to the rapidly increasing population.
Voicing her fears that “there will be no fish for the next generation” the woman
blamed illegal fishing for the demise of the local fishing industry.
Accounts from locals indicate that illegal cutting of mangroves has been
minimized. Community members report that in the past there were many people
involved in mangrove cutting to supply fuel for cooking, but recently it is a rare
occurrence to see someone selling fuel from illegally cut mangroves. Although
consciousness efforts may be one factor the contributed the behavioral change, the
increased use of alternative energy sources, such as propane and electric generators,
have also been a contributing factor.
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Other Factors in Developing a Common Environmental Ethic
Thus far the data have presented a case describing how social interaction aids in the
dissemination of environmental knowledge and how that knowledge can effect
change individually and collectively. Collective effort reinforces shared values and
vice versa. Although collective effort may have reciprocal implications for
developing a shared environmental ethic, there are other factors that contribute to a
community’s ability to sustainably manage common environmental resources.
Additional data help to describe how other factors can contribute or hinder either
the attitudinal development or the behavioral manifestation of an environmental
ethic. These factors include education, money, law enforcement and land tenure.
Education
Poverty and low high school completion rates combine to limit the formal
education of most island residents. Consequently, literacy levels are low; thus,
increasing the need for direct communication. Despite the added logistically
difficulties of maintaining direct communication in awareness campaigns, Theresa
explains that it is necessary because many people in the community are “less
inclined to read.” Therefore, relying on printed material to raise awareness of
environmental issues is not enough to reach the all members of the community.
Low literacy levels deem it necessary for community organizers to interact with as
many people in the community as possible during consciousness raising efforts.
Low levels of attainment in the formal education system create gaps in
background knowledge about the connections between health and the environment.
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Without basic science education, it is difficult for some island residents to
understand the intricate connections between health and the environment. Several
examples illustrate this point. First, the on-the-water fish trap restaurants pose
sewage problems on the north side of Olango. Only one out of three actually has a
septic tank. The lack of a septic tank could be a problem if people
(workers/customers) defecate in the toilet because the sewage goes under the
restaurant where the restaurants keep their live crabs and fish in traps. Although
the actual risk is low, a possibility exists that the consumption of the fish and
shellfish raised near the raw sewage will contribute to the spread of diseases such
as hepatitis, typhoid, or cholera.
A second example comes from a youth informant who has two cousins who are
active cyanide fishermen. She explained that they started using cyanide to catch
fish for sale to middlemen in the pet industry; however, the income is not steady
because they do not always find the colorful tropical reef fish that are marketable.
When their business is bad, they result to catching common edible varieties of fish
using cyanide for their own personal consumption. She further explained that they
believe if they cover the cook fish with onions and garlic the residual cyanide in the
fish will not harm them.
A final example of how local residents fail to make the connections between
health and the environment comes from Sandra. Sandra reports that few people she
had talked to during her stay actually understood that proper waste management
can reduce the threat of dengue fever. She explains that the commonly-seen
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unattended trash heaps become breeding grounds for mosquitoes; and mosquitoes
carry the potentially fatal dengue virus. Although it is difficult to assess people’s
understanding of environmental issues, it is reasonable to postulate that the lack of
background knowledge needed to make the connections between health and the
environment are a result of low levels of educational attainment. The implication
here is that coastal resource management should include an element of health
education.
Money
Perhaps, the most ubiquitous factor that affects the behavioral change needed to
effectively manage environmental resources is money. From a broad perspective,
those with money usually desire more; and those with little or no money seek the
quickest familiar methods to meet their daily needs. Fishing companies, large boat
owners, pet trade middlemen, shell craft middlemen, resort developers, and tour
companies are part of the first group. It is this group that often puts profits before
environmental concerns. It is also this group that dangles the carrot in front of the
desperately impoverished second group by offering monetary incentives to engage
in environmentally inappropriate activities. The short-term rewards for the poor
reinforce behaviors that damage the coastal environment. Money itself, with the
necessities and pleasures it can buy, is an incentive to make more money. That
incentive drives people to make more money faster; sometimes, without
considering long-term consequences for the environment.
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Although money is an incentive to plunder resources, it can also be an incentive
to manage resources. Profiting from resource management takes much longer than
profiting form exploiting resources. However, if people do not understand that the
two approaches to profiting from resources differ in their environmental effects,
then the quickest approach to making money would be the most desirable. Several
CRMP informants believe that the desperation of poverty prevents many illegal
fishermen from understanding the potential long-term benefits of coastal resource
management, and consequently, opt to satisfy their daily needs. One informant
summarized the dilemma of getting people to accept long term plans for coastal
resource management in a question, “How can they think about five years from
now when they are worried about what they are going to have for dinner tonight?”
Several informants including teachers and CRMP staff members believe that
poverty adds to the “get rich quick” fantasy that is prevalent among many residents.
The informants base their claims on observations such as the widespread gambling
among villagers that risk a day’s earnings in a card game. Another example that
supports the “get rich quick” mentality comes from local residents discussing the
population growth on the islands. Some local informants explain that having a lot
of children increases the chances that one child will be financially successful and
take care of the rest of the family.
These examples have mixed implications for the CRMP enterprise development
projects. The first implication is that the behavior of illegal fishermen poses
specific challenges because with a “get rich quick” mentality they are more apt to
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opt for short-term rewards in spite of long term effects. The second implication is
that if the eco-tour business sustains its success, competing groups may form to
jump on the bandwagon. The unfortunate aspect of that could be the under cutting
of prices and inability to regulate the flow of tourists in an environmentally fragile
area. A similar situation is already happening on the north shore of Olango. The
success of one on-the-water, fish trap restaurant has sparked the establishment of
several more. To avoid this catch 22 situation, the enterprise development division
of CRMP and PBSB have plans to expand the focus on alternative livelihoods to
include occupational training.
Proponents of coastal resource management also have adversaries among those
who are able to understand long-term development plans. There has been an
ongoing debate over proposals to reclaim land for a port and shopping mall from
large wetland areas on the south end of Mactan Island. Supporters of the plan
argue that it will have long term economic benefits that can translate into
alternative livelihood for present day illegal fishermen; whereas, environmentalists
worry that the effects to the local coastal area could be detrimental.
Another challenge in getting local island residents to consider long-term
resource management plans is the absence of an “ownership” feeling that can be a
foundation for stewardship responsibilities. This is the land tenure issue on
Olango. Demographic results from the Olango PCRA indicate that between eighty
and ninety percent of the population are not land owners. Most people are living
on the land of absentee owners and could legally be evicted at anytime. Some local
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informants describe themselves as “squatters,” and feel that the threat of eviction
hinders motivation to invest time and effort into environmental protection for the
future. From her years of working with the fisherfolk, Thersa also believes that the
lack of ownership diminishes locals’ feelings of responsibility to care for the
coastal environment. Some locals feel that if it is not their land, it is not their
responsibility to take care of it, but rather, the responsibility of the “rich”
landowners themselves. Therefore, the lack of land ownership is another challenge
that community leaders face in their attempts to foster community stewardship and
gain local support for coastal resource management.
Money also determines the effectiveness of law enforcement. The relationship
between poverty and corruption is evident in the daily newspaper stories about pay
offs and bribes throughout the Philippines. However, even honest law enforcement
officials are restricted from doing an effective job because the agencies lack the
proper resources to combat illegal activities in coastal areas. The inability to afford
necessary equipment to patrol coastal areas that are popular with dynamite
fishermen only frustrates having to compete with profitable illegal activities. One
Australian boat operator residing on Mactan Island jokingly claims the only time he
sees the Coast Guard is when they are asking him for fuel donations. Members of
the Coast Guard admit that the lack of funds for boat fuel is a major restriction in
trying to enforce existing laws.
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Law Enforcement
Although lack of funds may be one factor affecting the ability to enforce the law,
other factors further complicate the problem. Since family loyalty is emphasized in
Filipino culture, family ties between the person enforcing the law and the person
breaking the law create a conflict of interest. In the Olango area, there have been
several incidents in which law enforcement officials or community leaders have
pleaded for leniency in cases involving their extended family members or
neighbors accused of dynamite fishing. Family ties to accused dynamite fisherman,
coupled with the threat of stiff fines or prison time for the crime, readily evoke
enough sympathy to release the violator with only a warning. Even if the offence
only merits a fine, it is difficult to collect from an illegal fisherman that can barely
feed his family.
The Coast guard has discussed plans to establish a reward system for informants
that turn in dynamite fishermen. This would be financial incentive for locals to put
pressure on their neighbors who break the law. However, skeptics of the plan
claim that fear of retaliation may keep people from coming forward to give
information.
Additionally, law enforcement officials claim to have little power in enforcing
laws that prevent illegal commercial fishing in the municipal waters. Since funding
problems limit the Coast Guard’s ability to patrol the area, commercial fishers
know there is little risk of being cited for illegally dropping their nets in restricted
areas. Therefore, illegal commercial boats that fish in the Olango area waters are
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putting the local law abiding fisherman at an additional disadvantage and
encouraging illegal methods to compete for the dwindling resources.
Law enforcement officials trying to enforce environmental legislation are
frustrated with their limitations. Consequently, they are seeking partnerships with
local resorts to share in the funding of concentrated efforts to apprehend and
prosecute those who violate laws protecting coastal resources. Several resorts in
the area have offered to provide the authorities with monetary and technical
assistance in an effort to put pressure on all illegal activities in the area. However,
protecting the coastal resources to maintain a beautiful destination for foreign
tourists is not the primary motivation for the resorts’ assistance. In lieu of political
friction and tourist kidnappings in other parts of the Philippines, the future of
Mactan area resorts may depend on effective the authorities are in ensuring the area
is a safe and desirable destination for foreign tourists.
The Global Environment
Although the research scope for this study involved collecting data on community
coastal resource management efforts in the Olango area, there are factors on a
national and global level that may effect the Olango coastal environment. Wind
and ocean currents can disperse air and water pollution from large urban coastal
areas throughout the central Philippines. The brownish haze from vehicle
emissions that sets over Mactan Island and Cebu City is evidence of poor air
quality from the traffic that crowds the city streets less then 10 kilometers from
rural Olango. The daily tides dump plastic bags and other floating debris on the
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Olango shores. Presumably, chemicals and other waste dumped into the oceans
also reach the unique shores of Olango. To address these more global issues of
coastal resource management requires not just cooperation at a local level, but a
unity among coastal communities that empowers environmentalists to effect
behavioral change at a national, a global and a big business level.
The Natural Elements
Weather is an uncontrollable, and for the most part, unpredictable factor that may
effect not only the dissemination of environmental information, but also the
condition of the environment. Monsoons storms and their aftermaths can delay
projects, postpone workshops and cancel eco-tours. Other weather conditions
including the tropical heat sometimes contribute to low attendance at meetings and
activities. Basically, the weather is an additional challenge to face for community
leaders as they do the campaign legwork while trying to get support for local
environmental causes. Furthermore, severe El Nino conditions are likely to
increase the area of coral reef that suffers from bleaching due to warm water
temperatures as well as affect the presence of fish populations that follow warm or
cold currents.
The Response o f the Greater Community to Change
Although a number of factors influence the success of coastal resource
management, the most important is the response of the greater community to
change. In the years that CRMP has been working with the residents of Olango
and the surrounding islets, support has steadily grown. Consciousness raising
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efforts have been successful in increasing awareness about environmental issues
throughout the community and more importantly changing attitudes and behavior
of those actively participating in the collective effort for coastal resource
management. The power of their collective effort through mobilization and
organization is being manifested in the community’s growing voice at the
municipal government’s resource management meetings.
However, the intransigence of some fisherfolk is evidence of resistance to
change and opposition to coastal resource management. This resistance presents a
challenge for the proponents of coastal resource management because the refusal
by some to give up illegal activities that damage the environment offsets the
successes of the organization. Converting those who are still skeptical about the
benefits of coastal resource management can help to ensure the sustainability of the
community efforts. Despite the slow process of change, the successes to date are
reasons to be optimistic that the people of Olango are developing a community-
wide environmental ethic that can ensure future generations will have the ability to
meet their needs while maintaining a symbiotic relationship with the marine
environment.
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“Everybody want a better future
So we got to stop destroying the nature
Every single one o f us here want to survive
So we got to do the right things to stay alive
We wanna live we wanna love we wanna see what life is worth
The children wanna love they wanna live to see what life is
worth”
Jimmy Cliff
From “Save Our Planet Earth”
Chapter 6
Discussion and Implications
Jimmy Cliffs lyrics melodically paraphrase the call for change that is a common
cry in environmental movements. Without this change, the survival of future
generations is in question. Whether the strategy for that change is “think global
and act local” or “think local and act global”, the goal remains the same:
Modifying behavior to ensure the present generation is able to meet their needs
without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs. Coastal
communities throughout the Philippines working together with CRMP and other
aid agencies blend both strategies in an attempt to foster an environmental ethic
that will influence behavior and guide sustainable development. CRMP has a
global perspective and a local focus. The island residents on Olango have a local
perspective; however, their actions are a summons for people around the globe to
address environmental issues for a better future.
This final chapter begins with a brief summary of coastal resource management
in the Olango learning area followed by key findings of the case study. Matching
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those key findings with the theoretical frameworks mentioned in Chapter 2
facilitates an understanding of the issues and factors that influence coastal resource
management. Discussing the key findings in context of aforementioned theories
reveals how applicable each theory is to the case of Olango. That discussion gives
rise to considerations for future theoretical and practical research. The chapter ends
with a few concluding statements on the importance of environmental education as
one strategy in development aid.
Summary
Using qualitative data this study explains community efforts to nurture an
environmental ethic of stewardship in the management of coastal resources. As a
case study of a community-based coastal resource management program, this
dissertation adds to the body of literature on how acquisition and learning of
environmentally appropriate behavior takes place through increased knowledge and
attitudinal change. Social learning theories frame possible avenues for exchange of
environmental knowledge and information. Organizational learning theories lend
insight into how learning takes place within and among organizations. The
historical, experiential and political aspects of ecofeminist theory help to frame the
process of community empowerment, a necessary step in the behavioral change
process. As tools for empowerment, community-based environmental programs
stress the importance of education to promote attitudinal and behavioral change.
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Key Findings
The study specifically explains how CRMP mobilizes community members in the
Olango area to collectively work for coastal resource management. The CRMP
initiatives include consciousness raising campaigns about environmental issues,
enterprise development for an alternative livelihood, and strategic planning for law
enforcement.
The CRMP multisectoral approach to consciousness raising emphasizes
information, education, and communication. A synthesis of these three areas
solidifies an approach that intends to fortify the roots of a community
environmental ethic through the dissemination of information. The IEC strategy is
to begin the consciousness raising process with an assessment of environmental
resources and related local issues. This is the Participatory Coastal Resource
Assessment (PCRA) and involves participants form CRMP, NGOs, LGUs,
universities and the local community. The gathering of data during the PCRA also
strengthens the bonds of collective effort. In the Olango area, CRMP and
community leaders use the assessment data to plan strategies for stewardship of the
environment. Involving community members in the planning process is a step
toward empowerment. Since CRMP aims to promote community empowerment in
the management of coastal resources, community organizers encourage
participation from all members of the community. Men, women, and youth join
together in a collective effort to assess resources and disseminate information about
local environmental issues. CRMP acknowledges and values women’s
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contributions in knowledge and their position as potential agents of attitudinal and
behavioral change.
In an attempt to persuade illegal fishermen to cease their practices, CRMP’s
Enterprise Development division works with local island residents in the building
and promoting of an eco-tour business. The CRMP staff provides the participants
with tour guide training, business management assistance and technological
support. In addition to being an alternative source of income for some island
residents, ecotourism also provides an opportunity for cultural exchange between
the locals and the tour guests. Although the ecotours provide supplementary
income for approximately thirty families, the financial rewards fall short of
answering the hunger pangs from all Olango’s fisherfolk. Therefore, CRMP is
studying additional possibilities for alternative livelihoods, such as seaweed
farming.
Another problem in trying to eliminate illegal fishing in the Olango area is the
lack of effective law enforcement. Inadequate funding and outdated technology put
the coast guard and other law enforcement agencies at a disadvantage. Moreover,
family ties often complicate prosecuting offenders; hence, most cases result only in
a warning after pleading from other family members. CRMP holds workshops and
seminars with law enforcement agencies to raise awareness of laws protecting the
coastal environment as well as discuss strategies to discourage illegal fishing
activities.
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Ranging from published reports and articles to word-of-mouth communication,
social interaction is a vehicle in the dissemination of environmental knowledge and
information. Social interaction plays a pivotal role in that dissemination, both
horizontally (i.e., organization to organization; individual to individual), and
vertically (i.e., organization to individual and vice versa). Community organizers
and community leaders are essential as information bridges because they facilitate
inter-organizational communication. However, just as social interaction can lead to
the acquisition of proactive environmental attitudes and behaviors, it can also result
in the imitation of environmentally inappropriate behavior. Additionally, other
factors such as education level, money, law enforcement and land tenure affect how
successful collective efforts are in instilling an environmental ethic in the
community.
General Conclusions
“Tell me and I forget. Teach me and I may remember. Involve me and I learn.”
Reflecting again on these words from Benjamin Franklin, their meaning holds a
special relevance for community-based coastal resource management. CRMP’s
approach of involving members of the community in an environmental awareness
campaign creates a social network where interaction and new experience combine
to prompt reflection about common values and build on shared knowledge. The
essence of Franklin’s words define the theme of the PCRA training which is the
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nascent of the consciousness raising process in community-based coastal resource
management. The emphasis on involvement justifies applying principles of social
learning theory to the information-dissemination process of environmental
knowledge in Olango.
Applying Rotter’s (1982a) two major components of social learning theory to
the coastal resource management program in Olango provides an additional
example of how social learning theory frames the acquisition of new behaviors and
the modification of previously acquired behaviors. First, the modest successes of
the Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary and the development of eco-tourism as an
alternative livelihood are evidence that there has been an acquisition of new
behaviors for some island residents. Furthermore, the participatory approach to
coastal resource management creates a change in the educational approach to
behavioral modification. The participatory element of the approach parallels the
conditions of situated learning (Lave and Wenger, 1991; Kearsley, 2000), which
require new knowledge and skills to be obtained through daily contact and
interaction.
As in the case of the Thai monks (Sudara, 1992) discussed in Chapter 2,
dissemination of environmental information in Olango is via respected members of
the community that form the core of a social interaction network. However, in
Olango the social interaction network that becomes the vehicle for passing on
information is more structured with planned workshops and training sessions
designed to empower the core members of the community initiative to effectively
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reach out to the greater community. At the core of the network the CRMP
community organizers and local community leaders function as the information
bridges promoting an environmental ethic among the greater community.
Social motivation, a factor in social learning theory (Cross, 1981), helps to
explain the attitudinal change among some residents of Olango. That is, social
motivation is a factor in encouraging community members to be more cognizant
about coastal resource management issues. Additionally, social approval, as Rotter
(1982b) claims, is a factor in getting most community members in Olango to
conform to group values. However, the group’s influence is not strong enough to
eliminate all inappropriate behaviors among all island residents. Since illegal
fishing remains an environmental problem in the Olango area, other factors, such as
money and lack of law enforcement also influence the behavior of residents.
Bandura’s (1997) discussion on social interaction and observational learning
further contribute to an explanation of how behaviors are acquired through
vicariously observing others. In Olango, this acquisition takes place both in
nonformal educational settings, and in informal settings. CRMP creates non-formal
settings, such as workshops and seminars, that incorporate observational learning in
to the education components. Eco-tours, beach cleanings, and other special events
are examples of informal settings in which appropriate behaviors are modeled as a
stimulus to prompt the observers to respond by imitating. However,
environmentally inappropriate behavior is also acquired through observation.
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Accounts from participants indicate that boys learn how to use cyanide and
dynamite from watching others catch fish illegally.
Applying social learning concepts to organizational learning is a way of
highlighting information exchange between and among organizations. Imitation,
innovative learning, learning from errors, and superstitious learning (Bedeian and
Zammuto, 1991) are four types of social learning that occur in community-based
coastal resource management programs. Organizations, such as CRMP, share
lessons learned from successes and failures. CRMP and other aid organizations
maintain exchange of field knowledge by having representatives share in the PCRA
training, Reef Checks and other events that take place in target communities.
Organizations also maintain academic exchanges through the conferencing and
publishing. These exchanges facilitate the emulation of practices that are
comparatively advantageous for the success of coastal resource management.
Therefore, inter-organizational exchange of knowledge involves both learning
through imitation and learning from errors. However, intra-organizational learning
involves more innovative learning (i.e., a willingness to experiment) and
superstitious learning (i.e., having an uncertain outcome). One example of this in
coastal resource management is CRMP’s Enterprise Development division. The
seaweed farming endeavor and, even more so, the eco-tour business venture are
experimental alternative income ventures that use coastal resources without abusing
them.
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Thus, far for Olango, social learning theory can explain the pathways of
information exchange between individuals and between organizations. However,
since coastal resource management is a process of continual change evolving with
respect to the community needs, reciprocal causation (Bandura, 1997) is a
significant factor that influencing the evolution of collective effort. CRMP
community organizers and local community leaders work to merge individual
participation into a collective community effort that manifests the group’s
environmental consciousness; a consciousness that grows and evolves with the
gaining and sharing of knowledge. Therefore, individual participants are agents of
change, and in turn, change individually through participation in collective effort.
Although social learning theories can guide the mapping of avenues for
information dissemination, as a complementary theory ecofeminism is an
additional lens with an alternative perspective. Aspects of ecofeminism present a
useful perspective that exposes new layers of the environmental issues that plague
Olango. These aspects, as discussed in Chapter two, are historical connections,
experiential connections and political connections.
The historical connection between feminism and ecology raises the question,
“How is the current environmental crisis a predictable outcome of patriarchal
culture?” Although it is possible, it is not necessary, to argue that colonialism
began a patriarchal system in the Philippine Islands. A more plausible argument
may be to apply Mellor’s (1997) idea of “capitalist patriarchy” to explain how
productive and reproductive labor account for fisherfolk using illegal fishing
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methods that are environmentally destructive. While destroying common resources
illegal fisherman create an unfair market advantage over fisherman who choose to
use sustainable methods. This represents, on a local scale, a capitalistic patriarchy
in which the practitioners of an environmental ethic are marginalized because the
inappropriate behavior of another group negatively affects their livelihood
resources. Thereby, threatening many of the fisherfolk with a life sentence to
poverty.
The empirical and experiential connections between women’s issues in Olango
and the local ecology emerge from the data presented in the previous chapter. In
general, coastal environmental problems affect the many women and children who
earn part of the family income from marine resource. As the environment
deteriorates so does the ability to earn a living from the environmental resources.
Although poor environmental conditions also affect the ability of men to earn a
living from coastal resources, it is important to emphasize the need for a feminist
perspective that stresses inclusive participation in coastal resource management.
In the case of Olango, women’s participation fortifies the struggle for community
empowerment through the expansion of collective effort and the contribution of
additional environmental knowledge.
The political connections between women’s issues and ecology further justify
the consideration to view coastal resource management in the Olango area from an
eco-feminist perspective. In Olango, practical concerns about health and future
livelihood have motivated women to engage in local political activism in the
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campaign for effectively integrated coastal resource management. Through
encouraging local political activism in various communities throughout the
Philippines, CRMP attempts to bind local efforts into national and even global
campaigns.
The realization of these three connections between feminism and ecology
stresses inclusive participation for community empowerment. From community
empowerment comes collective effort to recognize and to dismantle social
structures and learned practices that threaten common environmental resources and
recapitulate an oppressive cycle of poverty. Eliminating behavior that threatens the
sustainable use of community resources and replacing it with more environmentally
symbiotic practices is also a part of the empowerment process. As environmental
information is disseminated via social interaction, individual and community
awareness expand to promote a reactionary change in the status quo through
collective effort. Collective effort to instigate change is evidence that a community
is pushing for voice and clout in the decision-making, planning, implementing and
monitoring phases of the coastal resource management process.
Practical and Theoretical Implications
The Olango learning area is only one example of a community-based coastal
resource management program that has an inclusively participatory approach.
There are dozens of similar programs throughout the Philippines; each unique as
the participants and the coastal environment. Beyond the Philippine Islands,
NGOs, governments and communities continue to implement various types of
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coastal resource management programs in both affluent countries and impoverished
countries. Since these programs share common goals it is important that they share
knowledge and lessons learned. Therefore, one implication from this study is that
the global actors in the campaign for coastal resource management continue to
make new information more easily accessible.
A greater sharing of information allows program participants an opportunity to
compare and contrast coastal management profiles and approaches. This generates
new ideas that can challenge the direction status quo effecting appropriate change
through informed decision-making. Although this study has focused on a
community-based approach to addressing environmental issues, programs in
Nicaragua and Ecuador are more top-down approaches. Therefore, the lessons
learned from each program may be helpful in modifying the other. For example,
the importance of community organizers as information bridges in this study could
influence change for how information is disseminated in nationally centralized
approaches to environmental education.
Another implication that emerges from this case study echoes the old question
about the chicken or the egg. However, in this case the question is: “In developing
an environmental ethic, who should be taught first, children or parents? Although
the obvious answer would be “both”, feasibility limits such as time and money may
force choosing to concentrate on one group more than the other. The advantage of
going to the parents, and especially the mothers, is that they can become teachers
and role models for their children. Certainly, parents on the periphery of
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community activism are an untapped potential for educating youth about the
environment.
However, in the case of Olango, impressing an environmental ethic on the adults
in the greater community appeared to be more challenging than nurturing eco-
friendly ideals in the youth. One of the most common comments I hear while
discussing environmental issues in the Olango area is, “You have to start with the
children.” One American, living on Mactan Island and involved in community
development, explains that it has been his experience to see children from his youth
group modeling environmentally appropriate behavior for their parents. He adds
that the children often say something to the parents when the parents litter. A high
school teacher on Olango explained, “Students are the best tools, those students are
our tools to really disseminate the information we have taught to them.” Just as
anti-smoking campaigns find greater success in targeting youth before they start
smoking; so might environmental campaigns find greater success in teaching an
environmental ethic early in life to begin an attitudinal and behavioral change
process that will likely take a generation.
Another implication emerges from the relationship between health and the
environment. Although this dissertation has been primarily concerned with the
dissemination of environmental knowledge and information, the connections
between a healthy environment and healthy people cannot be ignored. Paulo, the
community organizer for IMA, made the observation that there is a serious lack of
health education on Olango and all of the surrounding islets. He also makes a
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strong case in reasoning why health care and health education should be included in
a coastal resource management plan, “Health is in an indicator of the environment.
If the environment is not healthy, the people are not healthy. A healthy
environment equals healthy kids.” Although the government does have some free
vitamin programs, according to Paulo, it is just, “Line up. Drink up. See you next
week.” Those bringing the vitamins offer little nutritional or health education.
Finally, the power of money has implications for alternative livelihood
development. The inability of seaweed farming and eco-tourism to meet the needs
of the greater community means NGOs and aid agencies need to explore other
sources of income. Although PBSB has plans to train some islanders for
occupations unrelated to marine resources, schools have a responsibility to provide
an education that will encourage young people and give them confidence to seek
careers outside of the fishing industry.
Suggestions for Further Research
The importance of nurturing an environmental ethic in children during their
formative years deems it necessary to expand research on the effectiveness of
environmental education curriculum. Additional research can give input to what
types of experiential and hands-on learning are best for developing pro-
environmental attitudes and behaviors. Furthermore, research can help to develop
teacher-training programs so that teachers across the curriculum can work
environmental themes into their lessons.
1 9 6
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The question of project sustainability raises another topic for further research.
One CRMP affiliate postulates, “As soon as the dollars go away, the program
collapses.”
Therefore, future research on factors that contribute to the sustainability of
environmental projects and campaigns can yield valuable data for maintaining
those programs. Currently, researchers from the University of Washington,
Silliman University, CRMP affiliates, and other groups involved in coastal resource
management in the Philippines are conducting such a study on the sustainability of
community-based coastal resource management programs. Additionally,
comparing data between community “bottom-up” approaches and government
“top-down” approaches could provide valuable information about program
sustainability.
Concluding Comments
The enthusiasm among virtually all the active members gives optimism to the issue
of sustainability for the Olango coastal resource management efforts. CRMP is
scheduled to pullout of the area as their seven-year contract with the DENR comes
to a close. PBSP will fill the void so the local fisherfolk will still have technical
support for their environmental campaign. However, lack of education and a
rapidly growing population remain issues that need to be addressed. Although it
would seem that the national government should have some responsibility in
addressing these issues, the political environment in the Philippines appears too
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troubled to effectively lend assistance. This, unfortunately, leaves a heavy burden
on local governments, NGOs and aid agencies.
One informant compared the current situation of coastal resource abuse to
having one last coconut tree on an island. “You can look up in the tree and see the
coconuts that you want. Some people want all the coconuts so they think about
chopping down the tree. But, when you chop down the tree, you’re not going to get
anymore coconuts.” This is a simple explanation for a complex dilemma: How do
we use our available resources today and still insure their availability tomorrow.
The issue is larger than the coconut tree; its scope is not limited to the coastal
waters of Olango. It is a global issue.
Everybody wants a better future, but at what cost? A change is needed, but to
what change will people be responsive? Milbrath (1989) suggests a new
environmental paradigm that envisions a global environmental ethic in which
concern for the environment outweighs desire of wealth. If this is the change that
societies want to see; then it is that change they must become.
1 9 8
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Asset Metadata
Creator
English, Brian Joseph
(author)
Core Title
Environmental education in community -based coastal resource management: A case study of Olango Island, Philippines
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
Degree Program
Education
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
Agriculture, Fisheries and Aquaculture,Education, Social Sciences,OAI-PMH Harvest
Language
English
Contributor
Digitized by ProQuest
(provenance)
Advisor
Stromquist, Nelly (
committee chair
), Kamieniecki, Sheldon (
committee member
), McComas, William (
committee member
)
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-268586
Unique identifier
UC11339305
Identifier
3093954.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-268586 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
3093954.pdf
Dmrecord
268586
Document Type
Dissertation
Rights
English, Brian Joseph
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA
Tags
Agriculture, Fisheries and Aquaculture
Education, Social Sciences