The globalization of mobilization: protest strategies of global justice movements, 1999-2001

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Content THE GLOBALIZATION OF MOBILIZATION: PROTEST STRATEGIES OF GLOBAL JUSTICE MOVEMENTS, 1999-2001 Copyright 2002 by Anne Marie Todd A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (COMMUNICATION) December 2002 Anne Marie Todd Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA The G raduate School University Park LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90089'1695 This dissertation, w ritten b y A'UiT ig Tr,jJ_____ U nder th e direction o f h . & X Z D issertation C om m ittee, and approved b y a ll its mem bers, has been p resen ted to and accepted b y The Graduate School, in p a rtia l fulfillm en t o f requirem ents fo r th e degree o f DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY <rvt D ate tan o f Graduate Studies December 18, 2002 DISSER TA TIONCOM M T Chairperson I d - copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Contents Abstract iii Chapter 1: Introduction 1 Globalization of New Technology 3 Economic and Political Globalization 15 Globalization from Below 31 Contribution of Study 40 Study Overview 42 Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework 46 Social Movements as Confrontation and Collective Action 47 Networks and Agenda Building 59 The Rhetoric of Protest 79 Administrative Rhetoric and Media Effects 88 Framework for Analysis: Method of Study and Research Design 99 Chapter 3: Networks 105 Global Reach 106 Resource Mobilization 121 Rhetoric of Solidarity 131 Conclusions 144 Chapter 4: Protest Theater 151 Visual Activism and Image Politics 153 Protest in the Comic Frame 165 “Violence” vs. Nonviolence 186 Conclusions 193 Chapter 5: Containment Strategies of Media and Institutions 197 Containment 199 Criminalization 218 Activist Media Spiin 228 Conclusions 238 Chapter 6: Conclusions 244 Levels of Networks 247 Movement Success 251 Confrontation and Dissent in the Information Age 257 Limitations and Areas for Further Research 262 Protest After September 11th 265 Bibliography 272 Appendix: List of Select Groups and Organizations 298 ii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT The anti-globalization movement demonstrates how new communication networks are changing social movement strategy, enabling diverse groups to come together under the rubric of globalization, and energizing civic society around global issues. This study uses confrontational protest rhetoric of social movements to explore the theoretical implications of the globalization of the public sphere. The data set includes primary sources from the anti-globalization movement: various anti-globalization websites and e-mail listservs, and media and institutional rhetoric surrounding the movement and protest events. The purpose of this study is to analyze the anti-globalization movement to explain how social movements might achieve success in framing a diversity of global issues in ways that appeal to a diverse global audience. The globalization of new technologies endows new social movements with communication structures that enable global reach and establish new, productive coalitions of activists. New technologies enhance strategies of resource mobilization that coordinate the efforts of individual activists. The rhetoric of solidarity reveals how alliances within global justice movements transcend ideological differences through collective action to form counterhegemonic public spheres as a component of global civil society. Image politics and visual argument increase public consciousness through awareness of the movement’s support, by publicizing its causes and struggles, and as counterhegemonic public discourse. The anti-globalization protests use a comic iii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. frame to enter the debate about globalization and act to induce social change through the symbolic function of nonviolence. The disagreement regarding property destruction and other “violent” tactics threatens to divide and conquer the movement and undermine their legitimacy to a public audience. Media, government and institutions respond to the movement with strategies of containment and criminalization: portraying the anti-globalization protests as incoherent and futile, asserting government authority and control, and exaggerating violent elements of the protesters. New technologies have changed the form and infrastructure of social movements by linking distinct smaller movements within networks of larger movements. Global justice movements have changed the meaning of confrontation and dissent through the development of a global citizenry as new technologies have created opportunities for civic deliberation in a globalized world. IV Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter One: Introduction In Seattle, sea turtles march to protest a World Trade Organization ruling that environmental protection of endangered species is a trade barrier and thus cannot be upheld in the face of economic priorities. In Washington, D.C., demonstrators protest International Monetary Fund and World Bank development policies that strangle the economies of poorer nations and refuse to provide debt relief to countries whose populations are literally dying of AIDS. In Quebec, workers march to protest policies of multinational corporations outsourcing labor to Southeast Asia where impoverished children work eighteen-hour days, often working despite severe injuries to produce plastic toys for children in wealthy countries. And in Genoa, Italy, anarchists forming the Black Bloc march to protest the dark forces of capitalism. These demonstrators are representative of an increasingly vocal sector of civil society; although their specific concerns are diverse, there is an overarching grievance that motivates these protesters: globalization. A popular buzzword among capitalists, pundits, Internet moguls and purveyors of mass media alike, “globalization” is used so often that some would argue the term has lost its meaning. The term is hardly devoid of significance— rather its denotation is elusive because globalization is an overwhelmingly multi dimensional and thus inter-disciplinary phenomenon. The dynamics of globalization are at once economic, political, social and cultural, and are entrenched in the changing notions of place and space resulting from the information and communication technology revolution. The globalization of space and place is particularly evident in the dialectic between proponents of globalization and 1 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. opponents of globalization. Some scholars identify this as “globalization from above” versus “globalization from below” (Brecher, Costello & Smith, 2000; Mittelman, 2000; and Lubbers & Koorevaar, 1998). Of course, there are those who are skeptical of the very idea that globalization is radically transforming the world.1 However, as Anthony Giddens notes, it is impossible to “be a practising social scientist of any sophistication if you do not grasp or master the debate about globalization. It is probably the most significant debate now going on in the social sciences and in politics, too, because it has a strong impact on the world of political theory, as well as the social sciences” (Giddens, 10 November, 1999, p. 2). One of the most profound implications of globalization is the resistance it has engendered. Anti-globalization activists stage some of the most visible protests in the contemporary international arena. This is remarkable both because the demonstrations encompass an incredible diversity of causes, and because the resistance is itself truly global. Anti-globalization groups utilize advanced technology to create new communication networks, which transform the strategy and function of social activism. The staged protests at meetings of economic institutions are symbolic of the very economic and political integration that they oppose. This study applies social movement theory to protest strategy in an era of globalization, to examine whether and to what extent there is an anti-globalization movement. Employing social movement communication theories of confrontation and collective action, this study uses three facets of social movement discourse as a case study to 1 See Rugman (2001), Investor’s Business Daily (1996) for example. Refer to Held et. al. (1999) for a more detailed discussion of individuals and groups who view globalization as a myth. 2 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. analyze the implications of an anti-globalization movement: its networks, its protest tactics, and media and institutional responses. This introduction serves to frame this study within the context of globalization so that I may better explicate the implications of the anti-globalization protests. First, I discuss the concept and process of globalization by briefly discussing the information and communication technology (ICT) revolution. I argue that emerging global networks are transforming human communication. Second, I examine the effects of economic globalization that seem to animate resistance, and how political globalization is changing the power of the nation-state and is cultivating new forms of global civic society. Third, I characterize globalization from below, or the resistance that has protested the ill-effects of globalization. Finally, I articulate the research questions for this project, and offer an overview of the study. THE GLOBALIZATION OF NEW TECHNOLOGY: PLACE AND SPACE IN THE COMMUNICATION REVOLUTION As an almost trendy, interdisciplinary phenomenon, globalization enjoys a host of definitions. Its interdisciplinary emphasis is evident in the range of explanations and descriptions of globalization trends that have been offered. The scope of these explanations speaks to the complexity of the phenomenon. Scholars tend to agree that globalization is a multi-dimensional phenomena and cannot be attributed to a single process. At a base level, “globalization refers to the process of reducing barriers between countries and encouraging closer economic, political, and 3 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. social interaction” (Tabb, 1999, p. 1). New technologies make human communication truly global. Global networks are transforming our notions of borders, increasing economic integration, and altering our political divisions. As a response, local, political activism is evolving into global mobilization. Globalization can be thought of as “a process (or set of processes) which embodies a transformation in the spatial organization of social relations and transactions - assessed in terms of their extensity, intensity, velocity and impact - generating transcontinental or interregional flows and networks of activity, interaction, and the exercise of power” (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt and Perraton 1999, p. 16). This definition incorporates the ways in which new technology has dramatically affected relationships between social, economic and political groups, and thus significantly altered the face of global communication. While many writers focus on economic processes of globalization, the metamorphosis of human interaction is much more than an economic trend. As economic and political changes have occurred, the transformation of geographic location has had significant political and socio-cultural impacts. One noteworthy example has been the development and evolution of new human communication networks with extraordinary global reach: Globalization is a process in which geographic distance becomes less a factor in the establishment and sustenance of border crossing, long distance economic, political and socio cultural relations. People become aware of this fact. Networks of relations and dependencies therefore become potentially border crossing and worldwide. This potential internationalization of relations and dependencies causes fear, resistance, actions and reactions. (Lubbers and Koorevaar, 26 November 1998) 4 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. As the importance of geographic distance has diminished, the awareness of globalization has caused us to focus on the need to create a global society that can help us solve the political problems of our era. Current international conditions reveal the dynamic trends of economic globalization through the internationalization of finance and the cross-border shift of labor forces, while unfolding political events reflect the restructuring of the interstate system. Socio-cultural dissemination is evident in the progression of social movements, nowhere more profoundly than in the mobilization of the anti-globalization movement. The emergence of a truly global social movement against the effects of globalization signifies the declining importance of place. This globalization of mobilization reveals significant developments in social movement and protest strategy that account for the slippage between local, regional and global spheres and the interplay of the multiple dimensions of globalization.2 The revolution of information and communication technology (ICT) has significantly transformed human notions of space and place in a way never before experienced. These technological developments have in large part enabled the social and economic phenomenon known as globalization. Lubbers and Koorevaar (1998) describe globalization as a consequence of technological innovation. “ICT has such 2 Geographers face questions regarding the importance of place in human experience and social relationships (see Sassen 2000, Swyngedouw, 1993, National Research Council, 1997 for example). The transformation of geographic place by new technologies does not necessarily eliminate a geographical sense of place, although the emergence of virtual societies certainly transforms the role of our physical location in human interactions. This also poses Burke’s (1937) question of casuistic stretching in terms of place and space (p. 229), which will be discussed in part in Chapter Four, although a thorough treatment exceeds the scope of this work. 5 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. an impact on mobility and communication that the ‘technological revolution’ implies a ‘social revolution’ and a decisive shift from industrial capitalism to a post- industrial conception (and reality) of economic relations” (p. 3). That is, technological development is a primary factor in the transformation of global economic and political relations, most significantly in the facilitation of truly global communication. It is important to contextualize current trends of globalization within a broader history of the evolution of global communication. Despite the growing emphasis on the global context in current academic scholarship, globalization is not a new phenomenon. Rather, it is rooted in the historical evolution of international relations, marked by shifting configurations of identity and the spread of culture and ideas. Globalization can be viewed as an historical process with continuing phases of development. Indeed, it is possible to see the trappings of globalization throughout history, in the very inception and early development of civilization. Giddens frequently describes current trends of globalization as a continuation of the modernization of 18th century Europe.3 To be sure, the Industrial Revolution brought about profound changes in the world. The development of communication and transportation technologies enabled the increased free movement of goods and services—people, products and capital—as international communication and transportation became feasible and even affordable (Countrywatch.com). Technologies such as the telegraph and the steam engine truly transformed human existence in ways never before realized. Developments in transportation and 6 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. industry advanced methods of production and distribution. Increased opportunities for travel and communication fundamentally changed the effect of time and space on human experience. In addition to significant economic and political implications, technology has enabled the exchange of ideas and culture in a way that has never been realized previously. Grieco and Ikenberry (2002) even describe technology as “the state of knowledge for production” (p. 7). The dissemination of knowledge is characteristic of contemporary globalization as technological developments have enabled instantaneous communication regardless of geographic location. In this way, information and ideas from “other” parts of the world are disseminated globally. The primacy of the local changes as people gain knowledge and familiarity with the rest of the world. As communication networks cover the globe, the world seems noticeably smaller—and it is smaller because distances shrink as technology means we can travel with ease. Computer and satellite technology enable fundamentally new mobility and communication capabilities (Lubbers 1999). Global social and cultural exchanges are enhanced by such technological developments, facilitating mobility of knowledge and people, in ways which promote significant transformation of space and place throughout the world. Thus, although globalization phenomena are rooted in history, current trends differ because there is an enormous amount of change occurring at an unbelievably accelerated pace. The Industrial Revolution of the 18th century certainly transformed human social relations through advancements in both communication and 3 (1990), (1999a & b) for example. 7 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. transportation technologies. But it is the technological revolution of the information age that has for the first time created global social networks, enabling instantaneous global communication. The information revolution has built networks of communications satellites that enable communication between any number of spots virtually anywhere in the world. Thus, instant global communication is possible.4 “It’s changed a lot in world society because when you have instantaneous communication in which television and other electronic media are the leading agencies it invades the texture of our experience” (Giddens, 1999). Communication abilities not only eliminate the existence of remote places, but also change the nature of human interaction by increasing the expectation for immediate, even instant communication. The technological exchange of the communication revolution produces and enables the information economy, is significant in the globalization of social and cultural values, and has drastically altered the landscape of human interaction. Giddens (1990) writes of an intensely profound transformation from place to space. He describes globalization as structured by social influences absent from the scene. According to Giddens, space is increasingly dislocated from place as it is networked to other social contexts across the globe (p. 18-19). As a multi-disciplinary phenomenon, there is varying emphasis in accounts of the globalization of place and space. Some authors point to an increase in global interdependence, and a rise in transnational flows—an intensification of processes such that the world is in many ways becoming a single place (Mittelman, 2000, p. 5). 4 Of course “instant” communication is physically impossible, although the producers of instant messaging techniques would have us believe otherwise. 8 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. That is, the notion of the global village is enabled by technological developments in information and transportation industries that unite diverse cultures of the world, as well as economic and political unification through enhanced international institutional frameworks. Central to this metamorphosis of place is how globalization changes the relevance of geographical location. Indeed, geography plays a dual, almost conflicted role. “On the one hand geography is made less relevant thanks to new technologies, strategies of economic actors and policies of national and international political actors. On the other hand globalization gains strength because of the fact that people of flesh and blood acknowledge the possibilities opened up by technologies, strategies and policies” (Lubbers and Koorevaar, 1998, p. 1-2). The compression of time and space is linked to the same technological and institutional developments that transform communication relations between peoples and states. The wide range of conceptions of globalization demonstrates the expanding, yet integrating processes of globalization. The evolution of social interaction is both unifying and fragmentary in the transformation of place and space. Yet, as this is all happening, we are seeing increased fragmentation of countries (e.g., former USSR, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia) and a rise in nationalism and religious identity and militancy. This tension is the result of increased technology and communication, which produce connections among geographically dispersed groups and individuals that are unifying through common ideas, beliefs and even values. At the same time, these connections are fragmentary because they are happening as the nation state is declining in importance, and thus the 9 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. technologically mediated relationships supplant the need for strong regional or national connections. David Harvey (1990) describes “the annihilation of space through time” as “time horizons are shortened” and delineations of space are blurred (p. 299). These expanding and contracting impulses are provoked by technological change, through the development of larger, global social networks. Such increasing interconnectedness and the compression of temporal and spatial perspectives are intimately related in the fundamental quality of globalization phenomena: the permeabilty of borders. Human technology produces a collectivity of people through the process of internationalization, creating an increasingly borderless world, less and less characterized by territorial divisions, creating a new “geography of power” (Lubbers and Koorevaar 1998, p. 4). Contemporary inter-state and economic systems are marked by changing transborder relationships. Innovations in communication and information technology enable communication between groups across geographic distance that creates a community without regard to place. Before such technological developments, communities were formed among people who were able to communicate with each other face-to-face. The facilitation of communication has produced communities whose ties stretch across international borders. In the instance of the anti-globalization protests, the social network created by spatial and temporal changes enables a unifying force of resistance. These changes intrinsic to globalization phenomena are integrally related to technological developments that enhance the sense of the global. Giddens (1990) defines globalization as the “intensification of worldwide social relations which link 10 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. distant localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and vice versa” (p. 64). Central to Giddens’ ideas is the role of social technology, which is the means for people to become intimately connected to events and each other. Thus, as our relationships with other global agents alter our connections to local places, events in remote places are given attention because of the global network of communication technology. This aspect of globalization refers to news and other media programming from different cultures, which is increasingly available on a grander and more intense scope than ever before. The ever present media make it possible for people around the world to be informed of recent developments in world events, as the Union intemationale chretienne des dirigeants d’enterprise (1998) notes: The marriage between new communication technologies (satellites and glasfiber) and computer electronics has made the world a far smaller place - ‘a global village’ - and has an enormous impact on the economy and on life and culture. CNN is with us 24 hours a day. But at least as important: people and business from all over the world are in almost uninterrupted contact with each other. They can and do communicate about market prices, human rights and everything in between. (Report of Uniapac Task Force I, 1998) In this way, new media technology is central to our ability to have access to information about remote locales, even providing us with visual and aural images that substitute for the real experience of a place. The CNN example is quite telling. The slogan for a 24 hour news program proclaims “Headline News: Powered by CNN!” asserting—not by accident— the power of the media. The animation of CNN as an instrument of power indicates the importance we ascribe to media 11 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. technology. The explosion of global media outlets transforms our view of the world, at once expanding our scope of knowledge in infinite ways, but also tightening the connections within the rest of the world, making the world seem more integrated, maybe even smaller. This is manifest in increasing action through social networks— local phenomenon become global problems. Increased awareness of global issues and events occurs, perhaps obviously, through the information revolution as knowledge and ideas are transmitted across lands and populations. Expanded communication networks enable the worldwide dissemination of information, transforming the identity of world actors, by promoting new ones, and by changing the dynamics of the existing power structure, through the development of globalized discourse. New technology creates new space for communication, which gives voice to non-governmental groups and individuals. Friedman (1999) describes how e-mail and the Internet have produced super-empowered individuals who “can increasingly act on the world stage directly—unmediated by a state” (p. 14). Schorr (2001) remarks that the Internet makes people feel like world citizens (p.2). Global issues transcend traditional borders and people feel allegiance to supra-state structures, rather than simply national citizens. In the case of the anti-globalization movement, individuals feel like world protesters. The amplification of communication networks is significant in the mobilization of the anti-globalization protesters, who are able to mobilize despite geographic distance because information and communication technology allows them to organize and plan their resistance efforts. 12 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Sassen (1997) describes how electronic space is inscribed and even shaped by power in the forms of concentration and contestation, as well as openness and decentralization (p. 1). That is, new technologies like email and the Internet create digital, virtual, discursive spaces and places that are embedded in economic, political, and socio-cultural power relationships. These rhetorical venues “include alternative and oppositional practices. As such they are potential sites for social change” (Chabran and Salinas, forthcoming, p. 9). Technology enables space for resistance that embodies a new kind of politics, including voices of dissent previously marginalized by state and/or institutional control of communication. New communication and information technologies especially demonstrate the potential for social change in the possibilities for the exchange of ideas, values, cultural norms, and expressions of political identity that contribute to a globally educated civil society. Kluver (2000) notes that the development of new technology shapes cultural and civic discourse, including “not just computers and the internet, but other related technologies that have as their primary characteristic the transfer of information, including more traditional media technologies, such as film, satellite television, and telecomunications” (p. 2). The transfer of information transforms social networks, which affect the discourse and identity of global players. On-line communities redefine the concept of local concerns as people form relationships with geographically dispersed like-minded individuals. In this way, groups who might otherwise be easily marginalized in a particular community “become both symbolically and substantively larger and more influential when they begin to find 13 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. people in other locales who think as they do” (Riley, Hollihan and Klumpp, 1997, p. 205). Through all types of media, purveyors of information have greater reach to a wider audience. New technologies have come to shape, even define our communication abilities. The existence of a world wide web has truly enabled global exchange of ideas, both expanding the scope of this particular global discourse, and the dissemination of knowledge in general. While larger economic implications of technological developments are discussed later, the drastic reduction of communication costs has enabled remarkably more people to utilize the Internet. Through increasing efficiency of global communication, more people have literal and economic access to the Internet. That is, greater technological capabilities are enjoyed by a larger number of people than ever before, so not only are social networks expanding, they are also becoming more dense. More people communicate with greater frequency, so communicators enjoy a larger audience than ever before, due to the pervasiveness of global communication technology. As the global audience expands, the rate of exchange of knowledge, goods and services rapidly increases. Specifically, organizers of anti-globalization protests can hope to reach an audience large enough to be a formidable force of resistance. Expanded communication networks create a larger network of protesters that can offer ideas, coordinate, or simply show up at scheduled events all because of the enhanced ability to communicate. The global community of the anti-globalization movement utilizes new technology to create a social network for effective strategy and organization. New technologies mobilize and energize individuals to be part of these groups in ways 14 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. that eliminate space and even time as a hindrance to organizing mass groups of people spread all over the globe. Globalization frames the mobilization of the anti globalization movement, and thus the protests and protesters are enabled by the very forces that they resist, which facilitate the creation of a new identity of resistance. New technologies can be thought of as vehicles, which enable the multi-faceted process of globalization. The next section explores “globalization from above” to contextualize the “globalization from below” phenomena, of which the anti globalization movement is a potent component. ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL GLOBALIZATION: GLOBALIZATION FROM ABOVE Economic and political globalization trends are often described as “globalization from above” because they concern the interactions of governments and supranational institutions. It is difficult to distinguish the effects of economic and political globalization because the very nature of the globalization phenomenon is the increased interconnectedness among the world’s institutions and political and social communities. Globalization should be understood not as a descriptive, teleological term, but as a conglomeration of multi-faceted trends that result from the convergence of political and economic factors. The end of the Cold War has witnessed the emergence of a new political and economic global order characterized by integration and fragmentation. This section explores the complex interactions of economic and political processes of globalization to discern the motivations and situations which have provoked the anti-globalization protests. 15 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The Integration of the World Economy Contemporary trends of globalization are creating a new, world economic and political order that is perhaps most visibly manifest in the integration of the world economy. Significantly, the anti-globalization protests are staged at meetings of world economic institutions, which will be described in detail later in this section. Indeed, many scholars who talk about globalization refer exclusively to economic globalization. A focus on economic globalization is particularly important to this discussion of the anti-globalization protests at meetings of global trade and economic institutions. Such economic globalization is undeniably, perhaps fundamentally, enabled by technological developments discussed in the previous section. The effects of globalization include economic integration through the expansion of free markets and the incumbent acceleration of trade, as well as the reign of the transnational corporation with new and improved production methods. Those who protest this type of economic globalization argue that economic interconnectedness enables the powerful few to control the economic reins and thus the fate of the public masses. Contemporary globalization is often described as the period since World War II, which has been characterized by the growing integration of national economies of most industrialized countries, and an increasing number of developing nations, and may be described as the emergence and operation of a single worldwide economy (Grieco & Ikenberry, 2002, p. 1). National economies are less easily distinguished as national; nations are more accurately parts of the larger whole as players in the world economy. Economic integration is marked by the expansion of 16 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. free trade markets through the increasing and changing nature of economic exchanges, and the transnational operation of multinational corporations. The developments of information and communication technologies discussed earlier have greatly influenced the integration of the world economy, initially by enhanced trade through the spread of capitalism. The emphasis of free trade and expanding markets have brought about a transformation of economic exchange and also changed the face of trade. As Kluver observes: Globalization and informatization, thus explain different phenomena, but there is a marked overlap between their social, political, economic and cultural functions. Although globalization ultimately refers to the integration of economic institutions, much of this integration occurs through the channels of technology. Although international trade is not a new phenomenon, the advent of communications technologies has accelerated the pace and scope of trade. (Kluver, 2000, p. 2) Communication technology has made trade efficient and facilitated globalized trade exchanges. Such technology functions as the infrastructure for contemporary markets, as transactions are increasingly occurring on-line or by telephone. For this reason, access to the market is greatly enhanced, and through such technology, individuals and corporations can engage in transactions literally around the clock. So the efficiency of the economy is increased as new technology streamlines trade and other economic interactions. “Globalization by and of economy... is about trade, investments, multinationals, global companies, global financial markets. Technology and economy are interrelated. Mobility, ICT and an economy of signs and symbols make it easier to organize global markets” (Lubbers, 1999). With enhanced communication and information technology, global markets are easier to 17 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. manage and monitor for both individuals and corporations. Furthermore, the delay between decision-time and the actual transaction is reduced to almost nothing with online technology. In turn, this increases the amount of currency that can be traded within a shorter amount of time, which accommodates the growing number of people who are trading. Technological advances enable expanding global markets, notably the trans national economic trade laws negotiated by global trade organizations like the World Trade Organization, International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These institutions facilitate economic trade by promoting trade agreements as well as regulating economic power-broker roles. Such interstate governing bodies promote a new economic or global village based on free trade, that benefits the peoples of industrial and developing nations. Proponents of a global economy point to “the remarkable growth of international trade, the freer international flow of capital and the outsourcing of production, the explosive growth of telecommunications and high speed travel” as evidence of a newly interconnected world (PIPA, 2000). Technological integration undeniably empowers the players of the global economy. Corporations, perhaps the biggest players, are overwhelmingly transnational with links to a variety of worldwide locales, from capital investments to widespread production facilities. Dense and complex transnational production networks integrate economic activity through increased cross-border flows of a greater variety of goods services and capital (Grieco and Ikenberry, 2002, p.l). The amalgamation of the economy affects both levels of production, and means of consumption, as corporations become multi-national, not only in the outsourcing of 18 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. production means, but also in their expanding networks of distribution. The marked rise of transnational production reveals globalized networks of business and trade relationships between multinational corporations (MNCs), independent suppliers, and emerging manufacturers in developing nations (Grieco & Ikenberry, 2002, p. 6- 7). These types of economic networks produce dense, complex relationships so that the economy is connected through nodes of multinationals. Pitchon (1997) of Share International notes there are 37,000 MNCs, which account for four-fifths of world trade, which means 75 percent of all trade is between multinational economies. This global economic networking has powerful social, economic, political, cultural and environmental impacts (1997, p. 1). The anti-globalization protesters argue that the increasingly globalized world economy allows multi-national corporations to take advantage of cheap labor or lax regulations in poorer developing countries and thus commit rampant social injustices. The effects of economic globalization are evident in the transnationalization of production, which often takes the form of the worldwide outsourcing of manufactured components. In this way, the globalization of production is realized in the penetration of national borders by multi-national corporations who choose to have their production and assembly lines in other countries where labor costs are cheaper. Typically, corporations pay laborers outside of the country where they are head-quartered because cheaper production costs obviously increase profit margins. This means goods and parts are transported across conventional borders. These cross-border capital flows are tightening the links between national economies. Furthermore, the nature of labor needed for production is changing as machines and 19 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. computers take over many previously human tasks. This has implications for the working forces of the world, as technology eliminates the need for a mobile work force, often leading to desperate measures for survival as Pitchon (1997) observes: Globalization is a process which entails the free movement of capital, goods, services and labour around the world. Currently both capital and goods do move freely, and services such as banking, telecommunications, media and advertising will do so increasingly. Labour mostly moves freely either in the managerial category or, sadly, at the increasingly desperate end of the scale with illegal migration. The vast majority of working people in the world, however, stays put. (Pitchon 1997, p. 1) Unfair labor practices are some of the loudest complaints of the anti-globalization protests. In the current “weightless” economy,5 the relations of production are changing as the mass production of goods is increasingly the most economically advantageous method of providing consumer goods worldwide. As locally produced goods are less common, consumers lose a sense of connection to the products they consume, which are transported all over the globe. People who buy groceries at large, chain grocery stores have little awareness of where their food comes from, or the processes that entail its production for mass purchase. The same is true for most brand-name American clothing companies who outsource their production to Asia and South America, primarily. Another good example of technologically enhanced mass production is automobile manufacturing as it has changed to make automobiles that are composed of parts that are manufactured all over the world before being transported to one assembly location. 5 See for example Ohmae (1990), Giddens (1999), Grieko and Ikenberry (2002) for discussions of how new technology literally lessens the weight of goods and people being transported all over the globe. 20 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The inherent human element in global economic relations means that economic decisions are necessarily political. The economic processes of globalization affect the political structuring of the international arena. Societal, political and economic actors have to react to globalization, and these responses are invariably intertwined. Political and economic globalization are hard to separate because of the political foundations of economic institutions like World Trade Organization (WTO), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, and trade pacts like the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FT A A), and the Group of Eight (G-8) industrialized countries. Recent meetings of these institutions have been the targets of significant protests. I describe the specific details of these protests as moments in the anti globalization movement later, but it is useful to describe briefly the role of these institutions in the global economic sphere, to better understand the demands of the anti-globalization protests. The WTO is an international organization established in 1995 to enforce the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which was established in 1948 to reduce tariffs and other barriers to trade in goods and services. The IMF is an international organization established in 1944 to manage international currency exchange. Its current function is to manage the international debt crisis, by offering loans to indebted poor countries, provided they restructure their economies with structural adjustment programs. The World Bank supports such policies, which typically include opening markets, raising interest rates, cutting government spending and subsidies, currency devaluation, and relaxing labor and environmental 21 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. protections (although, as will be discussed in Chapter Five, the World Bank believes it has changed its tune). The FTAA is an extension of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which reduces barriers to trade and investment between Canada, Mexico and the U.S., and provides protection for corporate interests and investments. The Group of Eight Nations (G-8) was originally the group of the seven richest industrial countries in the world: Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Britain, and the United States. Russia was admitted as a quasi-junior partner in the 1990s. The leaders of these countries hold periodic meetings on the state and future of the global economy. These international economic organizations shape the face of the world economy, and thus play a significant role in the processes of globalization. These trade agreements are in essence political negotiations because they involve economic interactions between political entities. The economic is political. Thus, the emphasis on the nation-state in international relations is changing. Economic and political power is intertwined, and, inevitably, power relations change as both supra-national and sub-national institutions emerge. Perhaps the strongest link between political and economic trends of globalization is what Lubbers and Koorevaar (1998) describe as “the hegemony of the neo-liberal ideology.” The triumph of the market-ideology through democracy is spread through mass-consumption and entertainment (p.3).6 Proponents of global trade link the spread of free trade capitalism with the spread of democracy. The interconnected political and economic strains of the globalization phenomena are made explicit by the purveyors of capitalism hawking democracy as the means to 22 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. enjoy the free market. The Western countries of the “North,” most notably the United States, link the spread of democracy to the global spread of capitalism. That is, capitalism is the means by which poorer countries can come to enjoy the affluence already possessed by the United States. Mittelman (2000) states that: The manifestations of globalization include the spatial reorganization of production, the interpenetration of industries across borders, the spread of financial markets, the diffusion of identical consumer goods to distant countries, massive transfers of population—mainly within the South as well as from the South and the East to the West—resultant conflicts between immigrant and established communities in formerly tight-knit neighborhoods, and an emerging worldwide (though not universal) preference for democracy. (Mittelman, 2000, p. 15) Economic globalization is therefore not only the restructuring of economic institutions and relationships between states, but is the multi-faceted transformation of the elements of the international economy. Globalization is more than economic and is based on foundations of political globalization that enable the spread of capitalism and send the message that capitalism will not work within the current infrastructure of democracy. Grieco and Ikenberry (2002) note that “globalization makes autarchy more and more costly and less and less plausible for a nation in the modem world, but it also creates tighter and tighter constraints on the autonomy of those national communities that choose to participate in the global economy” (p. 32). Thus, not only does globalization help foster capitalism, but democracy is seen as critical for functioning capitalism because it is more expensive and even infeasible to promote capitalism in autocracy. Furthermore, democratic political foundations are 6 For further discussion of the dominance of neoliberal ideology see Chomsky (1999). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. seen as prerequisite for the successful promotion of free trade through political frameworks regulating international economic exchange. The influence of economic integration on political structures has profound effects on the nation-state and popular political agency. Globalization reflects intense interactions beyond simply internationalization, and implies a diminishing importance of national borders and the strengthening of identities that extend beyond particular regional or national territories (Berresford, 1997, p. 1). The reduction of national barriers is characterized by cross-border communication that goes beyond notions of mere international relationships, which imply interaction among states. In this way, globalization phenomena refer to more than the creation of supra-national structures, but the metamorphosis of the stakeholders and power brokers of world affairs. The identities emerging in a globalized stage are significant for communication scholars; the organization of the resistance to economic integration implicates social movement studies as new technologies influence the coordination of activism. Transformation of the Nation-state and the Emergence of Civic Society Events which have defined the post-Cold War world include the fall of communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, new directions in European unification, and trends of economic integration. These symptoms of globalization are accompanied by the splintering of national populations, namely, ethnic nationalism in the former Yugoslavia, and contentious claims of sovereign Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. authority in Somalia, Rwanda, and the Middle East (Cochran, 1995, p. 40). The political implications of globalization are characterized by border transformations, and thus best exemplify the simultaneous yet discordant processes of globalization. That is, as some borders become more permeable, other demarcations are fiercely guarded. At the same time the world is unifying largely through the spread of information and communication technologies, which transform borders by creating virtual relationships regardless of geographic location. In this way, political implications of globalization mostly concern the changing role of the nation state, which is at base an issue of power. Political fragmentation or stratification is accompanied by economic unification not only in singular examples like the European Community, but in the globalization of free trade and spread of free market capitalism. This economic globalization fosters an international system of regulation manifest in agreements such as GATT and NAFTA. The internationalization of trade is also significantly evident in the powerful global enforcement mechanism of the WTO, which authorizes a dispute resolution panel to impose sanctions and other trade penalties to enforce the regulation of interstate exchange of commerce and currency (Elliot, 1998). The negotiation of such exchanges is complicated by the increasing number of players who want to participate in the perpetuation of free market capitalism. A significant feature of contemporary globalization is a fast-growing group of newly industrializing, developing countries, which are key contributors of components and finished manufactured goods to advanced countries (Grieco and Ikenberry, 2002, p. 4). That nations like South Korea, Taiwan, Malaysia, and China are emerging as 25 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. significant contributors of the supply production chain is significant in the changing makeup of the world order. New nations are power players in the global economic exchange, and this has political implications because it changes how decisions are made in the international arena. The nation-state is changing, but political power is still very important. Governments are still key players, even if their role is to recognize changes in the power of the nation-state. The world is more politically inter-connected than ever before, as most governments face decisions, such as ecological issues, which must be confronted globally as well as locally (Giddens, 1999b). The internationalization of politics through the spread of non-governmental activism occurs as non governmental actors are participating in the globalized public sphere and international arena. The realm of political discussion has reached a global level and has transformed the role of the nation-state as exhibited in the emergence of international alliances. Such political globalization is enabled by the globalization of communication and information technologies. The inception of the twenty-first century marks the conclusion of a chapter in the history of human progress7 as a new communication revolution emerges from the ashes of the industrial revolution. Proponents of globalization champion such progress often because they see such phenomenon as the means to their own gain. “Corporations, markets, investors, and elites are going global. The globalization that is so often celebrated by economists, pundits, corporate executives, and the leaders of the world’s richest 7 The term progress possesses deep symbolic meaning. Its use here is in reference to the normative value of technical progressivism in human history, particularly the unwavering American faith in the 26 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. nations is actually their ‘globalization from above’” (Brecher, Costello and Smith, 2000, p. ix). Proponents of globalization overwhelmingly stand to benefit from the economic and political effects (which are themselves social and cultural manifestations) of globalization. Mittelman (2000) describes proponents of globalization as “globalizers”—that is those players who stand to benefit from the effects of enhanced globalization processes. “Internationally mobile capital and its allies in the state, exporters who balk at restrictive trade practices, local industrialists (to the extent that they are competitive with overseas enterprises), and domestic finance positioned to gain from liberalization and increased access to foreign markets” (Mittelman, 2000, p. 4). These defenders of global capitalism are not alone at the helm of globalization. Political entities contentiously negotiate with economic institutions to maintain sovereign authority and territorial control. The rapid diffusion of technology facilitates efficient consumption of enormous amounts of information by a greater population, and thus increases participation of local, national and international actors in the global political sphere. These factors point to the globalization of the public sphere, which is significant for communication scholars attempting to define the field in an era of political and social international activism and upheaval. This study explores the theoretical implications of the globalization of the public sphere. The anti-globalization movement demonstrates how new communication networks are changing social movement strategy, enabling advancement of humanity through science, technology and industrial development, and the general prioritization of boundless economic growth (Griffith, 1992, p. 594). 27 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. diverse groups to come together under the rubric of globalization, and energizing civic society around global issues. Opponents of globalization argue the continuing push for economic globalization in the promotion of such worldly institutions as the World Bank or the extension ofNAFTA in the FTAA has significant implications on multiple levels, which are seen in the targeted demands of the anti-globalization movement. Labor and other social and economic justice movements point to the rampant discrimination of sweatshops and development projects’ encroachment onto indigenous lands. Additionally, the transformation of the global environment is a prominent issue with anti-globalization protesters, which exemplifies the globalization of place and space in the transformation of economic and political borders. “The persistent mantra of corporate and government leaders alike has been that the necessity of remaining competitive in a global economy requires governments to cut regulations and to encourage the most favorable climate for foreign investment, often at the cost of worker rights and environmental integrity” (International Forum for Globalization, November 26, 2000). Thus economic and political globalization create tensions between those who advocate and benefit from current trends and those who feel there are winners and losers in the game of globalization. Proponents of globalization argue that the spread of capitalism is key to worldwide democracy. Opponents of globalization argue that the resultant social and political systems perpetuated by expansion of capitalism are not truly equitable, fair and democratic. The disparity of wealth is seen in political aspects of 28 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. globalization as different opportunities for power and profit emerge and “the distinction between the first world (the so called free world), the second world (the communist world) and the third world (developing, post-colonial, non-aligned nations) has come to an end. All countries (nations) want to belong somehow to the first world, but at the same time the ‘first world’-concept seems to be on the move” (UNIAPAC, 1998). “First world” affluence is elusive to developing countries pressured to conform to industrialized ways. Traditional borders dissipate as political connections are increasingly influenced by economic integration, which also transforms production and consumption relationships. So, while free trade creates opportunities for more people and places, opponents of globalization argue that such ideals remain elusive for entire peoples, with an astounding range of ill effects. The expanded awareness of the negative impacts of globalization demonstrates how information and communication technologies are increasing global interconnectedness to enable the mass mobilization of knowledge into action. In this way, globalization revolves around interconnected sets of issues and the evolution of participants in international discussion. Notions of agency change in a global civil society as transnational and domestic structures enable new space for voices previously excluded from international economic and political discussions. Wapner (1996) describes the global political significance of local empowerment and strengthened civil societies, which embody strategies of resistance and grassroots mobilization (pg. 105). His notion of civil society is useful to explain activism that crosses state boundaries: 29 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Civil society is understood to be that arena of social engagement existing above the state. It is a complex network of economic, cultural, and social practices based on friendship, custom, the market, and voluntary affiliation... Global civil society consists of structures that define and shape public affairs. When people organize themselves across state boundaries they create institutional and ideational structures which lend predictability to their collective endeavors and partially shape wider patterns of transnational social practice. (Wapner, 1998, p. 4) Wapner argues that networks of individuals and groups, such as non-governmental organizations (NGOs) wield significant influence in world affairs because they affect state action through leveraging power of public coalitions and also engage in world civic politics. Such networks provide a framework for the exchange of ideas and communication between local and regional entities about available means to affect widespread conditions and practices (Wapner, 1998, p. 5). The processes of globalization are rooted in epistemological changes that help transform the nature of power-brokering in global communication and negotiation. That is, the globalization of international relationships is intimately linked to the range of issues that are discussed in globalized forums. Furthermore, economic and political integration fosters the cultural and social assimilation through the spread of ideas and values into previously ideologically isolated locales. In this way, globalization cannot help but be about values. Not only is this seen in the connection between capitalism and democracy but in the dialogue between proponents and opponents of globalization. For example, while supporters of globalization argue that the spread of capitalism is key to the development of worldwide democracy, protesters argue that in actuality, globalization trends destroy 30 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. true democracy. The International Forum on Globalization (2001) describes the phenomena of globalization as the world’s corporate and political leadership undertaking a drastic restructuring of global politics and economics, with profound effects on democracy, human welfare, local economies, and the natural world (p. 1). According to opponents of globalization, the power-brokering that accompanies current economic and political negotiations mean that such processes have to be about winners and losers, because the “haves” profit only at the expense of the “have-nots.” This zero-sum relationship between the profits and losses of globalization is at the center of the argument of the anti-globalization protests. GLOBALIZATION FROM BELOW: NETWORKS OF GLOBAL JUSTICE MOVEMENTS As experienced from below, the dominant form of globalization means the transformation of the economy profoundly affects the livelihood of global populations. This is felt politically through a loss of local control, as the locus of power shifts outside of the territorial state; and also culturally in the devaluation of a collectivity’s existence through emphasis on economic priorities (Mittelman, 2000, p. 6). Through the interrelated effects of political, economic and socio-cultural globalization trends, globalization has provoked and enabled its own countermovement, through mobilization, which has engendered a new identity of resistance. The moniker “globalization from below” risks bifurcating the effects of globalization. While anti-globalization protests should be characterized as resistance, they are an inevitable effect of economic and political globalization, and are enabled 31 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. by technological globalization. That is, the technological transformation of place and space, economic and political globalization are all manifestations of a multi dimensional process that fosters protests against the ill-effects of such processes. Indeed, “globalization is emerging as a political response to the expansion of market power, both as a form of domination and an emancipatory possibility” (Mittelman, 2000, p. 7). Local movements affect international activism as notions of authority change through the globalization of the public sphere. The globalization of civil society is enabled in large part by the development and spread of new communication technology that dissolves one’s geographical roots. This analysis looks at how the technological revolution enabled the political mobilization of the anti-globalization movement in such a way that globalization has borne a worldwide movement of resistance. I refer to this resistance in a variety of different ways interchangeably throughout this work to reflect the diverse perspectives within the movement. Regarding the self-identification of individuals and activist groups, the most accurate term is “global justice movements” (e.g. Starhawk, 2002, Cavanagh and Anderson, 2001), which indicates that the protests studied here represent a convergence of different movements which represent unique struggles for justice. Similar terms, which are embraced by different members of this resistance include the “globalization resistance movement” (e.g. Brecher, and Costello, 2000), “grassroots globalization” (e.g. Karliner, 1999, Danaher 2001), “globalization from below” (Brecher, Costello and Smith, 2001), and the “anti-corporate (globalization) movement” (Klein, 1999). This collective is also, and perhaps most often, referred 32 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. to as the “anti-globalization movement” (e.g. Henshaw-Plath, 2001, Danaher and Burbach, 2001, Cockbum, St. Clair and Sekula, 2000). Some members of the movement object to the term “anti-globalization” because it contributes to negative media images of activists as visionless and against globalization and free trade in general. In using it here, I acknowledge this view, (and discuss such media tactics), but use it, following the scholars and activists cited above, to meaningfully describe the unifying cause of the diverse groups that make up the resistance to current trends of economic and political globalization. The anti-globalization movement is unique from past movements because it encompasses a diverse number of causes, and the movement draws strength from many sectors of activism. Groups involved in the protests I studied include labor groups such as the AFL-CIO, United Students Against Sweatshops, Jubilee 2000, trade unions such as the Steelworkers in the United States, as well as indigenous workers groups such as maquilladoras in Mexico, and seringueros in Brazil. Labor groups have teamed with environmental groups to form the Alliance for Sustainable Jobs and the Environment (ASJE). Environmental groups include Friends of the Earth, the Sierra Club, and Rainforest Action Network. The movement also includes non governmental organizations (NGOs) advocating Third World justice such as debt relief including Jubliee 2000, Global Exchange, and Mobilization for Global Justice. Other research and activist groups include the International Forum for Globalization, and the Ruckus Society, which specializes in training camps for direct action tactics. A significant anarchist collective, exemplified by the Black Bloc, is emerging, and its advocacy of property destruction will be discussed thoroughly in 33 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter Four. Umbrella organizations such as the Direct Action Network and Protest.Net will be discussed in detail in Chapter Three’s discussion of networks. As I explain in Chapter Two, I used websites, email list-servs, activist manuals, protest tactics, and independent media from all of these groups as evidence of movement activity. I discuss these groups in detail throughout this work, but it is useful here to describe the movement’s goals and demands to contextualize Chapter Two’s criteria for social movement success. Anti-globalization groups have various causes and specific goals that are articulated in their mission statements,8 and as this study finds, such diversity makes the movement unique. From these diverse issues, four broad goals emerge that encompass singular demands and help define what it means to be “anti-globalization.” First, global justice movements push for a more democratic society. Many groups demand that meetings of economic institutions be open to the public so citizens can have more control over their representation. Protesters call for the transparency of public documents and meetings so that citizens can make informed opinions about economic political decisions that affect their lives (e.g. Mobilization for Global Justice, Jubilee 2000, Globalize This!). Second, movements push for social and economic justice. Activists demand equitable and humane development policies that do not favor corporate profit over indigenous people (e.g. Institute for Global Communication, Association for Progressive Communication). Demonstrators call for fair trade agreements including labor protections (e.g. Global 8 See the Appendix for group websites where mission statements are available. 34 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Exchange, ASJE), access to food, and poverty reduction (e.g. Jubilee 2000, Mobilization for Global Justice). Many groups demand debt relief to alleviate the plight of developing countries who perpetually try to pay off insurmountable loans at the expense of their citizens, (e.g. Mobilization for Global Justice, 50 Years is Enough). Third, anti-globalization groups push for environmental protections to ensure sustainable levels of growth and industrialization (e.g. ASJE, Rainforest Action Network, Friends of the Earth, Sierra Club). Such groups demand that the governing bodies of free trade make decisions that prioritize environmental concerns over easing trade barriers. Environmental activists also pressure the United States and other countries to lobby for environmentally favorable regulations in the negotiation of trade agreements. The final goal of anti-globalization groups not only represents the means to achieve the first three goals, but is also part of the movement’s vision for an alternative society. Perhaps the most fundamental goal of the anti-globalization activists is to form a movement—to mobilize citizens to participate in world affairs, and inform the general public of global injustice (e.g. Direct Action Network, Ruckus Society, Protest.Net). Movement organizers see such empowerment as the path to a better world, and a realization of the participatory democracy they envision. Thus, mobilization itself is a crucial part of affecting social change, and thus an aspect of the criteria for evaluating movement success. Globalization from below has similar features to globalization from above, in that it is unifying while at the same time unique distinct identities, represented by the groups listed above, are emerging. “Although globalization contains a powerful 35 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. centralizing dynamic and concentrates wealth, it also decentralizes activities and fragments identities” (Mittelman, 2000, p. 23). As discussed earlier, this happens through the dissolution of traditional national boundaries marked by ethnic conflicts as well as confrontations within and across borders. Such fragmentation is magnified by the increasing rich-poor gap as the wealth of the world is increasingly located in the hands of multinational corporations. Brecher, Costello and Smith (2000) note: The actual experience of fin-de-millennium globalization has not fulfilled [its] promise. Instead, it has given us more poor people than the world has ever known and increased threats to the environmental conditions on which human life itself depends. It has led many to fear the loss of hard-won social and environmental protections and even of meaningful self-government. (Brecher, Costello, & Smith, 2000, p. ix) These conditions foster a powerful dynamic as people resist the pervasive forces of globalization; an “interplay between the powerful thrust of globalizing market forces, sometimes propelled by the state, and a counterthrust fueled by the needs of society” (Mittelman, 2000, p. 3). As became evident through this study, much of the world’s population do not see the benefits promised by proponents of globalization, and perceive that global economic competition sacrifices the environment, as well as many of the world’s less powerful citizens. The anti-globalization protests are a reaction against the forces of globalization. The protest groups gain members from diverse communities and constituencies because globalization affects us all personally. In this way, anti globalization discourse is couched in the creation of identities, which are liberating 36 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. from the processes of globalization. Responding to perceived injustices begat by globalization from above is empowering, as noted by Lubbers and Koorevar (1998): People react against the globalization of American images and values by stressing their own roots and local identity. People react against the primacy of technology and economy by (re)exploring emotions and spiritual values. People react against universal materialism by stressing non-materialistic values. People react against the pooling of governance- capacity on supra-national scale, by demanding decentralization and decisions nearby. People react with fear against the alienation caused by the further abstraction globalization of life brings. People react against unsafety by looking for scapegoats, by demanding ‘protection from the terrifying foreign’ be it foreign refugees, foreign cultures, foreign products or foreign investors. (Lubbers and Koorevaar, 1998 p. 8) The need to react to the effects of globalization fuels the anti-globalization movement and creates a profound dialectic between proponents and opponents of globalization. “These counter-reactions give the globalization process its dialectical character.... It is interesting to see that some of those institutions, strengthened by globalization, gain governance capacity beyond the state within globalizing society” (Lubbers and Koorevaar, 1998 p. 8). As the resistance gains members it becomes more powerful and thus has potent influence over state and institutional policies, forming a global civil society of empowered individuals. In this way, globalization from above is contested by “globalization from below’ through which people at the grassroots level around the world link up to impose their own needs and interests on the process of globalization. A movement embodying globalization from below is already emerging. This study demonstrates it is indeed a significant movement, drawing tens of thousands at a time to protest, 37 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and linking the struggles of millions of people under broad, global causes. “These adverse impacts are pulling millions of people into diverse streams of a global river of citizen backlash to globalization. These movements have pressed to stop certain aspects of globalization and to slow down others. They are pressing for new rules and new institutions to govern global economic activity” (International Forum on Globalization, 2000). The resistance to globalization is a truly worldwide movement in that it promotes the idea of the global citizen. The anti-globalization movement changes notions of the local because protest causes are not necessarily limited to one’s back yard. This is significant because it emphasizes the interdependence of the world’s populations, due to economic and political trends of globalization. Just as globalization is not a new phenomenon, neither is its countermovement. Many scholars note that globalization from above is provoking a worldwide movement of resistance, which has been gathering for years. While I will go into detail about the definition of a movement in Chapter Two, the anti globalization movement has been percolating since the early 1990s. In 1998, for example, Geneva hosted a celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the General Agreements on Tariffs and Trade, and a meeting of the Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization. It also hosted a significant public backlash to this event. About 10,000 people clogged Geneva’s streets, gathering under the rubric “People’s Global Action” (Khor, 1998, p. 1). Despite such sizable international demonstrations, the forces of globalization from below are widely recognized to have emerged as a movement in late 1999, when tens of thousands of activists staged protests at the WTO meeting in Seattle 38 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. [November 29-December 3] (Brecher, Costello, & Smith, p. ix). Since then, there have been numerous protests staged at meetings of economic and trade institutions worldwide. I examine the anti-globalization movement from 1999-2001, focusing on several protests as moments in the movement, which are especially significant. The WTO protests in Seattle marked the emergence of the movement and were widely seen as successful.9 Demonstrations at the IMF/World Bank’s meetings in Washington DC, April 16-22,2001, revealed Seattle’s impact on meeting planners and city officials. Remembering violence and disturbances in Seattle, administrators and law enforcement officials in the capitol had a massive police presence and essentially shut down most of the planned protests. Quebec hosted the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas summit, April 21-23, 2001, which marked perhaps the movement’s most successfully coordinated protest effort across North America. Rhetoric from these protests exemplifies the well-developed networks of anti globalization groups, and indicates the potential for the staying power of globalization from below. The most recent moment included in each case study is the G-8 Summit meeting in Genoa, Italy, June 23-26, 2001. This is not only the last major protest before the events of September 11, 2001, which changed the frame of protest, but is especially significant because a protester was killed by Italian police. These protests were a defining moment for the movement because the fatal clashes between police and demonstrators revealed the dramatic conflict emerging between the pillars of the global economy and a growing faction of dissent. I supplement 9 The success of the Seattle protests is widely declared by movement activists, and is also indicated in Mayor Schell and Police Chief Stamper’s acknowledgment of police overreactions. This is fully explicated in Chapter Five. 39 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. these events with discourse surrounding other less publicized events including the World Social Forum in Brazil that offered an indigenous people’s alternative to the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, 2000, and observation of the protests at the Democratic National Convention in Los Angeles in August 2000. These events show the anti-globalization movement is indeed powerful, and unique from other movements in the past, because new communication technology has given the movement a truly global reach, and changed the meaning of social movement discourse. CONTRIBUTION OF THE STUDY: CONCLUSIONS AND CRITICAL RESEARCH QUESTIONS This study contributes to the development of communication theory of social movements in the context of globalization. This study examines social movements in an interdisciplinary manner, combining network analysis, explication of protest rhetoric, and evaluation of institutional and media responses. The globalization of place and space influenced by the development of new communication technology has enabled the anti-globalization movement to enjoy as much success as it has. The study seeks answers to the following research questions: 1) how can social movements be effective in an era of globalization? 2) What tactics and strategies work to empower global mobilization? 3) How have new communication technologies changed the communication environment and thus impacted the communication strategies followed by movement activists? 4) How has the globalization of new technologies created new social networks through which the 40 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. anti-globalization movement(s) are able to leverage sources of control, authority and power? 5) How and to what extent are these strategies effective at gaining influence to mobilize world citizens? These questions speak to the heart of where communication studies of social movements are going in an era of globalization. Historically, studies of social movements focus on movements addressing specific local causes, or motivated by a set of issues united by a common theme. This era of globalization as described above reveals that studies of the rhetoric of social movements are complicated by the globalization of place and space. New technologies enable social movements to organize and network across large expanses of geography, to exhibit mobilization on a truly global scale. This study contributes to the conversation of the changing nature of social movements, by explicating the rhetorical nuances of the anti globalization movement. While other studies of this movement have examined specific aspects that are successful, this project is an undertaking to examine the evolution of the movement’s networks manifest in specific protests and evaluate the mediated dialogue between protesters and institutions. The emergence of a worldwide social movement for globalization from below reveals new potential for protest on a global scale, and thus changes the conditions of social activism. I explore the significance of new conditions set by globalization on social movement activity, and evaluate the effectiveness of the anti-globalization protests as transformative resistance. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. STUDY OVERVIEW: NETWORKING, TACTICS AND EFFECTS OF THE ANTI-GLOBALIZATION MOVEMENT This study examines the implications of the anti-globalization movement for the development of social movement communication theory in the context of globalization. This work is organized into a theoretical section, followed by a three- part case study of the movement: its planning and infrastructure, its protest actions, and responses to the movement, or its effects. Chapter Two provides the theoretical framework for analyzing the questions outlined above with a review of the social movement literature. It begins with an explication of traditional social movement theory, focusing on confrontation and collective action as a contextual foundation for studying new social movements. The second section examines new social movements as networks whose unique methods of agenda building are enabled by new technology. Third, I examine the radical tactics of protest, focusing on comedic, visual and nonviolent protest strategies of opposition. Fourth, I look at the media effects of social movements and administrative or institutional strategies in the framing of globalized activism. Chapter Two concludes with an elaboration of my framework for analysis of social movement success, and outlines the methods and research design for this study of the anti-globalization movement based on elements, or phases, of social movements. If the complex relationships of globalization described in this chapter are any indication, a comprehensive study of the anti-globalization movement presents significant challenges. Rather than presenting the cases one protest at a time, it is much more useful to compare facets of the movement that more readily disclose the 42 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. significance of this study for communication scholars. Three types of rhetoric surrounding the anti-globalization movement emerged in my research, hence, this case study is in three parts, organized into chapters on agenda-building strategies and communication networks, the rhetoric of protest tactics, and discursive strategies of administrative and media responses, drawing on events in the movement described above. These chapters provide a thematic organizational schema for an analysis of the anti-globalization movement, paralleling the facets of the theoretical framework outlined in Chapter Two. Chapter Three analyzes action networks of the anti-globalization movement including affinity groups and alliances among activist organizations. This chapter looks at the role of new communication technologies in promulgating information- sharing and communication networks that have enabled coordination and strategy development for the movement. This chapter concludes with the significance of the collective action embodied by the anti-globalization movement, which organizes massive resistance across national boundaries and, perhaps even more impressive, bridges drastic ideological differences. Chapter Four explicates the meaning of the protest tactics employed by anti globalization activists. Drawing on theories of comedic acceptance frames and visual and non-violent rhetorical strategies of protest, this chapter explores the effectiveness of these tactics in exposing harmful effects of globalization, and communicating the messages of resistance. While the effectiveness of these actions are discussed in the following chapter, this analysis examines the goals of the 43 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. protesters within the framework of their protest rhetoric and evaluates the coherence and implications of this strategy. Chapter Five focuses on the administrative and media responses to the anti globalization movement and moments of protest. I examine the strategies of containment and criminalization employed by mainstream media and administrative authorities including international delegations and local law enforcement. I analyze government and media attempts to repress the protesters and undermine their causes, and explore the implications of the violence that ensued during nearly all of the demonstrations studied here. I also examine alternative media, and activists’ use of independent media to convey their message, in order to evaluate the impact of protesters’ media spin. This chapter evaluates the effectiveness of the anti globalization movement through analysis of responses to the movement and activist’s counter responses to administrative and media discourse. Chapter Six offers conclusions and discusses the implications of the anti globalization movement on the creation of a global civil society, and the meaning of these protests for the development of social movement communication theory. I address the questions raised above as answered by each part of this case study and the selected moments in the movement. I offer conclusions about the nature of social movements in an era of globalization, and analyze how the global nature of these protests affects the standards for movement success. Additionally, I discuss how the events of September 11, 2001 affect public and institutional perception of confrontation and dissent, suggest some limitations of this study, areas for further 44 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. research, and offer some final thoughts on the theoretical and practical implications of social movement studies. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter Two: Theoretical Framework A number of theories about the role of communication in social movements exist, but a working definition of social movements is crucial to a comprehensive theoretical understanding. Gusfield (1970), a sociologist, provides a foundational definition of social movements. He describes social movements as socially shared activities and beliefs that are directed toward demand(s) for changes in aspects of social and political life (p. 2). Gusfield’s central idea is that movements involve activity; from organizing to direct confrontations that demand action. Through action, social movements challenge and demand a response from the system. Movements seek change in the social order itself. The discontent that motivates movement activity comes from desires to supplant the status quo with new rules, new relationships, new moral codes or even a new social hierarchy. Fundamentally, a movement has clearly discernible chronological and developmental features that are by nature rhetorical. The anti-globalization protests constitute a social movement according to this definition. The protests staged at meetings of economic institutions are activities that exhibit the confrontational form of social movements, manifest in the communication of beliefs representing a range of demands for social change. In this chapter, I focus on social movements as confrontation and collective action, looking at traditional movement theories as a foundation for the study of global movements. Second, I examine literature on the characteristics of new social movements, looking at how networks and new technology have changed the nature of social movement strategy of agenda building. Third, I examine the rhetoric of protest, utilizing 46 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Burke’s comic frame (1937) as well as studies of non-violent and visual protest. Fourth, I discuss rhetorical theories of administrative response to social movements and the effects of media coverage on the success of protest movements. I conclude with a framework for analysis, and lay out the methods and research design of this study. SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AS CONFRONTATION AND COLLECTIVE ACTION Communication scholars have long debated what constitutes a social movement. Zarefsky (1980) notes that a movement may be generally defined as collective action conducted outside the framework of established institutions to achieve major social change (p. 249). In this way, a social movement is a type of counter-activity, and may be seen as sustained efforts by non-institutionalized collectives to mobilize resources. Thus, the key elements of social movements include collective mobilization in some form of non-institutional activity, and an effort to exert external influence on behalf of a cause which motivates movement members. Of particular interest for this discussion is Cathcart’s (1978) confrontational theory of movement studies. Cathcart defines movements as a rhetorical form featuring a confrontation between the established order and those who question its moral legitimacy. In this section, I attempt to contextualize confrontation within broader tactics of the mobilization and collective actions of social movements. First, I focus on the rhetorical nature of movements in the mobilization for collective activity and phases of building collective action. Second, 47 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. I examine social movements as confrontational rhetorical forms, and discern criteria for the implications and effectiveness of such confrontation. The rhetoric of mobilization and collective action Simons (1970) argues that social movements face unique rhetorical requirements, confront unique rhetorical problems and must generate unique rhetorical strategies. Movements employ persuasion to attract members. A study of movement rhetoric may ask why and how it functions, and may evaluate whether it succeeds or fails. While there are major disagreements in the ways to study social movements, many theorists identify social movements as a unique rhetorical form.1 Studying the language of the social movement is important in evaluating its success, because as Zarefsky (1980) notes, movements are distinct from other rhetorical attempts at persuasion because they select different tactics in executing the same strategies of rhetorical response (p. 251). In addition to analyzing the rhetoric of the movement itself, I examine the public discourse surrounding the movement activity to gauge reactions to, and thus the effects of the movement. McGee (1980) argues that consciousness of a movement is in the public mind and, therefore, in ordinary language (p. 237). Exploring media, administrative and other public discourse 1 Pulling from different theorists to explain the various aspects of a social movement risks glossing over major differences between these theorists regarding how we should study movements. Stewart (1980) claims that we should examine the intrinsic data of social movement rhetoric, Lucas (1980) argues that case studies are the appropriate method of studying social movements. Andrews (1980) and Smith (1980) articulate historical theories of social movements, arguing that rhetorical scholars should look to the patterns of social movements in order to glean knowledge of how social movements affect social change. In this chapter, I explain my particular method of study that draws from different aspects of these theories in conjunction with political theories of collective action and resource mobilization to account for conditions imposed by globalization. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. surrounding the anti-globalization protests reveals the success of the movement through its impact on both policy and public consciousness. That movements are inherently rhetorical enjoys support among a variety of communication scholars. Stewart (1980) notes that social movements rely primarily on rhetoric as a major force for change and resistance to change. Rhetoric is the primary agency through which social movements perform vital functions. Rhetoric enables movements to come into existence, remain viable collectives, meet opposition and bring about or resist change (Stewart, p. 299). A whole range of social movement rhetoric is transmitted through communication channels directed at a variety of audiences. In this way, the maintenance of social movements is endeavored through the manipulation of verbal and non-verbal symbols to affect a target audience. Rhetoric is one of the primary means by which social movements remain visible and define themselves, whether through their own languaging strategies, or in their media coverage. Scholars have examined not only the rhetoric of movements, but also the rhetorical response to movements from the media and other institutions. Indeed, movements ‘move’ because the discourse of the movement is manipulated to control and interpret events as a movement encounters its environment; in this way a social movement is a rhetorical response and rhetorical stimulus (Andrews, 1980, p. 274). Zarefsky argues that the situation determines who controls the power of a movement (1980, p. 251) and rhetoric is the primary way that movements seek to control the situation. The reason to study a movement’s rhetoric is “that the movement either had or failed to have historical significance, and that our understanding of history will be enhanced by attention to its rhetorical dimensions” 49 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (Zarefsky, 1980, p. 253). Social movements involve a contest to control the rhetoric and interpretations of a movement, to define the identity of the movement itself. In this way, social movements are a rhetorical struggle to define social reality through interpretations of experience. The meanings of mobilization and collective action are rooted in a movement’s self-awareness. Mobilization is in essence the increased awareness of a community unified by a common cause, whether that be a common foe, shared outrage at injustice, or mutual awareness of shared goals. Andrews (1980) agues that “a collective must first be conscious of itself. Any movement must deal somehow with social perceptions of reality by using rhetoric to alter, shape, and extend the ways in which the world is seen by those living in it” (p. 279). A collective must first be conscious of itself because, as described above, a movement uses rhetoric to shape the ways in which its participants perceive the world. Harper (1996) argues that social movements emerge through the ideological framing of a problem, which mobilizes people into collective action (p. 294). This awareness provokes collective mobilization that becomes a social movement through progressive activity aimed at social change. This is important because the rhetoric of a movement reveals its identity, which in turn influences its tactics, strategy and overarching messages. That is, movements are ultimately bom when a movement becomes aware of its collective existence, and its potential for influence. Olsen (1971) describes the obstacles to collective action by large groups without predefined economic self-interest. He characterizes collective goods as those to which everyone has access, and to which everyone contributes. Collective 50 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. goods require cooperation and are the unique result of the convergence of many distinct contributions. Thus collective actions are also vulnerable to individual and social pressures. This study explores the tensions between individual and group values that influence the actions of the anti-globalization movement. Collective action requires pre-defined self interest(s) for sustained cooperation. Olsen describes problems that occur when parties agree on a collective good, but none are willing to incur costs of compliance at the risk of sacrificing their own self interests (1971, p. 60-65). The anti-globalization movement faces such a situation because globalization changes many obstacles to collective action, as social movements become larger collectives. Olsen’s theories of collective action are useful to analyze how the expanded networks of new technologies strain social movement resources and thus hinder effective activity. Slagle (1995) uses the Queer Nation to exemplify how activists construct collective identity based on differences not similarity, and transcend the essentializing and totalizing nature of identity politics (p. 85-87). The development of Queer Nation involved recognition of this flexible identity, and this identity facilitates collective action. In this way, collective identity is when a shared definition of a group emerges from its members’ common interests, experience and solidarity. The emergence of the Queer Nation as a powerful agent is rooted in its rhetorical realization of itself through the construction of identities. This occurs in three ways: challenging the boundaries of the dominant structure; transforming consciousness by critiquing dominant interpretations; and the negotiation of power through the use of symbols to communicate and change collective identity (Slagle, 51 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1995). Slagle’s work is useful for my study of the anti-globalization movement because it seeks to explain how a sense of collective identity is empowering for the movement, and possibly contributes to the success of the staged protest events. The anti-globalization movement is unique because it emphasizes collective identity among wildly diverse groups. The rhetoric of the movement’s identity proves that the collective experience of these groups empowers their members for action. Collective action occurs in phases as the movement’s identity and strategy develops. The “extraordinary politics” of social movements begin with an understanding that the status quo is unacceptable and ordinary channels of political action are inadequate. In the early stages of protest, a movement’s ideas often seem so extreme or unreasonable that the public immediately rejects them (Euchner, 1996, p. 68). This analysis examines the rhetoric of the anti-globalization movement to evaluate the implications of the dynamic interaction induced, yielded, and produced by the dialectic between the protesters and proponents of globalization. Three elements or phases of social movements—inception, crisis and consummation—are evident in “the crystallization of fundamental issues, the successive emergence of argument, appeal, counter-argument and counter-appeal, and the sanctions invoked by rhetoricians of both sides” (Griffin, 1952, p. 349). Griffin describes a period of inception as a time when the existence of a strong sentiment is brought into the public eye, or when “some striking event” occurs that provokes collective action (p. 348). In the development of an inception period, he notes stages of “the abandonment of ineffective appeals, the adoption of new modes of argument, and the decisions to speak ‘overtly’ and to address broader 52 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. publics” as well as intensified use of and coordination of communication channels (Griffin, p. 373). As will be discussed in more detail later, Seattle (November, 1999) represented the inception of the anti-globalization movement, as protests became visible in the public and media eye. Griffin describes a period of crisis as the time when the group of opposing rhetoricians disturbs the balance conceived in the mind of the audience—that is, disrupts the existing order (p. 348). This study shows how the anti-globalization movement exists in crisis, perhaps most vividly in the death of Carlos Giuliani in the protests at Genoa (June 2001). For Griffin, the period of consummation is the moment when the greater number of the followers of a movement abandon their efforts “either because they are convinced that opinion has been satisfactorily developed and the cause won, or because they are convinced that perseverance is useless, or merely because they meet the press of new interests” (Griffin, p. 348-349). This is a movement still in progress; anti-globalization activists continue to protest at the time of writing. This contextualizes our evaluation of the effects of global justices movements, as we analyze the way the movement mobilizes to confront purveyors of economic and political globalization from above. Confrontation as rhetorical form The goals of many anti-globalization activists involve staging visible confrontations to wage their demands on economic institutions that represent Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. corporate globalization.2 Cathcart (1980) argues that a social movement is perceived only when it “questions the established hierarchical relationships and consensually validated symbols.... When the languaging strategies of a change-seeking collective clash with the languaging strategies of the establishment and thereby produce the perception of a group’s operating outside the established social hierarchy” (Cathcart, 1980, p. 269). That is, the rhetoric of a movement is perceived through confrontation with the establishment. Confrontation is distinct from a collective call to action because confrontation is how a collective becomes visible through the knowledge that this confrontation has taken place. According to Cathcart, movements are a kind of ritual conflict whose most distinguishing form is confrontation. This confrontational form reveals the identity of a movement through tests of loyalty and commitment, which dramatize the protest of the status quo. The concept of confrontation has symbolic significance that reveals the collective behaviors referred to as movements. In this way, confrontation is a consummatory form essential to a movement—not just an instrumental tactic for gaining audience or opening channels for movement message. Cathcart’s theory of confrontation is useful to distinguish between social movements pushing for radical change and reform movements. Reformists employ a managerial rhetorical form. Their rhetoric is primarily concerned with adjusting the existing order, not rejecting it. Reformist campaigns are comfortable operating within the value structures of the status quo, and the language of reform mirrors the 2 See Danaher (2000), Cockbum, St. Clair and Sekula (2000), and Brecher, Costello and Smith (2000). 54 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. rhetoric of institutional mandates against change. In this way, reformers actively strive not to threaten the existence of the established order, so as not to endanger their own survival. Reform movements “produce a rhetoric that embraces the values of the system, and accepts that the order has a code of control which must not be destroyed, while at the same time striving to gain acceptance of that which will perfect (or restore to perfection) the system. Such a rhetoric is essentially managerial” (Cathcart, 1978, p. 365). Reform collectives are distinct from radical or true movements because they act to maintain the mystery of the existing order. This distinguishes reform movements that seek to maintain existing power structures from other types of movements that are perceived as radical or revolutionary; this form is confrontational. This confrontation is consummatory—the essential form of a movement because confrontation signifies that a radical or true movement exists. Confrontation is required for recognition that this is no ordinary reform or realignment of the established order. Nowhere is this more vividly enacted than in the stand off between protesters and police. The extremely visible entanglement of the protesters and police brings the dialectic between globalization and its opponents publicly to a head. The act of confrontation is important to reveal symbolically the dangers of the establishment actions. According to Cathcart: No movement for radical change can be taken seriously without acts of confrontation. The system co-opts all actions which do not question the basic order, and transforms them into system messages. Confrontational rhetoric shouts ‘STOP!’ at the system, saying ‘you cannot go on assuming you are the true and correct order; you must see yourself as the evil thing you are.’ (1978, p. 367-8) 55 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In this way, the protesters are literally and figuratively shouting to the establishment—in this case, meetings of the institutions of the economic order. Thus the anti-globalization movement is visibly exposing the indecency and abuse of power by the spread of global capitalism, forcing a response from the establishment. The response of the establishment helps to define the nature of the confrontation. The establishment must respond to the confrontation in a manner that maintains the mystery surrounding its power. This helps explain why protests can be an effective means of action. The establishment is prevented from absolutely destroying the movement due to the visibility of the protests. The act of confrontation thus reveals the establishment for what it is. The establishment must therefore respond not only to the particular act of confrontation, but to the greater challenge to its legitimacy (Cathcart, 1978, p. 370). The response of the target institutions, and the law enforcement and administration of the host city, discloses whether a confrontation has actually taken place, and whether the confrontation points to the corruption and abuse of establishment powers. As Cathcart explains: If it responds with full fury and might crush the confronters, it violates the mystery and reveals the secret that it maintains power, not through moral righteousness but through its power to kill, actually or symbolically, those who challenge it.... The leadership of the movement is not recognized, or it has no legitimacy, and to confer with it would be tantamount to doing business with the devil. The response of the establishment to confronters is to treat them as moral lepers: to isolate them and pin the anarchist label on them. Such response fuels the confrontation and points the way for the movement. Now the secret has been revealed—the mystery violated and the struggle can be seen as a true moral battle for power and for the legitimate right to define the true order. (Cathcart, 1978, p. 370) 56 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The establishment response legitimates the movement because it essentially admits to the existence of a dissenting collective, and thus at least hears the concerns voiced by the movement. The act of confrontation makes it impossible for the establishment to ignore the movement activity. This is a measure of success for the movement because the government or institution’s response is a gauge for the impact of the movement. Furthermore, the public reacts to the event, which means they react not only to the protesters, but also to the government reaction. The media coverage of the protests and the government response to the movement has significant influence on the public perception of the movement. In addition to the administrative response of the movement, confrontation also helps the movement to define itself. Confrontation is not only a symbolic act, but helps demonstrate the determination and resolve of the members of the protest movement. Confrontation is not an ambivalent or benign action, it can be dangerous, and as the case of Genoa reveals, even deadly. Confrontation is a serious demonstration of a movement’s demands and it reveals the willingness of its members to put themselves at risk. In this way, confrontation serves to identify the membership of the movement, because the act of confrontation demands a significant effort on the part of members of a movement. Levels of personal commitment are tested beyond mere agreement with the goals or demands of the collective. “Without the act of confrontation a movement would not be able to identify its true believers” (Cathcart, 1978, p. 370). Further, a movement’s awareness of itself is evident when its rhetoric of confrontation becomes visible to both members within and members outside the collective. Social movements are 57 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. thus carved through language, and the dialectic tension between the movement and establishment is the most necessary ingredient for social movement rhetoric. Based on these characteristics of social movements, the anti-globalization protests exemplify the rhetorical form of social movements. After Seattle, many scholars and pundits alike describe these protests as the emergence of a movement (e.g. Klein, 1999; Greenhouse, 1999; Brecher, Costello and Smith, 1999). Indeed there are a growing number of participants inside the movement who see themselves as part of a global multi-issue movement. Interviews with activists conducted in this project show that independent organizations and groups align themselves with the anti-globalization movement and stress that their efforts are more than just sporadic demonstrations. This awareness of collective action and its confrontational tactics demonstrate that anti-globalization efforts are undeniably a social movement. These networked groups are developing a shared vision of globalization from below, which includes the redressing of a substantial number of injustices attributed to globalization from above, and even an awareness of meaningful collective action. (Brecher, Costello and Smith, 1999, p. 16). NETWORKS AND AGENDA BUILDING As discussed in Chapter One, the anti-globalization movement is empowered by the globalization of new communication and information technologies. Theories of new social movements (NSMs) are emerging that account for the role of new technology in spreading the message of the movement, and in organizing protest tactics. Burgeoning theories of new social movements are developing as this era of globalization is transforming notions of mobilization and collective action. A field 58 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of new social movements is producing literature about movements in this context. After offering a broad definition of new social movements, I examine how new social movements create new social networks to mobilize resources and motivation. I focus on the role of new technology in enhancing agenda building functions of social movements and the mobilization or resources to these ends. New social movements are defined as “organized groups of people who come together for a common purpose in order to change some aspect of their situation” (Abercrombie, Hill and Turner 1994, p. 1). New social movements have several defining characteristics: goals, social base, and means of action and organization. The goals or aims of a movement tend to focus on the transformation of social and cultural values, particularly those concerning individual freedoms, rather than changing social structures (Abercrombie, Hill and Turner 1994, p. 1). The social bases of new social movements consist of communication networks enabled by new developments in communication and information technology, NSMs do not use the traditional means of action influencing the state but rely on strategies of mass mobilization to change values and attitudes (Abercrombie, Hill and Turner 1994, p.l). Finally, NSMs reject formal bureaucratic organization, and coordinate under loose, flexible structures that eschew hierarchies of leadership. The social movement literature covers a broad spectrum of perspectives on the phenomena, but I look to combine much of these theories in evaluation of the anti-globalization protests. It is important to identify what makes global justice movements new. As will be discussed throughout this work, these movements exhibit qualities rooted in historical movements, but are new because they respond to, and are contextualized 59 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. by, globalization. In this way, I look at the role of new technology in both the building of collective coalitions through social networks, and also their goals and strategies in the mobilization of resources to employ their protest strategy on a global scale. Kling (1995) locates the dynamics of new social movements in the development of social networks. He articulates the role of free spaces and social networks, the translation of a common situation into a unifying cause, the interpretive framing of the situation, the use of opportunity structures and collective resource mobilization, the embedded organizational qualities, and the power of solidarity itself (p. 2). The importance of new technology in the development of social networks is central to understanding the anti-globalization protests, because the Internet and email have been largely responsible for the movement’s ability to organize massive numbers of people over large geographical boundaries.3 Social movements have become functioning networks in an era marked by the development of new communication and information technologies. One of the striking problems facing social movements today is the strain on resources to communicate and mobilize supporters in a globalized world of diverse populations. Communication networks enable a movement to more effectively develop and coordinate strategies of protest on a global scale. New technologies have empowered movements to share ideas and communicate plans more easily, and thus have made information and communication abilities a resource in the success of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. social movements. As noted in Chapter One, due to globalization, the facility of communication over the Internet and email eliminates transportation costs and other resources needed to coordinate actions among a large mobilized group of activists. The communication across geographical distances means that it is easier to delegate responsibility and allow for flexibility of ideas and adaptive strategies. One of the primary effects of a movement that is characterized by communication and the transfer of information is that notions of community foster a mobilized belief in the efficacy of rhetorical behavior. A movement must involve awareness of a collective action. A movement must be aware of itself, as we noticed earlier, but it also must be able to point to visible elements of success in order to declare success. Ideally, a movement’s self-awareness allows it to accurately predict reactions to its efforts, and thus activists can gauge the effectiveness of movement strategies to enact social change. “Critical to the rhetoric surrounding the Internet use is the promise of a renewed sense of community and, in many instances, new types and formations of community. Computer-mediated communication (CMC), it seems, will do by way of electronic pathways what cement roads were unable to do, namely, connect us rather than atomize us, put us at the controls of a ‘vehicle’ and yet not detach us from the rest of the world” (Jones, 1998b, p. 3). In this way, computer technology has created new agency for communities because, not only has it provided a vehicle for communication, but also it has created a strong community, imbued with a sense of action. Therefore, analyzing the way the anti-globalization 3 This will be discussed in detail with regards to the anti-globalization movement in Chapter Three. See Bowers, Ochs, and Jensen (1993) for further discussion of distance as a barrier to collective 61 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. movement creates a sense of community and uses that as motivation for action is an important element of evaluating the success of the movement over-all. New technologies have eliminated the problem of “where” from community organizing. With new communication networks, the exchange of ideas flows without regard to place and space, creating a sense of the movement flourishing and also the sense of the movement’s capabilities. Furthermore, the enhanced notion of community has enabled protests to organize and happen. “Once we can surmount time and space and ‘be’ anywhere, we must choose a ‘where’ at which to be, and the computer’s functionality lies in its power to make us organize our desires about the spaces we visit and stay in” (Jones, 1998b, p. 30). New technologies are changing activists’ relationships to place, and thus globalization determines the strategies and the very existence of the networks of global justice movements. New technologies allow activists to organize their desires for social change, and enhance the agenda-setting abilities of global social movements. Euchner (1996) notes that organization is most important for activists seeking policy changes within existing structures of politics. Protest movements that challenge a community’s consciousness or identity often perform better with loose structures. New movements need to orient their activities to the different interests and circumstances of their members, because activists respond to a variety of motives. A successful movement will not only offer a wide range of activities, but also allow activists to meet varying degrees of commitment. This is especially important for protracted movements, which must keep members involved for long periods. behavior. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Organizations need to recruit their members over and over again; this continual activation gradually changes the goals and identification of both the organization and its members. Density—the proximity of people and resources in a small area—is a major factor affecting movement growth. A dense environment offers all of the necessary ingredients of a movement: complex social relationships, communications networks, material resources, and leaders and experts capable of guiding the activists—within a small area (Euchner, 1996, p. 51). The next dimension of this study analyzes the coordination of action, and how dimensions of social movement strategy change. New technologies allow movements to wield more power because their communication networks reach more people and thus permit their membership numbers to increase. Also, movement organizers have more flexibility, which is necessary because the nature of timing is changed—communication takes less time, so fast action is not only possible, but also critical to a movement’s ability to respond to its opponents, and adapt protest strategies accordingly. This study looks at how anti-globalization demonstrators mobilize and stage the protests through new communication and information technologies, and how technology enables productive use of human resources by increasing participation, and making individual protesters more capable of action. Deployment of new technologies enables the birth of new collectives that previously would not have existed, by providing outlets other than mainstream or institutional that marginalize or dissenting voices. New technologies also enable members of a movement to communicate about their concerns, and coordinate action 63 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. among the new social networks created by the new technologies. “Through dialogue, people come together and participate in all crucial aspects of investigation, educational and collective action. It is through talking to one another and doing things together that people get connected” (Sohng, 1995, p. 7). New technologies enable communication on a widespread scale. Activists spread information and knowledge about global struggles as groups communicate about strategies for direct action and for spreading this knowledge even further. Herrick (1995) notes that empowerment practice should focus on collective action and social transformation to account for structural conditions (p. 1). New technological communication networks transform an understanding of collective onto a much broader scale, because as discussed in Chapter 1, new technologies enable communication and information dissemination on a larger scale. New technologies empower protesters through access to communication resources. In this way, new technologies empower protesters to become a movement by acting together in coordinated demonstrations of their discontent. Empowerment is about uses of power; anti-globalization protesters seize resources such as information and media coverage that provide the opportunity for movements to affect political and social power structures. New technologies enable a movement to actualize its goals of social transformation by increasing the number of people who are aware of the cause. These new technologies also give movements greater reach in terms of staging events, faster spread of strategic information—increasing knowledge. Mobilization is about the will and motivation to affect social change, the spread of 64 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. knowledge through enhanced social networks increases awareness of a cause(s) and perhaps even consciousness of the need for action. In this way, activism is about spreading the desire for social change and the acting on those desires. New technologies enable such confrontational action, including attempts to topple authority. The empowerment and success of protesters is measured by the ability to exercise power within social relations. In the case of social movements against globalization, this includes a desire to change economic and political structures which protesters decry as oppressive and exploitative. The anti-globalization movement reveals how new technologies and information can make confrontational forms of social movements work, because new technologies increases the information and communication resources available to a movement and thus mobilization is more effective at spreading ideas, and desires for action. In this way, the new technologies change power relationships between the movement and its targets, in the struggle to have rhetorical control of a situation, enabling a movement to counterbalance the mainstream rhetoric surrounding the issues. Thus, subversive groups have more outlets to counter mainstream media perspectives. The anti-globalization movement creates social networks that combine a variety of issues, and thus compose a larger rhetorical force against administrative and institutional responses. The anti-globalization movement in this way embraces unity through diversity. The power to name and the power to act are mutually constitutive (Herrick, 1995, p. 4). By incorporating many different types of concerns and issues, the anti globalization movement names itself as a collection of like-minded individuals. This act of naming is empowering, it enables the movement to visualize its goals and 65 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. action. In this way, new communication networks involve a reconfiguration of power relations, by enhancing the mobilization capability of confrontational collectives like the anti-globalization movement. When new social movements can act remotely, the range of collective action is greatly enhanced because people are not confined to one place. The anti-globalization movement is literally a trans-world collective. As a trans-world collective, the anti-globalization movement acts upon what can be considered a global public sphere, defined by players in a global debate about free trade and development. Jurgen Habermas (1989) conceives of the bourgeois public sphere as “the sphere of private people come together as a public”(p. 27). The liberal public sphere represents “the sphere between civil society and the state, in which critical public discussion of matters of general interest was institutionally guaranteed” (McCarthy, 1989, p. xi). In this case, the public sphere is manifest in the discourse and negotiation of governments and private individuals or corporations to discuss global issues in institutional forums such as the WTO, FTAA, G-8 and IMF/World Bank. Habermas sees the public sphere as the domain for the formulation of public opinion, free from coercion and business interests. For Habermas, the public sphere is open to everyone, and is based on rational discussion. Many theorists have written about the state of Habermas’ notion of the public in contemporary society (See for example Calhoun, 1992, Robbins, 1993). While thorough discussion of Habermas’ public sphere exceeds the scope of this work, it is important to understand how the networks of global justice movements expand traditional conceptions of the public sphere. The public sphere has become a 66 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. space restricted to those who are educated or in positions of power, and thus can contribute to the rational discussion of world politics (Aronowitz, 1993, p. 91). Furthermore national and international conversations are characterized by policy elites who deliberate amongst themselves and make decisions that represent public interests (See Pearce, 1995). Fraser (1992) describes the notion of an official, overarching public sphere in which “members of subordinated groups have no arenas for deliberation among themselves about their needs, objectives and strategies. They have no venues in which to undertake communicative processes that are not, as it were, under the supervision of dominant groups” (p. 14). Subaltern counterpublics, which represent a rhetorical response to Habermas’ official public sphere, are “parallel discursive arenas where members of subordinated social groups invent and circulate counter discourses, so as to formulate oppositional interpretations of their identities, interests and needs” (p. 14). Furthermore, through democratic, public deliberation, counterpublics can exert influence on the larger public sphere by developing the clarity and strength of a voice that has been previously marginalized (Asen, 2000). The ends of the public sphere are determined by deliberation (Asen, 1999, p. 178) and as such demand participation (Hollihan, Riley and Klumpp, 1999). In this way, the public sphere can include the “informally mobilized body of nongovernmental discursive opinion that can serve as a counterweight to the state” (Fraser, 1992, p. 24). The networks of the anti-globalization movement such as DAN, Protest.Net and ASJE provide the infrastructure for subaltern counterpublics to unite in opposition to the bourgeois public sphere. 67 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. New technologies create communication and information networks, and also enable new strategies for resource mobilization and deployment of those strategies. Part of new social movement theory focuses on how movements mobilize resources including their bureaucratic organization, professional expertise, and political opportunities (Arnett, 2001). I look at two strategies of resource mobilization—the spread of information and the intensified communication among new social networks— as a means for assessing the effectiveness of the resource mobilization of the anti-globalization movements. Information dissemination is an integral part of not only developing awareness of a cause, but for planning and coordinating movement strategy as well. New communication technologies enable the spread of knowledge to a great extent, which empowers networked collectives like social movements. “The power of the knowledge society is derived not simply from technological advances, but also from the growth of new elites who embody and institutionalize them” (Sohng, 1995, p. 2). Thus, the impact of new technologies on social movement is manifest in the enhanced knowledge of participants in a movement, not only regarding the specific causes or concerns of the movement, but also in the pervasive knowledge of movement tactics, which enable the activity of the movement to continue. In this way, new abilities to spread information and knowledge affect the success of a social movement by because it gives a movement power to effectively plan protest strategies that adapt to changing situations. The increasing dissemination of information means that global public policy is not exclusively the purview of administrative authorities who traditionally have 68 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. had access to information and wisdom. In this way, the Internet and other new technologies allow previously marginalized voices to participate in the public sphere that was previously inaccessible to them. Collective action is a struggle over power and resources in a power-industrial, information-based society (Sohng, 1995, p. 3). Knowledge is a vital resource for the empowerment of “deprived and disenfranchised people so that they can identify themselves as knowing actors; defining their reality, shaping their new identity, naming their history, and transforming their lives for themselves... It is a means of preventing an elite group from exclusively determining the interests of others, in effect of transferring power to those groups engaged in the production of popular knowledge” (Sohng, 1995, p. 3-4). So, new technologies enable new ideas to enter the discursive public sphere, and thus change the rhetorical control of situations. New perspectives are inevitably engaged as new sources of information emerge, and spread different and alternative views. In this way, new social movements expand public discourse surrounding issues to include non-institutional identities and values. Indeed, the expression of alternative views reveals a dialectic between social movements and the counteraction, particularly as a war of resources and information. “The interaction between social movements and countermovements is a key aspect of resource mobilization theory” (Peckham, 2001, p. 1). In this way, studies of social movements should concentrate on strategies of resource deprivation and other damaging actions. The anti-globalization movement’s strategy involves direct action that has immediate effects on the target institutions, shutting down the meetings, or simply staging a confrontation that reveals the injustice of the current system. “The 69 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. uniqueness of Internet communication, however, requires adjustments to traditional resource mobilization ... [it] involves the displacement of the normally-central role of the state in resource mobilization theory” (Peckham, date, p. 1). The Internet changes the notion of resource mobilization. The Internet undermines the role of the state, by making it easier for anti-globalization protests to mobilize, because resource access is not controlled by the state. The Internet and other communication technologies facilitate the mobilization of information and knowledge. The dialectic between the anti-globalization movement and institutional responses is fundamentally about whether movements successfully get and use resources when institutions deprive protesters of resources. Such administrative responses include fencing off protest areas and other methods of subduing protesters. In this way, new technologies enhance the organization of protest actions and help to determine what damage protesters can inflict on the meetings of economic institutions and the corporations themselves— such as disrupting meetings, destroying corporate property, or simply calling attention to the grievances and demands of the protests themselves. The second way that new technologies enable effective mobilization of a collective is to enhance communication networks within the movement. By creating new communication networks the electronic revolution offers new mechanisms for dialogue, and more effective ways to coordinate movement actions. In this way, the concept of community in the modem world is no longer bound by a sense of place, but can transcend geography to enable groups and individuals who share common interests to communicate, and in the case of the anti-globalization movement 70 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. mobilize to reflect those interests. “Through computer technology, these networks have the capacity for instantaneous two way interactive communication that includes print, voice, and visual connections. Such technology provides the opportunity for diverse transclass groupings of constituencies and cultural identities to interact in nonhierarchical modes of communication” (Herrick, 1995, p. 5). Computer technology has enabled a diverse range of people to come together in support of a common cause: anti-globalization. “The Internet essentially serves as the main connecting point for many other networks. It has come to be a ‘backbone’ by which networks link up with each other” (Jones, 1998a, p. xv). Internet and email technologies have in essence created the community of the anti-globalization movement, because through the Internet, a variety of groups have become unified under the rubric of anti-globalization. New social networks are also more dynamic, because electronic communication enables two-way interactions, forms of communication that enable the development and refinement of strategy, while also complicating planning and coordination as more people are involved in protest events. Furthermore, new technologies enable networks that are not just top down, but have more flexible organization that enhances mobilization tactics. Essential to successful organization and coordination are the communication abilities of a movement. Euchner (1996) describes the importance of communication in the implementation of movement strategy: Communication is a vital part of organizational maintenance. To respond to changes in their internal and external environments, organizations need reliable information. 71 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Communication occurs via newsletters, leafletting, open meetings, telephone “trees,” sermons, alternative newspapers and radio outlets, and cultural events. Recently, movements started using electronic mail and teleconferencing. Because of the ad-hoc nature of extraordinary politics, activists often need to be clever to stay in touch. Communication often takes place “on the run” or in isolated spaces. (Euchner, 1996, p. 129-130) The fast paced world of media communication requires movements to exhibit flexible organization to absorb and deal with events as they unfold. Communication is a central part of organization because social movements must respond to internal and external environments that affect the organization and planning of their missions and in the strategic targeting of audience. That is, maintaining membership factions is key and the constant communication among anti-globalization activists maintains a free exchange of ideas within the movement, and thus keeps a sense of activity among the movement members. A new vision of community emerges which is dynamic and vibrant because it is more responsive and interactive. New technologies allow social movement strategists to take into account the changing contexts for new social movement action. “Use of the concept of relational community rather than geographic community allows community change effort to focus on the complex rationality that shapes our social and political lives and to define the world in relational terms” (Herrick, 1995, p. 6). Uninhibited by geographic distance, new social movements have the potential to spur worldwide activism, but also must be careful to craft a coherent message that is persuasive both to a global audience, and local communities. 72 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The incorporation of context and increased flexibility of social movements changes the nature of power relationships in movement-counter-movement interactions. Not only does the emergence of new communication networks call into question traditional access to knowledge and sophisticated communication techniques, but these new channels of communication allow better adaptation of movement strategy to facilitate effective implementation of protest tactics. In Herrick’s view: The alternative social analytic perspective offered by new social movement theory challenges these assumptions about the power and constraints of capitalist imperatives alleged to be embedded within the social system. The alternative assumption is that the social system under capitalism can and is being reconfigured through new modes of interaction across space. Enhanced by communications technology, the reconfiguration can take place through the social and power relations of symmetry, engendering a new kind of social system that transcends the older place bound structures operating in the context of capitalism. (1995, p. 6) By altering the traditional structures of authority in the dialectic between protesters and institutions, new communication technologies reconfigure social power relations. New technologies mean that protesters are not bound by mainstream media channels, and can operate outside of the context of normal power relations. This improves the planning of demonstrations as new technologies enable social movements to better visualize the effects of their action, and plan for changes in plans. However, the potential afforded by new technologies also complicate movement organization because greater numbers of people and ideas need to be coordinated. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Euchner describes three types of information that make up a movement’s communication system: technical, normative, and cognitive. Technical information involves strategic data and techniques that help protesters respond to specific situations. Normative information involves value-laden exchanges that create a sense of solidarity and identity that imbues the movement with a sense of long-term purpose. Cognitive communication consists of interactions that create a sense of community outside the movements’ efforts (Euchner, 1996, p. 130). Through intensified communication among protesters, new technologies enhance the exchanges of all types of information. As discussed throughout this study, there are negative impacts facing social movements who embrace new technologies. New communication and information technologies require expensive hardware as well as Internet or other on-line access, promoting a digital divide where impoverished communities do not participate in knowledge exchange of social movements (e.g. Chabran and Salinas, forthcoming, Tichenor, Donohue, and Olien, 1970,1975). Furthermore, distance becomes a barrier to collective action—networks may be broad but not dense enough to mobilize substantial numbers of activists (Bowers, Ochs and Jensen 1993). That is, movements are likely to suffer from significant growth if they cannot keep up with the increased pressure for resource mobilization that exceeds the scope of existing social movement infrastructure. This work thus endeavors to evaluate for the possibility of movement success as well as failure. New technology strengthens movements by fortifying the previously weak links in social movement mobilization, but also increasing requirements for 74 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. maintaining movement cohesion. That is, as non-institutional collectives, the communication resources of a social movement are the most crucial nodes of mobilization, yet communication networks have previously been the weakest aspects of social movements because they lacked the institutional resources of governments or intergovernmental institutions. In this way, new technology establishes communication networks that expand discursive space, empowering marginalized groups for action, and creating alternative institutions. These alternative institutions, offer new power in collective mobilization because information and communication channels exist to produce a more timely, even coordinated, event. The act of protest changes, because it is able to become more effective through these new abilities of organization and communication. Diani (1999) describes how computer-mediated communication (CMC) significantly affects political activism as email facilitates communication within organizations, as well as among the members of local, national, and transnational coalitions, and even strengthens connections between individuals and their organizations. New communication technologies enable discussion groups between individuals interested in specific causes, “encouraging interaction and starting polyadic, rather than dyadic communication dynamics” (Diani, 1999, p. 3). More people communicate more efficiently, and add more ideas to the conversation about the direction and future of the movement. Furthermore, computer mediated communication can strengthen identities and solidarities through advocacy networks, but also make exchanges among geographically dispersed activists more difficult. 75 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Myers (1998) describes four computer structures that enhance activism. He explains the impact of the most informal method of computer-mediated communication as personal email, as activists will send information to friends, colleagues, and fellow activists, who may be inspired to activism by the message. “Each person who receives the message has the option to forward it to her or his acquaintances. The result is an effective information network powered by electronic mail forwarding. Using this method, activists can relay messages to thousands of like-minded computer users in a very short time” (Myers, 1998, p. 3). In this way, email is an informal, but highly effective way to relay messages which spur people into action, or at the very least, inform people who would otherwise remain uninformed about certain issues. Myers (1998) describes a related method in which an organization or individual establishes a clearinghouse for information which interested individuals can subscribe to or contribute to in a mutual exchange of information. “This method is an extremely efficient means for activists to send information to hundreds or even thousands of activists whom they have never met” (Myers, 1998, p. 3). Web pages are a third method by which activists can provide information on activist concerns and activities, and allow texts and graphics to be distributed easily to activists who may not be technologically knowledgeable (Myers, 1998, p. 3). A final method for activists to distribute information is the use of bulletin board systems which are large or local networks that provide activists “an inexpensive forum for discussing issues, advertising activities and providing information about the development of social movement organizations” (Myers, 1998, p. 3-4). One of Myers’ examples is the Institute for Global Communications (IGC), 76 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. discussed later in this study, which is devoted entirely to activists, and plays a significant role in the organization for the anti-globalization movement. In this way, computer technology has enhanced the sense of the collective and animated shared identities to enable social movements to potentially span the globe. Activists with well-developed communication infrastructures can deploy rapid consultation and mobilization efforts. “NGOs can act, and see themselves acting, as part of a collectivity, because they share convergent ideological and political ideals, and similar concepts about nonviolent strategy and tactics” (Ronfeldt and Martinez, 1997, p. 386-387). Furthermore, “NGOs that once had to operate largely in isolation from each other can now cluster together” (Arquilla and Ronfeldt, 1997, p. 456). Communication and information technologies provide channels for global networks, and result in a dynamic convergence of protest and movement tactics in recent years. Keck and Sikkink (1998) describe transnational advocacy networks that have the abilities to mobilize information to implement strategies of issue-framing and gain leverage over governments and other institutions. “Activists in networks try not only to influence policy outcomes, but to transform the terms and nature of the debate” (Keck and Sikkink, 1998, p. 2). The authors describe this as part of information politics that constitutes and is embedded in these advocacy networks. Activists provide information that might not otherwise be available, from sources that are otherwise neglected, and thus open up the debates regarding issues. Information becomes a powerful weapon through transnational networks that make knowledge useful to nonstate actors that are geographically distant (Keck and Sikkink, 1998, p. 18). As discussed in Chapter One, communication technologies 77 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. have created space for new expressions of nonhegemonic ideas, and activists utilize this space to increase awareness of the context of issues and thus change the nature of the debate by bringing in potentially damaging information to the policy discussion. Thus, new communication technologies have altered many of the strategic dimensions of social movements, reflecting the uniqueness of mobilization and collective action in an era of globalization. The goals of social movements change from historically local, regional or national notions of political and economic reform, to a globalized transformation of ideas through enhanced communication and information technology. This transformation of social consciousness begins with collective awareness, and is inevitably affected by transformations in information and communication technology. That is, technological changes enable mobilization regardless of space, time, and speed. By establishing virtual communication networks social movements gain new methods to wield power. Technologies give new meaning to collective action, as an increased awareness of individual agency fosters an enhanced participation in a collective. New technologies lead to a realization of mobilization that occurs through the spread of information and communication that enable a movement to be aware of itself through the witness of the exchange of ideas that occurs on the protest network. THE RHETORIC OF PROTEST: MESSAGES OF RADICAL OPPOSITION The anti-globalization movements are clearly confrontational, and this confrontation is enacted through the protests at the meetings of the economic 78 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. institutions, which are the movement’s targets. Euchner (1996) notes that such confrontational tactics can be the foundations for successful social movements pushing for radical change. He notes social change requires an antipolitical politics that acts against the unresponsive calculatingly oppressive power of elite groups. This engagement with the political system takes the form of civil disobedience and demonstrations. As an alternative political forum, protest represents one strategy for coping with the overwhelming monstrosities of modem life (Euchner, 1996, p. 2). Euchner describes tactics of protest as refusal, strikes and stoppages, blockage and subversion, publicity and subversion, boycott, sacrifice, and nonvisible actions (p. 182-199). Protests function as some of the most visible activity that defines a movement. It is instrumental action which serves multiple purposes. Euchner observes that: Protest politics aims to shape people’s perceptions of what is possible in politics. Instrumental action too, is designed to change the terrain of politics even when changing minds is not possible. In the early stages of protest, activists work hard to convince potential members that they have grievances that deserve to be addressed by authorities. Protest organizations also aim to shape people’s confidence in themselves and their judgments of themselves and others, (p. 166) In this way, what Euchner terms extraordinary politics—protest, demonstrations, boycotts, alternative institutions, neighborhood activism, international citizen alliances—have transformed American politics, and have come to play a central role in setting agenda for national and local politics (1996, p. 3). At issue here is how and to what extent the anti-globalization protests have transformed the agenda for international economic institutions. In order to determine this, it is important to 79 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. understand the meaning of protest, to best explicate the implications of the anti globalization protest actions. In this section, I explore the importance of visual activism in an era of globalization. I also introduce the comic frame as a way to analyze nonviolent protest—and contextualize the upcoming discussion of administrative and media responses to the movement. The rhetoric of protest is constructed to present a platform of demands, which are typically beyond the acting powers of the authorities (Gregg, 1971, p. 73). For those in positions of power, the escalation of demands appears to foreclose meaningful discussion. That is, protests demand sweeping revolutionary change, in an attempt to overwhelm the establishment and discredit administrative responses to individual issues. In this way, the protests attempt to reveal the ineffectiveness of administrative responses, and make injustices seem even more egregious. The uncompromising rhetoric of protest means the government must respond to the demands of the movement in order to co-opt or eliminate the inspiration for the movement. By demanding sweeping change, protesters’ attempt to leverage power over institutions in a way that makes their demands seem more legitimate. If protesters rallied around a specific issue or localized cause, their actions could seem unnecessary and their demands insignificant in the eyes of the public. With a focus on a larger, grandiose cause, the protesters hope to limit the abilities of the media to trivialize the injustices pointed out by the movement. By waging a host of concerns against the establishment, the protesters frame administrative discourse against the backdrop of egregious corporate power. The very nature of protest shifts the ground of the debate between administrators and protesters to the radical side of the 80 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. protesters. By this I mean that the police have limited legal means of responding to non-violent, even comedic4 acts of protest without revealing the illegitimacy of their response. Later this study examines how police actions in Genoa, which killed an Italian protester, changed the nature of the confrontation. Excessive police force may give legitimacy to protester concerns about abusive government power, and media coverage may sway public opinion in this way. The implementation of activist strategy and the impact of the protests and demonstrations is important in evaluating the success of a movement as whole. The progress of a movement can be evaluated in part through its growth and development as protests claim public attention in visible confrontations with administrative authorities. The visual element of social movements in a globalizing world is crucial for movements in making their causes visible and bringing local injustice to the global arena. When people see a problem visualized, they can be moved to act. “Grassroots community workers, village women, and consciousness raising groups have used photo novella (people’s photographic documentation of their everyday lives) to record and to reflect their needs, promote dialogue, encourage action and inform policy” (Sohng, 1995, p. 9). In this way, through new social movement use of new technologies, community protest begins locally, and goes global through the spread of moving images that provoke action. “Understanding new social movements in terms of implications for social action requires visualization as well as thought. Such visualization means to see it taking place and to see its impact upon 41 use the term “comedic” in Kenneth Burke’s sense of the word (1937, pp. 166-175) which I discuss in detail in a few pages. 81 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. people. This can happen through demonstration projects carried out in practice, and communication about these projects through interactive electronic technology” (Herrick, 1995, p. 6). New technologies enable the globalization of local issues by increasing the visibility of issues and movement activities around the globe. The sustainability of a movement speaks to its levels of success as well. Whether a movement matures and establishes its demands in the discourse of the public sphere can be a measure of success. Euchner (1996) speaks to the success of social movements in his discussion of the long haul. Protracted movements— campaigns that confront more than just a specific problem, but a wide range of related issues over a long period of time— require enormous patience and resourcefulness. Constantly raising new issues can keep activists energized, as long as members can see the rationale behind the issues (Euchner, 1996, p. 58-61). Movements must remain visible, which is a broad measure of success. Social movements may fail because they lack the ability to mobilize supporters. Collective action must maintain organization, membership, as well as the energy and funds to remain visible, and also maintain constant pressure. In this way, the protest tactics of a movement are critical to understanding the way that the anti-globalization movement confronts the powers of globalization from above. The visual element of protest is crucial for success because such tactics attract public and media attention and increase awareness of a movement’s cause and message. Much has been written about visual argument, and a brief discussion of some of this literature is useful to contextualize the import of visual protest tactics. Gronbeck (1995) describes the force of visual, unstated propositions, and argues that 82 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. in contemporary culture, human codes of communication include symbolic images as much, if not more than, linguistic codes (p. 539). Blair (1996) writes that visual images are provocative because they can bring us closer to the actual experience described by the communication. “Images can be influential in affecting attitudes and beliefs,” (p. 23) because they invoke norms, values and cultural icons that have significant meaning in the mind of the audience. Blair notes that visual communication is especially effective because it can incite or inspire people without forcing an explicit choice to be made. That is, visual images are meaningful because they are embedded in cultural and historical context, and thus wield the influence of this ideological baggage. In addition to visualizing issues, protesters frame issues in a way to expose injustice to a global audience. For an evaluation of these protest tactics, and in turn the social movement as a whole, it is important to look at these attitudes or perspectives that contextualize these actions. Burke (1937) introduces the concept of frames for understanding human experience. For Burke, frames are the symbolic structures by which human beings impose order upon their experiences. In this way, frames are perspectives of interpretation. Burke establishes acceptance and rejection frames as perspectives on the order of human experience. An acceptance frame approves of the system or perspective in question and, thereby, creates order and identification. Rejection frames, such as satire or burlesque, ridicule the situation, and thus do not allow for redemption because they see the human condition as inherently evil. Acceptance frames allow for flaws in the human condition to be rectified. Burke’s preferred acceptance frame is the comic frame. He argues that the 83 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. comic frame enables “people to be observers of themselves, while acting” (1937, p. 171). Burke argues that it is “imperative” to embrace comedy to guard against “the most idiotic tragedy conceivable: the willful ultimate poisoning of this lovely planet, in conformity with a mistaken heroics of war” (1937, p. xv). The difference between the comic frame and the tragic frame is that the tragic victim cannot avoid their fate, and thus their discourse is futile because they cannot hope to escape their situation. The comic frame enables self-perspective and thus is a humane way of dealing with destruction of the order, and allows for human error. The comic frame is important to understand as a perspective because it is more conducive to social change. For this reason, the comic frame is an appropriate lens from which to view protest tactics of social movements because it reveals attitudes that are intended to provoke charitable self-reflection. “The end of a movement from this perspective is to free society by creating a consciousness of the system as a system, revealing its inherent weaknesses, and preparing an aware populace to deal with them” (Carlson, 1986, p. 447). The comic frame is useful to view the anti-globalization protests because, as discussed in Chapter Five, they are widely perceived by government officials and representatives of economic institutions as unorthodox tactics. Madsen (1993) argues that the bureaucratic mindset of existing power structures as they try to maintain the existing social order prevents social change (p. 164). Madsen uses Burke’s comic frame to show how the comic frame is corrective; he explains “the comic frame inherently bypasses the extremes of the bureaucratic mindset... the comic frame allows observation of oneself, recognizing one’s own failures and limitations” (Madsen, p. 171). Of particular significance are Madsen’s Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. claims that “the comic frame thus sees through the obfuscation of the bureaucratic, while opening space for discourse by the minority and marginalized voices in society” (Madsen p. 171). Madsen speaks to the successful use of the comic frame, noting a comic perspective can lead to societal change in several ways: individual action by the critic may itself directly lead to change. A critic may also be able to spur a counter-movement against the dominant bureaucratized orientation. In this sense the critic opens an outlet for the marginalized voices in society. A third possibility is that critical action may directly spark change by the bureaucratized institutions in power. Finally, critical action may result in a reconstitution or re education of the public audience, increasing the receptivity of the public to the marginalized, and increasing the resistance of public to the dominant institutional structures. (1993, p.174- 175) The comic frame ensures an honest evaluation of movements in that it forces a charitable reaction on the part of the police and other governmental agencies’ responses, and also forces an honest reaction from the public. While some argue the applicability of the comic frame, I evaluate the tactics of the anti-globalization protesters to determine if the comic frame is a successful and applicable perspective for the protesters to use in the development of their strategy of protest. The comic frame shows that the strategy of nonviolent resistance is a type of direct action that has important significance in the success of a social movement. “The strategy of nonviolent resistance has important symbolic uses. It creates a drama which demonstrates an unjust situation on so large a scale that the community has no choice but to confront it” (Carlson, 450). That is, nonviolent resistance is a form of confrontation that limits the response of the community at-large. Nonviolent resistance presents a situation in which a violent or coercive response is 85 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. inappropriate. In this way, nonviolent protest points out the ridiculous nature of the actions being perpetrated by the government, and in this way restricts the administrative response to the nonviolent protest acts. That is, violence is not an appropriate response to nonviolent action. Nonviolence is a tactic of resistance that is practiced by the anti-globalization protests; the most publicized example is when protestors formed human chains and blocked the entrance to the WTO meetings in Seattle, November 1999. Carlson (1986) claims that “movements are vast ritual dramas wherein a disaffected group internalizes and transcend social inequalities through confrontation with an enemy” (p. 446). Such dramatic action is important to the furtherance of a movement. This is exemplified by the work of some radical environmentalists for whom dramatic action has been central to promotional efforts. Leaders of radical environmental organizations employ many of the same promotional strategies as mainstream groups including mail campaigns, T-shirts and bumperstickers. However, radical activists have developed new protest tactics, such as dramatic skits and protests to teach people about issues through a plethora of mass media channels. Intervention and protest increase public awareness. “Action can create tension, thus questioning previously unquestioned (or sacred) practices” (Benton & Short, 1999, p. 208). The confrontation of social movements is a visible recognition of a movement’s refusal to accept the established order any longer. Nonviolent protest is visible and thus requires an administrative response that is acceptable in the public eye. Nonviolence begets nonviolence. A nonviolent resistance to the effects of globalization elicits a much more charitable reaction than a violent resistance. This 86 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. occurs for many reasons, including sympathy, even empathy, and the impetus for mobilization. In this way, visible action is important to a movement, which can thrive on the publicity brought by such tactics. Indeed visual and comic activism work together to present a message of protest. Benton and Short (1999) describe visual, non-conventional activities like those of Greenpeace as “protest theater” (p. 208). “Merchandise, theater, and art engage people in alternative environmental discourses... Direct action, public protests and civil disobedience, T-shirts and baseball caps are methods of presenting alternative humanity-environment relationships to people who have never considered them.” (Benton & Short, 1999, p. 208). This type of direct action engages in unconventional tactics, which include alternative ways to disseminate the discourse of the movement, ideally increasing the membership of the movement. “Earth First! successes and high media visibility began to attract newcomers from the ranks of urban anarchists, the Rainbow Coalition, labor organizers, and others with a ‘social justice’ background” (Sessions, 1992, p. 23). The protest tactics of radical groups generally gain high media visibility because they diverge from the mainstream newsworthy events. The strength of such radical movements is the impact of their visual and theatrical activities, and “like the best guerrilla theater, the daring escapades and visual images take a backseat to results in the Greenpeace resume” (Durland, 1987, p. 33). Visible protest actions can bring results by gaining the attention of the media and the public to a movement’s cause. Furthermore, the visibility of radical tactics limits administrative response because any counteraction by institutions or governments will be visible also. DeLuca (1996) describes such 87 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. image events as “the central mode of public discourse both for conventional electoral politics and alternative grass-roots politics in an age dominated by commercial television” (p. 74). This speaks to the importance of media and publicity in the effectiveness of protest actions. Publicity as a way to gamer attention to their issues is a stated goal of many protest groups. Mass media coverage of the protest events also means that police strategies for containing the protests will be covered as well. With this perspective in mind, the next section begins an inquiry into the effects of media and administrative responses on social movements’ success, to determine the most appropriate methods for evaluating the anti-globalization movement. ADMINISTRATIVE RHETORIC AND MEDIA EFFECTS: STRATEGIC FRAMING OF ACTIVISM Administrative responses to a movement are indicative of the effectiveness of the movement’s actions, because the media framing and institutional reactions to a movement activity allow an evaluation of how the movement is perceived and thus contextualize the movement’s quest for social change.5 While not a strict institution, mass media has significant influence on what the public perception of protests, and the anti-globalization movement as a whole. In this way, in order to exert significant influence, a movement must result in a growing awareness of a movement’s cause and its actions. In this section, I first discuss criteria for evaluating government and 5 Several theorists have categorized government and other institutional responses as administrative rhetoric, and I follow similar designations, for suprastate structures, particularly the specific target/sites of the protests. See for example Windt (1982), King (1976), Woodward (1975). I use Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. institutional strategies to contain anti-globalization protests. Second, I offer a discussion of media effects to help establish a means to evaluate the public response to the demands of global justice movements. Stewart (1980) offers more on the effects and success of a movement. He notes that success involves transforming perceptions of history and society, and prescribing courses of action. He describes mobilizing for action as organization of the discontent, gaining support and pressuring the opposition. Finally he talks about sustaining the social movement as maintaining both the viability and visibility of the movement (p. 300). Furthermore this enhanced awareness of the issues concerning movement activists should demonstrate some influence within the public sphere. This happens in the globalization protests as protesters try to increase public awareness to social injustices perpetuated by corporatization of the world. Additionally, the spread of public awareness is rooted in the agreement with the movement’s values. Cathcart (1980) describes how movements gain strength and power by creating doubts about the moral legitimacy of the establishment, which requires maintaining the confrontation with the establishment (p. 271). The rhetorical interaction among the movement, the establishment and the public are indicators of a movement’s success in achieving social change. Ball-Rokeach and Tallman (1979) describe social movements as moral confrontations, and argue that social movements cast themselves in the role of the good player and cast themselves opposite the bad player which enhances their legitimacy. “Such legitimacy is administrative response to mean a the actions of a variety of different agencies, including city officials, mayor, national government, law enforcement etc. 89 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. enhanced when the movement embellishes the good role through martyrdom or victimization at the hands of the ‘bad’” (p. 83). The moral legitimacy of the movement’s cause in the eye of the public also frames administrative reactions. The confrontation of the movement with the establishment casts the protesters and the administration, whether police or government officials, in opposing roles that, depending on the legitimacy of the movement, influence the level of success. As discussed in this study of the anti-globalization movement, the context of globalization reveals changing notions of success, when instrumental success is not as important as the visualization of protests, and the perception of confrontation. Beyond the moral legitimacy of a movement, administrative response to protest is a determinant of movement success. Media and institutional reactions frame the protests in disempowering ways, and the ability of the movement to withstand such negative press is indicative of a movement’s success. Theodore Windt (1982) describes the differing views of administrators and protesters as the crisis of authority versus a crisis of legitimacy: Administrators transform the particular issue agitating protesters into general issues of the authority and credibility of the institution to act as it sees fit.... They contend that protestors represent only a minority.... They attribute base motives to protesters.... They present themselves as defenders of civil liberties and law and order, all the while characterizing protestors as lawless and irrational.... They predict dire and terrible consequences should the protestors win in this symbolic test of power, (p. 247-248) The rhetorical struggle between protesters and administrators is a contest to control the situation. Administrators characterize a movement’s cause as an issue of authority to justify actions to quell the movement. Media and institutions attempt to 90 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. minimize the force of the movement by diminishing the threat of the protests and disparaging the motives of the activists. Government and institutional officials typically frame the protesters as dangerous and lawless, and paint a devastating scenario should the movement achieve its goals. Bowers and Ochs (1971) describe four rhetorical strategies for control of social change movements. Avoidance occurs when the establishment tries to convince the agitators that they are wrong in order to minimize the threat of the protesters (Bowers and Ochs, 1971, p. 41). Suppression focuses on weakening or removing the agitators’ spokespersons through harassment, denial or even banishment (Bowers and Ochs, 1971, p. 44-46). Adjustment occurs when establishments adapt, modify or alter their structures or goals to accommodate or even accept the protesters’ demands (Bowers and Ochs, 1971, p. 53). This serves to make governments and institutions seem reasonable and undermine the media attention the movement receives. Finally, capitulation occurs when the agitators successful enforce their ideologies and will imminently destroy establishment control (Bowers and Ochs, 1971, p. 55).6 These types of institutional responses are administrative attempts to maintain power. King (1976) describes the strategies of power maintenance as including ridicule, crying anarchy, setting impossible standards, co-optation, consolation, betrayal, and rebirth and revenge. He describes the effect of ridicule as “emergent groups are highly visible, and since they are doing things they have never done before, they are often very vulnerable to ridicule” (p. 128). The administration cries 91 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. anarchy in the case of the anti-globalization protests by focusing on the anarchist faction of the movement known as the Black Bloc, and attributing the motives and tactics of this group to the rest of the protesters. Administrative strategies in controlling protests often set impossible standards because “boundaries must keep people in as well as block people out” (King, 1976, p. 131). Co-optation occurs when “government programs, however inadequate, destroy the urgency of their rhetoric. The classic formula for removing a problem from the arena of public discussion has been the institution of a program” (King, 1976, p. 132). A consolation strategy occurs when the defeated group tries to save face, and betrayal occurs when administration blames protest groups. Rebirth and revenge occur as the movement sustains its efforts, and its ability to withstand the power maintenance strategies of the media and institutions. Of course, administrative reactions to social movements are affected by media coverage, which is where I turn now. The media play a huge role in the ways a movement may sustain itself, as talked about in the section on the power of the media. The access to the media is a large part of protest strategy to control the rhetorical situation. Protesters want to attract media attention in a way that news coverage frames the confrontation between protesters and police and government as a debate (McCleod and Hertog, 1999, p. 313). The internet is anew form of mass communication that enables movements to sustain their discourse and planning, and limits the administrative response to this planning. Woodward (1975) describes how “individuals who have dominant and superior status in a culture protect their power by controlling access to certain types 6 See also Bowers, Ochs and Jensen (1993) for an updated discussion of control strategies. 92 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of technologies that are inaccessible to less powerful groups” (p. 299). The government cannot stop the free exchange of information among protest groups, not only because of free-speech laws, but also because of the overwhelming amount of information available to activists on the web. Thus, the Internet is in some ways the lifeline of the anti-globalization movement because it means the communication of a movement continues, regardless of the effectiveness of individual protest events. Technology enables greater counter pressures, which are sustained despite arrests, because through increased communication, protesters had strategies for all contingencies. The Internet increases knowledge of the protesters, to facilitate such planning, and making the broad membership base of the movement aware of these plans through enhanced electronic communication. So in many ways, a successful movement depends on administrative strategy. Groups seeking social change must contextualize their strategies to account for the influence of the media, and administrative responses. A comprehensive method of study must incorporate the visions of movement success, and the employment of protest strategies combined with a movement’s rhetorical ability to control the situation. The power of the media is a central element to the success of a social movement, and thus a scholar of any social movement should include studies of media effects in any analysis of the implications of the movement. An entire chapter could be devoted to the power of the media, but this is beyond the scope of this work, so I therefore focus more specifically on how social movements are affected by the pervasive influence of the mass media. In discussions of the media effects on the anti-globalization movement, I include the Internet as a form of mass Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. communication because of the number of social actors reached (See Viswanath and Emers, 1999, p. 8). In this study of the media effects of the anti-globalization movement, I analyze a variety of strategies of media-framing, which include the significance of the nature and extent of media coverage in how the movement’s actions are perceived, and in the agenda-setting function of the media, which influences the levels of movement success. The framing of a social movement contextualizes protest activity in the public eye, as well as the perspectives of social structures and institutions. Ball- Rokeach and Tallman (1979) talk of the increasing importance of the mass media in social movement strategy. They argue mass media channels “disseminate and interpret the morality play to the audience. An increasingly important component of movement visibility is media coverage, because the major communication links between movements and the public or the audience are provided by the mass media” (p. 84). The mass media cannot help but influence public views of the protests and the movement as a whole. Fundamentally, this is because the mass media controls what the public sees about the movements, and then offers their own perspective. Of course, the media works for the movement by giving it media attention, and increasing the visibility of movement activity regardless of the slant of the coverage. The movement provides the media with a ‘newsworthy’ event to cover, and visuals of action, and in return, the media provides the movement with an audience (Ball- Rokeach and Tallman, 1979, McLeod & Hertog, 1999). Given that what is newsworthy increasingly is interpreted as having dramatic appeal, movements characterized by conflict, violence, pathos and uniqueness, are most likely to gain 94 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. media attention (Ball-Rokeach and Tallman, 1979, p. 84). So the media has the power to determine how much publicity a movement receives, and also frames the movement activity in ways that attract an audience. This is a double-edged sword for more radical movements because while media publicity is a desirable goal for protests, the media can also frame them in a disparaging light. Gitlin (1980) argues that such media presentation is composed of tacit theories about “what matters.” Media frames negotiate, manage and comprehend reality for us, and in this way, are “persistent patterns of cognition, interpretation, and presentation, of selection, emphasis, and exclusion, by which symbol-handlers routinely organize discourse, whether verbal or visual” (Gitlin, 1980, p. 7). The agenda-setting function of the press is premised on the ways the media presents issues during a campaign and the order of the importance these issues receive in media exposure. Looking at the values in the media coverage explains how media influence the development of the campaigns, and the broader social thought of these issues. In some ways, the agenda of the press becomes the agenda of the public (Ball-Rokeach and Defluer, 1989). Indeed the mass media are a powerful force in the manipulation of public opinion and policy decisions. The economic concentration of media and the increasing efficiency of news production create a new situation for movements seeking social change (Gitlin, 1980). The media portrayals of the protests reveal establishments’ strategies of containment and control. Corporate media help to create a sense of government control, while also maintaining an element of hysteria, even danger to pique their audiences’ interest, and keep the ratings up. Social movements face the challenge of creating 95 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. newsworthy events and framing them in ways that reflect how activists want the issues resolved. This is the symbolic function of protest, as discussed earlier, but moreover, protests are strategies for social movements to get the mass media to adopt their frame. A social movement is about a struggle for rhetorical control, and the way in which the mass media frames the events defines an otherwise ambiguous situation. Protests are unique in their relationship to the media, because the media control mechanisms are quite explicit when applied to anti-establishment groups. The media functions as an element of social control with protest groups especially, because the struggle to control the rhetoric is a struggle for political legitimacy. Media coverage of protest conflicts defines the legitimacy of protest movements through framing strategies. Framing is the method by which the media packages information, which filters the media audience’s perceptions of the protest story (McCleod and Hertog, 1999, p. 312). The way a media organizes its narrative of the story is important because it tells the public how to perceive the protest movement. McCleod and Hertog (1999) describe marginalizing frames as media strategies of organization that marginalize protesters. The violent crime story focuses on violent acts committed by protesters, while the property crime story, describes acts such as vandalism and graffiti. The carnival frame views the protesters as theatrical performers, the freak show frame emphasizes the graphic oddities of protests, and the “romper room” frame conveys the protests as childish acts without credibility. The riot frame works to portray protests as random violent acts in a way that makes the protesters seem dangerous to society. These are some of the ways the media 96 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. marginalizes protesters by making them seem uncredible and illegitimate in the eyes of the public (p. 312). Such strategies of media coverage provide methods for evaluating the success of social movements, based on media coverage of movement activity. Strofield, Hawkins and Schoenfeld (1985) describe the strategies of media that influence the affects of messages. They describe disambiguation as the process when basic doctrinal tenets of an emerging social cause themselves to become defined and distinguished from each other, and are manifest in mass communication channels. Legitimation occurs as those who regulate media content recognize various concerns pertinent to a social cause as valid topics for coverage. Routinization means the content relative to the movement is incorporated into the channel’s operations on a fixed basis, and diffusion is the multistage flow of ideas and information among social systems. These are four stages in the development of social movements in the mass media. In this way, by looking at moments in a movement, the agenda setting function of the mass media becomes clear, and in many ways, mass media channels establish what people think about, if not what they think. The ability of social movements to counteract the agenda-setting function of the press by controlling mass media coverage of their actions generates some elements of success. Social movements can act as agents of change by seeking out communication channels to stimulate discourse, and broaden the base of supporters who can serve to reinforce confidence in their beliefs and goals. That is, while mainstream media takes the position of the general public, protest groups will find special interest channels which have objectives that may be complemented by the 97 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. protesters’ cause and thus be tolerant of radical social movement messages. Furthermore, new technologies provides opportunities for non-mainstream media coverage, because general audience channels may be more inaccessible through direct means due their need to focus on issues deemed of general public concern. Social movements act as change agents when they are able to point out specific injustices which violate codes of morality and humanity (Ball-Rokeach and Tallman, 1979, p. 85). These things thus become part of the public concern, and therefore worthy of news coverage. The values expressed, implicitly or explicitly in media coverage are often telling, providing ideological contexts that reveal the confrontation of protests against the system. The rhetoric surrounding a social movement is thus couched in a dialectic of competing values, and looking at the way the media characterizes these values is a way to examine the function and effectiveness of a social movement. FRAMEWORK FOR ANALYSIS OF MOVEMENT SUCCESS: METHOD OF STUDY & RESEARCH DESIGN This chapter has shown how a social movement must define itself, and it must control the rhetoric surrounding its activities. The anti-globalization movement encompasses a variety of causes under the broader focus of anti-globalization. In fact, the new communication technologies permit the creation of social networks that enable a broader movement to embrace a variety of causes, and that in itself is significant. What remains, is to elaborate on this framework for analysis of movement success. In this section I explain my method of study, elucidating several 98 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. research questions that help guide my evaluation of the success and effects of the anti-globalization movement. Then, I articulate the research design of this study to explain how I collected primary data from the movement and provide an outline of this analysis. Method of Study In light of existing tendencies of studies of new social movements in general, and the anti-globalization movement specifically, to examine particular aspects of movement strategy, this study furthers the conversation by conducting a comprehensive case study that spans a range of social movement functions. Because of the complex nature of the anti-globalization movement, this project admittedly poses a number of challenges. The first task was to identify the major players in the movement and to get a handle on the scope of participation in anti-globalization protests. Then I was faced with the inevitably subjective choice of which players to include in the study, which I determined based on particular groups’ level of participation in the movement, informed by the extent of the literature available on these groups. I chose several protest events as moments in the movement to guide this study and the visibility of certain groups in the planning and coordination of these events helped to focus the case studies. The organizational schema of this project proved perhaps the most arduous challenge, but through the survey of the discourse of the anti-globalization movement, several case areas emerged that are significant for communication scholars. Adjusting old theories of social movements to meet new requirements of globalization and the spread of information and new 99 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. technology networks reveals several fruitful areas for the study of moments in the movement. First, I ask how effective are the networking strategies of the anti globalization movement? Specifically, I ask how new communication and information technologies, such as the Internet and email, enhance the agenda -setting function of new social movement—not only the articulation of goals, but in the planning and coordination of strategy through the technology-mediated networks of the anti-globalization movement? Second, I ask how effectively the movement implements strategy? What do the protests and demonstrations accomplish in advancing the movement’s goals, and the strengthening of the movement itself? Finally I ask how and to what extent do administrative responses affect movement activity? How is the movement portrayed in the mainstream media? That is, how and to what extent does the movement achieves social change in the public sphere? To answer these research questions, I review rhetorical theories of social movements, emphasizing confrontational and protest rhetoric, in conjunction with sociological and political theories of collective action and agenda building. I examine the discourse surrounding the anti-globalization movement, examining the dialogue between proponents and opponents of globalization, and examine the effectiveness of their communication strategy. “Movements focus the attention of elites and the general public on important global concerns. By facilitating transnational communication [transnational social movement organizations] help to generate consensus around particular frames, or interpretations of global problems and their solutions” (Smith, Pagnucco and Chatfield, 1997, p. 73). The purpose of this study is to analyze the anti-globalization movement to explain how social 100 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. movements might achieve success in framing a diversity of global issues in ways that appeal to a diverse global audience. Research design The next chapters focus on the theoretical implications of several moments in the anti-globalization movement, from 1999-2001. By addressing these moments in the next chapters, the progress of the movement emerges through the effects of each individual protest event. The moments thus serve as an organizational schema for each of the following chapters: in each chapter, I analyze the protests as moments in the anti-globalization movement. I analyze primary sources from both inside and outside the movement. The sources differ depending on the analysis I am conducting for that chapter, but overall, Internet sources are central primary sources because the web houses both mainstream and protest media outlets as well as providing insight into protest organization. My data set includes primary sources from the anti-globalization movement, particularly the discourse of the various anti globalization websites and e-mail listservs, and the media and institutional rhetoric surrounding the movement and protest events. Myers (1998) describes computer activist networks as a “virtually untapped resource” for the study of social movements. He lauds features of computer networks that leave an “accurate and easily traceable path left by activists... Actions and attitudes that develop on computer networks allow for systematic data collection that is often not available in other social movement forums” (Myers, 1998, p. 10). This case study takes advantage of the rich texts available on the Internet, to gather data from the range of 101 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. actors that align themselves with the anti-globalization movement. There are thousands of different groups involved in the anti-globalization movement. I decided which organizations to contact for information based on their level of involvement in the protests, which I discerned from a survey of the literature, and contact lists in books and on websites. In addition to the Internet websites regarding the protests and the movement as a whole, I examine a variety of sources, including written eye-witness accounts of the protests, scholarly accounts of protests, and both alternative and mainstream news media coverage of demonstrations. LISTSERV messages from groups provided descriptions of events, minutes from meetings, and revealed internal discourse of the movement. I also collected primary source data through personal interviews and email messages from participants to author, notes taken during my observation of protests and other activist forums, and pamphlets and material collected during these events. I examine press releases from corporations and the event planning committees in response to the protests, interviews with delegates and government officials. I incorporate both mainstream media and independent media coverage of the protests and the movement as a whole. Through this multi-media examination, I provide a framework for analysis of the success of the anti-globalization movement and articulate the implications of the movement’s communication strategies in a way that contributes to conversations about social movements in the context of globalization, and the anti-globalization movement in particular. This survey of the discourse surrounding the anti-globalization movement provided a natural progression for these case studies. Chapter Three’s discussion of 102 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. networks reveals the structures that enable the deployment of nonviolent protest strategies of performance, which are discussed in Chapter Four. Chapter Five follows with an examination of the administrative and media responses in an evaluation of the effects of the protests, and thus the efficacy of the movement’s networks. This study reveals the complex communication strategies that are the methods of activism for social movements in an era of globalization, and evaluates the ways in which the anti-globalization protests, as manifestations of the movement as a whole, affect social change. Chapter Three begins this analysis with a case study of the communication networks of the anti-globalization movement. Largely enabled by new technologies, it is interesting to explore how these networks promote collective action across a vast array of ideological differences, and thus provide a global structure for activism. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter Three: Networks: The Discourse of Mobilization and Solidarity This chapter considers the anti-globalization movement as a dense collection of networks. It examines the ways in which new communication technologies have enhanced activist strategies, and analyzes how anti-globalization protests have been organized and carried out through social networks. The significance of communication and information sharing networks has been a recurring theme in the discourse of global justice movements (e.g. Keck and Sikkink, 1998, Smith, et.al, 1997, Euchner, 1996). The study of how alliances between diverse groups have formed within the anti-globalization movement is of interest to communication scholars because of the unique ways in which this movement has utilized a strategy of unity through diversity to offer new communication strategies to respond to rhetorical situations historically problematic for social movements.1 As noted in Chapter Two, new social movements are characterized by networks, which are evolving and progressing into empowering social linkages. These networks are not stable, but are literally movements of social belief that are transformed into action as activists demonstrate or protest against a certain cause or target. This chapter uses the theories of networking and agenda building discussed in Chapter Two to identify four rhetorical qualities that characterize the networks of global justice movements. First, the globalization of new technologies endows new social movements with communication structures that enable global reach and establish new, productive coalitions of activists (Keck and Sikkink 1998, Jones 1999, Arquilla and Ronfeldt, 1997). Second, new communication and information 105 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. technologies enhance strategies of resource mobilization that coordinate the efforts of individual activists (Euchner 1996, Herrick 1995, Sohng 1995). Third, the rhetoric of solidarity reveals how alliances within and between global justice movements transcend ideological differences through collective action (Euchner, 1996, Kling, 1995, Slagle, 1995). Finally, the anti-globalization movement represents a subaltern counterpublic that appropriates discursive space as this resistance emerges as a component of global civil society (Fraser, 1992, Wapner, 1996). This chapter reveals what makes this resistance global through a case study of the networks evident in global justice movements from 1999 to 2001. I examine the rhetoric of these networks to determine how and to what extent the movement maintains a cohesive stance against the purveyors of corporate-political globalization. GLOBAL REACH As noted in Chapter Two, social movements are coalitions of dispersed networks that function as umbrella organizations to coordinate protest activity (Keck and Sikkink 1998, Herrick 1995 e.g.). The alliances and coalitions that characterize the anti-globalization movement are numerous; I choose specific groups and organizations that provide particularly vivid examples of the alliances and networks that form the movement. In this section, I examine the communication structures that enable these networks to achieve global reach and wield power through new 1 See Stewart (1997) on Stokely Carmichael and the Black Power movement, and Short (1991) on the environmental movement, e.g. 106 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. technologies. First, I examine the discourse of several umbrella organizations2 that have helped form the networks of the anti-globalization movement. These include the Direct Action Network (DAN), the Institute for Global Communication (IGC), and the Association for Progressive Communication (AJPC). These organizations perform important functions by coordinating direct actions (DAN), and by providing on-line technological support for network structure (IGC and APC). Second, I explore specific ways that new technologies empower movement networks to transcend institutional and geographical boundaries through coalitions between affluent and poorer countries. These multiple levels of networks provide the discursive structure for the resistance to globalization, and reveal much about the interworkings of new social movements adaptive to the context of globalization. Action Networks in Social Movement Organizations One of the most prominent networks of the anti-globalization movement is the Direct Action Network (DAN), which emerged during the Seattle protests against the WTO, and later was spun off into the Continental Direct Action Network (CDAN). The Direct Action Network is a coalition ofNGOs interested in or concerned with environmental, human rights and indigenous justice, anarchy and free-trade issues. The unifying factor of these organizations is their common disdain for the institutions that perpetuate economic globalization. DAN’s self-prescribed role is to coordinate the actions of these diverse groups into inclusive and coherent protests. Umbrella organizations like DAN play crucial roles in the anti 2 Social movement organizations (SMOs) and social movement industries (SMIs) are terms used by others to refer to these umbrella networks that make up the structure of social movements. See 107 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. globalization movement because they are networks of interconnection between organizations with differing agendas. Networks such as these empower and support the organization of social movements and their members to build strategic communities and initiatives that make up social movement activity. These activists have highly diverse backgrounds3 and offer a variety of experiences that are useful for coordinating protest actions. These diverse experiences can present problems for organizers because it is hard to reach agreement on issues and tactics—DAN’s loose infrastructure is intended to facilitate discussion. In this way, these networks are significant to the success of the anti-globalization movement because they have enabled the creation of coalitions that made the strategies effective. The November, 1999 protests in Seattle were bom earlier in the year with the formation of the Direct Action Network. Professional activists joined together to organize and to create a plan to shut down the WTO meetings. Activists communicated with each other all over the nation through a burgeoning email network, planning meeting places and activities for the demonstrations. The Direct Action Network was, and is, by no means an alpha group. Its purpose was instead to coordinate the actions of several groups: the Rainforest Action Network, which is dedicated to resisting industrial destruction of rainforests, mostly in South America; Global Exchange, a fair trade watchdog group that publicizes the inequities of unfair labor practices and corporate exploitation of indigenous cultures; and the Ruckus McAdam, McCarthy, & Zald (1998) among others. 3 Although not demographically diverse, the movement brings together activists with a wide variety of protest experiences, which help to formulate salient protest strategy. I will discuss further in Chapter Six that many people have commented on the “whiteness” of the anti-globalization movement, see 108 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Society, a group closely linked to the Direct Action Network that focuses on tactics of protest and organizes camps for activists to learn direct action tactics. As websites emerged with increasing frequency, on-line networks heralded a coming together of all sorts of people in solidarity against the WTO. This increasing dialogue strengthens the connections between activists by the exchange of direct action tactics, and the education of current and potential like-minded individuals. Euchner (1996) writes of the functions of organizational density and notes that communication networks increase the awareness and exchange of ideas, the mobilization of resources, and the role of leaders and exerts capable of guiding activists in productive directions.4 DAN maintains such organizational density through networks that enable the consistent transfer of ideas and inspire collective action. In this way, DAN provides communication linkages, such as email, teleconferencing and face-to-face meetings that are a vital part of the persistence of anti-globalization efforts. Like other umbrella organizations that make up global justice movements, DAN is a transnational advocacy network that mobilizes information exchanges to implement strategies of protest. The spread of information about the ill effects of globalization is a key part of the anti-globalization movement because such communiques are necessary to increase awareness of a cause. Umbrella organizations like DAN have produced working instruments that enable Martinez (2000) e.g., for discussion of the interesting implications for global environmental justice movements. 4 Elsewhere I discuss how the anti-globalization movement functions as leaderless decentralized groups precisely because of these networks. The movement emphasizes a decentralized model of consensus building that respects marginalized voices, but there are leaders in organizing aspects, such as individuals and groups that lead teach-ins and training camps to share their experience, even expertise, in tactics of protest. 109 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. social activists to promote social change and resist the domination of corporate rule. These tactics include defining, dissecting, denouncing, disrupting and dismantling corporate rule (Clarke et al., 2001). DAN’s mission statement reveals how the network connects activists through communication regarding a unifying cause. “We are creating a movement to overcome corporate globalization and all forms of oppression - a movement united in a common concern for justice, freedom, peace, and sustainability of all life, and a commitment to take immediate action to realize radical, visionary change” (DAN, 19 & 20, February 2000). DAN not only mobilizes resources, but also helps create broad opposition structures for direct action and frame local issues within the rubric of global justice. “Networks are important because of the cultural meanings they transmit” (Jasper, 1999, p. 68). For the anti-globalization movement, this cultural meaning is expressed as problems attributed to corporate globalization, as well as the role of activism as the means to change these situations. The rhetoric of the movement frames its causes through an interpretive schema that simplifies and condenses the world by “punctuating and encoding objects, situations, events, experiences, and sequences of actions within one’s present or past environment” (Snow and Benford, 1992, p. 137). For activists, their experience is framed within an environment of reacting to globalization from above, as part of globalization from below. DAN provides the technological, and thus the rhetorical infrastructure, and thus reframing the debate regarding the effects of globalization in terms of social, economic, and environmental justice. The Institute for Global Communications (IGC) and the Association for Progressive Communication (APC) represent more technologically oriented 110 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. networks than DAN and are significant hubs of information and communication tools for activist organization. Founded in 1986, IGC’s mission is “to advance the work of progressive organizations and individuals for peace, justice, economic opportunity, human rights, democracy and environmental sustainability through strategic use of online technologies” (About IGC Internet, on-line). IGC focuses on content, information sharing and collaborative tools, including email list services and newsletters. It is a “gateway” for quick access to alternative news media, and information about and websites of progressive organizations. IGC features automated web tools for publicizing events, calendars, and action alerts. IGC also helps activist groups mobilize resources by providing information about volunteer and employment opportunities as well as online donation capabilities (About IGC, on-line). In 1990, the IGC co-founded the Association for Progressive Communications (APC), as an international nonprofit umbrella organization for nearly twenty-five regional or national computer networks serving organizations working for social change (O’Brien and Clement, 1999, p. 2). The APC provides communication and information-sharing tools to NGOs and citizen activists working for social change in over one hundred thirty countries (About IGC, on-line). The APC describes itself as: a global network of non-governmental organisations whose mission is to empower and support organizations, social movements and individuals in and through the use of information and communication technologies to build strategic communities and initiatives for the purpose of making meaningful contributions to equitable human development, 111 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. social justice, participatory political processes and environmental sustainability. (APC Mission, on-line) APC’s website is designed to help organizations work with the Internet, and includes an online calendar to promote events that encourage the use of information and communication technologies for social change and development (APC, NGOs and the Internet, on-line). APC’s goal is to help organizations use the Internet strategically, providing the training and technical resources to build collective websites (APC, NGOs and the Internet, on-line). APC and IGC demonstrate the central role of the Internet in empowering organizations to increase awareness and mobilize individuals to act for change. They function as umbrella organizations much like DAN, but also provide technological support and resources for the computer networks ofNGOs and activist groups. In fact, APC was the primary provider of on-line services for NGOs at the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and several other United Nations conferences thereafter. Their involvement has ensured that thousands ofNGOs were able to participate actively in these summit meetings, to translate the international debate into effective policies on the local level. The work of the APC represents “one of the largest organized uses of digital communications tools within civil society, that of facilitating information sharing and coordination” among thousands ofNGOs. APC’s network is “the largest integrated, private online system for non-profit usage in the world” (O’Brien and Clement, 1999, p. 1-2). The density of APC networks is striking; its member networks are decentralized, autonomous, and cooperative, and numerous “partner” networks are linked into APC hosts in order to receive e-mail 112 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and news feeds. APC networks provide dial-up access, email, computer conferencing, on-line databases, and website development and hosting (O’Brien and Clement, 1999 p. 2). APC provides the technical infrastructure for regional groups to communicate with their peers internationally, including low cost/high speed message transmission, and asynchronous, multiple party interactions in online group forums (O’Brien and Clement, 1999, p. 4). APC’s on-line services enable a very large and diverse number of organizations and individuals around the world to be informed about each other’s work, and to participate in active on-line discussions about events and campaigns. Computer conferencing allows effective group communication so that multiple players can brainstorm and provide input and feedback in real-time. This is significant because individuals and groups can participate in such discussions remotely, eliminating geographical distance as a barrier to effective activism. Networks like DAN, APC and IGC promote the efficient exchange of a broad range of ideas that help NGOs develop effective strategies, honed by the feedback of fellow activists. The networks of the anti-globalization movement provide technical structures that enable communication and information sharing about issues as well as upcoming events. These networks allow for the mobilization of resources, including financial and membership gains, enabling individuals to become activists from their laptops in their living rooms. It is difficult to give membership numbers for the anti globalization movement because many groups eschew traditional movement organization and membership rosters. Demonstrating the central role of technology in the movement, hard numbers are more readily available through website hits. 113 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Pro test.Net receives between two and ten thousand pages viewed a day, while Indymedia.org gets almost one half million pages viewed each day (Henshaw-Plath, 2002). Umbrella organizations like DAN, APC, and IGC are leaders in the facilitation of the movement, by literally creating communication channels that are the life-blood of the globalization movement. New Technologies: Transcending Geographical and Institutional Boundaries The coordinated actions of the anti-globalization protests reveal how the networks transcend national borders (Pages, 2001). “International solidarity is likely to become less of a slogan and more of a practical option as unions develop a range of global networks with workers in diverse industrial sectors and transnational corporations” (The Financial Times. 2001). Many of the umbrella organization’s web pages list resources that point activists or those interested in causes to other sources of information. New communication and information technologies enable protest organizers to facilitate cooperation, information sharing and technical interoperability among their members. Networked Internet sites provide the structure for worldwide coordinated activism. Chae, Deputy Director of the Korean Institute for Labor Studies and Policy (1997), argues that new technology enables social movements to wield power. “Information appliances and systems can be and are being [used as] the weapons of the working class in their struggles against exploitation. Sharing informations [sic] needed for struggles, strengthening solidarity through InterNets and other communication networks, and building up independent networks therefore are becoming increasingly important, and are 114 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. actually reinforced in practices” (p. 5). New social movements have used communication technologies to coordinate action and information, and establish permanent networks.5 Indeed the first shot in the Battle of Seattle was an email sent on January 26, 1999, from Public Citizens’ Global Trade Watch to thousands of supporters (Miller, 1999, p. 1). When Seattle was announced as the host city of the WTO talks, this and similar email messages from allied organizations were sent around the globe, establishing the communication networks that begat the Seattle protest. New technologies gave the Seattle protests a boost from years of organizing and planning online. “Using encrypted E-mail, activists formed cluster groups with names like Care Bears and Key Limes” (Whitelaw, 1999, p. 1). Encryption and other security devices enabled organization of the protests to occur behind the scenes, hidden from view of institutions, law enforcement, and event planners. While much of this information is publicly available, government and institutional officials were clearly unprepared for the extent of the protests, and thus the activists had an element of surprise. That the city of Seattle, WTO delegates and event coordinators were so unaware of the impending protests is testament to the successful networking of the social movement organizations, and of course, poor planning by city officials and police.6 5 As noted in Chapter 1, new global justice movements have obvious historical roots. This is particularly evident in formation of networks based on the communication structures of older movement organizations. “A primary reason many new movements emerge out of older ones is not only that older movements provide co-optable communication networks but that they also provide some very valuable resources that would at best be expensive and at worst unattainable, without the older movements” (Freeman, 1999, p. 223). 6 This will be fully explicated in Chapter Five’s discussion of administrative tactics. 115 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The anti-globalization movement empowers individual activists by emphasizing local activism. Most websites include a call to action that urges people to get involved, and do what they can. An email to the GlobalizeThis! Updates listserv reveals the emphasis on individual empowerment in mass protest coordination: We are asking you to do two things right now to help build for protest, rallies, teach-ins and actions planned for Sept. 26 - Oct.4 in Washington DC. First, get your butt to Washington DC at the end of September and make your voice heard for global justice. Visit http://www.globalizethis.org now and in the future for a calendar, downloadable materials, networking, travel and housing information and more. Second, it takes money, honey. Phone calls, faxes, signs, posters, permits, stages, meeting rooms, sound equipment and more all cost us money. The Mobilization for Global Justice (the all-volunteer group helping to plan the week) needs your financial support. Take one minute right now to click on the link below and make a donation to our work: http://www.globalizethis.org/donate. Remember to spread the word. Send this email to friends, family, coworkers and others who might be interested. Thanks for all that you do. (GlobalizeThis! updates, 10 August, 2001) This email to the GlobalizeThis! activist listserv demonstrates several things about the nature of activism. First, the email empowers the reader with the ability to “help build” crucial support for the movement—coalitions, financial and technological resources etc. The exhortation to “get your butt to Washington DC” and “make yourself heard” emphasizes the need for the mere presence of people, the need to have a massive turnout to show worldwide resistance to the economic policies of the World Bank. The email is self-referential and points readers to the materials available for activism—travel guides, housing information and transportation 116 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. connections—making it easy for individual activists to participate in this worldwide movement. Secondly, the email points to the need for monetary donations to further the movement. It enumerates the things that the movement does that require money—not only speaking to the transparency of the movement’s activities, but also revealing what is needed for protests—to literally make the voices of protesters’ demands heard. Of course, GlobalizeThis! makes it easy for an activist to take “one minute” to make an online donation.7 Readers are urged to “remember to spread the word” in an effort to increase public awareness of causes and ideally entice interested individuals to participate in the movement. “Thanks for all that you do” reminds activists that a decentralized movement relies on the actions of individuals to utilize technical information to sustain movement efforts. Keck and Sikkink (1998) discuss how NGOs can act collectively as transnational advocacy networks, able to mobilize information to frame issues in ways that challenge dominant interpretations of global politics, and are broad enough that they are flexible and can accommodate a variety of structures. Organizations like DAN, and Globalize This! relate the destructive activity of corporations such as environmental exploitation, unfair labor practices and the loose regulations of the WTO and IMF/World Bank so that local causes find relevance at global protests. Network structure allows large amounts of human and even material resources to flow rapidly to a particularly active front, allowing ‘concentrated forces’ of ‘ready reserves’ when they are needed. People can similarly move back and forth 7 While Globalize This! did not provide information on this, other activist groups have reported mixed success with on-line donations—Protest.Net has received less than $100 total this way, although Indymedia boasts of collecting more than $1000 a day during the weeks surrounding protest events (Henshaw-Plath, 2002). 117 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. between big events like the Battle of Seattle and their daily struggles and responsibilities in particular localities and sectors. (Brecher, Costello and Smith, 1999, p. 89) Simply through the power of information, social movements can act as a collectivity where once they functioned in isolation from one another (Ronfeldt and Martinez 1997, Arquilla and Ronfeldt, 1997). With enhanced communication abilities, “NGOs can function as the new elite. They posses technical expertise, organization, and funding, and they dispense major resources. NGOs now deliver more aid than the whole UN system” (Brecher, Costello and Smith, 1999, p. 87). The Internet plays a significant role in the coordination of these actions, allowing NGOs to wield substantial resources to support protests and other direct actions, and provide aid to help mobilize relief efforts. In addition to facilitating the coordination of activist efforts, the Internet has enabled the counterhegemonic dissemination of information to undermine the propaganda campaigns of international economic institutions. “Beyond using the Net to organize, protesters have also sought to undermine WTO’s own online efforts by creating mock Web sites. One such site, www.gatt.org. is almost an exact replica of [the] WTO’s official site but is filled with material lambasting the organization” (Miller, 1999, p. 3). These exemplify the “use of the Internet to counterbalance the hegemony of network television and corporate news agencies, and more generally, to aid the efficient delivery of information and news that may be ‘off-center’” (Meyerson, 1999). Indeed, the Internet is used to subvert the administrative rhetoric and actions of the WTO itself, as well as those of law enforcement officials. Whether and to what extent these efforts achieve success will be investigated 118 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. throughout this work, but these new abilities to reach more people, and thus potentially increase awareness of causes or issues is itself significant. The globalization of new technology means that anti-globalization organizers face the task of how to attract people to their websites while competing with millions of other media sources. In the case of www.gatt.org. people looking for official information go to their website because search engines point to it, and are exposed to negative information about the globalization of free trade. Lori Wallach, director of Global Trade Watch, described the Internet’s impact on the organization of protests, citing an instance from the early 1990s when her organization obtained a leaked copy of the agreement that begat the WTO. ‘“I took it to Kinko’s, made copies and Federal Expressed it to 30 people I work with,’ she said. When her group got its hands on another sensitive document last year, she said, T scanned it into our computer and then e-mailed it not just to those same 30 people but posted it on our Web site for the world to read’” (quoted in Miller, 1999). This anecdote reveals the astounding power of the Internet to disseminate information potentially to millions of people. The problem that faces the movement is how to spread information to people who do not seek it. Typically activist internet sites are visited by people who are interested in the movement and its causes.8 This is where the faux WTO site can help by potentially accessing populations that are otherwise unexposed to protest propaganda. What is significant about new technologies is this expanded ability to share knowledge with interested people, who are then unified by their awareness of issues, and can be motivated to work with 119 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. other people who share their concern. The Internet is used to undermine and counteract the forces of globalization, and as a counterhegemonic tool to offset news coverage and other media forces that disparage the protests. The power of information is revealed in the use of email to organize actions, demonstrating Jones’ (1999) view that information technologies and computer- mediated communication imbue communicators with new agency. Email gives greater reach to information, meaning that social movements are no longer bound by a sense of place, and can network and organize all over the globe. An example of such a globally linked network is the Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), a conglomerate of organizations and social movements protesting the FTAA. HSA describes its mission as one of strategy development, information exchange and the planning of joint actions. HSA activists sought to integrate actions at the hemispheric level, to challenge the current development model, and to bring varied and flexible forces together (HSA, 2001a). The group describes their email list as “an important vehicle allowing members to make contact with activists and associations working on social justice and trade issues throughout the Americas. The list provides direct access to the latest news from coalitions and activists in Brazil, Mexico, Chile and other countries. The list is also a powerful tool to strengthen and extend the HSA” (HSA, 2001a). This example reveals the way email can help activist groups achieve a critical mass that is vital for sustaining movement efforts. 8 See Jones (1999), Danaher et. al. (2000) e.g. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Significant partnerships have developed between international activists and local indigenous peoples in lesser-developed countries that do not have the resources to act. The Internet allows new partnerships between groups in rich and poor countries. Armed with compromising evidence of local labour practices or environmental degradation from southern NGOs, for examples, activists in developed countries can attack corporations much more effectively. (The Economist. 1999) Email enabled fifteen hundred different organizations to unite against the WTO. The Internet and email enable information exchanges between developing countries and NGOs in industrialized countries, which empower activist groups by providing information to highlight injustices perpetuated by corporate globalization around the world. This information, in turn, aids oppressed groups by marshaling support for their cause. By making the world aware of their struggles, indigenous peoples who are fighting against industrial exploitation, for example, make their voices heard in the global public sphere dominated by industrialized countries. RESOURCE MOBILIZATION Advanced computer and communication technologies, particularly the Internet and email, help activists to build grassroots globalization. This section examines what Euchner (1996) defines as technical communication that coordinates protest events and provides practical guides for individual activists. As discussed above, computer networks like the Association for Progressive Communication and the Institute for Global Communication create a global network of activist groups 121 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. on-line. Within the context of these networks, I first investigate technical information shared among activists. I examine Protest.Net, an on-line calendar and catalogue for protest events. The cite www.Seattle99.org exemplifies the coordination of travel logistics across on-line networks, and the FTAA Field Guide represents instructions for activists while in the streets. Second, I explore the use of other new technologies—digital and cellular phones and wireless computing devices that have been integral in coordinating action on the frontlines of protests. Such forms of technical information play crucial roles in mobilizing resources on a global scale. Practical Guides for Action New technologies have changed the organization and action of social movement communities. Using technologies such as web pages, bulletin boards and e-mail, social movement groups use the Internet to become a consortium of organizations with a broader base of people to organize and deploy direct actions. Social movement networks transcend institutions because they are able to wield resources that enable them to carry out the protests. As the founder ofProtest.net, who half-jokingly describes himself as “tech support for the revolution,” notes: The anti-globalization movement could not exist without the internet. This is not to say that we wouldn’t be struggling over similar issues but the movement that we have now wouldn’t exist. We wouldn’t be making the connections and coalitions. We couldn’t organize such massive coalitions with almost non-existant overhead if we didn’t have email, mailing lists and websites. I think the tactics of having very large broad protests with indymedia centers, convergence spaces, counter conferences, legal protests, illegal protests, and direct action wouldn’t be possible without the net. (Henshaw-Plath, 2001) 122 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The Internet and email are new forms of communication that are the only way that the anti-globalization movement could hope to have the infrastructure to coordinate activism on a global scale. New technologies empower movements that historically could not mobilize enough resources to sustain fights against groups who wield economic and political power (See Euchner 1996, Epstein, 1991, Griffin 1952). Web sites were used in a variety of different ways, to catalogue the official events of the protests, offer transportation as well as legal advice, and tips on coping with tear gas (bring water and baking soda) (Whitelaw, 1999, p. 1): The Internet gives today’s low-budget activists mobilizing powers that their predecessors could only dream of, providing cheap, easy, and instantaneous communication with and between huge numbers of people all over the world. The Net and ever-multiplying global TV networks, from CNN to the Discovery Channel, [are] also elevating (at least to some extent) First World denizens’ awareness of the world around them. (Beiser, April 20, 2000, p. 4) The Internet serves a dual purpose for activists-— providing cheap and inexpensive ways to provide information to individuals and groups planning the protests, and also increasing awareness of the effects of globalization on non-industrialized countries. Euchner’s (1996) discussion of information about social movements reveals the significance of the Internet in providing theoretical and normative arguments that are vital to the maintenance of the movement. While APC and IGC are overarching technological networks, Protest.Net is a self-defined “collective of activists who are working together to create our own media” (About Protest.Net, 2001). Protest.Net exemplifies the unifying effects of 123 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. new technology for activism, because it serves as a central source of information about current issues and upcoming events for a myriad of protest groups. Speaking about Protest.Net, The New York Times describes the power of a “protest portal [that] unites activists under one URL” (Tedeschi, 1998). The Times distinguishes Protest.Net’s quick access to information about protests from other sites like APC and IGC, noting that with Protest.Net, prospective protesters can find out about upcoming local action as well as similar events around the world (Tedeschi, 1998). Protest.Net started as an Internet calendar software program, which was developed in response to activists’ difficulties staying informed, when they might have missed a flyer, or not been in the right circle to hear about events (Tedeschi, 1998). Indeed, Protest.Net is a huge publicity help for activists, by having protest and event information condensed onto one website, which lists ways to help further the cause, and invites visitors to its site to add events, donate money or join events. It is important for an activist site to prescribe actions that interested individuals can take, for individuals are then empowered to act on their own in ways that are coordinated within the community of protesters. As a source of coordinated information on protest actions, Protest.Net can sustain movement efforts by seizing the means of communication so followers become aware of the issues and actions sponsored by the group. Activists are mobilized as followers are motivated to show their solidarity by participating in movement sponsored events and actions. Protest.Net’s web master urges visitors to post details of actions; the goal clearly is to make available to activists as much information about protest activity as possible. 124 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. One of the most intriguing parts of Protest.Net is the website’s “Activist Handbook,” which begins: “This is your world. You can do something to change it” (Protest.Net, on-line). The handbook answers a frequently asked question: “why should I do something?” The answers—links to further parts of the website— include “the work of each individual helps,” “once you do something, others will join you,” helping the world is helping yourself,” “if the system doesn’t work, change it,” and “protest is an effective means of creating change” (Protest.Net, on line). These phrases are quite evocative for the would-be activist, and express solidarity with all individuals wanting to push for social change. These headings can empower by telling individuals that they can make a difference and that they are not alone in their distaste for current systems. The Activist’s Handbook urges readers to “get as involved as you can, it’s all interrelated”—this is a particularly motivating phrase because it describes different acts of protest as mutually empowering, and uses the complexities of globalization processes to tie each specific cause into one coherent need for social change. The handbook continues, with a section entitled “So you’re ready to start a movement!” and provides a step-by-step plan for initiating efforts to protest. The handbook gives much more information on tactics and other strategies for action that are discussed in later chapters, but Protest.Net represents a significant locus for information-sharing among activists that translates into the actions of the movement. As I discuss in Chapter Five, these strategies are not always effective at countering the mainstream media strategies for containing and criminalizing movement activists. However, the rhetoric of these websites indicates how activists knowingly respond to the globalization of new technologies 125 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. by embracing them. Globalization is pushing social movements to new methods of recruiting and organizing members that take advantage of relatively cheap methods of global communication. In this way, new technologies help social movements by creating communication connections through which protesters share information and coordinate action—the assignment of responsibility, supplies, and transportation. Planning events is more efficient on a larger scale because the Internet means a variety of different groups can be included; approximately 100 million people world wide regularly used the Internet in 1998 (Castells 1998), while 500 million people had at home access in the fourth quarter of 2001 (Pastore 2002). Tens of thousands of protesters flocked to Seattle, including many from other continents. Most of them gained information about the demonstrations from www.seattle99.org.9 The site, operated by People for Fair Trade and backed by numerous organizations, offered to post materials from almost any group interested in taking part in the protests (Miller, 1999, p. 1). The Seattle99 site was a central communication node in the organization of the Seattle protests—seeking volunteers, posting fliers that could be printed for distribution and posted on telephone poles and bulletin boards, and providing directions. Www.seattle99.org even provided assistance with lodging. “One of the site’s cleverest functions is its use of software to match protesters who need shelter with Seattle residents willing to offer their spare bedrooms or couches for a few nights. Travelers were even prompted to list any allergies to pets that they might have, or whether they preferred a nonsmoking residence. According to Bill Aal, 126 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. technical director of the site, more than 1,200 demonstrators found temporary lodging that way” (Miller, 99, p. 2). The Internet allows protest organizers to coordinate lodging for traveling protesters, which is a crucial selling point to get activists to participate in events. Thus, in another way, place is no longer an issue in staging the anti-globalization protests as activists in the host city can extend hospitality to visiting activists around the world. One of the most comprehensive nuggets of technical information available on the web is the Field Guide of the FTAA Protest in Quebec City (2001).1 0 The guide begins by inviting activists to join the protest in Quebec City and suggests that they print out the guide and bring it along. These instructions demonstrate how information savvy the activists are: organizers realize such technical information is integral to the protests. “Make sure to have the latest version of this guide, as it will evolve over time” the guide suggests, noting the up-to-date information given by the guide (Field Guide, p. 1). This speaks to the power of the Internet in spreading information and the guide exemplifies the coordinating action of the protest groups. The Field Guide gives information on how to word signs and pamphlets in multiple languages, and even provides a list of the most important phrases. The guide points readers to another website with links in French. The guide provides housing information, a serious challenge to the protests because the police reserved every hotel room in Quebec in an effort to prevent overnight stays (more on this in Chapter Five). In addition to helping house activists, the guide is intended to help all 9 This website content no longer concerns the protests and thus an exact number of hits to this website could not be determined at the time of this writing. 1 0 Hereafter referred to as Field Guide. 127 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. activists prepare for eventualities. It is a travel guide with a packing list, including camping supplies, warm clothes, and an FM radio to listen to updates on events on community radio. The Field Guide also provides a how-to list for activists trying to get into Quebec: driving directions, bus and train schedules, and even traffic advice, e.g., that it is illegal to turn on a red light (Field Guide, 2001, p. 13). The Field Guide lists tactics to facilitate border crossings, as well as tactics for border actions. If you put one celebrity (or call it high profile people) and one journalist in each bus and if custom officers stop the bus on political grounds, the Canadian government will be embarrassed internationally. It would be interesting to see on TV a custom officer state that a giant puppet is dangerous for Canadian security. It would also be interesting to see signs showing basic demands such as ‘free speech,’ ‘human rights,’ ‘democracy’ being stopped as a threat to the Canadian government. (Field Guide, 2001, p. 13) The instructions for potential scenarios when activists reach the border indicate that organizers of the movement are well-informed of the effects of publicity on their efforts, and demonstrates an over-all vision for the protests. Thus, the anti globalization movement exhibits the qualities of Keck and Sikkink’s (1998) transnational advocacy networks as not only the most globally linked social movement in history; it is also, for this reason, the most well-informed. Sites like Corp Watch, Protest.Net and others are clearinghouses of information where activists can arm themselves (with knowledge and supplies) for potential situations.1 1 Because of the Internet and email, global justice movements are complex, dense 1 1 This claim is discussed further in Chapter 5 in discussions of media representations that the protesters do not even know what they are protesting. The point of this chapter is to discuss the rhetoric of the types of information available to activists. 128 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. structures that coordinate specific directives. These technologies enable anti globalization activists with newly powerful voices to contribute to the discussion of globalization issues, and make individuals and groups aware that they have the power to affect debates, and even hold state and economic powers accountable for their activities. Communication in the Streets: Digital and Cellular Technologies While the Internet and email have enabled the anti-globalization movement to construct dense communication networks, new technologies also give them a strategic advantage on the battlefield. Cellphones allow protesters to coordinate their actions in the streets, with instantaneous communication, a continuation of the strategizing and organization achieved via email and Internet communication networks. Cellphone technology means activists can adapt easily to changing situations, such as unexpected police roadblocks and violent police actions. In fact, the Seattle police claimed they were outmaneuvered by protesters’ “sophisticated use of cellphones and walkie-talkies” (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 35). Digital mobile phones extended the global unifying network so that protesters were a mobile force on the battlefield, using a command and control network that enabled effective maneuvering around the city. The decentralized character of these technological connections enabled “non-hierarchical command structures which communicate through ‘all-points’ communications channels of considerable bandwith and complexity. The DAN communications channels blanketed the Seattle area and had global reach via the Internet” (de Armond 2000, p. 9). 129 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In contrast, institutions such as corporate media and police tend to depend on narrow, centralized and hierarchical communication channels (de Armond 2000, p. 9). Direct Action Network took advantage of a surprisingly improvised communications network assembled out of cell phones, radios, police scanners and portable computers. “Protesters in the street with wireless Palm Pilots were able to link into continuously updated web pages giving reports from the streets. Police scanners monitored transmissions and provided some warning of changing police tactics.... Floating above the tear gas was a pulsing infosphere of enormous bandwith, reaching around the planet via the Internet” (de Armond, 2000, p. 14). When the Seattle police shut down the Direct Action Network’s communication network, demonstrators purchased new cell phones and created a communication grid to relay information and communicate through the ranks of the movement (de Armond, 2000). The technical information discussed here represents the viscera of global justice movements. Information sharing creates an awareness of like-minded individuals and feelings of solidarity in the desire for social change. Sarah Koch, a marcher from Seattle described stumbling onto an anti-WTO web site, signing up for an email list, and receiving a range of emails, from a plea for help sewing sea turtle costumes to requests for duct tape and first aid supplies. Koch claims “all these people asking for specific help for specific things made me want to come.... It made me feel that I would actually have something to do” (Koch, 1999). So, participating in the on-line networks imbues activists with a sense of responsibility and community because people understand the needs of the community. The umbrella 130 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. organizations communicate tactics and develop resources that lengthen and strengthen the social movement. As the battle lines of activism change, protest organizers must provide relevant information to engineer successful protests, and to help define the goals of the movement. Successful social movements need to evolve by adapting to current environments, to grow, not only larger, but also into new discursive spaces of resistance. THE RHETORIC OF SOLIDARITY The unity of struggle provides a frame that guides the actions of the anti globalization movement. The acceptance of this frame involves recognition among movement members of a burgeoning collective of people that opposes corporate globalization. According to Slagle (1995), this self-awareness of the movement helps create the identity that sustains the movement, and enables it to resist despite differences that divide its members. This section first analyzes alliances among groups within anti-globalization networks. I focus on the Alliance for Sustainable Jobs and the Environment (ASJE) because it symbolizes the way alliances within the anti-globalization movement traverse conventional ideological boundaries. Second, I examine the concept of affinity groups, used throughout the movement.1 2 Affinity groups of typically 10-50 people are the functioning pods of the networks. Finally, I critically analyze the rhetoric of solidarity to understand how global justice movements mobilize through the unity of struggle. 1 2 The first use of the affinity group model is attributed to anarchists in Spain in the late 19* and early 20* century, and was later adopted by anti-nuclear activists in the 1970s (GlobalizeThis! 6 December, 2001, Epstein 1991). 131 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Alliances Action networks perform overarching functions of coordination and organization, and are crucial support networks of communication between individuals and groups of activists. Alliances are links between specific activist groups and/or NGOs in collaborative efforts to promote a cause or engage in protest action. These alliances differ from umbrella organizations in scale and in their ideological nature. DAN, Protest.Net and other networks provide support for a conglomeration of activists who are motivated by a variety of causes, and thus do not necessarily cooperate on specific resistance efforts. Alliances, however, consist of a few organizations acting in concordance toward a common enterprise. These connections are significant because they demonstrate the joint struggles of groups who engage in coactivism, united by principles of global justice. Numerous alliances constitute the anti-globalization movement. The Alliance for Sustainable Jobs and the Environment (ASJE) represents perhaps the most ideologically significant bridge between labor groups and environmentalists. The identification of common enemies and cooperation in opposing them has led disparate groups to new understandings of their common interest. The joint struggle of environmentalists and trade unionists from both the North and the South to block a new round of WTO trade negotiations, for example, led many to see these groups less as antagonists than as allies against globalization from above. (Brecher, Costello and Smith, 1999, p. 48) The Alliance for Sustainable Jobs and the Environment, a coalition of Earth First !ers and steelworkers, exemplifies how divergent interest groups have united to strengthen opposition to a common target: the governing bodies of free trade. 132 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ASJE is perhaps the movement’s most significant alliances because of the unity of the seemingly contradictory interests of laborers and environmentalists. Laborers usually promote economic values while environmentalists typically condemn economic priorities because they trade off with environmental values of preservation and conservation. Economic goals include the promotion of economic growth (even if just on an individual level), which is seen as zero-sum with the protection of wilderness areas. The union of laborers and environmentalists thus demonstrates how the anti-globalization movement has achieved power through diversity. The WTO provides a common enemy and thus becomes targeted by a wide range of resistance. ASJE coordinated direct action in the thick of the protests, on the front lines of the battles in the streets. In Seattle, this domestic partnership was joined by a strong supporting international contingent. This contingent included “French farmers, Korean Greens, Canadian wheat growers, Mexican environmentalists, Chinese dissidents, Ecuadorian anti-dam organizers, U’wa tribespeople from the Colombian rainforest and British campaigners against genetically modified foods” (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 28). The participation of such a wide range of international groups reveals the scope of the audiences of these umbrella organizations, and their range within and outside of the anti-globalization movement. The international revolutionary feminist newspaper Freedom Socialist credits the success of the protests in Seattle to the deepening alliance between environmentalists and unionists. Otherwise divided ideologically, both groups identified a common foe in “rogue corporations” (Hill, 2000, p. 1). Alliances 133 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. represent a source of strength for global justice movements through a greater capability for resource mobilization. Activist groups can be more effective by pooling resources. More funding is available through an expanded financial base. Membership in the movement and thus greater participation in actions, are increased through an enhanced constituency, and intensified communication networks amplify the exchange of ideas and information. In addition to the technological advantages of alliances, ASJE illustrates how previously contradictory ideals become less divisive when seen in the wider context of globalization. As will be discussed in Chapter Five, however, these ideological alliances can contribute to mixed messages that undermine how the movement is received by the public and reported in the media. Affinity Groups Activist organizations thus coordinate direct actions with other allied groups. Within these alliances are smaller groups of activists that deploy movement resources to carry out joint protest operations. These are known as affinity groups— teams of 10-50 people who perform meticulously coordinated direct actions. Action networks and alliances are manifest in the direct actions of affinity groups. Activists who are organized into clusters with explicitly understood goals and responsibilities function well because of a shared commitment to each other as well as the cause. Kling (1995) describes how a common situation becomes a unifying cause for diverse groups of activists. Affinity groups are spaces for opposition enabled by the networking of activists that share common frames and values. 134 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Affinity groups perform as cells of activism composed of people who are willing to work together and know what they want individually and collectively from the campaign’s actions. Group members seek to understand each other’s roles, needs and, conversely, what each individual can contribute to the group. Members of the affinity group aim to agree on the kinds of action that they and other members are willing to take, and of course, how willing each of the members is to risk arrest. Affinity groups are typically closely-knit clusters of individuals who know each other’s positions on the issues, and also their limits with regard to their involvement in actions and risks. Arquilla and Ronfeldt (2001) describe this as social capital, characterized by interpersonal or relational properties, and in this case, an emphasis on mutual respect and trust (p. 318). Members can perform a range of different roles in an affinity group. A closer look at some of these responsibilities explicates the strategy of protests staged as part of a campaign. A media spokesperson is responsible for talking to or dealing with the news media.. An affinity group typically requires a quick decision facilitator, which reveals that activists realize the potential pitfalls of consensus building, particularly in time of battle. An affinity group also includes a spokesperson that communicates the goals of the group to other participants in the protest action. Finally, most affinity groups also have people that provide legal support and medical aid to protesters who get arrested or suffer during the frequently violent demonstrations. In the decentralized power structure of the protests, leadership is “invested in the group as a whole” (Starhawk, 16 October, 2001). As Epstein’s (1991) discussion 135 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of the Clamshell Alliance demonstrates, affinity groups afford special protections for protesters, particularly in times of stress, such as violent clashes with police (p. 66). “The bonds among members of affinity groups helped many people through the frightening aspects of arrest” (Epstein, 1991, p. 66). Starhawk describes the effects of these bonds on decisions made during the Seattle protests. “People were empowered to make their own decisions, and the centralized structures were for co ordination, not control. As a result, we had great flexibility and resilience, and many people were inspired to acts of courage they could never have been ordered to do.... Many people pushed themselves far beyond the boundaries of what they had expected to do” (16 October, 2001). Because affinity groups are decentralized, individuals are empowered to make meaningful contributions to a larger movement. Individuals take on responsibility because they are self-motivated and sustain the energy of the movement. As discussed in Chapter Five, the diversity that enables the flexibility of global justice movements can also lead to fragmentation of the movement, and incoherent public messages. Decentralized forms of social activism allow experimentation and flexibility as a network of activist groups coordinate action on a variety of different levels, and groups can communicate about what tactics do or do not work (Arquilla and Ronfeldt, 1997). Such dispersed information networks are hard for governments and other institutions to deal with, because there is no central leadership or command structure, but many outreach attacks on a variety of fronts. Joint statements or press releases shared by a variety of affinity groups represent the strength of 136 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. communication networks that allow groups to coordinate with each other and take the experiences of other groups into account.1 3 As autonomous groups of coordinated activists, affinity groups help facilitate resource mobilization to adapt to different events and targets. Networks, alliances and affinity groups illustrate the decentralized decision-making process of consensus building employed by global justice movements. The strategy to use consensus and keep minority views protected has been referred to as a “people’s convergence.” This is a productive organization of protesters because it enables participation without betraying one’s personal goals. Thus the dual function of affinity groups ensures smooth functioning of the protest action. “Affinity groups provided a context for talking issues through; they also served as a brake on disruptive impulses that might have emerged [among] individuals rather than members of small groups of people responsible to one another” (Epstein, 1991, p. 3). Individual impulses and discontent are worked out among members of an affinity group—people who are responsible for and to each other. Affinity group structure protects the larger group from being stymied by individual concerns while allowing individuals to voice their concerns. In this way individuals with different goals and different valuations of risk can work together to create a unified, diversely stratified front. Networks are composed of other smaller networks, alliances, which in turn consist of still smaller affinity groups. Decentralized coordination of protests empowers different groups through a common goal. Participants can focus on what they share—their resistance to globalization-— even when they differ on what should replace the current form of 1 3 These techniques are historically based in New Left movements of the 1960s. See Griffin (1975), 137 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. globalization.1 4 Affinity groups emphasize values of trust, solidarity, self- sufficiency and safety (Starhawk, 2001b, p. 2). These values instill the notions that protesters are working together, and convey a sense of collective identity, which is integral to the idea of a movement, and also mobilize a greater number of activists locally that exhibit solidarity across expansive geographical distance. The Unity of Struggle The anti-globalization movement is decidedly multi-issue, because it has emerged out of previous movements. The movement represents a merger of different movements that are united by common concerns about contemporary experience, which explains the sense of collective identity that helps to mobilize protesters. Seeing that other people share similar experiences, perceptions, and feelings opens a new set of possibilities. Perhaps collectively we can act in ways that have impacts isolated individuals could never dream of having alone. And if we feel this way, perhaps others do, too. (Brecher, Costello and Smith, 1999, p. 20) Being part of a group helps inspire protesters. Seeing that other individuals share concerns about free trade and corporate exploitation is empowering, and makes people more willing to become activists. In a personal narrative, a protester who participated in the Seattle talks describes how “the street was filled with people and signs as far as the eyes could see... People walked the streets as a giant town square. Freeman (1999), Gitlin (1981) for example. 1 4 See discussions in Chapter 1 and Chapter 4. Some protesters specifically want to shut down the WTO and other organizations down, and others desire to simply reform it. See Danaher and Burbach (2000). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. There were so many people clogging the streets that day my heart swelled” (Van Handel, 2000). The power of the people trumps the individual concerns of the diverse interests represented by protesters and thus enables a unanimous expression of dissent. In this way, the groups’ cooperation in the staging of protests created an awareness of the need for solidarity to effectively express these concerns, and the interests of the individual and the collective are productively unified, and are no longer in contention. The founder of Protest.Net explains: part of the anti-globalization project is to reconstruct notions of locality and national identity. We’re trying to create a world where we have a multiplicity of identity. Instead of considering ourselves Americans, Brits, Germans, Mexicans or Chinese, we are all of those things and more. The concept of an overarching national identity was something that was created to shore up a concept of nationhood. Today in the anti-globalization movement we’re creating a new notion of internationalist localism. (Henshaw-Plath 28 November, 2001) This description reveals how the anti-globalization movement promotes an ideological unity that begets shared visions, values and principles that perhaps at some point in the evolution of the movement transcend the previous ideological boundaries and the movement becomes one whole. As discussed in Chapter One, individuals have started to identify as global citizens, transcending traditional national and regional allegiances in a global cultural resistance. “Identity may no longer be the most important organizing principle for social movements as they embrace multiple oppressions, confront corporations on many fronts at once and recognize allies who cannot be contained in an identity politics framework” (Starr, 2000, p. 167). The global exchange of media 139 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. demonstrates complex power relationships in which broader communities are formed that transcend local, and national forms of identity (See Sturken and Cartwright, 2001). Despite the diversity of beliefs and backgrounds among groups of the movement, broad areas of consensus exist within global justice movements. Protesters exhibit universal opposition to the coercive actions of the World Bank, the IMF, the WTO, and other proponents of globalization. There is broad support for policies that resist oppressive global economic forces and empower local indigenous groups. The diversity of issue beliefs and goals within the movement raises the question of how can the movement realistically sustain itself? While the success of different elements of the movement may lead to fragmentation, the decentralized nature of the protests allows the movement to be flexible to adapt to changing concerns. The unity of struggle promotes movement goals without being exclusive, so that a multiplicity of groups can converge at the summits of free trade to protest different causes with a shared target. Slagle’s (1995) theory of collective action explains the convergence of the movement into particular protest sites. The confrontation between police and protesters signifies the arrival of the movement, symbolizing a movement’s awareness of itself. In the many e-mail communications I had with activists during the course of my research, an overwhelming majority signed their communications with some version of “in peace, solidarity and revolution.” Decentralized networks empower individual activists toward collective action and lead to a shared sense of solidarity in activists’ knowledge that they personally are contributing to a larger cause. 140 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Indeed, information-sharing networks motivate the anti-globalization movement through increasing awareness—keeping people informed about local or individual situations to incite mobilization. Examples like the movement to free Mumia Abu-Jamal show the power of information to mobilize individuals to action. One man in prison has become a global rallying point for social justice movements; because of the Internet, localized cases become representative of larger injustices. The local becomes global with the spread of information around the globe and promotes a movement not bounded by place or space. Another example is the case of Jose Bove and his nine farmer friends, who dismantled a McDonalds to protest some of the effects of globalization, such as hormone-fed beef and junk food. Eighty thousand people turned up to support the farmers during their trial (George, 2001). In this way, the actions of umbrella organizations serve to unite activists and channel their energies in ways that embrace diverse interests. All are seen as supporters of a wider cause. The unity exhibited by the anti-globalization movement is remarkable. Protest is the method that the movement uses to convene, demonstrate its strength, and confront the system. The rhetoric of unity is demonstrated in slogans chanted, and written on signs and banners, such as: “The people united will never be divided!”; or “Teamsters and Turtles Together at Last!” (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 17). Flyers announcing marches proclaim “all contingents welcome! Bring your own banners and signs!” (August 16 Coalition for Justice, 2000). The more people the better as protesters worldwide “unite and fight” 141 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (International Socialist Organization, August 2000). Protest is the unifying performance of the anti-globalization movement. George Lakey, an activist of forty years, describes the importance of unifying beliefs in the coordination of mass direct action. He articulates two overarching beliefs that unite anti-globalization activists. “1. The system needs major change, and compared with those who consciously fight us to preserve the unjust status quo, we objectively are allies of each other; 2. We will all benefit from a rapid growth curve, in which we learn the most possible from each round of struggle and stay flexible and ready to give up what doesn’t seem to be working” (Lakey, 2000, p. 1). Furthermore, the diversity of ideology means that affinity groups and individual activists have a broader range of campaigns within their repertoire, which in turn gives the movement a wider base of events and institutions to launch actions and respond to situations. The most encouraging development has been the rise in power not of the NGOs, but of individual activists. Most of the Seattle protesters are not strongly wedded to any particular NGO. They are merely educated, informed people concerned about some of the effects of economic globalization. Many, it turns out are retired professionals with time on their hands and access to the Internet. This new breed of activists poses an enormous challenge to governments and corporations, for its members cannot be dismissed as lacking expertise and knowledge or as having any particular agenda. And their numbers are growing. The information age offers unprecedented opportunities for democracy and individual autonomy, while at the same time posing serious threats to those same values. Seattle was a wake-up call, not just for governments, corporations and the WTO, but for individuals everywhere, to exercise constructively this fragile yet powerful new form of democracy that has so remarkably appeared. (Byers, 1999, p. 7) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Communication networks mean a movement is based on individuals who strengthen the movement with ideas and will to resist the system. That is, protesters can consider themselves part of one movement, rather than belonging to a specific NGO, or marching for a specific cause. As these action networks demonstrate, the anti-globalization movement has developed its identity in ways that help it cope with diversity. These international alliances are significant because they help movement organizers avoid being mired in ideological struggle. Networks bridge ideological differences to coordinate specific protest groups participating in mass actions. The networks employed by the anti-globalization movement attempt to overcome these ideological differences and achieve a broad base of support for a wide range of causes. As discussed in Chapter Four and Five, there is significant dissension within the movement. One of the most publicized rifts within the anti-globalization movement is the debate over the use of tactics. The Black Bloc, for example, includes in its ranks some anarchists who engage in property destruction. Such actions contradict the nonviolent principles of more mainstream organizations within the movement. In Chapter Four, I examine how dissension within the community undermines the networking powers of new technologies. The anti-globalization movement embodies the solidarity that is critical to the functioning of social movements in an era of globalization.1 5 This solidarity or sense of collective identity is a product of local empowerment, and the challenge facing global justice movements is how to continue growing without fracturing or diluting the movement with competing individual parts. 143 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CONCLUSIONS: COLLECTIVE ACTION THROUGH CONFRONTATION Global justice movements leverage power by creating political space, enabling grassroots coalitions to be heard on a global stage. The decentralized action that characterizes the anti-globalization movement embodies the characteristics of civil society as described by Wapner (1998) as a model of social engagement that transcends traditional political conventions of the nation-state. Multiple levels of networks form politically active resistance, and help create an alternative public sphere that changes the terms of politics. Indeed, many organizations see themselves as part of civil society. “Four Demands from the Mobilization for Global Justice” were drafted by twenty organizations and addressed to the World Bank urging debt relief, environmental protections, and fair labor practices. These organizations composed “a civil society rebuttal” to the World Bank’s response (Jubilee USA Network, November 2001). It shows how diverse populations can potentially resist the institutions of globalization and even shape transnational practices. Our role is to use our position nearer the seats of power to amplify the experiences and demands of people in the Global South, the people who actually live under the policies of the World Bank and IMF.... We believe that no effort to address poverty, and equality, and environmental destruction can be satisfied by discussions among people in Washington, but must instead be led by the people closest to the problems, and the possibilities, on the ground. (Jubilee USA Network, November 2001) As discussed above, new technologies have helped build coalitions between activists in affluent nations and indigenous communities in developing countries. Jubilee 1 5 This context is significant for notions of sovereignty, a discussion that is important, hut exceeds the 144 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. USA Network reveals how NGOs and social movements have used these alliances to explicitly frame rhetorical situations in ways that expand public spheres beyond traditional state and institutional discourse, to include the voices of civil society— those who experience the exploitation of globalization. Traversing conventional geographical and political borders, these international coalitions reveal that people create identities within a global culture. The Hemispheric Social Alliance describes its goals “to strengthen civil society’s capacity to influence debates on globalization; to be recognized as a dynamic movement able to mobilize its members and to provide a meaningful space for the different opinions and points of view that exist within civil society” (HSA 2001a). In this way, the networks discussed in this chapter create a discursive space for the expression and coordination of ideas and resistance to the promotion of unbridled free trade. The Internet waves are literally written upon by the rhetoric of resistance, and alternative summits are held in which the voices of the diverse groups can be heard. HSA is a manifestation of civil society organizing around a common group of causes, seeking to inform other citizens about the plight of oppressed locales, to make the injustice known and to mobilize civil society. Indeed the anti-globalization movement seeks to expand the parameters of discussion and incorporate a broad range of perspectives, giving spaces to voices, which tend to be marginalized within society. This expands the parameters of the debates about globalization, a stated goal of many organizations.1 6 Furthermore, the activists are united because of their space of this paper. See Litfxn 1998, Lipschutz and Conca, 1993 and Brown 1995 e.g. 1 6 For special issues and conferences regarding the anti-globalization movement, see Duncan (2001), Duke (1998), etc. 145 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. shared belief in the right to protest, and they are united in their belief in the efficacy of civil society to promote social change with wide mobilization, and united “with immense elan” against a common enemy (Grant, 2001). “In all the protests that have happened since Seattle, the common thread is precisely the realization that these issues are related to each other, and it is this realization that has created the worldwide alliance of activists and NGOs, anarchists, and reformers, determined to change the world” (Nogeuira, 2000). These alliances incorporate a broad range of issues that are related to each other, not only by the institution that is the target of the protests, but because all the issues are connected by the increasing emphasis on globalization. The anti-globalization movement embraces the new kind of civil society that has responded to the fragmentation of globalization processes in a way that gives people room to express their views. Global justice movements have been successful in at least one way—people have had the power to express their views, and thus made participants feel that they had the power to achieve social change. The fora, teach-ins and alternative summits represent a new discursive space for activists to exchange ideas, working toward a shared vision of a more just, democratic world (Bruno, 2001). In this way, this internationally minded, globally linked movement has created a political, economic, and social space for the expression of dissent. Starhawk (August 2001) reiterates the importance to act strongly in the face of opposition in order to “contest the powers that are attempting to close all political space for true dissent” (p. 2). The political space created by the anti-globalization movement is a result of activists connected by the same enemies, some of the same 146 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. solutions, and many of the same challenges (Prokosch, 2001). The final resolution from the Geneva 2000 Alternative Summit explains that conflicts will exist within the movement, making it urgent to “develop solidarity between peoples in order to help bring about or reinforce popular structures... allowing for a chance for struggle and emancipation” (2000, p. 1). This resolution speaks to the unity through diversity—only by forging alliances through previously dichotomous differences, can any number of small organizations or movements see the emancipation they are struggling for realized. The rhetoric of diverse groups shows that different approaches exist, but the best way to affect the debates about globalization is to build a power base. “Points of convergence between the various movements create a sufficiently solid base. This synergy makes it possible to move beyond any points of divergence on the possible strategies for human development and to create alternative proposals” (Geneva Alternative Summit, 2000, p. 3). The diverse views within the movement create a broad base of power and initiative—the range of perspectives and causes makes the showing at protests (and tactics) truly an overwhelming force, one that would not be as powerful if protests were conducted by individual, smaller social movements. Globalization from below represents the emergence of a global civil society that can wield power across borders, undermining the control of political and economic institutions. The movement’s message is as much about expansion of public sphere and the role of protest as it is about the anti-globalization movement itself. The movement also furthers democracy, such that it brings to light exploitation and the plight of the workers, the poor, and other disadvantaged groups. The anti- 147 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. globalization movement exhibits characteristics of Fraser’s (1992) subaltern counterpublics as protesters formulate oppositional interpretations of their identities and needs. The movement demands the creation of new space as protesters work to establish literal and discursive space for the expression of their message. The protests claim literal space through demonstrations and marches through which they occupy urban space in acts of civil disobedience. Direct action tactics such as signs and banners hung from office buildings reappropriate corporate space in visual expressions of resistance. Alternative forums such as the Quebec Summit of the Americas and the People’s Parliament provide subversive venues for dissident voices. These are meetings of thousands of protesters that convene in united resistance to the official activities and create discursive space for protesters to make their demands heard. In Quebec, 500 protesters staged a demonstration for the Canadian government to release a draft of the proposed FTAA. This “free the text” demonstration illustrates the battle for discursive space as protesters challenge the privileged viewing of official documents (Munroe, 3 April, 2001). Such protests are a cry for the transparency of the public negotiations that happen behind closed doors at the official convention. Global justice movements are rhetorically salient to thousands of activists worldwide because they translate the violation of widely held norms into a vision of a movement as a whole that transcends its organizations and factions. The rhetoric of protest defines a situation to maintain symbolic control both to establish the strength and livelihood of the movement, and to attract media attention and perhaps provoke institutional response. Mass demonstrations work to establish the role of protest in 148 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. global debate, which is important symbolically for perception of the movement, and psychologically for the activists themselves. Activists find a common identity within the multiple values represented in the anti-globalization movement that has enabled the development of a common strategy of resistance. The solidarity of struggle enables the anti-globalization collective to maintain an almost fluid identity so activists can respond to diverse situations. In this way, social change requires more than an expression of one’s beliefs or values, it requires transforming relationships, and thus social change requires a program that allows a movement to “formulate its vision as a set of concrete changes that will realize its goals. A program mediates between aspirations and reality, transforming wishes into plans” (Brecher, Costello and Smith, 1999, p. 65). The anti-globalization movement offers a long term perspective to position the movement as a place where people turn if they are moved by mounting catastrophes by aiming to have its issues perceived as representative of broad public interests (Brecher, Costello and Smith, 1999, p. 97). Participation in the anti-globalization movement from below represents an alternative institutional structure and an alternative way to organize and interact with people and the world. In this way the actions of global justice movements enact democratic ideals envisioned by the protesters. “The kinetic activity in all of these areas begins to provide a picture of a somewhat dispersed but burgeoning process of grassroots globalization. Communities the world over are breaking their isolation and entering into direct contact and collaboration with one another” (Karliner, 1997). The networks of these communities form a civil society without borders. This civil 149 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. society is effective because it puts pressure on institutions to be accountable for their actions. “Critics of the [World Bank] have found that mobilized citizenry is essential for holding the Bank accountable. Protests shed light on the actions of the Bank and put pressure on governments, in the South and North, to be responsive, and to make the Bank responsive, to local and global concerns” (Jubilee USA Network, November 2001). The anti-globalization movement has implications for global civil society because it increases the scope and range of the public sphere (Wapner 1998). The anti-globalization strategy of collective action is to connect with local issues, by recognizing their global implications. The anti-globalization movement transforms global power relationships, rupturing free trade forums by creating alternative forms of political discourse, so that the people can contribute to discussions of economic globalization issues. The implications of the anti-globalization movement on social movement theory are evident in the way that networks create unity in a fragmented society, which enables a broad based vision that incorporates many people’s concerns. This type of vision of the movement as a whole is the way the movement for globalization from below can achieve success in contributing to the discourse surrounding economic globalization. Common understandings of issues assimilate the perspectives of different factions of the movement, so that these specific directives guide the movement’s actions as a whole. In this way, the movement has developed a common program for global social change that articulates how different issues translate into international concerns and resistance, and are manifest in global convergences of protest. 150 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter Four: Protest Theater: Visual Activism and Nonviolence As discussed in Chapter Two, protests are expressions of dissent and confrontation and as such, are rhetorical demands on the system. Global justice movements establish protest’s place in the politics of globalization. Protests are an almost anti-political politics because they are staged confrontations of oppressive state and corporate actions to open up previously exclusive means of communication. In this way, activists create discursive space to express their demands and offer alternative solutions. Groups use listservs and websites to inform constituents about actions taking place all over the world. As discussed in Chapter Three, this distribution of information creates the feeling of a global movement, and forms the rhetoric of the movement as a whole. New information and new communication technologies are vehicles for discussion of strategies, and for reporting on the movement’s success—“here’s what worked, here’s what didn’t” discussions. While Chapter Three discussed the rhetoric of collective action, focusing on the networked identity of global justice movements, this chapter explicates the rhetorical strategies of specific direct actions that make up the protests of the anti globalization movement. I will examine the circumstances or rhetorical situations that led activists to choose specific protest strategies, and in this way explicate the rhetoric that makes the anti-globalization movement unique as a social movement and as a response to globalization from above. Protest.Net offers instructions with the lead-in: “So you want to start a movement?” By empowering individuals, the anti-globalization movement represents a widespread desire for global civil society, 151 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and a better kind of democracy. The rhetoric of the anti globalization movement operates from the assumption that people can start their own movement, and in this way establishes the legitimacy of protest as a political forum, as well as the authority of citizens’ specific demands for justice. This chapter examines protest as a way for individuals and specific groups to belong to a broader movement through decentralized organization, which enables mass expression of a wide range of demands. Chapter Three’s discussion of networks revealed that the anti-globalization movement employs a variety of direct action strategies. For a movement that is characterized by collective action through ideological diversity, communication is both a tactic and a resource. Communication stabilizes organizations of social movements because it strengthens connections between participants (Meyers, 1994, p. 257). Protest is a way of extending political reach: as civil society’s expressions of dissent, protests are distinguished from institutional rhetoric, and are key to confrontation of the present order. This confrontation defines the movement’s entry point into the debate about globalization. A flier issued by Radical Women and the Freedom Socialist Party proclaims “from protest in the streets to a lasting radical movement!” (2000). In this chapter, I ask how these protests might become a lasting movement. This chapter explores two broad aspects of the rhetoric of protest: visual activism and the use of the comic frame of nonviolence to confront the establishment. First, I explore ways in which the movement uses visual imagery to express dissent and symbolize resistance. Image politics and visual argument increase public consciousness in three ways: 152 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. first, through awareness of the movement’s support, second, by publicizing its causes and struggles, and third, as counterhegemonic public discourse (Gronbeck, 1995, Blair, 1996, Deluca 1999). Second, I employ Burke’s acceptance frames to demonstrate how the anti-globalization protests use a comic frame to enter the debate about globalization and act to induce social change through the symbolic function of nonviolence (Burke, 1937, Euchner, 1996, Carlson, 1986). I also analyze activists’ use of perspective by incongruity through the use of playful language and even humor to frame opposition response to the protests (Burke, 1937, Madsen, 1993, Christiansen and Hanson, 1996). Third, I examine the rift within the movement regarding property destruction and other direct action tactics that advocates of nonviolence see as antithetical to the movement’s goals. VISUAL ACTIVISM AND IMAGE POLITICS The anti-globalization movement is distinctive because it expresses its demands on a global stage and thus must persuade a global audience.1 This is due to the diversity of causes encompassed by the protests as well as the global nature of the causes the movement represents. The visual element of protest is crucial in raising awareness of particular causes and the global struggle against economic globalization. Blair (1996) notes that images are provocative because they bring the audience closer to the actual experience. The anti-globalization movement uses visual images to help a global audience visualize struggles for justice. Particularly in 1 For discussion of historical conditions of social movements see Epstein (1991) and Freeman and Johnson (1999). 153 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. a world saturated with media images, provocative images provide publicity that increases awareness of these struggles (DeLuca, 1999). In this way, anti-globalization protests enact a public sphere in which the movement’s demands and grievances can be heard. First, I will discuss how the visual function of protest creates awareness of the movement itself. Second, I will analyze how global justice movements use visual images to increase awareness of various struggles and causes. Third, I will explain how the convergence of these movements at meetings of economic free trade institutions represent counterhegemonic public spheres for discussion of the effects of global capitalism. Awareness of a growing movement Protest.Net’s Activist Handbook observes that “more people will show up as your visibility rises” (Protest.net 11 May 2001). This emphasizes the importance of actual turnout for movement visibility; the number of people who show up at demonstrations is a good way to evaluate how the movement message is being spread. In this way, the protests themselves are a visual demonstration of the power of the people—both in what they can do to block institutional meetings effectively, and also in the sheer number of people who are willing to show up to express discontent with the consequences of economic globalization. In that they dramatize the exploitation of indigenous communities and the environment, the protests become visualizations of the specific demands of the movement. The Seattle protests were successful in part because they were a visible confrontation of the WTO. In this way, numbers do matter, and simply showing up 154 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. is effective in demonstrating widespread resistance to trade and other economic policies. To the D.C. protests, Philadelphia ACT-UP brought 800 people with HIV or AIDS (Cockbum, St.Clair and Sekula, 2000, p. 80). This shows the visibility of the problem, and tells people that the world can not ignore such a pervasive epidemic any longer. In the same way, gay and lesbian protesters staged a mass “kiss-in” to show homosexuals are not a minority (Cockbum, St.Clair and Sekula, 2000, p. 89). This further emphasizes the importance of visibility for the protesters. The kiss-in demonstrates non-heterosexuals are not a minority, protesting heterosexist norms. The presence of protesters makes dissent visible. “We need to get 10,000 people at the next protest, and then 200,000, we need that support. We need people quitting their jobs to join in the amazing feeling of acceptance and brother/sisterhoods within these large mobilizations.... We need to get 500,000 people in the streets, and start making real changes” (Van der Walt, 20 February, 2001). This visible activism can indicate the great number of people who are outraged, and thus physically express demands that something be done to eradicate widespread oppression. Furthermore, protests attract newcomers to the movement. Protests are described as gatherings, even parties, to celebrate widespread support for global justice movements. Mobilization for Global Justice urges activists to “get ready for the next festival of resistance!” (10 May, 2001). The protests are conducted in a celebratory fashion to encourage people to participate. Brooke Lehman, a New York-based protester active in a group called No to W.T.O. explains her group’s use of “a carnival festival model to oppose the W.T.O.” in which everyone comes together to protest the WTO and what it represents, and stage a huge festival of 155 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. resistance to call attention to the undemocratic and illegitimate powers of economic globalization (Greenhouse, 29 November, 1999). The carnival atmosphere is attractive to potential activists because it celebrates the convergence of the masses to resist corporate powers through parades and rallies that are invigorating and empowering.2 Visualization of struggle: Illustrations of injustice and demonstrations of specific causes The Ruckus Society Action Planning Manual explains that the functions of direct action are largely visual. First, direct action is used to announce alarm: “You have learned of a situation that demands immediate attention from the public. Your direct action is meant to shine a light on a hidden (more likely, covered-up) danger that must not be kept secret” (Ruckus Society Action Planning Manual, online, 2001). In this way, protests have a visual function because they are drawing attention to situations such as environmental exploitation and unfair labor practices. Direct actions are intended to expose the current situation for what it is and for example, uncover hidden environmental social and economic effects of corporate control of politics. Direct action also reinforces protesters’ stance on issues, clarifying issues that may remain ambiguous like the fairness of free trade. Direct actions are conspicuous reminders that problems exist, and are even used to sustain interest in a campaign (Ruckus Society Action Planning Manual, on-line, 2001). 2 For further discussion of why people protest see Milbrath and Goel (1977) and Jenkins and Klandermas (1995). 156 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Visible activism is particularly memorable and reveals activists’ elaborate preparation for the protests, and the visual artistry is evident in the construction of props and the construction of an artistic, clear message. In Seattle, members of the Earth Island Institute had prepared five hundred sea turtle costumes for marchers to wear as a symbol of the WTO’s threats to environmental laws. The sea turtle gained particular significance when a WTO tribunal ruled that a U.S. Endangered Species Act requirement that shrimp be caught with turtle excluder devices was an unfair trade barrier (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 17). Thus, the WTO was a specific target for the environmental protests, and the protesters aired specific grievances. The turtle costumes were also symbolic in that many protesters who wore them carried signs declaring, “I’m not a trade barrier.” These costumes helped visualize the problem, or in this case the victim of free trade—the sea turtles, and created a memorable enactment of the problem. This example proves how complicated messages of protest can be condensed into a symbol so that audiences may take away a meaning of dissent regardless of language, location and experience. Direct action also publicly and visibly raises the stakes in an ongoing straggle. Global justice movements expand discussions of globalization from strictly economic phenomena to conversations that include the multitudes affected by such processes (Fatima, 28 February 2000, p. 3). As will be discussed in Chapter Five, the problem with this approach is that by reducing the message to symbols, protesters risk trivializing issues and hampering communication of complicated messages. Banners effectively communicate arguments in demonstrations. The Ruckus Society offers a wealth of practical advice in its banner workshop: “the focus of the 157 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. presentation will be to expose people to a variety of banner types as well as their design and fabrication in respect to site conditions (low-high wind, etc.) anchoring durability, length of use, and graphics mediums and applications. Banner types will include: handheld, pole supported, flag, and suspended/hanging banner types. Using natural and synthetic materials. Examples via photos and samples will range from several to 2,000 sq feet” (Ruckus Society, 27 August, 2001b). Protest messages need to be clear, people need to be able to read signs, and remember them, so such specifications are taught, demonstrating how thoroughly planned out these actions are, to construct a sustainable, general message. An example of the effective use of visible banners occurred when activists staged a solidarity protest with demonstrators in Quebec, in a Miami shopping mall with multinational corporations, unfurling two two-story tall banners “Sweatshop” in front ofNikeTown, and [another banner that said] “No more prisons” (a20.org. 11 May, 2001). Activists handed flyers to curious shoppers saying what the FTAA was, why they were protesting etc. Banners allow activists to articulate specific demands: the AFL-CIO proclaimed: “if it doesn’t work for working families, it doesn’t work.” Greenpeace constructed a three story green condom that read “Practice Safe Trade, Ban GMOs.” Other signs included “No Patents on life, Hands off my genes” and “No frankenfood: ban genetic engineering.” These banners make specific demands and call for specific legal or political action. Many are simple; “Fair trade not free trade” and its counterpart “Free Drugs not Free Trade.” Some banners ask audiences to “rewrite the rules of the global economy,” demonstrating the need to disrupt the globalized economy in the same way the protests disrupt the meetings of proponents of free trade. 158 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Sometimes, these messages take the form of skywriting (planes that spell out messages or fly banners) and earthwriting (two or three-dimensional messages written in sand, dirt or other soil) in order to make an even larger message. Banners are reappropriations of space, creating room to articulate specific demands. The visual actions capture the attention of the public, the media and even law enforcement officials, demonstrating how visually expressing a problem or a situation can be effective. “This is what democracy looks like”: The visualization of counterhegemonic publics The protests are powerful convergences, a visualization of a new kind of democracy as thousands of people are moved to action to express their united resistance. Protesters carry large puppets and signs to call attention to themselves and foster a carnival atmosphere with singing and taunting chants. This attitude is indicative of the protesters’ insistence on their right to be there. At once the protests are dismptive and celebratory. Activists invite thousands and thousands of protesters to a party to call attention to the injustices perpetuated by economic globalization. The protests are staged to point out the severe injustices perpetuated by the world economic order, but also intended to provoke charitable self-reflection. That is, the protests are dramatic situations that reveal egregious oppression, but allow for these situations to be rectified. Protesters demand participation in the public sphere by using their bodies to assert their right to exist and express themselves in forums that 159 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. discuss the fate of the people at the hand of economic globalization in the name of free trade. The marches and parades are, in a word, fun, and thus attract newcomers to the movement, who are then empowered to celebrate the global struggle for justice. This energy is transferred into the power of the protests. Describing a D.C. protest march, Mother Jones reported “there couldn’t have been more than 2,000 people in the march, but it was compact, and pulsating with energy, and occupied all four lanes of the street. The giant puppets, the signs denouncing everything from oppression of animals to the rape of the rainforests, the knots of whooping people dancing to improvised drum music were suddenly back in full force” (Beiser, 18 April, 2000). The force of this protest, despite its small size, is attributable in a large part to the festive atmosphere embodied in the demonstrations. People want to participate, they see how exciting it is to participate, and as discussed in a later section on Burke’s (1937) comic frame, this helps a public audience to have a charitable view of the resistance. These colorful puppet marches use art as a form of protest to celebrate real democracy and express solidarity through rallies and demonstrations of common resistance. Of course, the visual element of protest has a larger, symbolic function in the visualization of resistance. Activists are clearly aware of the visibility of their actions. They are aware of their impact in a global arena, and indeed this is the point of the protests. As a dramatic performance of grievances and demands, protests open up the discursive space to allow such discourse of resistance to be heard. “Whose streets? Our streets!” is a common cry during protests and signifies how protesters 160 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. are asserting themselves and their right to be there by occupying the streets surrounding official summits. In this way, protests themselves are a message, asserting the right of the people to participate in global debates that will affect them through international economic policies. The protests are visible challenges to this sort of oppression, and enact this struggle on a global stage. Our purpose is to undercut [institutions’] legitimacy, to point a spotlight at their programs and policies, and to raise the social costs of their existence until they become insupportable. Contesting the summits has delegitimized these institutions in a way no local organizing possibly can. The big summit meetings are elaborate rituals, ostentatious shows of power that reinforce the entitlement and authority of the bodies they represent. When those bodies are forced to meet behind walls, to fight a pitched battle over every conference, to retreat to isolated locations, the ritual is interrupted and their legitimacy is undercut. The agreements that were being negotiated in secret are brought out into the spotlight of public scrutiny. The lie that globalization means democracy is exposed; and the mask of benevolence is ripped off. (Starhawk, August 2001) The protests are staged at the meetings of these institutions to call attention to the meetings, that are held in private, where economic agreements that directly affect the livelihoods of people who have no control over these agendas are negotiated. The visual function of the protests is to demand transparency in negotiation and effectively prevent these meetings from going on unnoticed. Furthermore, the protests call attention to the institutions themselves for people who otherwise had not heard of them. So the visibility of the protests heightens public scrutiny of future negotiations simply by bringing the institutions themselves into the public eye. This exemplifies Fraser’s (1992) discussion of how counterpublics assert themselves and challenge the neoliberal hegemonic public sphere as the place for idea-building and 161 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. decision-making. The global nature of the movement and its causes necessitates a visual strategy of resistance to call attention to local causes as part of larger global issues. In Quebec, the fence between the protesters and police came down after protesters attacked the barricade. “The first wave of tear gas came and momentarily there was panic, people ran in anticipation of the inevitable backlash. But the cops didn’t come and the crowd turned around after running ten meters. Some started throwing bottles, cans, and a few stones. There was a back and forward process of the crowd pushing at the force of the State, testing it out” (Grant, 20 April, 2001). This moment in the movement dramatically illustrates how the protests are tests of the state, as activists literally test the boundaries of the state through visible demonstrations of civil disobedience. These acts of civil disobedience are endeavors to reveal the illegitimacy of political and economic institutions profiting from the global economy. Activists create a spectacle through disruptive images that pique public interest and motivate action to facilitate social change. An international group of socialist youth exemplifies the sense of purpose which empowers activists: “The attempt to obstruct these conferences obviously has a big symbolic power” (New Youth Magazine, 14 April, 2001). Activists are aware of the importance of their visibility, and even if they do not achieve concrete legal or policy changes, their symbolic success is evident in the media attention demonstrations garnered and the increased public exposure of the continuing struggle. Protests are newsworthy events, and the movement sustains itself by establishing its causes as newsworthy, largely through conspicuous protests so that the resistance cannot be ignored. 162 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. However, as discussed in detail in Chapter Five, one significant challenge that faces protest organizers is unfavorable media coverage that can undermine the movement’s message. Cathcart’s (1978) notion of confrontation holds that a collective becomes visible through the knowledge that a movement has taken place. Through visibility, the protesters have achieved a basic goal—even if not directly successful in shutting down the meetings of the institutions—because they have caused people to pay attention. For many activists, protest is the only means available to make their demands heard, and in fact, the protests create space for activists to comment on the policies of the economic institutions they are protesting. “These choices remain only so long as we keep open the space in which to make them. We need to grow, not shrink. We need to explore and claim new political territory. ... We need to stay in the streets” (Starhawk, August 2000). The streets become the political territory of global justice movements who do not have a seat at the table where the regulation of free trade is negotiated. Protests are the space for deliberation among Fraser’s (1992) subaltern counterpublics. As an alternative means of political discussion, global justice movements represent the deliberation and political participation that can have influence on the larger global public sphere (See Riley, Klumpp and Hollihan, 1999, and Asen, 1999, 2000). During the FTAA meetings, the widespread resistance was evident in the transcontinental border demonstrations. These are stark and interesting protests of globalization. These visible dramatic rituals critique rigid borders of the nation state, reveal the solidarity of the protests, and depict movement efforts as a constant struggle. In this way the movement is globally visual— 163 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. demonstrations are happening all over the globe. The networks discussed in Chapter Three are visible in the convergences of people all over the globe as global justice movements are making loud expressions of dissent at meetings of economic institutions. The anti-globalization movement exhibits a level of self-awareness and media savvy that distinguishes this movement from its historical predecessors. These activists represent generations raised on television, and thus they fully understand the importance of media coverage to movement strategy. As at protests of the 1968 Democratic National Convention, during all of the protests studied here, crowds chanted “the whole world is watching” showing that activists know protests are in large part about media coverage and are stating the power of demonstrations. The protests have an audience; their struggle is visible and is enacted on a world stage helped out by the pervasive media. The slogan “this is what democracy looks like” also makes an argument about the value of protest in a visual demonstration of alternatives to corporate globalization. This slogan also served as a commentary on the resulting violence during the protests—a critique of the police response to the legal demonstrations of dissent in the name of preserving democracy. The secrecy and heavy-handed tactics of the targeted economic institutions and the police strategies for controlling protesters are made more visible by the protest tactics. Many activists see protest as the only effective strategy to call attention to what they see as widespread injustice at the hands of economic corporate globalization. Those who engage in the protests see lobbying and other forms of reform as invisible, and thus ultimately co-optable. A movement’s confrontation 164 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. with the system must remain visible, to cultivate public awareness. The anti globalization movement is unique because as the movement becomes larger and globalization itself becomes more widespread, activists must develop communication strategies to respond to a variety of exigencies and enfranchise a number of diverse causes. In this way, social movement communication must be perceptible by diverse audiences worldwide. Massive, observable protests are a way for global justice movements to express dissent on a large scale so that the world is witness to suffering and struggle on a global level. Visual imagery reveals the importance of protests in creating a spectacle to draw media attention in a globalized world. PROTEST IN THE COMIC FRAME The visual function of the protests not only attracts attention to causes, it helps to make audiences aware of corporate behaviors and illustrates what the protesters see as the deleterious effects of free trade. However, in an era of globalization, being in the public eye is not enough; activists must mobilize the public to act for their causes, while competing with numerous other issues—to mobilize social change. Protesters must operate within rhetorical frames that are conducive to social change in the face of the dominance of global capitalism. As discussed in Chapter Two, Kenneth Burke (1937) articulates rhetorical frames as symbolic structures by which humans impose order on their experiences through perspectives of interpretation.3 3 Burke’s definition of humans includes the tenet that we are motivated by a sense of order (Burke, 1966). The cycle of the terms for order—guilt, purification, and redemption—represent the effects of acceptance and rejection of the hierarchy (Burke, 1950), and inform our understanding of acceptance 165 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Burke describes the comic frame as a rhetorical frame of acceptance in which people are observers of themselves while acting. This self-reflective perspective provides a humane way of dealing with the destruction of the order of the status quo. The comic frame sees “human antics as a comedy, albeit as a comedy ever on the verge of the most disastrous tragedy” (Burke, 1937, p. iii). The comic frame allows for human error, and provokes charitable self-reflection, which is conducive to social change because audiences can be sympathetic toward causes that they might be complicit in perpetuating. Furthermore, frames of acceptance refer to “a system of meanings by which a thinking [person] gauges the historical situation and adopts a role with relations to it” (1937, p. 5). Thus, protesters rhetorically name the ill effects of globalization in such a way that prepares us for suffering and struggle. The comic frame enables protesters to reframe the debate about globalization to counter official government and institutional views and establish the need for change. The comic frame bypasses the extremes of the bureaucratic mindset through observation of one’s self (Madsen 1993). Through the comic frame, protests open space for marginalized discourse by exposing the obfuscation of governmental and institutional regulation of free trade. The anti-globalization movement must develop unique strategies because they face the overwhelming momentum of free trade and and rejection frames. Whenever people reject the traditional hierarchy, they “fall” and thereby acquire a feeling of guilt. Guilt reduces social cohesion and gives people a feeling of incompleteness, so that they strive to alleviate this guilt or to receive redemption. People try to alleviate guilt through the act of purification, which take the form of either mortification or victimage. Mortification is an act of self-sacrifice that relieves guilt, whereas victimage is the purging of guilt through a scapegoat that symbolizes society’s guilt. After assignment of guilt, one can have redemption through expression of guilt when the act of purification is equivalent to the degree of guilt. 166 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. neoliberal ideals within the economic and political structures of globalization from above. In this section, I will first discuss nonviolence as an acceptance frame, exploring the symbolic nature of nonviolence and the acceptance frame of the anti globalization protest specifically. Second, I will articulate how the anti-globalization protests offer perspective by incongruity, specifically strategies for pointing out the hypocrisy of corporate politics of the economic institutions under protest, and also for undermining administrative tactics of containment. Third, I will explicate the rift in the movement between nonviolent advocates and those protesters who push for tactics such as property destruction that depart from conventional philosophies of nonviolence. I will conclude by discussing the effects of the comic frame as a guide for action, and how it compliments visual tactics of protest. Symbolic functions of nonviolence: Claiming discursive and physical space As Carlson (1986) notes, nonviolence has important symbolic uses as a protest strategy. Martin Luther King, Jr., and Mahatma Gandhi employed strategies of nonviolence that are echoed in the protest movements of the 1960s, such as the 1968 Democratic Convention protests in Chicago, and the rallies in opposition to the Vietnam War. The theory behind nonviolent protest is that the energy of the resistance is directed at the policies being protested and not intended to destroy the perpetrators. A second aspect is that protesters do not seek to humiliate or defeat their opponents, but rather to win their support and understanding (Bowers and Ochs, 1971, p. 41). The legacy of King and Gandhi’s philosophies of nonviolence informs Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. contemporary protests and is instructive for this analysis.4 Like their historical predecessors of the 1960s and 1970s, anti-globalization protesters stage sit-ins, wade-ins, and speak-ins as nonviolent expressions of solidarity with those who suffer, in peaceful demonstrations of discontent. Of interest is how the anti globalization protesters have adapted strategies of nonviolence to respond to exigencies of globalization. The symbolic functions of these expressions of nonviolence are two-fold: through the expression of demands and the claiming of discursive space, and through the occupation of literal, geographic space5 by blockading entrance to the meetings. First, nonviolence within the comic frame asserts the right of activists to protest, and claims discursive space by using nonviolent action to frame the debate about the legitimacy of the demonstrations. The Ruckus Society and other activist groups emphasize the historical context of nonviolence, so protesters can see their actions within a pattern of powerful nonviolent actions (Grierson, 4 November, 1999, p. 2). As noted in previous chapters, nonviolence enjoys an impressive legacy within social movements. This historical context helps imbue contemporary nonviolent actions with a moral code embedded in activists for generations. Nonviolence exemplifies an acceptance frame of protests for activist groups who see dissent as an opportunity to create new forums where previously marginalized voices can be heard. This performance is an expression of resistance—nonviolent civil 4 The literature regarding King and Gandhi’s philosophies of nonviolence is vast and this work admittedly does not provide a comprehensive historical analysis. For further reading on the implications of nonviolent protest see Bowers and Ochs (1971), Epstein (1991), Freeman and Johnson (1999), and Gitlin (1980). 5 Refer to Chapter 1 ’s discussion on geographical perspectives of globalization. 168 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. disobedience is a means to establish the legitimacy of protesters who get shut out of other legitimate forums of the public sphere. The belief in the right to protest informs the moral dimension of nonviolence, which includes passive resistance toward police and other opposition, that echoes codes of respect and decentralization exhibited within the movement. Nonviolence Works is a nongovermental organization that expounds on the theory of modem social activism and provides links to human rights groups. It cites experts6 on its website ( 'www.nonviolenceworks.orgl and lists techniques for fighting the nonviolent fight including,7 “declarations of indictment and intention,” which are expressions of demands and practices of free speech. This strategy has two implications: first, to make explicit and clarify their demands to the media and the public; and second, to promote transparency and open dialogue with authorities. This rhetorical strategy is based on the belief that protest is a fomm for expressing demands that are otherwise shut out of public discourse. Destmction of their own property is another technique employed by some groups. This symbolic expression of the injustices allegedly caused by corporations—decidedly nonviolent and legal— grabs media and public attention because it is not a conventional action. “Rude gestures” express feelings of extreme discontent without committing unlawful or violent acts. “Silence,” “refusing honors,” and “turning one’s back” are all tactics of nonviolence that practice passive resistance and thus demand a like response from established authorities. Nonviolence thus has important symbolic uses; activists 6 Elsewhere, I have discussed the decentralized, leaderless form of the protests, but there are people who have experience and thus expertise because of their historical involvement within social movements. 169 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. create a drama, which reveals that an unjust situation exists on such a large scale that the global community has no choice but to confront it. The anti-globalization movement claims discursive space through ritual dramas that express disgust with social inequalities through confrontation with the enemy. Second, the symbolic function of nonviolence as a strategy of civil disobedience is evident in the attempts to obstruct the proceedings of the target institutions. Protesters stage actions to literally occupy physical space. Blockades are central tactics of civil disobedience—“the brown bread basics of direct action” (Ruckus Society, 27 August, 2001b). Blockade techniques include tree-sits (to prevent chopping of trees by industrial loggers), “tripods, lockboxes, railboxes, barrel blockades, vehicle blockades, water blockades, bridge actions, cattle guard blockades, putting up blockades, etc.... Activists can also learn how to lock [their] head to something” (Ruckus Society, 27 August, 2001b). Protesters make themselves immobile so that it is harder for police to diffuse crowds and remove them. This defiance of authority exemplifies strategies of nonviolent civil disobedience because protesters put their bodies on the line to protest actions. Not only does this signify commitment and willingness to risk one’s self for a greater cause, but it also reveals the illegitimacy of police actions, which harm the bodies of protesters who put themselves on the line. These strategies of nonviolence are intended to stall and obstruct the normal workings of the city and the global meeting. In Seattle, protesters literally tried to take over the city by occupying space, around the convention center, which allowed them to confront the WTO directly. 7 This paragraph discusses several tactics all of which can be found at nonviolenceworks.org 170 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Geographically, Seattle helped activists’ shut down the city “with its overburdened streets and constricted geography the city does half the job itself’ (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 14).8 The goal of the protests was to constrain movement in the city-—civil disobedience is designed to disrupt the normal functioning of both the city and the WTO. The Seattle protests were seen as effective because of the widespread scale of the acts of civil disobedience. The demonstrations immobilized the city and hindered police in dispersing the protesters. Strategies of immobilization included a human chain of hundreds of protesters around Seattle’s exhibition center, who demanded that wealthy nations cancel debts owed by poorer nations. Although this chain did not single-handedly prevent numerous delegates from reaching the convention, it symbolically blockaded the event as a reminder of the harmful consequences of WTO policies. Seattle events also included protest marches of thousands of people that clogged the streets, disrupting normal downtown business. During protests in Washington, D.C., protesters occupied intersection after intersection in the streets surrounding the IMF/World Bank headquarters. “The goal: Prevent the suits from getting to their meeting place. The tactic: Form human blockades on every road leading there” (Beiser, 17 April, 2000). As earlier noted, police learned from their Seattle experience, and activists demonstrated a similar level of preparedness. In D.C., protesters were ready to resist the police during anticipated confrontation. Activists were “kitted out with all kinds of makeshift anti- 8 The authors describe how “in an act of self-interested solidarity”, cab drivers, who held festering grudges against the city on a variety of claims, had announced plans to time a taxi strike to coincide with the protest,” an occurrence which made the blockade more effective. 171 with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. tear gas gear from swim goggles to welders’ masks, trash-can lid shields to ward off rubber bullets, and lengths of pipe to stick their arms in to make it harder for cops to pull them apart” (Beiser, 17 April, 2000). Protesters were prepared to put their bodies on the line to expose the injustice felt by other bodies all over the world. Ruckus society organizer Han Shan, described the theory behind techniques like the sleeping dragon, or group lockbox, which were used in Seattle and D.C.: It’s a fortification. It’s a way of saying, you won’t allow me to be here and you’ll beat the crap out of me for being here, but I’m going to become an atom in this human molecule, and so you have to deal with this. On the morning of N30 in Seattle, there were hundreds of people running around with lock boxes on their right arm looking for someone to join up with. It was very very powerful - these individuals, these ‘free radicals’ running around in the streets looking to become a molecule. There’s real metaphorical power in that. But it’s also about strengthening our position when our bodies and our voices aren’t given the credence that they should be. (Cockbum, St.Clair and Sekula, 2000, p. 88) Protesters demanded participation in the public sphere by using their bodies to assert their right to exist and express themselves in forums that discuss the fate of the people at the hands of economic globalization in the name of free trade. Such tactics are not always successful; D.C. officials evaded the blockades by getting meeting participants to the buildings in the very early mornings. This will be discussed in detail in Chapter Five, what is important here is that the notion of blockades is central to the protests studied here, whose goal is to shut down the meetings of global economic forums. Anti-globalization protests shape people’s perceptions of what is possible in politics. Civil disobedience in Seattle and at subsequent meetings Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of world economic leaders were symbolic performances of resistance, changing the terrain of politics by showing what a mass collective can do against the system. Perspective by incongruity: Acceptance framing of opposition The visual element of protest and the symbolic function of nonviolence both work to assert the right to protest. A second element of the. comic frame is perspective by incongruity, in which protesters reveal the causes or grievances of a movement through dramatic situations that a public audience cannot easily ignore. In this way, nonviolence as a rhetorical strategy constrains oppositional reactions to nonviolence, and frames issues and situations in such a way to evoke public sympathy for resistance efforts. I examine two ways nonviolence contexualizes responses to protest through perspective by incongruity. First, I will discuss the use of the comic frame to reveal the injustices of the policies of the economic institutions that are the target of protest. Second, I will explain how nonviolent acts of protesters frame police tactics to condemn strategies of containment and oppression. Nonviolence strengthens the cohesion of the movement through principles of acceptance. First, nonviolence serves to expose the hypocrisy of institutional policies that claim to solve injustices. Cathcart (1978) argues that movements gain strength and power by undermining the moral legitimacy of the establishment. Gandhi’s marches to collect salt from the sea and King’s civil rights marches through Birmingham and Selma dramatized unjust situations on so large a scale that their audiences had no choice but to respond (See Carlson, 1986). The anti-globalization protesters often 173 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. create dramatic enactments, symbolic actions that demonstrate problems in the system. The mock million billionaire march (Zoll, 2000) reveals the parade of money going to the meetings, and the elites who control the economic relations in the name of “economic globalization.” The comic frame exposes these injustices through perspective by incongruity. That is, people can see the ridiculousness of a situation that is incongruous, and it is more acceptable than a scathing critique of the system, because it is provocative, yet forgiving. Protest tactics that embody the comic frame encompass a wide range of nonviolent civil disobedience. These tactics are often humorous, but not necessarily so. Burke notes that the comic frame is distinct from humor (1937, p. 43). However, other theorists have noted that laughter is used to “prod the audience into consciousness and to raise awareness” (Christiansen and Hanson, 1996, p. 163). In this way, ironic or even playful uses of language are descriptive of actions of repentance within the comic frame. That is, they help people live with the difficulties of struggle and also increase awareness for a cause and a struggle. Burke (1937) elaborates on the distinction between humor and comedy, noting humor lapses into tragedy by dwarfing the situation, and even gauging the situation falsely (p. 43). The anti-globalization movement stretches Burke’s comic frame to include humor and reveal the tragic elements of economic globalization to make people uncomfortable if only to increase awareness of the egregious injustice perpetuated by purveyors of corporate globalization. In this way the anti-globalization movement has the trappings of tragedy, as Burke notes, “‘acceptance’ and ‘rejection’ cannot be sharply differentiated (the ‘acceptance’ of A involving the ‘rejection’ of non-A)” 174 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (1937, p. 57). So the anti-globalization movement accepts alternative forms of democracy and the inclusion of marginalized voices in the debate about globalization and rejects the lack of transparency of the proceedings of the WTO and the like, and the oppression and inequality perpetrated by corporations and economic institutions. As visualizations of the comic frame, banners and slogans gain attention of the public and the media, and are catchy so people remember their efforts to highlight the egregious actions of the economic institution targeted. Often, banners are descriptive of appropriate actions to take on corporations, institutions or rules of the global economy. “Smash Capitalism” is perhaps the broadest action advocated, but conveys the goal of activists, many of whom desire to dismantle the structures of the global economy to end the inequalities of the current system. This phrase is also empowering because it declares the current action—protest—to be an act of smashing capitalism in itself. At the IMF/World Bank meetings in April 2000, protesters held signs urging readers to “spank the bank.” (Beiser, April 16, 2000 and others). Metaphorical actions like this suggest proponents of globalization, like the World Bank should be punished for the crimes it has committed. “Gorporate America” (Zamichow, 2000) reveals the elision between politics and corporate industry in the United States. These comical slogans are catchy and thus remembered; they cleverly state their grievances and urge audiences to recognize the truth of the messages. Beyond slogans—discursive statements of protest—memorable skits and pranks are plentiful. Activists illustrate the exploitation of free trade without attracting negative publicity of property destruction. One protester was able to sneak 175 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. into the media tent of the LA DNC, dressed in a risque, streetwalker version of the Statue of Liberty, with fake $1,000 bills tucked into fishnet stockings, carrying a sign reading “Stop Selling Our Democracy.” She explained the significance of her act: “the mainstream media likes photo-ops”(Texeira, 16 August, 2000). This prank reveals that the demonstrators are trying to gain attention and even favorable coverage through clever acts and humorous skits that reveal the ridiculous and unbelievable effects of economic globalization. In Washington, D.C., environmental activists dumped four tons of manure in front of IMF headquarters. This symbolic demonstration of discontent expressed what the activists thought of the institution’s development projects (Johnson, 16 April, 2000). Such comedic dramatic rituals frame the protests in a humanitarian perspective that is charitable while increasing consciousness of the system. This type of political satire puts the protester’s demands within the comic frame and draws media and public attention to it.9 While the staff who had to clean up the manure was undoubtedly none too happy, this action made a point where perhaps a press release could not. However, as will be discussed in Chapter Five, with these tactics, protesters risk being perceived as silly, thereby losing their credibility. Activists use political theater to transmit complex ideas and specific causes. Guerrilla theater allows “activists to dramatize their concerns while acting out their 9 Burke might classify this as burlesque or satire, and as stated elsewhere, the anti-globalization movement has the trappings of rejection frames, which use humor as relief as well as to point out the tragedy of the situation (Burke, 1937, p. 58). Tragedy addresses social ills by scapegoating, which is occasionally seen in the rhetoric of the anti-globalization movement, but this analysis demonstrates how this movement employs overtly comic strategies of protest. Furthermore, exclusively tragic interpretations of movements do not account for movements that do not completely reject the system or the established order (Carlson, 1986, p. 446). 176 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. anger and despair in a comic, informative, and potentially persuasive manner” (Christiansen and Hanson, 1996, p. 163). The Ruckus Society holds a direct action workshop, which teaches the “development and use of effective guerrilla theater... to make use of humor, drama, and pageantry to move their agenda forward. Puppet making and costume design will be discussed in depth” (Ruckus Society, 27 August, 2001b). This speaks to the use of theatrics to convey a protest message, to call attention to something that might otherwise have escaped the public eye. Political performance uses dramatic situations to illustrate specific misdeeds and point to the problems with the current situation. During the DNC protests, Frogworks, the eco- political street theater troupe of Los Angeles presented, “Saving private pickle plant,” “a lively satire in which Private Betty Lou Pickle Plant narrowly escapes the foreboding clutches of developer Peter Desperateman and banker Mr. Goldensacks” (Frogworks, 2000). This demonstration enacted the impacts of the development of the Ballona wetlands in the greater Los Angeles area, and exemplified how local activism can speak on the global stage of the massive protests against economic globalization.1 0 Street theater is interesting, so people are likely to pay attention, and thus it is offers an entertaining way to transfer information and communicate ideas. Of course, people can be turned off by the satiric and/or critical character of the performances,1 1 but even if the initial response is negative, these acts increase public awareness of the cause. That is, nonviolent protest tactics reframe the 1 0 The Ballona Wetlands are located in western Los Angeles in the coastal community of Playa Del Rey. At issue is the preservation of a wetlands area to rejuvenate native species and protect coastal ecosystems. At the time of this writing, the campaign to preserve the wetlands had suffered a defeat in the development of luxury condominiums and apartments on the site. 1 1 See Christiansen and Hanson, (1996) and Windt (1982) for example. 177 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. environmental, indigenous and economic struggles in comic, realistic and thus pragmatic terms. These comedic rhetorical strategies critique the oppressive practices of economic institutions by emphasizing shared public values as the warrants for action and protest. The protests use perspective by incongruity through dramatic enactments of exploitation and injustice to show how institutions violate socially accepted values of freedom and equality. Second, by exposing the egregious and oppressive tactics used by the police, nonviolence functions to increase adherence to movement values through perspective by incongruity. “If protesters are stopped violently, the public is educated and new allies can be won” (Lakey, 2000). The rhetoric of nonviolence and civil disobedience is confrontational in a way that frames issues to portray protesters as the protagonists and establish credence of their causes. As will be discussed further in Chapter Five, nonviolence relies on the media to help dictate appropriate police responses to protest. This protest strategy exemplifies Burke’s perspective by incongruity: activists hope when the public sees the police acting violently against peaceful protesters, they see the ridiculousness of police actions—the situation is incongruous because the plight of the people reveals the egregiousness of the injustices. This situation is complicated when anarchists use tactics that seem to justify police violence, and I discuss the implications of this later in this chapter, and in Chapter Five. An account of a confrontation between police and protesters in Seattle reveals the effectiveness of nonviolent actions on protester/police relationships: 178 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The police moved in on a group of protesters... who had locked themselves together with cement casts on their arms, thus immobilizing themselves in the middle of the intersection. They were ordered to evacuate the area, which of course they couldn’t and wouldn’t do. Then after this obligatory warning the cops attacked ferociously, dousing them in the face with spurts of pepper spray and then dropping searing tear gas canisters on top of them. After a few minutes, the valiant police fell upon the helpless protesters with batons. Two of the dozen or so protesters were knocked unconscious, the rest were bloodied and bruised. But the group held its ground for hours and by 2 pm the cops had backed off. The University intersection had been held. (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 24) This account shows the way that nonviolent protest is a form of confrontation that is effective in part because it provokes police into action, and contrasts police violent action with nonviolent protests. The protesters held their ground, meaning they successfully asserted and maintained their right to be in the intersection. Furthermore, the protesters purposefully made themselves helpless, so that police brutality would further undermine the legitimacy of police reaction. This passive resistance has historical precedent in Gandhi’s sea salt marches, and King’s Birmingham march, for example, which gained public favor by exposing oppressive laws and police tactics (See e.g. Carlson, 1986, Freeman and Johnson, 1999 and Bowers and Ochs, 1971). In a globalized world, movements must stage massive demonstrations as ritual dramas to illustrate inequalities perpetuated by the system through confrontations with authorities, which have often bore out some of the same injustices. As discussed in Chapter Five, one of the problems facing protesters in an era of globalization is how to connect the oppression in the streets with injustice in with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. developing countries without confounding or diluting their message for public audiences. Many slogans are descriptive of the injustices endured by the protesters themselves. Signs proclaiming “Excuse the delay. State repression underway” were seen in Seattle and other protests (Cockbum, St.Clair and Sekula, 2000, p. 74). “Bad cop no doughnut” (Ehrenreich, 17 August, 2000) suggests that police should not be rewarded for their brutality, and is a comedic confrontation of the police. Protesters continued this trend at the DNC protests, with a mocking twist on LAPD’s proud slogan “to serve and protect rich white people” (Purdum, 17 August, 2000). This is an effective use of perspective by incongruity, mocking the role of police to protect the people, and highlighting the injustices that occur in reality. Burke emphasizes the importance of comedy to guard against the worst tragedy: “the willful ultimate poisoning of this lovely planet” (1937, p. xv). In this way the comic frame offers a palatable way to expose the egregious oppression in the status quo, as protesters offer statements that are hard to argue with. The Radical Cheerleaders from American University chanted “J-U-S-T-I-C-E, Justice, Justice will set us free!” (Cockbum, St.Clair and Sekula, 2000, p. 71). The comedic aspects of these verbal critiques of the system illustrate the inherent weaknesses in people, and perhaps increases public awareness of the causes called attention to in the protest. Protest is a vehicle for honest critiques of the system that allow room for the targets of the protest to respond and even admit their errors and act to change policy. The anti globalization movement is unique because activists do not outright reject 180 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. globalization, but they challenge world leaders to work for real democracy and responsible, free trade for everyone. The comic frame is useful to diffuse tensions within the protests, showing an immediate effect of the use of acceptance frames, hi this way, nonviolence is strategically deployed to deescalate tense confrontations between protesters and police, and has even contributed to the protesters’ goals, and perhaps the salience of their message. In Seattle, a couple hundred marchers stormed the McDonald’s, breaking windows and other property while urging patrons and employees to join the protests. Infamous French farmer Jose Bove led a group that handed out Roquefort cheese to the crowd. Police held their distance, and there was a lightness in the air. A large, menacing cop cracked a smile as a protester waved a piece of stinky cheese in his face (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 21). This exemplifies how the comic frame even sometimes forces police who are containing protesters to recognize their humaneness and laugh at the ridiculousness of the situation. A playful linguistic twist on “Ain’t no power like the power of the people, ‘cause the power of the people don’t stop,” reveals how protesters diffused tensions during the Seattle protests. “One tense face-off on Monday between police and a small group from the black bloc dissolved when the protesters tossed marshmallow Peeps, perennial Easter-basket favorite, in the cop’s directions, calling out ‘Power to the Peeps!” The police retreated in laughter. “Let’s never lose our sense of the ridiculous”, said one of the participants” (Cockbum, St.Clair and Sekula, 2000, p. 73). The comic frame can enable protesters to frame the situation in a humorous light that disarms police and avoids the use of violence in these situations. This can 181 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. also work to boost the morale of the protesters. “Sometimes when a group has suffered a setback and morale is low - or a group is tired from a long struggle - direct action can serve to raise the spirits and renew the struggle” (Ruckus Society Action Planning Manual, online, 2001). Humor is an effective tactic because protests can protest the ridiculousness of corporate exploitation. Even laughing at the ludicrously outrageous horrors inflicted by corporations helps to shed perspective on the magnamamity of the beast that activists are resisting, to help them see the differences they can make rather than getting frustrated by things people cannot change. It has already been discussed how the protesters create space for the legitimacy of their demands. This particular audience was a group of police on the front lines of the protest, and not the elites who determine policy, whose responses to the movement will be discussed in Chapter Five. The former’s stake is much lower and so long as they are not being threatened with physical harm, they may be more receptive to this kind of appeal. This incident proves how the comic frame is an essential part of the anti-globalization protests because it not only creates a space for discussion, but also frames the mode of discussion in a charitable way fostering self reflection. By diffusing tension in the streets, protesters limit violent episodes, which reflect unfavorably on the protesters. While the comic frame does not necessarily use humor, humor is a way to use the acceptance frame because it makes things seem humane, which dwarfs the problem, and is motivating and mobilizing because it says social change is possible. In fact, it is difficult for the anti-globalization movement to push for social change using the tragic frame to completely reject globalization, because that would 182 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. foreclose the possibility of change and the need for action. By using comedy to point out the weaknesses in the system, protesters convey their message in a way that will be well received by public audiences, because they can laugh at the performance, perhaps recognize some truth in the message which will be much more well-received than if presented in non-comedic ways. That is, accusations of exorbitant wealth and rampant exploitation of the environment may not be well- received by affluent observers of the protest, while an action that presented exploitative relationships in a charitable way could reveal the inequities without blaming the audience. This enables audiences to accept the criticism and even act to change it. As an acceptance frame, comedy may work to deny deeper or more fundamental social and political changes, because it does not completely reject the system of globalization. However, acceptance framing is the only strategy for activists to protest the pervasive conditions of globalization without rejecting tools that are themselves products of globalization, namely the communication networks of the movement. Protesters must at some level accept globalization from above, and the difficulties, even impossibilities of overthrowing the entire system of free trade. The comic frame provides an inroad into the indomitable forces of capitalism aimed at provoking those who profit from it to see its fallibility. A second, less direct way that nonviolence contextualizes police response is the influence of nonviolence philosophy on the internal relations of the movement. Nonviolence is grounded in acceptance frames, and thus establishes cohesion within the movement, by fostering respect among and between members. It also helps provide for the safety of activists as they engage in simulations to prepare for the 183 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. possibility of violence. Staging mock situations helps guide more coordinated and effective nonviolent civil disobedience, as protesters learn how to react given certain situations. The mock actions also demonstrate that individuals are part of a team, who are learning the proper responses to different situations, and that their individual choices impact the effectiveness of the group’s actions. Simulations of action are rehearsals for the dramatic action of nonviolence at the protests themselves, and are instrumental in translating nonviolent philosophy into specific direct actions. The unique networks of thousands and thousands of informed and connected protesters prove overwhelming for police whose responses are constrained by the nonviolent approach of the protesters. One protester involved explains the unique strategy Direct Action Network (DAN) developed for the Seattle protests. This account shows how groups of protesters support each other in needed defense capacities and as backup to prevent violence from escalating to maintain the integrity of the nonviolence. Protestors had divided the streets around the Convention Center into 13 sections and individual groups were responsible for holding these sections. There were also ‘flying groups’ that moved at will from section to section, backed up groups under attack as needed. The groups were divided into those willing to be arrested, and those who were not. As a group of protestors was beaten, gassed clubbed, and pushed back, a new group would replace them. Throughout most of the day, using a variety of techniques, groups held intersections and key areas downtown. The protests were organized through a network of cell phones, bullhorns, and signals. All decisions prior to the demonstrations were reached by consensus. Minority views were heeded and included. The basic rules shared by all were: no violence, physical or verbal, no weapons, no drugs or alcohol. There were no charismatic leaders barking orders. There was no command chain. There was no one in charge: many lieutenants, no general. Police Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. said that they were not prepared for the level of violence, but as one protestor later commented, what they were unprepared for was a network of non-violent protestors totally committed to one goal: shutting down the WTO. (Hawken 2000, p. 18- 19) The protesters had preestablished a framework for the execution of nonviolent protests with all the individuals involved to play crucial roles towards the proper functioning of the protests. Decentralized organization is also central to strategies for effectively resisting police efforts to repress protests. Decentralization is key to the philosophy of nonviolence because it is premised on the protection of individuals’ freedoms, and members agree not to jeopardize those freedoms (Epstein, 1991). The common principles of the group create ideological bonds that are manifest in individual commitment to the groups’ fulfillment of nonviolent dissent. Nonviolent direct action training agendas of the anti-globalization movement include the importance of keeping issues at a human level, and emphasize the use of humor to achieve this goal (Starhawk, 26 November 2001a). Nonviolent protest is not just aimed at persuading outside parties to the movement’s causes, but is used to help boost movement morale by strengthening resolve in the face of resistance to the movement efforts. As I discuss in the next section, nonviolent protest is complicated by the disagreement over what constitutes violent tactics, and how group decisions should be made. The nonviolent principles of the anti-globalization movement exemplify the charitable perspective of the comic frame, which is a humane approach to dealing with injustice imposed by a destructive social order. In this way, nonviolence has more than a symbolic function, as protesters are reinforced through 185 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. overwhelming support for nonviolence and thus make sustained expressions of their demands by staging massive confrontation with the system (Refuse and Resist!, August 2000). Civil disobedience demands a response by claiming literal and discursive space. The nonviolent alternatives presented by the anti-globalization protests, distinguishes this movement from its historical predecessors because it occurs on such a large scale and encompasses a wide variety of alternatives based on diverse issue beliefs and values. “VIOLENCE” VS. NONVIOLENCE As noted throughout this work, the anti-globalization movement is by no means monolithic. This resistance is characterized by a wide range of interest groups that do not necessarily agree on appropriate protest tactics. Activist groups include anarchists, socialists and other anti-capitalists, environmentalists, activists for fair trade and labor practices, indigenous land rights groups and broad based organizations such as Direct Action Network, and Mobilization for Global Justice, that protest for social change on a variety of levels. Most prominent groups within the anti-globalization movement promote non-violence as a central theme of their protest strategy. However, as discussed above, a faction of the movement, namely anti-capitalist anarchists see property destruction as the means to effectively call attention to the need to “smash capitalism.” The implications of these tactics for institutional, law enforcement responses and media effects are discussed in great detail in Chapter Five. My intent in this section is to explore the effects of this disagreement over “violent” actions on the movement itself, and examine the internal 186 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. discourse of the movement regarding this rift.1 2 Importantly, despite disagreements over property destruction, the overall value embraced by the movement is one of nonviolence. Principles of nonviolence are evident throughout the anti-globalization protests and preparations in the groups I studied, and the disagreements within the movement are actually arguments regarding different definitions and degrees of nonviolence. However, as many social movement theorists have noted, disagreement within movements is natural and to be expected, even more so in a movement as large and diverse as the anti-globalization collective. Thus, the disagreement over tactics reveals a lot about how the movement deals with discord among its ranks of activists with a wide range of interests. Of the groups I studied, a majority embraced nonviolent strategy (See Appendix). One significant faction in disagreement with the norm of nonviolence in the anti-globalization movement consists of the various anarchist contingents worldwide, many of whom identify with the Black Bloc anarchist collective. Motivated by the desire to destroy world capitalism and incumbent government oppression, such groups have chosen tactics such as property destruction, and have preferred to engage in what are sometimes violent clashes with police. Many of the groups who have had such “violent” tactics attributed to them disavow these tactics, and so it is with caution that I label any of them as believers in property destruction 1 2 This disagreement concerns the very definition of “violence” as well as when and if it is justified. For the purposes of this discussion, I use “violence” to refer to those actions condemned by vocal advocates of nonviolence within the movement. This includes actions such as breaking storefront windows, setting objects on fire, and “attacking” police with projectiles or explosives for example. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 T or violence, but effects of dissension are significant for any study of the anti globalization movement. As a group that has been at the center of the disagreements in tactics, the Black Bloc exemplifies the stance of many direct action protesters who advocate what they see as active rather than passive engagement with police. Some protesters endorse property destruction as a symbolic way to show the evils of global capitalism, because property destruction impacts the capitalist enterprise of stores like the Gap and Niketown. Many organizers of the protests see direct action tactics, property destruction and even civil disobedience as a set back for the movement (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 29-30). For many leaders in the movement the success of the protests has been predicated on good relationships with authorities— so that protesters can maintain the moral highground. However, this rhetorical strategy is seen by other elements of the movement as copping out and sustaining no more than a weak stance against globalization. These latter groups call for real confrontation and assume labor and other factions admonished caution because they “wanted to get a seat at the table,” so they admonished no civil disobedience (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 30). Furthermore, there has been dissent within labor factions, because some workers were angry at labor leadership because their more militant goals were not realized (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 30). This dissent says a lot about the tension within the movement, and has two significant effects on the movement itself: first it diverts people needed for support and reinforcement 1 3 For example, anarchists have consistently disavowed the property destruction that happened in Seattle, while others such as some from Oregon have embraced it. Also of concern is the media attribution of these tactics to certain groups, and the blame assignment that goes on there. 188 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. during some very direct confrontations within the movement. Second, the violence provokes negative coverage of the movement, which can dissuade people from joining. First, the divisions within the movement effectively divide and conquer the protesters in the streets. In Seattle, the split between sanctioned protesters and the direct-action people was seen in weakened participation in demonstrations. Street protesters noted the absence of labor marchers—the labor leaders steered the march away from the protests, and some argue that the isolation of the direct action street protesters enabled the police to be more violent (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 32). This reveals almost an ideological difference in the goals of the activists. Some activists chose to participate in parades and other sanctioned demonstrations of solidarity and resistance. Other protesters viewed the protests as a battle on the streets—literally to occupy territory and defend this ground through confrontations with police. This difference is also seen in the debate over positive and negative media effects of violence. Some activists view confrontation as necessary for the movement to gain attention. “If the direct action protesters had not put their bodies on the line throughout that entire week, if the only protest had been that under official AFL-CIO banners, then there would have been a 15-second image of a parade on the national news headlines that Tuesday evening and that would have been it. The WTO would have gone forward with barely a ripple of discord except for what the African and Caribbean nations had managed to foment from the inside” (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 67). Protests that provoke police to action 189 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. are responsible for media coverage of the movement as a whole and avoiding clashes with police is not active resistance to oppression and thus does not make difference. Others argue that violent clashes with police hurt the movement because the nearly exclusive media focus on the violent minority means people cannot seriously consider the arguments of people who engage in such illegal, illegitimate confrontation. This is most explicitly evident in the death of Carlos Giuliani in clashes during the Genoa G-8 summit. For the Black Bloc, Carlo’s death must be a wake-up call: Confronting police with weapons can be a deadly game. This realization alone may reduce the numbers of violent demonstrators to an even fewer hard core individuals. In addition, Carlo’s comrades must re-consider the value of turning all protests primarily into tactical confrontations with police... Drawing the public’s attention to vivid images of police-protestor confrontation often obscures the reason masses of people have taken to the street in the first place.... The demonstrations are in danger of losing their mass appeal as shattered glass, smashed ATMs and molotov cocktail- wielding anarchists continue to be their most prominent feature. The organizers must do more to stop violent individuals from participating. (Bruno, 25 July, 2001) This passage from Kenny Bruno of Corporate Watch, a member of the “genteel” faction shows how many NGOs believe the goal of the protests is to attract favor with the mass public, whose opinion can be greatly influenced by mainstream media coverage. Bruno and others argue that unfavorable coverage of the protests will take precedence over “legitimate” actions and public and administrative audiences will dismiss protesters because their acceptable concerns are marred by violence. Michael Dolan, Public Citizen’s main coordinator of the protests admitted “I’m scared that if one anarchist throws a brick through a store window downtown, that will become the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. big story, and our whole critique of the W.T.O. is going to get lost” (Greenhouse, 29 November, 1999, p. 3). The comic frame is instructive for why violence can have a negative impact of the movement. Violence or property destruction operates within the tragic frame, and rejects opposition to the movement in a way that does not allow for redress. Nonviolence works when the movement does not seek to destroy the perpetrators of injustice, but earns the understanding of its opponents and promotes deliberation of its demands. Violence can preclude dialogue because police feel the need to repress protesters without listening to their demands. This struggle over nonviolent tactics has historically plagued social movements. From Ghandi to Martin Luther King, Jr., nonviolent protest leaders have confronted the violent extremists in their own movement in struggles for the soul of the movement. The split between civil rights and black power movements, and mainstream environmentalists and radical groups such as Earth First! reveal that this is an inherent struggle for a movement of any magnitude.1 4 Short (1991) argues that radical extremists within the environmental movement help make more mainstream elements of the movement seem more palatable to the public. In this way, the struggle between conservative and radical elements within social movements help the movement gain acceptance because the public audience deals with the moderates so as not to face the wrath of the radical, potentially violent elements. I argued in Chapter Three that alliances within the anti-globalization movement have helped it cope with diversity within the movement, and this is specifically true with the issue of nonviolence. 191 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The effects of media coverage will be discussed in extensive detail in the next chapter. For the purposes of this chapter, however, the dissension over tactics is not crippling. One of the most impressive narratives I encountered during my research demonstrates the effectiveness of consensus building in allowing the overarching power of the movement to overcome such quarrels over tactics. Starhawks’ account of a meeting between Direct Action Network activists and the Black Bloc in a back alley in Genoa is instructive for a movement trying to overcome division. A discussion ensued, which revealed the Direct Action people were unwilling to deploy themselves around town with the Black Bloc, for fear of violence. The result of this conversation was a decision agreed to by both factions that the Black Bloc would not accompany the rest of the protesters (Starhawk, November 16,2001). This conversation exemplifies how decentralized consensus-building can account for ideological diversity so that collective action is possible across a variety of protest tactics. The decentralized decision-making of this incident allowed a commitment to respecting others’ values prevail over disagreements about tactics, and consensus was reached about appropriate action. In the short run, the attention will go to the violent minority in Seattle who smashed windows, burned trash and tried to shut the city down. But in the longer run, Seattle will be remembered as the moment when the debate over who benefits from the globalized economy - and why - forced its way into the political mainstream. The immediate target of the demonstrators was the World Trade Organization. But the WTO is the symbol of a larger discontent. (Dionne, 1999, p. 1) 1 4 See Miller’s (1999) discussion of the SDS vs. Weatherman, Stewart’s (1997) article on the Black Power movement, and Short’s (1991) analysis of Earth First!. 192 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Thus, nonviolent civil disobedience and its code of respect remain a method that allows mass mobilizations of resistance to the state and supra-state institutions. The philosophies behind nonviolence enable an acceptance of dissenting views within the movement so that a variety of voices can be heard in a collective resistance. This exemplifies a feeling of solidarity for other views within the movement, even if they are contrary to your own. Deliberation within the movement can strengthen its influence on the larger public sphere as groups work to refine the movement message and strategy (See Asen, 2000). The notion of a common struggle even promotes self-reflection as activists work together to accomplish broad social change. The anti-globalization movement incorporates diverse, even competing views into a fluid identity that enables activists to respond to changing situations. In this way, the anti-globalization movement exemplifies how social movements must adapt to a globalized public sphere with complex social, economic, and political relationships that require a multi-pronged attack against the injustices perpetuated by free trade and the spread of democratic capitalism. Globalization affects many people in many different ways and the anti-globalization movement fosters a resistance that encompasses such differences in pursuit of common visions. CONCLUSIONS The implications of the rhetorical choice for using the comic frame and visual activism to frame the debate about globalization are several-fold. First, the protest demands are essentially humane and pragmatic. Activists pose their views in ways that help people contend with the ill-effects of suffering, and promote the acceptance 193 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of the problem as well as potential solutions. Protests are forgiving— activists frame grievances such that corporate exploitation is an error, not a crime.1 5 Second, the acceptance frame of the protests emphasizes common values among members of the movement. The demonstrations are celebrations of resistance, which emphasize alliances between groups with common experiences rather than differences. Activists do not express wholesale condemnation of global capitalism, but rather point out specific violations of shared values such as justice and freedom, so that they don’t narrow cast their message. In this way, the anti-globalization movement frames specific grievances within broader appeals to compassion. Third, activists are careful to affirm the agency of individuals and the public, by offering possible solutions, and thus noting that emancipation is possible. The comic frame helps activists mobilize people to action against the system, or the established order. To many people who enjoy the standards of living afforded them by economic globalization, the destruction of the order represents the destruction of the world, as they know it. Without the comic acceptance frame, the alternatives offered by the movement seem unpalatable, and even untenable, and thus destroys the possibility for action. That is, movements which seek to destroy the system of globalization altogether render the audience incapable of action, because by they are in effect undermining positions of privilege that allow people to act in the first place. The comic frame reveals the significance of partnerships between rich and poor countries because movements must appeal to the people who are capable of 1 5 Many people within the movement certainly use rhetoric that equates corporate activities with criminal activity, but I argue that despite these things, activists use acceptance frames of perspective by incongruity. 194 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. taking action without jeopardizing their livelihood. The comic frame is a charitable perspective that frames the impacts of globalization to empower individuals without threatening the stability of their experience, but also presents reasons to act for change. This strategy is the only hope for the anti-globalization movement, for it must be scathing, yet forgiving in order to empower the people who see globalization as the overarching framework which guides their actions. The rhetorical situation of globalization means the protesters are resisting a multi-faceted system. The comic frame is the best way that protesters incorporate diverse, complex effects of globalization, and respond to the variety of exigencies presented by globalization. The symbolic function of the protests stems from visible demonstrations of support that make the anti-globalization movement tmly global. The visual activism of direct action emphasizes what people can do about it and that individuals have the agency to effect social change. It emphasizes worker power, shareholder power, voter power, consumer power, student power, people power, and artist power (Anderson, Cavanagh and Lee, 1999). In this way, a wide range of groups capitalize on the diversity of the anti-globalization movement. Through the image politics of the anti-globalization protests, these different groups can make their struggle visible on a global stage that might otherwise ignore their plight. Protest “gives a voice to a cause. People who are upset can show that they desire change. Demonstrations also inform people about topics they wouldn’t otherwise recognize.... Protest is particularly effective when you have many people with little traditional power and a few with much traditional power. This is because the many can literally block the few from accessing their power by taking over 195 with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. buildings, forming picket lines, etc.” (Protest.Net, 2001). Protests are important to social activists because they make the movement and its demands visible to the public. “Demonstrators are only the most vocal and visible elements of a much wider anti-globalization movement that, at least in the United states, is mounting an increasingly powerful political challenge against further moves to open up the world economy” (‘ ‘Anti- globalization forces gain steam,” International Herald Tribune, 2001). Movements are a powerful political challenge and protests demonstrate that people do have the power to affect social change, or policy. The visual activism of the anti-globalization movement distinguishes it from smaller, singular movements because it is the diversity of the movement that empowers marginalized groups in a visual resistance to the public sphere. The anti-globalization movement wields a powerful force because it unites such movements into combined challenges to the system that are much more powerful than isolated, individual acts of resistance. The use of “comic” tactics as well as disagreement within the movement over tactics of property destruction can undermine the palatability of this resistance, as Chapter Five’s discussion of media effects demonstrates. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER Five: Containment Strategies of Media and Institutions Chapter Three examined the effects of new technologies on the infrastructure of global justice movements. Chapter Four explored the protests themselves, analyzing the tactics and messages of the demonstrations in the streets. This chapter examines the impact of the protests and the global justice movement by evaluating the response of media and administrative authorities. In Chapter Two, I explained how expressions of confrontation demand a response from the establishment. Additionally, I discussed how media coverage has great influence over how events are perceived and evaluated within the public sphere. In order to evaluate the impact of the protests, it is necessary to further examine the reactions to the protests and determine the salience of the movement’s causes. This chapter examines how the rhetoric surrounding the anti-globalization protests creates a dialectic between protesters and the institutions they target, police and the media. As media events, the protests stage the debate about globalization, and reveal competing narratives of globalization and accounts of the protest events themselves. This chapter explores the impact of the anti-globalization movement on the public sphere, through an analysis of administrative rhetoric and media coverage in response to the protests. I analyze the responses of the economic institutions that are the targets of the protests including delegates and corporations and I explore the reactions of local hosts including city officials, and law enforcement. The sources I analyzed include official documents, (many administrative reports are available on-line), press Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. releases, security documents and policy briefs.1 For discussions of media coverage, I examined reportage of the protests and the movement in general, by several mainstream newspapers, including New York Times, Los Angeles Times, International Herald Tribune, and local and regional newspapers of the locations of the different protest sites. I also explore independent media including alternative coverage, and the media of the activists themselves to determine how protesters respond to media and institutional strategies. The media effects and administrative response to the protests are interrelated because heightened media coverage means police actions have been under scrutiny by a global audience. Some people even argue that the U.S. media reflects the agendas and values of the institutions that control and finance them: governments and corporations (See Chomsky and Herman, 1988).2 In this way, media are critical to the containment strategies of governments and international economic institutions and to the success of protesters. In this chapter, I examine two broad rhetorical strategies employed by administrative and media players: containment and criminalization. First, I analyze rhetorical strategies of containment that are used to discredit the movement’s causes and tactics and to establish authoritative control over the protest situations and thus limit the effects of the movement on public discourse. Second, I explore efforts to criminalize protesters, which were evident in 1 Some of these were accessible because activists have made them available online (See e.g. Protest.Net, Mobilization for Global Justice,). This strategy reveals the media savvy of the activists and fulfills part of the goals of transparency as protesters endeavor to make the dialogue of public institutions public information. 2 Chomsky and Herman (1988) explain a “propaganda model” to describe how mainstream media’s behavior and performance can be explained by their corporate character and integration into the political economy of the dominant economic system (2002, p. xii). In the introduction to the 2002 198 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. many of the administrative frames and media portrayals of the clashes between police and protesters. Third, I discuss the movement’s response to these strategies of containment and criminalization, and assess how independent media and other activist communiques reframe the debate about globalization and characterize the effects of the policies of the targeted institutions. I conclude with an evaluation of how the protests and the movement in general are perceived by an American public audience and the impact of this resistance on the direction of globalization processes. CONTAINMENT The first rhetorical quality of administrative and media strategies is one of containment. I identify containment strategies of four different sets of actors involved in the debate about globalization and its countermovement. First, I examine a few policy responses to assess how the anti-globalization movement affects the official discourse of the public sphere. Second, I explore police efforts in the streets to contain the movement and limit its impacts. Third, I analyze how media and policymakers alike portray the movement as activists without a vision, incoherent and misguided in their demands. Fourth, I examine how the above qualities create assertions of government control and portrayals of the movement as edition, the authors note that the corporate nature of mainstream media caused overly hostile coverage of the anti-globalization protests (p. xliii). 31 examine American media reports and evaluate American public opinion indicators for two primary reasons. First, this authors’ own monolingualism limits accessibility to and comprehension of media sources. Second, America’s hegemony in the regulatory structures of free trade, and global capitalism influences the ideals of its citizens, who are accustomed to the relatively affluent living standards afforded by its countries global dominance (See e.g. Hobsbawm, 1975/2000). 199 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. futile as governments, institutions and media seek to contain the movement and limit its effects on the public sphere—particularly public awareness of issues of globalization. Policy response of Institutions As a dialectic between opponents and proponents of globalization, the protests demand a response from the institutions they target. Indeed, the most explicit and direct rhetorical responses to the protests have come from the institutions themselves. Protesters attempt to build an agenda as a collective outside the established authorities, expressing grievances to gain public awareness.4 While a comprehensive policy analysis is beyond the scope of this chapter, several published responses from the institutions targeted for protest provide a window into specific moments in the globalization debate. Protests took the WTO by surprise at their meeting in Seattle in November 1999.5 Michael Moore, director of the WTO proclaimed on the nightly news after the first day of the protests: “I’ve always been on the side of the little guy” (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 21). This exemplifies a standard response by policy makers that they are wrongly targeted for protest, and thus activists’ claims of injustice are fallacious. Policy briefs responding to the protests’ demands reveal this strategy. Free trade bodies typically respond to protests by framing their policies 4 For further discussion of the outside-initiative model in an environmental context, see Kamieniecki, (1991). 5 See Cockbum, St. Clair and Sekula (2000); Brecher, Costello and Smith (2000) etc. 200 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. to address activists’ concerns; they talk of alleviating poverty, improving environmental conditions, etc. The IMF responded to critics of globalization before their meetings in April 2001, in an on-line brief, which illuminates the institution’s official position on issues raised by the protests. This brief defines economic globalization as a “historical process, the result of innovation and technological progress... there are also broader cultural, political and environmental dimensions of globalization that are not covered here” (IMF, 12 April, 2000). In this way, the IMF portrays the protesters’ goals as impossible, noting that globalization is an inevitable process that enables global technological innovation. The brief dismisses non-economic effects of globalization as irrelevant to the current destruction. The IMF emphasizes neoliberal values of progress, economic growth and thus frames the debate from within the luxuries of capitalism. The opportunities of globalization do not come without risks—risks arising from volatile capital movements and the risks of social, economic, and environmental degradation created by poverty. This is not a reason to reverse direction, but for all concerned—in developing countries, in the advanced countries, and of course investors—to embrace policy changes to build strong economies and a stronger world financial system that will produce more rapid growth and ensure that poverty is reduced. (IMF, 12 April, 2000) The IMF depicts the protesters’ fears as insignificant, and far outweighed by the benefits of development. The IMF establishes a causal link between poverty and the social, economic and environmental suffering alleged by activists. This is the cooptation of ends; the reduction of the controversy to a debate about means only, about what policy changes might be necessary to produce solutions to global 201 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. problems. In response to claims that globalization increases poverty and inequality, the IMF notes “incomes do not tell the whole story; broader measures of welfare that take account of social conditions show that poorer countries have made considerable progress” (IMF, 12 April, 2000). The brief continues to explain how the poorest countries will eventually catch up to industrialized economies, and attributes unequal labor practices to workers’ difficulties transitioning to new industries. The clear suggestion is the culturally and historically rooted ways of being and modes of conduct are the problem—thus the “developing” nations must continue their march toward democratic capitalism to realize any significant social, political, or economic gains. The IMF avers that these periodic crises are inevitable consequences of globalization, which only point to its role in promoting productive and beneficial market relationships. It is wrong to jump to the conclusion that globalization has caused the divergence, or that nothing can be done to improve the situation. To the contrary: low-income countries have not been able to integrate with the global economy as quickly as others, partly because of their chosen policies and partly because of factors outside their control. No country, least of all the poorest, can afford to remain isolated from the world economy. Every country should seek to reduce poverty. The international community should endeavor—by strengthening the international financial system, through trade, and through aid—to help the poorest countries integrate into the world economy, grow more rapidly, and reduce poverty. That is the way to ensure all people in all countries have access to the benefits of globalization. (IMF, 12 April 2000) This example of policy rhetoric shows how economic institutions that are under target, paint anti-globalization activists as misinformed and against legitimate efforts to improve conditions in poorer countries. Institutions respond to a visionless Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. movement by clarifying the problem, and arguing that integration into the world economy is the solution, not abandoning such economic policies altogether. The IMF reframes its policies within goals of equality and poverty reduction to prove that the protests are mistargeted and that they will hinder social and economic progress. When institutions refer to policy changes to refute protests, they often use vague rhetoric, even abstractions, to couch their policies within the protest demands. This is exemplified by the FTAA’s response when trade delegates signed the “Quebec Accord,” which vowed to implement the FTAA by 2005, with the aim of “halving the number of people living in extreme poverty in the Americas by 2015” (Inner City Press. 23 April, 2001). The institutions under attack (and their delegates) respond by promising vague reductions in levels of poverty, and environmental degradation. These policy responses generally do not discuss specific plans of action, but refer to aims and goals of policies, and attack activists’ causality. These strategies reveal how institutions have responded to what they see as idealistic calls for social change with equally abstract policy goals and ideals. Many protesters believe these actions by the IMF and other institutions are hollow and meaningless. “For years the IMF’s blanket excuse for mayhem inflicted on ordinary people in southern and eastern countries was, ‘We are not a development agency.’ Now, all of a sudden, ‘We’ are. At least ‘We’ have changed our rhetoric so that the ‘Extended Structural Adjustment Facility’ has become the ‘Poverty Reduction and Growth Fund,’ although no transformation of the content is perceptible. As in magical thinking, the name of the thing acts upon the thing itself’ (George, Winter, 2001). Institutional and government responses are couched in the value of global capitalism 203 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and the benefits of free trade in order to appeal to democratic capitalist ideals of the global audience. While these may be considered deceptive tactics, they legitimate the protests by acknowledging that the protests deserve a response. Simply by eliciting a response from institutions, the protests are having some influence on shaping the public debate about economic globalization and free trade. The movement has not accomplished explicit or significant policy changes at the time of this writing, but has entered the debate and thus the potential for influences on institutional and government policies. A number of writers have connected the protests in Seattle to the actions of African nations of the Group of 77 (G-77) conglomerate of developing countries, who vented grievances about American power, specifically their unrelenting trade policies at the WTO meeting in November 1999. I am unwilling here to make a causal correlation, but several sources noted parallel moves between the protests and “questions raised [about] whether the trade organization’s mission of liberalizing trade had come at too high a price for poor nations and millions of workers” (Kahn and Sanger, 1999, p. 2).6 Several developing countries have given more credence to the protests and have responded with promises to include protesters’ voices in future trade discussions. The G-77 countries endorsed the Washington D.C. protests in their condemnation of the IMF and World Bank’s structural adjustment policies 6 See also Cockbum, S. Clair and Sekula, (2000). “A third historic occurrence was the endorsement by members of the G-77 - a grouping of most of the world’s developing nations - of the Washington protests and a stinging condemnation of the Fund and Bank’s structural adjustment policies” (Mokhiber and Weissman, 21, April, 2000). Many countries echo the concerns of the protests and rejecting policies of World Bank and IMF, and support the protests. Arthur Mbanefo of Nigeria called for these institutions to “forcefully handle those concerns” (Mokhiber and Weissman, 21, April, 2000). 204 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (Mokhiber and Weissman, 21 April, 2000). At the FTAA Summit’s conclusion, Argentine president Fernando de la Rua said, “The next summit, which I will be honored to host in Argentina, will not require walls to keep those who come to protest, and there will be space for those who come to applaud when we work for the benefit and the progress of all peoples” (Inner City Press. 23 April, 2001). While protesters have not explicitly influenced trade negotiations, their demands are beginning to be introduced into policy discussions of free trade institutions. Global justice movements pressure the G-77 countries that in turn pressure the G-8 so that efforts inside convention walls parallel the struggles in the streets. In the streets: Police security responses Part of the containment strategy of police is to limit the effects of the protesters’ actions, that is, to contain the damage they can do. Before the Democratic National Convention met in Los Angeles, police chopped down trees that could be set on fire, and uprooted newspaper racks that could be used as battering rams (Purdum, 13 August, 2000). This shows how police try to limit the destruction by the hands of protesters, even going so far as to commit the destruction themselves. In another, more effectively deployed containment strategy, law enforcement efforts limited the success of the IMF/World Bank protests. Demonstrators were not able to blockade the meetings largely because police foiled protesters by getting delegates to the meetings hours earlier. This demobilized the leaderless activists and the crowd’s energy dissipated (Beiser, 17 April, 2000). This Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. strategy was successful in that it limited the size of the protests and prevented the protests from obstructing the proceedings of the meetings. In a similar strategy to contain the effects of the protests, police frequently seize materials, tools and supplies of the protesters in an effort to thwart their ability to have a successful, united, strong protest. Police have targeted command and control centers of demonstrators—people with cellphones, and bullhorns, familiar faces, suspected organizers and also medics and observers from the ACLU (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 35). Unable to identify leaders of the protests, due to the decentralized nature of the demonstrations, as discussed in Chapter Three, police focused on suppressing the message and the organizational structure of the demonstrations. Such administrative strategies reveal the importance of communication; when activists are arrested, or when police confiscate materials, one of the primary things they label as implements of crime are cell phones. Since they cannot target leaders, police want to remove channels of communication, and thus shut down coordination and planning of protests (Lewis, 17 August, 2000). If protesters cannot communicate with each other while on the streets, they have less ability to convey their messages to the public. This decreases the visibility of the protests, decreases their coverage in the media, and lessens their effect on the meetings. Quebec City, the third site of major protests in the anti-globalization movement, witnessed the largest security force ever assembled in Canada’s history (CSIS, 2000). The containment effort included a twelve foot wall built around the security area or no-protest zone, a prison emptied in anticipation of arrests, and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. available housing secured by authorities to thwart activists from making accommodations for their protest(er)s in the city. Royal Canadian Mounted Police rented all vacant apartments and houses within the security perimeter and reserved all hotel rooms within fifty-five miles to remove housing options for the FTAA protesters (Inner City Press. 2 April, 2001). This enlarged the area of police control, and hampered activist efforts to house a lot of people in the vicinity for multiple days of protest. All of these tactics serve several functions in administrative strategies to contain the protest. Elites, in this case the institutions under protest, employ law enforcement to help maintain power, by making the protesters seem like a minority, and transforming the protests into issues of authority (Windt, 1982). Police attempt to limit the effect of the protests by undercutting the means by which activists communicate their message. By removing supplies to be used in the demonstrations, and making it difficult for organizers to keep activists in the city for the protests, authorities are effectively limiting the effects that the protest can have. The administrative tactics in the streets have limited the visibility of the protests and created obstacles that increase the difficulties already inherent in global mobilization. Mixed Messages: Movement Incoherence in the Media The general public get their perceptions of protests from mainstream media, which contributes to the containment of the protests. “The media in some countries still try hard to treat the genus protester as a marginal curiosity rather than a political animal. The Washington Post reported on the April demonstrations against the 207 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in the ‘Style’ section, stressing hair, nose rings, and body art. In Europe, however, and particularly in France, the press has been obliged to accept and report on the new actors that have arisen alongside transnational corporations and governments. The media now provide at least a capsule version of our message” (George, Winter 2001). Mainstream media are often motivated by ratings and advertising revenues, and thus want coverage that attracts viewers (Hertz, 2002). This implicates the way that media frame values in the debate about globalization. Media use value-frames to determine what is relevant to issue formation and resolution, and in many ways give the media power to control the meaning of events (Ball-Rokeach and Rokeach 1987, p. 184). While enabling the movement to increase awareness, mainstream media coverage works to undermine or discredit anti-globalization protests in two ways: first by attributing base motives and mixed messages to the groups, and second, by describing it as visionless and without a clear platform or solution. The first strategy evident in the media coverage of the movement is that the mainstream media reports the protests not as a movement, but as a mass of people who do not even know what they are demonstrating. Klein (2000) notes “the mass protests in Seattle and Washington were a hodgepodge of slogans and causes that, to the casual observer, it was hard to decode the connection between Mumia’s incarceration and the fate of the sea turtle”(p. 25). Indeed this is a common experience when reading mainstream news media. The protests have been described as a “kooky crowd” (Time), a “circus” (Thomas Friedman, New York Times), a “motley crew” for whom “disparate isn’t the word” (Newsweek) and a mob of 208 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. “militant dunces” (Economist).7 Business Week declared that even teens think it is cool to hate corporations, noting that it is almost entirely college students who show up at demonstrations (Sewell, 15 May, 2001), Peter Jennings of ABC noted that Seattle was just a meeting ground for any group in the world with a complaint (Ackerman 2000). The media contributes to administrative attempts to maintain their power by attributing base motives to the protesters, who are inevitably described as lawless and irrational. As one activist noted, “alternately portraying the majority of the people in the movement as violent thugs or body pierced twenty- somethings looking for kicks, this has the effect of simultaneously demonizing and discrediting the movement as a whole” (a silver elf, 2001). As long as the protests are uncoordinated mobs of angry youth, the movement does not have credibility with the public, and its demands are thus less salient to purveyors of free trade. In this way protest tactics are trivialized in mainstream media, which can contribute to public opinion of protesters and their causes as being illegitimate. This is the challenge of the comedic frame, as discussed in Chapter Four—how do protesters avoid becoming trivialized when the media contributes to the perception of the demonstrations as a bunch of hysterical youths? Indeed, this negative imagery contributes to unfavorable public perceptions of the movement as indicated in the media coverage of the protests; I will discuss activists’ strategy to counter this later in this chapter. Part of mainstream media coverage indicates the second strategy of the mainstream media—attempts to categorize the protesters as lacking a clear vision, 7 Quoted descriptions taken from Mckibben (2000). 209 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and having no real basis for their claims. A New York Times editorial observed “the anti-globalization movement already has a remarkable track record of hurting the very people and causes it claims to champion” (Krugman, April 22, 2001, p. 17). Krugman continues: “the movement doesn’t want to stop exports - it just wants better working conditions and higher wages. But it’s not a serious position. Third- world countries desperately need their export industries - they cannot retreat to an imaginary rural Arcadia. They can’t have those export industries unless they are allowed to sell goods produced under conditions that Westerners find appalling, by workers who receive very low wages. And that’s a fact the anti-globalization activists refuse to accept” (Krugman, April 22, 2001, p. 17). This exemplifies strategies of containment that describe the protesters as misinformed and even obstinate in their refusal to acquiesce to the inevitable processes of globalization. Institutions like the media turn protest into issues of authority by describing protesters as lawless and irrational (See Windt, 1982). This invokes notions of expertise that establish economic institutions as defenders of equality and justice. This is the same tactic used by the WTO, IMF and other institutions to paint themselves as innocent defenders of freedoms. If the movement has no vision, then the leaders who are negotiating for equality and justice inside convention walls offer the best ways for the world to benefit from globalization. The headline of this editorial, “Hearts and Heads,” is a clear delineation between the rationality of the negotiators inside the fence, and the irrational emotional, even irascible protesters who cannot come up with any working solutions to the concerns they decry. 210 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A third way the mainstream media attempt to debase the protesters is to label o them as anti-trade, which is where the anti-globalization moniker has its origins. As discussed in Chapter One, many protesters disagree with this label, while others embrace it. “Anti-trade” became a common label for demonstrators in mainstream media news coverage including US News and World Report, the Washington Post, ABC News, Newsweek among others (Ackerman, 2000). Peter Jennings asked his correspondent on the first night of the FTAA summit “what are these people protesting? Or are they just looking for a fight.” His correspondent said “They’re against capitalism” (Ivins, 17 May, 2001). This exemplifies the media strategy to portray the protesters as anti-trade, anti-capitalism—against globalization rather than working toward positive change. This depicts the protesters as misguided appealing to the American audience who cannot imagine an alternative to democratic capitalism, in which free trade is the only alternative to global poverty, and thus the solution to the problems isolated by the protesters. By diluting the movement’s message and casting the protest demands as unfounded and unfeasible, corporate media and government cast doubt on the legitimacy of the movement concerns, and attempt to boost their own legitimacy in the public eye. Government Control and Movement Futility Government and institutions have responded to the protests by eliminating visible signs of protests— a strategy aimed at a two-tiered audience. First, this is so that delegates and administrators see their conventions as successful and second, to sThe title “anti-globalization” is discussed at length in Chapter One. 211 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. decrease media images, and thus to minimize perceptions of the size and nature of the protests (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 33). Establishing control of the situation is important for administrative authorities to maintain their vision of democracy. In this way, they transform particular issues into general issues of authority and credibility. By asserting control over the protests, institutions maintain authority and credibility which justifies aggressive tactics to suppress unruly demonstrators, and also serves to defend the policies of institutions under attack. Seattle officials’ handling of the protests revealed how protests are issues of authority. Much of the criticism and blame for the consequences of the Seattle protests was placed on the city response and those of law enforcement officials. ‘“The mayor blew it,’ The Seattle Times, the state’s largest newspaper, said in an editorial Friday” (New York Times, 4 December 1999b, p. 1). Mayor Schell apologized, and shouldered his share of the blame. The public response to Seattle has raised the expectations of protests and thus increased security presence at subsequent protests. This shows, it is important for city administrators to control the protesters in order to maintain their reputation and credibility as attractive sites for future conventions, tourism, and generally a safe city. The rhetoric of leaders also reveals how economic institutions attempt to assert control over the processes of globalization. President Bush said at the G-8 summits: “I believe that which we discussed today and in the last couple of days will make the world a heck of a lot more prosperous and peaceful place....” (New York Times, 23 July, 2001, p. A8). Bush contains the impact of the protests by answering their demands with a defense of the policies discussed by the eight most powerful 212 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. leaders in the world. He notes that the discussions they had were not exclusive, but will benefit the entire world and lead to peace and prosperity. Russian President Putin even went so far as to agree with the protesters at the G-8 summit, which is part of the same strategy of co-opting the movements demands, supporting the notion that the protesters do not even know why they are there. Putin said: I have to tell you that the people who are out on the streets and talked about the issues of the poor countries and their problems and those who gathered within the framework of the eight were all taken by one and the same series of issues. In this sense, we can say that we’re all of the same mind. But unlike those who chose the extremist ways of expressing their minds, those who worked here tried to find solutions, ways to get to the end solution, specific kinds of solutions which realistically could affect - 1 hope will affect - the condition in which the very poorest countries are living in the world today. (New York Times. 23 July, 2001, p. A8) Putin’s use of rhetoric like “specifically” and “solutions” and “realistically” shows how administrators are careful to distinguish between government and institutional solutions, and the unfounded and impossible demands of the protesters. Putin groups the protesters’ demands into the same sets of solutions discussed at the summit. German chancellor Schroder went even further, and implied that these issues exceeded the capability and authority of the protesters. “It’s a question primarily of the leaders’ discussing with each other; that’s a very important element... The protesters will always be there” (Tagliabue, 23 July, 2001). Schroder’s “you can’t please everyone” attitude proves that leaders see including public voices in the discussion process as impossible—this gets to the heart of what representative democracy means. Schroder labels the protesters as unsanctioned, illegitimate, and 213 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. argues like other leaders that they don’t speak for the people they claim to. This also echoes the IMF brief that the issues at protest are part of inevitable cycles of globalization, and are simply bumps along the road of progress. The mayor of Quebec City, Jean-Paul L’Allier attempted to make his city seem accommodating to the protesters; for example, he justified creating a protest zone as a security measure, so that protesters could safely express their demands. He said that his city would open up community centers and other public buildings to house what he termed “responsible” demonstrators, during the FTAA Summit. Appearing on Quatre-Saisons television, L’Allier said: We think this is the best way: to permit young and not-so- young people to express themselves democratically rather than slamming the door on them everywhere. Then, what remains for them to do when they want to eat except smash a window and march in and help themselves? We don’t want that.... Will it be 1,000, 5,000,10,000 - we don’t know. It’s not because they announce 50,000 on Internet that that’s what’s going to happen.... If you have 6,000 or 5,000 police on one side and 10,000 or 12,000 demonstrators on the other, it’s like having two piles of wood - you just have to toss a match and you have a much bigger fire than if there were 300 police and 500 demonstrators. (Inner City Press. 2 April, 2001) L’Allier’s remarks reveal several elements of the containment strategy used by administrative officials to establish government control and make the protesters seem volatile to justify this control. His strategy demonstrates how cities remove potential sites for demonstrations to make it hard for protesters to converge because they have no place to sleep (this demonstrates the need for housing as provided by www.Seattle99.org 214 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. described in Chapter Three). Furthermore, this is a strategy of paternalism, that governments use to portray the protesters as misdirected youths, rather than adults bringing their demands rationally to the system, and also positions governments and institutions in the role of protector, to maintain order during the demonstrations. This strategy is strikingly parallel to the policy responses of the institutions themselves who portray their policies as emancipation from poverty and suffering conditions in developing countries by helping them catch up to progress. L’Allier’s remarks that the state will permit the responsible demonstrators to protest typify containment strategies of institutions. These arguments establish the power of the state over illegitimate mobs and provide justification for state agents to exercise power in order to maintain control. Finally, this rhetoric declares that administrations have control over the situation and thus have an important role in maintaining the functioning of democracy. The ideal of democracy is fundamental to this type of administrative control, because it makes protesters seem undemocratic, and justifies containment strategies as necessary to maintain order and stability in a democratic society. Typical administrative responses to the protests I studied include extremely tight security and heightened police presence so that police and city hosts look prepared for violence. As delegates and NGOs are toasting the 50+ years of the free trade system, and the spread of democratic capitalism, the buildings they meet in are protected by security personnel to protect them from the people outside protesting against the effects of this economic globalization (Khor, 1998, p. 5). Such strategies of containment serve to gird the success of the protest movement within the context 215 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of the pleasantries of capitalism that people in industrialized countries enjoy, so that the protests seem to call for unacceptable sacrifice of accustomed standards of living. In addition to asserting government control, media and institutions portray the movement as futile. The New York Times argued that the protesters are just protesting for the sake of protests: “What would they lose by declaring victory, however limited? Perhaps part of the answer is that if the war were perceived to be going their way, they might have trouble rallying the troops in Quebec, and keeping the pressure [on the decision-makers]’’ (Weinstein, 22 April, 2001, p. 18). The mainstream media portrays protesters as nihilistic, and without feasible solutions. An Associated Press report described the protesters as having ‘far-fetched’ concerns (Ackerman 2000). Indeed activist concerns were seen as nothing more than platitudes, much less serious gripes with the system and certainly not a vision for an alternative to global capitalism. Media also compare anti-globalization efforts to real pushes for reform, indicating that protest is not an appropriate method for pushing for social change. Newsweek noted “the anti-globalization crowd... is trying to achieve, through intimidation and scare tactics, what it has not been able to get through legislation” tinner Citv Press. 30 April, 2001). This distinguishes the protests from legitimate efforts at reform, and thus dooms them to failure. Media characterize protest as a last resort, and thus incapable of real social change. Media coverage complements the policy responses discussed above so that ultimately, mainstream media supports government and institutional positions in debates about globalization. 216 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Finally, mainstream media coverage of the anti-globalization movement reveals attempts to classify the protests as almost a fad—almost as if it were a “spring-break holiday”—not as a tenable movement that might enjoy strong public support. Aside from being only “anti,” global justice movements are seen as futile. The protests are seen to have unachievable goals in the face of the indomitable force that is economic globalization. This adds to the defenses of free trade offered by summit leaders; not only does free trade provide the best standard of living for all of us, but it is also useless to fight it. After the Seattle protests, Mike Jensen, NBC’s financial correspondent, concluded “most experts say getting rid of trade barriers on both sides is a good thing for American workers and consumers. But no matter what comes out of this four-day meeting - and a lot of analysts don’t think it will be much—world trade has such momentum, almost nothing can get in its way” (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 57). Jensen invokes the expertise of analysts who prove that globalization is good for us, and indicates the protesters’ causes are futile because free trade is inevitable. This parallels the Washington Post’s coverage of the movement in its Style section, indicating the movement is no more than a trend, and will dissipate in the momentum of world trade. This strategy circumvents the appeal of the protesters’ issues, by describing them as periodic crises in the inevitable processes of economic globalization and free trade. Another way the media does this is to compare subsequent, smaller protests to the Seattle demonstrations to make it seem as if interest in the movement is dwindling.9 9 See Beiser (17 April, 2000) and Bruno, (2000). 217 with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. These strategies of containment are part of media and administrative attempts to contain the effects of the protests and undermine the strength of the anti globalization movement in two ways. First, administrative authorities attempt to limit the movement’s effects—confiscating supplies and otherwise making host cities inhospitable to large crowds of protests—in order to decrease the visibility of the movement, make the movement seem incoherent, and/or a motley crew looking for a chance to fight with cops. Second, governments and institutions assert their control not only by containing the protesters in the streets, but also by asserting control over aspects of globalization and asserting solutions to the issues that protesters raise. CRIMINALIZATION The multi-fold containment strategy just described requires the legitimation of some protesters in order to criminalize others, and blaming violent confrontations on criminal protest acts. This section considers how administrative and media players portray the protesters, painting some as legitimate and others as illegitimate, and even as violent and criminal. Leo Gerard, president of the 700,000-member United Steelworkers of America union describes the administrative strategies: “they’re saying that they want to take down trade barriers, but they’re building walls as they negotiate in secret. If you try to get to the other side of the wall, you’ll be jailed. All around the world, in order to try to minimize the exposure of dissent, countries are criminalizing the protesters” (Lindsey, 20 April, 2001). Indeed, the literal and discursive barriers built by the institutions are efforts to suppress dissent 218 with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and maintain their power within the established order. This is historically the case for resistance movements, as in the experience of the anti-war movement (Gustanis and Hahn, 1988), the Yippies (Windt, 1982) and the 1968 Democratic National Convention (Gitlin, 1980). In this section, I will examine several rhetorical strategies of criminalization. First, I will discuss the hype created around the protests, including predictions and exaggerations of the size and intent of the protesters. Second, I will examine explicit strategies of legitimation that distinguish legal protesters from a criminal element, in order to justify security measures. Third, I will analyze administrative and media responses to the violent confrontations that occurred, and the effects of these portrayals on how the violence is perceived in the public eye. Media Hype and States of Emergency Besides belittling and containing the protesters, exaggerated media coverage of protesters, and especially acts of violence, is part of a media strategy that serves to discredit the movement. As discussed in Chapter Four, there have been significant acts of violence and even a death in Genoa. The bodily harm incurred by police and protesters alike is alarming. Mainstream and independent media have differing coverage Some people argue that media reports attempt to spin these events by heightening public awareness of the gruesome effects of violence, and “are part of a conscious scare campaign to keep activists and other concerned people away from the protests” (Sloan, 22 February, 2001). Media can make protests seem more violent than they are by only emphasizing the violence in the media clips selected for 219 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. broadcast (Straus, 3 October 2000). Some attribute this to the need for media that attract viewers, and by focusing on the most dramatic element of the protests, news sources hope to attract an audience (See Hertz, 2002). Largely because of the public response after the Seattle protests, future hosts of such meetings reacted strongly by making extensive preparations to secure areas where protesters were expected. The growing anticipation of protests, as legions of networks of activists about to converge on cities,1 0 justified tactics of threat construction to create fear by many administrations, institutions and police. The IMF and World Bank spokespeople acknowledged the issues raised by the protests, “pointing out that it was impossible to ignore them” (Mokhiber and Weissman, 21, April, 2000). Indeed, the protests in Seattle were a shock to police, they were not expecting the size of the protest crowd, and thus law enforcement officials have responded to the growing anticipation of protests by networking. Seattle’s experience prompted police officials to gather to discuss crowd control strategy, etc. The Secret Service invited police officers to Seattle “to take part in a training and observation session to watch how the Seattle police handled crowd control and the protection of government officials” (Chicago Tribune. 12 December, 1999, p. 1). So, in response to networks of activists, police have developed networks that are global to share technical information for better containment of protesters. This demonstrates how processes of globalization are interconnected as both police and protesters develop global networks to respond to each other. 1 0 See e.g. FBI WFO (2000), Mckibben (2000). 220 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In Seattle, city officials responded to reports of massive protests that fueled anticipation of escalating confrontation. At 3:00 p.m. on the first day of the protests, Mayor Schell declared a state of civil emergency, and declared a no protest zone, and a downtown curfew. Anyone not on legitimate business in the downtown area was arrested. After the protests had already hindered WTO meetings, Mayor Schell had to make a sweeping decree in order to justify aggressive police action and to save face, and demonstrate the city had control of the situation.1 1 This strategy also relies on the public fear of a loss of control, the explosion of violence that puts fear in public’s mind about the protesters—and makes the situation seem dangerous and volatile. President Clinton stayed inside his limousine as he was shuttled along venues surrounded by riot police. He slept in a hotel ringed by empty transit buses as a makeshift barrier.1 2 Mayor Schell and Police Chief Stamper admitted police were undermanned as the trouble broke out, despite prior talks on demonstration details with protest leaders.1 3 “Stamper blamed ‘a criminal element’ and said he will try to prosecute vandals” (New York Times. 4 December, 1999b, p. 2-3). The civic emergency justified arresting people for violating curfew. This is a strategy for hyperviolence, in which the administration and institutions attempt to prime the media and the public for violence, establishing a causal link between the violent nature of the protesters and the explosive clashes between police and demonstrators, blaming the latter for the unfavorable consequences. 1 1 “A few hours later the city banned the sale, purchase and possession of gas masks. The initial order was so sweeping that it later had to be amended to exempt police and military personnel” (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 31). 1 2 Interestingly, the Los Angeles Lakers also encountered the protesters in Seattle. At first their bus was blocked and then they were let through once the protesters knew who they were. 221 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Sanctioned vs. Illegitimate: The divide and conquer strategy After building up the threat of the protests, the second crucial part of the administrative strategy of criminalization is to identify and isolate dangerous elements by legitimizing other protesters. This shows how government and institutions work hard to frame the protests. First, they emphasize the threat the protests pose to public safety in order to justify increased security presence. Second, they hype violent elements of demonstrators to justify arrests and other containment strategies. There was undeniably considerable violence during the protests, and protesters, government officials, and mainstream media sources were constructing competing stories of these events, in order to control the public image of the protests. Therefore the administrative characterization of the protests is the first part of the administrative strategy—which justifies aggressive police action and then allows easy blame after the violent episodes of police action. In Seattle, as in other protests, motorcycle police helped escort legitimate protesters through downtown intersections to rallies and in parades (Dowd, 1999, p. 1). These escorts are veiled strategies to physically divide and conquer the movement, which administrative authorities use to split protest groups to limit the effects and make the crowds smaller. A spokesperson for Mayor Schell noted, “Peaceful free speech is something we encourage in Seattle, the freedom of speech is not a grant to break the law” (Talvi 2000). The Chief ofD.C. Metro Police said “my job is to allow the protesters to exercise their rights but only as long as they don’t 1 3 (New York Times. 4 December, 1999b, p. 2-3). 222 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. hinder the rights of the World Bank and the IMF to hold their meetings” (Taming the Bestiary, 2001). “Illegitimate” protesters were punished in Washington D.C. when 600 people were arrested for “rallying without a permit” (Mobilization for Global Justice, 9 September 2001). Police use the law as a tool to undermine the protests; it is important for police to establish the illegality of the protests to justify their tactics to suppress the movement, and also to delegitimize the causes and methods of the demonstrators to undermine the message of protest itself. These remarks show how administrations attempt to seem accommodating of legitimate, peaceful protests, which justifies actions against law-breaking protesters, and assigns base motives to the protesters (Windt, 1982). “The message of the state is clear enough. The only ‘good protesters’ are those waving a couple of placards in a cop-designated parking lot four miles from downtown. All others are ‘bad demonstrators” and thus targets for police action (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 12). These tactics have a few effects. First, the movement is divided by the administration, which diminishes the show of support in the streets for people that are confronting police, and thus decreases the number of people willing to resist police efforts to disperse the demonstrators. Furthermore, dividing street crowds into different locations makes the protests easier to control. Finally, legitimating some activists justifies action against others. In this way, authorities can legitimate concerns of some protesters, so they seem responsive to movement demands, but can dismiss protesters who were violent. As will be discussed later in this chapter, authorities can reject the 223 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. movement as a whole for harboring these protesters—undermining the basic ideals and methods of the anti-globalization movement. Violence Perhaps the most controversial aspect of the anti-globalization protests is the increasingly violent confrontations between police and protesters. As noted throughout this work, considerable violence and property destruction have occurred during the anti-globalization protests. The worst violence since the birth of the movement in Seattle, occurred in Genoa in June 2001. An Italian protester, Carlos Giuliani died when, a group of demonstrators attacked a Carabinieri paramilitary police Jeep with stones and metal bars, breaking its windows. An eyewitness reported that a protester prepared to throw a fire extinguisher at the vehicle’s shattered rear window, but was hit in the head by two gunshots from the Jeep. The demonstrator fell to the ground and was run over by the Jeep as it backed up (Toronto Star. 2001). This is the most violent incident that has occurred in the movement to date, but firsthand accounts of the protests, emergency room and field medical reports reveal a level of violence that belies the democratic ideals heralded by economic institutions and law enforcement alike, and arguably justifies the city’s responses. Furthermore, this violence also undermines the claims and causes of many of the protesters, unfavorably affecting the movements’ message. Chapter Four discussed the effects of the violence within the movement, particularly how the disagreement over tactics has played out. I will analyze administrative efforts to spin the confrontations so that police were justified in acting in self-defense. I will also 224 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. explore media responses to the violence to evaluate how the violence affected the movement as a whole, and whether it garnered sympathy for the cause, or dissuaded the public from supporting the causes. Administrative responses to confrontations draw causal links between protests and the violent nature of protests. In Genoa, Bush, Chirac and Italian Prime Minister Berlusconi issued statements saying they regretted the violence, but also criticizing the protesters for violent demonstrations. These world leaders used violence to frame the debate, blaming violent outbursts on the out-of-control demonstrators. Bush’s response to the violence was brief. He noted “it’s a tragic loss of life” and insisted that the protesters who “claim to represent the voices of the poor aren’t doing so. Those protesters who try to shut down our talk on trade and aid don’t represent the poor, as far as I’m concerned” (Stanley and Sanger, 22 July, 2001). Bush argued that the violence was due to the violent and undemocratic nature of the protests, in order to defend the Italian government’s attempts to maintain democracy, and to undermine the demands of the protesters. The intense media coverage of the protests has made violence, especially death, hard to hide. Thus the issue has become who is at fault for the bodily harm and injury suffered by both police and protesters? Naturally, many administrative officials have argued that the violence on the part of police has been exaggerated. Administrative and police officials justify aggressive police action by criminalizing protesters. For example, after protests at the DNC, LAPD officers defended their tactics to the police commission by describing the protesters as criminal and dangerous. They reported protesters had “sling shots,” “bottles of fecal matter mixed 225 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. with urine to throw on officers,” and incendiary devices. “They have every bit of equipment, if you will, to create anarchy, to create confusion” (Rappleye, 2000, p. 20). Administrative accounts depict anarchists as criminals, and even as terrorists. Weapons are described as unsophisticated, even crude and this makes the protesters unpredictable and thus more dangerous because they are harder to contain. These accounts of dangerous protesters helps to place blame for the violence on the protesters, and thus to amplify the threat of the protests in the media. The Seattle protests exploded across headlines, largely because the sizable turnout was unexpected and television and other media coverage led to transnational perception of the protests marked by clashes between police and protesters. Mainstream media covered the violence in different ways—most news reports only showed the violence, and a lot of coverage attributed it to the whole movement. Some reporters did acknowledge that property destruction was committed by an isolated group of demonstrators and did not reflect the movement as a whole.1 4 Regardless, the violence affects perceptions of the protests. The Chicago Tribune declared “the trouble in Seattle came from radicals, some of whom identified themselves as anarchists, and from hooligans bent on looting stores” (12 December, 1999, p. 3). Many movement sources claimed, however, that much of the looting that took place was not done by anarchists, but by Seattle street gangs looting to take 1 4 Still other news channels have attempted to undercut the movement’s attempts to gain coverage in the first place. ABC’s Seattle affiliate said that it would not “devote coverage to irresponsible or illegal activities of disruptive groups... KOMO 4 News is taking a stand on not giving some protest groups the publicity they want... So if you see us doing a story on disruption, but we don’t name the group or cause, you’ll know why” (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 58). This puts these protesters in the same category as people who disrupt baseball games by running on the field, kidnappers and extortionists, and even the Unabomber. 226 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. advantage of the protests (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 29). Movement activists note also that the mainstream media failed to report actions such as those undertaken by Medea Benjamin and Global Exchange, for example, to protect stores like the Gap and Niketown from protesters intent on breaking their windows (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000). The New York Times attributes the violent protesters as people who “simply come along for the fun of banging heads. When not demonstrating against globalization, they fight at soccer stadiums” (Stanley and Sanger, 22 July, 2001). In some ways, the movement is hurt by the media’s focus on violent clashes with police rather than the issues. Violence is the most newsworthy topic, but it is this very confrontation that may make it difficult for the public to take the movement’s message seriously (Rabson, 19 September, 2000). Mainstream NGOs have condemned direct action tactics that lead to violence. Carl Pope of the Sierra Club said that violence delegitimized position of NGOs, and he did not criticize police actions in Seattle (Cockbum, St. Clair, and Sekula, 2000, p. 47). This shows the effect of divide and conquer strategies on the protests—not only does it undermine support for the protests, but it forces mainstream groups to disavow the “violent” protesters, and in some cases even act to stop them. Police tactics “served the double purpose of effectively hushing constitutionally protected forms of dissent and dividing activists by making some protesters play cop with their own people to avoid further confrontations” (Ehrenreich, 25-31 August, 2000). Indeed, some activists argue that the movement is in danger. “Either we’ll be capable of exposing what the police are actually up to and manage to contain and prevent the violent 227 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. methods of the few, or we risk shattering the greatest political hope in the last several decades (George, 24 July, 2001). Other movement activists argue that the violence brings needed attention to the protests that they would not otherwise receive. If there is not some violence, that is if the protesters do not provoke police brutality, then there is an element of success missing, because visible confrontation is the only way the movement’s causes can gain attention. Thus, violent clashes with police accomplish at least some movement goals because the nature of the conflict gains media coverage, provokes administrative response, and can make police/administrative responses seem ridiculous and illegitimate. In all these ways confrontation is necessary since it symbolizes resistance to the system, and unwillingness to compromise. However, as Gandhi argued, non-violence confronts the authorities in a way that demands a response while constraining their actions because the protesters remain non-violent (Carlson, 1986). The negative effects of violence (besides the violence itself) include unfavorable attention on the protests as people equate the protests with violence. However, violent confrontation also increases unfavorable attention on police actions and may delegitimize them in the eyes of the public. So the question is, who causes the violence—the protesters by expressing their demands in illegitimate ways, or the police by acting too aggressively? If these visible confrontations continue, the institutions under protest and the purveyors of free trade will have to respond to the protests to preserve order. The violence in this way may highlight the injustices endured by indigenous peoples around the world and provoke real policy/social change. However, this response may include more oppressive 228 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. security measures, and potentially fatal violence. This demonstrates the importance of protesters’ media spin. It is necessary to control the media image of the protests to show how unacceptable levels of violence and injustice in the streets mirrors practices in developing countries. ACTIVIST MEDIA SPIN When the nightly news shows police dragging away protesters who are blocking a city intersection, it is unlikely that the message received by the public is that the World Bank has unjust policies. The television-viewing public may not make those connections, especially when the confrontation is reduced to the spectacle of the physical conflict itself (Lakey, August 2000). So how do activist groups attempt to combat these media effects? To determine this, I analyzed a variety of alternative and independent media, and in particular the protesters’ use of media to try to control the public perception of their message. Mobilization for Global Justice represents a clearinghouse of information, and also attempts to provide alternative media accounts of the protests. Mobilization for Global Justice describes its media center as “a hub of resources for all press interested in interviews, quotes, updates and schedules throughout the coming days of teach-ins, protests and direct action” (Mobilization for Global Justice, 7 April, 2001). Independent media centers and numerous video cameras ensure that police brutality is caught on tape and published on-line (Grant, 23 April, 2001). I also examined fliers and newspapers handed out at protests-—examples of independent/protest media—in 229 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. calls for celebration and action for justice. I identify two major types of protest media—information dissemination and media image. Informational Media Information is key to movement maintenance—three types of information gathering and dissemination are evident in the protests: information about events, accurate coverage of the protests, and transparency of public documents. The Los Angeles Free Press proclaims that “every reader is a reporter” and that it provides “information for changing the world” (14 August 2000). This exemplifies the key role of information dissemination in the staging of the protests. The rhetoric of the anti-globalization movement empowers individual activists to help spread information, and account for the protest tactics. The importance of information in affecting social change is manifest not only in the tactics and coordination of protest activity, but also in the public awareness of the situations which provoke this global demand for social justice. Activist accounts of the protests become part of the movement’s media spin by countering government and institutional defense of free trade as well as unfavorable media coverage. This challenges boundaries of dominant structures by transferring power from established authorities to groups outside the established hierarchy who are engaged in the production of knowledge (Sohng 1995). A sense of collective action comes from information about events and is also manifest in alternative media accounts of protest actions, which promote movement success for its actual and potential members by informing them of strong movement Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. activity. In this way, part of the decentralized nature of the anti-globalization protests includes the sharing of information about specific causes and explanations of tactics and the meaning of protest. Each staged protest includes a “ weeklong cavalcade of activities, including teach-ins, concerts, people’s tribunals for corporations and appearances by sympathetic members of Congress” (Greenhouse, 29 November, 1999). By imparting new and more information, the movement spreads as it gains new members and also increases awareness of the general public. The teach-ins can increase support for the movement among individuals who are mobilized to take action, as well as the general public who may not be motivated to commit to protest, but who nonetheless gain awareness of the various causes of the movement. Awareness of successful actions is also important to publicize what success the movement enjoys in order to showcase activist efforts work toward positive social change. Successful actions create a sense of accomplishment among members of the movement and thus help mobilize further efforts. Second, the movement’s claims to accuracy through firsthand accounts of the protests are important for efforts to disseminate information about the protesters and their causes. The protests are thoroughly and extensively documented; for example, the Independent Media Center issued press credentials to hundreds of activists who, due to the affordability of recording equipment, have been able to record nearly every moment of the protests (Ehrenreich, 25-31 August, 2000). Starhawk, referred to many times in this work because she is a very vocal activist, exemplifies the way that activists use media to combat the marginalization attempts of the dominant public sphere. She wrote from Genoa providing nearly live updates o f the protests. 231 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Her descriptions of the violence were discussed earlier, but her conclusion is of interest here. “I’ve got to stop now. We should be safe if we can make our way back to where we’re staying. Call the Italian Embassy. Go there, shame them! We may not be able to mount another demonstration tomorrow here if the situation stays this dangerous. Please do something!” (Starhawk, 21 July, 2001). Her exhortations reveal the power of the Internet in helping activists create space for activism and extended protest through new media. She appraises activists of situations, and then urges them to act because they are enraged by what is happening during these protests. These firsthand accounts counteract mainstream media coverage and resist suppression because this type of information also eliminates the power of mystery that gives the administration authority and power (King 1975). Once the people are aware of questionable state tactics, it is easier to win favor in the media and public eye and also force authorities to respond in a way that they would not have to if they were able to maintain the mystery. During confrontations with police, protesters chanted: “the whole world is watching, the whole world is watching.” This exemplifies how the world’s perceptions of the protests, the administration and the movement as a whole are affected by the violence. Indeed most major news coverage showed the violence, because after all violence and spectacle sells. This shows how activists are media savvy and try to combat mainstream media coverage. Indeed, many activists used independent media to destabilize the mainstream media’s monopoly on coverage. Hundreds of independent journalists covered the protests from the streets, demonstrating the possibility of collaboration between independent media outlets. 232 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ‘“People were fed up. They were not going to watch a massive uprising through a corporate lens,’ says Amy Goodman, host of Pacifica Radio’s Democracy Now! ‘They went into the streets with their video cameras and microphones and covered it from a grassroots perspective, unmediated by the corporations that were being protested like Westinghouse, Disney, or Time Warner’” (Light, March/April, 2000).1 5 Protest.Net proclaims “by publishing a public record of our political activities on the web we are taking a stand against the established media” (About Protest.Net, 2001). The Internet creates media outlets protesters can use to disseminate accounts of the reality of protest events, which means they get to counteract mainstream news. Independent media such as www.indv.org and others presented protesters with “accurate” depictions of police brutality. The Internet creates discursive space for protest—networked groups can leverage power by controlling the information made public surrounding the protests. By informing people of what is actually happening rather than the soundbytes of the news, activists who are not at the protests can communicate with institutional or congressional representatives and demand action. Finally, the transparency of official documents is part of the protesters’ media strategy to call attention to injustices perpetuated by economic globalization. Exemplifying such calls for transparency, Inner City Press offers investigations of the FTAA policies through public examination of its documents. Readers can click to read the trade documents, which activists make available to the public in order to 1 5 See for example www.indymedia.com/. www. globalize this. com/, and “30 Frames a Second” (2000), a video documentary about Seattle. 233 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. draw attention to their causes. Toffler and Toffler (1997) describe the power of the Internet to shift public communications from mainstream media to diverse information outlets (p. xvii). However, the Internet reaches a more limited audience than television coverage (Meyers 1994). In fact, as noted earlier, many visitors to Internet sites are people who are already aware of the movement and its causes. Activists must work hard to get the movement’s message(s) out to the p u b lic - potential supporters as well as the opposition—and thus frame the debate about globalization in a way that reveals the need for institutions of free trade to respond to injustices caused by excessive economic development. Media Image Independent media outlets provide alternative descriptions of protests and of activists in the movement that differ from those offered in the mainstream media. Movements must exploit communication resources to achieve their goals—to generate sympathy among bystanders, and maintain the legitimacy and efficiency of the movement’s participants (Meyers, 1994, p. 254). The Ruckus Society posts mainstream and alternative news about itself on its website to show how the group is entering the debate about globalization and to help provide media outlets for activists. Several examples prove how the anti-globalization movement is seizing the means of communication and creating its own media and media-sawy activists that can help control the way the public perceives the violence and the protest causes. The website of the Ruckus Society includes a checklist of “what you should do, and when you should do it, to have the best shot at getting your action’s message out. 234 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. But these steps can be for naught if not done with thorough professionalism. Journalists are professional cynics, and if you’re sloppy, they will notice it, and it will color their coverage. So go the extra mile; proofread the press release again; make the extra phone call. Never cut comers” (www.mckus.orgf. This reveals that activists are aware that media relations are profoundly important if the movement is to take advantage of media opportunities and counter the governments’ attempts to characterize the movement as incoherent and visionless. Individual activists are urged to take responsibility for spinning media coverage. Pat Kipping, a 20-year social justice activist and media education consultant in Canada argues: “we have to understand and engage with the workers and the processes of the media institutions. We need to use the same tactics and efforts as the big boys to get the ears and eyes of the media, only we need to be better and more creative... We tend to accept marginal status for our ideas.... We expect to be rejected and don’t realize there are many people in [the media] who are open to our ideas” (cited by Wirth, 1997). Through independent media, activists attempt to undermine publicity efforts by governments and institutions. The movement must use the media to demystify the hype surrounding the protests and expose the aggressive administrative action toward them (Woodward, 1975). As one activist noted: we succeeded in both cases - Seattle and Washington DC - in dragging the snake out from under the rock and saying here are these secretive institutions that are planning the entire global economy. They’re making rules that affect all of us and nature. Shouldn’t we at least know what they are? We succeeded in forcing these institutions onto the public agenda by getting them into the media. I would argue that in my 235 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. lifetime I’ve never seen so much [sic] anti-corporate message [sic] carried in the corporate media. I think that’s a major achievement when we can get our critical message into their wholly-owned control of our public airwaves. At least at the minimum, it raised in the public mind, ‘Hey what is this institution? Maybe I should pay attention to it.’ (Danaher, 26 June 2000) Activist media measures were successful in terms of the numbers of people in the streets, and by levels of disruption to events (Sayegh, 2001). Media coverage is a goal in itself, because of the agenda-setting function. “If we do nothing more than get the media to focus on issues that are not being covered, that will have been a great public service to bring that out into the light of day” (Danaher, June 26, 2000, p. 2). The anti-globalization movement utilizes new communication and information technologies to help balance the news coverage of corporate media. Alternative media accounts help publicize the alternative that protesters create in response to corporate media and corporate politics. The protests create an alternative vision of globalization—one of salvation not through commerce, but through social activism to pressure institutions to change policies. Protesters must control media to have the public see the legitimacy of their goals and also the legitimacy of the manner in which they pursue these goals. “For many the media presentations of confrontation in Seattle, for example, were construed not as nonviolent demonstrators being attacked by heavily armed police, but rather as protestors threatening public order and safety” (Brecher, Costello and Smith, 1999, p. 96-7). Movement organizers have created an event worth reporting which is important to their symbolic politics—but the violence at the protesters has 236 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. caused them to lose control of their message, which undermines their efforts to promote peaceful change. Despite the media focus on violence, the movement has influenced the globalization debate by bringing issues of social, economic and environmental justice onto the public radar. Medea Benjamin says the IMF/World Bank protests “were definitely effective in shifting the terms of the debate” (Beiser, 20 April, 2000). Even the Washington Post noted “without the people in the street, its unlikely that the word ‘poverty’ would have cropped up quite so often [at the meetings]” (Beiser, 20 April, 2000). Opinion polls have demonstrated that big sections of the American population are opposed to the domination of Corporate America. In a poll conducted by Business Week. 72% of Americans said that business had too much power over too many aspects of American life. Only 47% thought that what was good for business was good for most Americans, while 66% believed that large profits are more important to big companies than developing safe, reliable, quality products for consumers. “At home and abroad,” states Business Week, “citizens facing globalisation worry that powerful corporations override national sovereignty and can undermine political and monetary systems” (Sewell, 15 May, 2001) Media spin plays a crucial role in anti-globalization protest strategy for overcoming the negative effects of violence. Media help to legitimate protest in the global arena. Increased media presence makes the movement seem larger and even global in reach, and thus also makes its demands seem more realistic and compelling. New technology enables new space for the proliferation of anti-globalization rhetoric, and thus changes the public sphere as new voices contribute to the debate about free trade policies. The New York Times noted this level of success of the Genoa 237 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. protests. “Gradually [activists’] voices are being heard. When told that the leaders had met for the first time with representatives of developing countries, [a local activist] replied ‘I doubt they would have done so had it not been for the pressure from the street’” (Tagliabue, 22 July, 2001). Protest media increases awareness of economic institutions so that trade talks are no longer inauspicious. This is a victory for activists by accomplishing a stated movement goal of increasing public scrutiny of talks, which is a step toward a further goal of increasing transparency of government and institutional proceedings. CONCLUSIONS In Chapter One, I raised the questions of how and to what extent these protests constituted a movement, and how they might come to affect social change? As Taylor (19 March, 2001) observed, “temporarily closing off streets during the recent direct actions has provided momentary spaces in which to practice democratic process; indeed that’s been one of the best parts of the new ‘ anti-globalization’ movement in the United States. Yet the serial protest mode leaves questions of politics and power unaddressed.” What is the future of the anti-globalization movement? Is it possible to move from protest to popular power? It has been demonstrated that the protests have transformed the debate about globalization, but to what extent does this increase social change? While the protests have increased the public’s awareness of these issues, they have detracted from the issues and causes they represent, and it is questionable whether public awareness is positive or negative regarding their causes. The Seattle 238 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Times noted that now the WTO will “stand for a mix of issues, images and events. Meetings of government and business officials. Protests of those meetings. Tear gas and pepper spray, curfews and restricted areas” (5 December, 1999). This exemplifies how protests call attention to issues, but their message is not always coherent when viewed through the lens of mainstream media. The WTO may be in the media, but the public may only understand that it makes some people angry. Instead of associating the WTO with corporate led politics, public audiences may associate it with violent protests, which cause police to use justifiably aggressive tactics in order to control angry mobs. This has created a significant dilemma for protest organizers. Writing after Genoa, one activist noted: “Faced with the escalation of State- sponsored terror, we must figure out how to continue our demonstrations and direct action without endangering our people; how to avoid abandoning the terrain of the public space to the explosive ultra-minority” (George, 24 July, 2001). Indeed the full impact of the demonstrations will only become manifest in the future, but it is clear the anticorporate movement is growing and has had at least some effect on public consciousness. The American and even world public is newly aware of the governing bodies and policies of free trade, and millions of people in developed countries know of ways that these institutions’ policies can hurt people in poorer countries. If anything, the increased public awareness has emerged as mainstream media coverage of the issues has increased. There is a potential that as these networks grow bigger, the ridiculousness of these confrontations will become so apparent that they cannot be ignored by 239 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. institutions, convention organizers, or by the public. The Toronto Star noted “the spectacle of corporate leaders needing to be protected—by the state, in a neat irony- against a few demonstrators saying rude things... demonstrates that the anti globalization movement - more precisely, the anti-corporate globalization movement - which first attracted widespread attention with the so-called Battle of Seattle a year ago, has reached the level where it can put the globalists on the defensive” (Gwyn, 31 January, 2001). This shows that while these grassroots forces are not strong enough to completely check globalization, they have forced regulators of free trade to defend their policies, and thus increased public consciousness, or at least public debate. However, this public consciousness has been focused on the clashes in the streets, which as discussed earlier may lead to increased fear of anarchists and violence. The protests provided the story of the protests at the summits, rather than what sort of dissent went on inside (Light 17 April, 2000, Light March/April, 2000). Protests thus distract from the policy action going on inside the meeting halls, but could also highlight dissent from within the trade organizations. Protests could work to highlight the parallels between the action in the streets and the plight of the developing nations indoors to show the importance of the solidarity between activists in developed countries and indigenous peoples. These connections across experiences and backgrounds make the anti-globalization movement unique from its geographically isolated predecessors and also raises the potential for further success by cultivating these partnerships. 240 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The protests are seen as successful by some organizers and the potential of their effects is evident. Thus far, the movement has accomplished some of its goals. It has created visible confrontations with these institutions and has prevented them from conducting business as usual. In this way the movement has laid the groundwork for social change. There inevitably will be a continuing dialogue within the movement about methods and strategies for responding to violent factions within the movement, and trying to make their messages and demands clearer to public, distinguishing the movement as one of nonviolence. Media coverage shows that activists’ attempts at spin control are not always successful, and if the pundits are any indication, public perception of the protests is of unorganized and even dangerous masses of delusional demonstrators. What faces protest organizers now is the probable eventuality that the meetings of institutions like the World Economic Forum will be held in remote places like Qatar. This may mean staging solidarity demonstrations like the ones during the FTAA Summit, but with clearer connections to the meetings. The globalization of communication and information means the movement is not bound by geographic place and space, and could have virtual convergences with streaming video of protests to make them publicly visible to increase awareness. This growing public concern is of significance in attempting to achieve policy change. “The growing US public concern with IMF and World Bank policy is crucial because while the Fund and Bank are unaccountable to those people in the Third World they are allegedly trying to help, they are responsive to the United States [government]- the largest shareholder in both institutions and the dominant 241 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. influence at the IMF in particularly” (Mokhiber and Weissman, 21, April, 2000). Real change within the institutions will come from pressure from external forces, and indeed some of that is beginning. The Washington Post notes: “there are many good ways the world’s leaders could respond to the concern about world poverty that underpins the anti-globalization protests. They could increase aid budgets, which have stagnated shamefully over the past decade. They could open their markets for agricultural goods and textiles, so boosting poor-country exports and blunting the suspicion that international trade rules are rigged in favor of the rich” (10 September, 2001). The anti-globalization movement pressures local and national officials who in turn lobby global officials in the fora of economic institutions. Furthermore, this responds to containment strategies, because more convergences symbolize a global movement that is hard to contain. “Despite the effort of some of the established media to portray the protesters as either uninformed or anarchists, the confrontation in Quebec, like Seattle, was a major setback, in terms of legitimacy, for the system of corporate-driven globalization” (Bello, 2001). New technology should enable the movement to continue to grow despite the administrative and media responses—and this serves to expose the very corporate-driven globalization that the protesters are challenging. Thus movement media expands the public sphere to include previously marginalized groups and subaltern counterpublics (Fraser, 1992). Resistance works, when visible confrontation with the system is maintained and the system is forced to respond in order to maintain the established order. As the movement grows, the protests will Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. grow to be understandable responses to such injustices and may attract not only public attention, but also public favor. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter Six: Conclusions This study has sought to demonstrate the ways in which globalization has shaped the organizational activities and the rhetorical strategies of social movements. This study considered the question: how can social movements be effective in an era of globalization? This research analyzed what tactics seemed to work to empower global mobilization; how new communication technologies were used to create new social networks through which the anti-globalization movement(s) were able to leverage sources of control, authority and power; and how and to what extent these strategies were effective at gaining influence to mobilize world citizens. New developments in communication technology were found to have significant impacts on the social movement strategies of anti-globalization activists. The technologies have led to new forms of organizing, have facilitated the development of new networks, and have also influenced the form of the protest activities. The globalization of new technologies has endowed networks with communication structures that enable global reach and have encouraged the formation of productive new coalitions including links between activists in developed countries and in communities of indigenous resistance. New technologies have also enhanced strategies of resource mobilization, including technical information such as scheduling and travel logistics. These networks have produced a feeling of solidarity among diverse groups of activists, which allows global justice movements to mobilize through the unity of struggle. Contemporary activists have been shown to be profoundly aware of how their actions are communicated in the media, and as a result, they have adapted their 244 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. protests to achieve maximum attention. Through such activities as protest theater, these activists have invoked a “comic” call for a social corrective to the environmental and economic injustices that they seek to remedy.1 Anti-globalization activists have utilized visual images to increase public consciousness of the movement itself and its causes and struggles. Through the convergence of movements in the protests I studied, activists have literally staged counterhegemonic public forums to respond to official policy decisions of the purveyors of economic globalization—the governing bodies of free trade. Global justice movements employ nonviolent protest tactics to induce social change by framing their demands in ways that are charitable toward globalization in general, and the economic institutions under protest specifically. This rhetorical strategy allows for the possibility for redressing globalization’s ills, and even frames the movement itself as part of the solution. This study has also examined the strategies of containment and social control that governments, non-governmental organizations, corporate and media institutions have invoked to neutralize the protests and to tell their stories. Administrative authorities and mainstream media have utilized strategies to contain the impact of anti-globalization protests including policy abstraction, police sabotage, and media portrayals of movement activists as incoherent, misguided, and futile in their efforts. Media and governments have worked to criminalize protesters as perpetrators of violence and intent on vandalism. Activists have developed independent media to counter the dominant interpretations of the press through information dissemination 1 As discussed in Chapter Four, the use of the term “comic” here refers to Kenneth Burke’s (1937) 245 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. as well as creating their own media images and a vision for a more democratic world. This study examined these anti-globalization protests from the perspective of social movement theories, and applied theories of resource mobilization, networking and agenda building. This study also examined these global justice movements as forms of social confrontation. This application was instructive for understanding how social movements attract public support and even gain ascendance on the public agenda. The anti-globalization movement has implications for these theories and changes several long held notions of how social movement rhetoric functions. Several important conclusions emerge from this analysis regarding social movements in a globalized world. First, new communication technologies have changed the form and infrastructure of social movements by linking distinct smaller movements within networks of larger movements. Second, as the anti-globalization movement has altered our understanding of social movements, it has suggested the need for new measures to evaluate movement success. Third, global justice movements have changed the meaning of confrontation and dissent through the development of a global citizenry as new technologies create opportunities for civic deliberation in a globalized world. After discussing the major findings of this research, and relating their theoretical implications for the study of social movements, I will outline the next steps for future researchers and conclude by discussing the implications of the events of September 11th on social movements. discussion of the comic acceptance frame. 246 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LEVELS OF NETWORKS: MOVEMENTS WITHIN MOVEMENTS One of the challenges for activists that emerges from the globalization of local issues is the need to contextualize protests as part of a larger movement, which signifies a substantial resistance to globalization from above. “Massive protests alone rarely have much impact on huge, unaccountable institutions such as the World Bank or the World Trade Organization. So movement activists have begun to work on campaigns connecting global conditions with local struggles—including the battle against gentrification in San Francisco’s Mission District.” (Roth, 9 August, 2000). Global justice movements strive to be visible as something beyond mere road shows, and more than just a series of isolated protest events. Toward this end, movements are working with NGOs and local indigenous groups so that the resistance does not just end with protests. This was exemplified by the organizing initiative for the Quebec protests of the FTAA when demonstrations were staged at the Mexican-U.S. border, and in maquiladora communities. These events were coordinated to express solidarity with the protesters in Quebec, to indicate that the movement has worldwide support. In this way, the resistance is global, through networks of activists who stage large and visible resistances, which must be sustained for the movement to maintain its livelihood. The networks of the anti-globalization movement reveal that in an era of globalization, the connections among activists create larger movements, which are formed by coordinating the efforts and activities of many smaller movements. Globalization from below reveals activists “uniting in a widened framework of dispossession that includes multiple sites of oppression” (Starr, 2000, p. xi). 247 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. One of the first research questions posed by this study is whether the anti globalization protests constitute a movement. That is, does this widened framework of oppression form a sustained confrontation that characterizes social movements? (Cathcart, 1978). The founder ofProtest.Net, answers: It’s a movement, or maybe a movement of movements. For me I finally stopped wondering if it was a movement when I saw people returning from the Quebec City FTAA protests pumped up at getting involved and wanting to learn even though [it] was the first protest they’d ever participated in. In some ways the question of is it a movement can be answered the same way you answer ‘am I in love?’ If you still have to ask yourself the question then the answer is no, once the answer becomes ‘of course’ then you’ve got your answer. I could go into looking at how we’re creating counter structures, our own institutions, ideologies, spectrum of groups, goals, and tactics, but the short answer is we’re a movement. (Henshaw-Plath, 7 December, 2001) This demonstrates that the protesters themselves are convinced they are part of a larger movement, and this sense of collective—a movement’s sense of itself—is the defining factor of a social movement (Cathcart, 1978, and Slagle, 1995). In first hand accounts of protests, activists overwhelmingly declared that they were part of a larger movement, and said they saw the protests as visible demonstrations that they were not alone in their frustration with corporate globalization. The anti globalization protests studied here exhibit the characteristics of social movements described by traditional movement theorists discussed in Chapter Two. Globalization from below is a social movement, but also illustrates how the structure of movements is changing in many ways. Anti-globalization movements reveal new modes of resource mobilization, which change notions of collective action and social movements. That is, new 248 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. technologies not only ease information dissemination and thus change the ways that social movements increase public awareness of causes, but also enhance the structure of movement activity through a more decentralized infrastructure, and thus change the way scholars must evaluate the communication of social movements. What constitutes movement activity for anti-globalization movements differs from traditional social movements whose rhetoric was often defined by leaders. New technologies change methods of resource mobilization because activists have greater opportunities to counter previously hegemonic media and corporate views. Activists use new communication technologies to broadcast their messages, and while there are negative side effects, activists must embrace technology as a tool for mobilization. One of the best ways that global and local movements can attract international attention is to create media buzz through events that are newsworthy, largely because of the numbers of people they attract. Internet technologies help to make local campaigns visible in a global (virtual) forum. Local activists can distribute information, post reports of campaign progress, and issue press releases on-line. Through the use of new technologies, movements wield more power because they can increase the number of participants, have greater geographic reach and more flexibility, reduce the time for exchanging information, and make possible immediate action. On the other hand, technology also makes the task facing movement organizers harder, as standards for communication and information dissemination increase and the movement’s technological infrastructure must expand to support a large mobilized populace. 249 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In many ways new communication technologies have increased the amount of rhetoric available for study of social movements. There are many more media outlets for social movements to communicate their message, and this elevates the standards for comprehensive studies of social movements. Furthermore, scholars must be careful when determining what constitutes movement rhetoric, because new technologies mean individuals and groups who might not be traditionally considered part of the movement can contribute to discussions of movement strategy. New technologies have improved access to movement communication, which has in many ways been made more public and available for study. In this way, global social movements change our understanding of movement activity as new technologies enable activists to wage rhetorical battles in unique and increasingly innovative ways. New communication technologies change our very notions of what might constitute a movement as networks connect smaller, localized movements to each other. Therefore, scholars of movements must contextualize smaller movements within broader frameworks to understand how movements feed off one another and gain strength from broad frames of opposition and mobilization. In this way, notions of a social movement itself change. Studies looking at individual movements must account for globalization as a rhetorical situation that shapes and enables movements and is part of what all movements respond to. New communication technologies create forms of connection and commitment not recognized by traditional social movement theory. This changes the meaning of collective action as the movement collective becomes larger and also has mutually reinforcing but independent parts. These smaller movements wage local struggles, 250 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and focus their efforts on specific demands, but also converge in large mass protests as part of the anti-globalization movement. Furthermore, these smaller movements are mutually constitutive under the broader rubric of global justice movements because they lend support to each other’s causes and help shape each other’s actions in large convergences of protest. The support networks of local struggles strengthen the larger anti-globalization movement, whose flexible identity structure in turn enhances the ego-function of these smaller movements—at once localizing the global struggle and globalizing local resistance. MOVEMENT SUCCESS Perhaps one of the questions most frequently raised by students of social movements is how can a movement succeed? As discussed throughout this work, globalizing social movement activity presents a new set of problems as well as abilities for success. To answer this question for the anti-globalization movement, it is necessary to take into account how globalization affects the impact and strategy of social movements. When local and global boundaries are blurred, notions of success also become multi-faceted and complex. In Chapter One, I described four broad goals shared by anti-globalization protesters: a more democratic society, social and economic justice, environmental protections, and to form a global resistance.2 As discussed in Chapter Five, the protests have been acknowledged by world leaders, in press conferences and policy responses, indicating the movement is affecting the 2 As noted in Chapter Four, I recognize the significant disagreement over tactics and causes within the movement. At the risk of homogenizing activists, it is useful to use these broad tactics to evaluate the general success of global justice movements as well as the outcome of specific campaigns. 251 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. globalization debate. “There is already some indication from members of the IMF and the World Bank that they’ve been listening very carefully to the anti globalization resistance. ‘There’s a kind of rethink that’s going on right now at the Fund,’ says IMF spokesman William Murray. “We’ve got this goal for halving world poverty by 2015, which is a new war on poverty [by] the U.N., the World Bank, the IMF and other institutions. To do th at... the IMF and the World Bank have got to do a better job” (Kuipers, 2001, p. 23). So what are institutions under protest doing to meet the goals of different groups in the movement? First, Mobilization for Global Justice and Jubilee 2000, among other groups have called for a more democratic society, specifically demanding that economic institutions open their meetings to the public, and increase the transparency of their proceedings by releasing documents and other information. As discussed in Chapter Four, after the FTAA Summit, Argentine president Fernando de la Rua vowed to make space for protesters (Inner City Press. 23 April, 2001). At the same meeting, demonstrators successfully pressured for FTAA documents to be released. These individual examples reveal at least some level of policy response to the protests as their concerns are included in administrative negotiations. Through independent and mainstream media coverage protests have increased public scrutiny of economic institutions and thus pressured these institutions for more accountability. Global justice movements demonstrate that globally connected networks enable activists to lobby supra-state institutions, and enjoy success in local areas or sectors of the global economy, and potentially on a global level. However, these institutional responses do 252 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. not have much substance in affecting policy changes that respond to protesters’ demands. The IMF brief discussed in Chapter Five exemplifies attempts to appease or even co-opt the movement by incorporating their demands into policy rhetoric without meaningful change. The IMF and World Bank respond to “civil society” on their websites, by incorporating the protesters’ concerns into rational solutions that serve to minimize the impact of the protests, and limit their success. Second, protest groups such as Global Exchange and the Institute for Global Communications have called for social and economic justice with some success. When Fifty Years is Enough brought two hundred environmental, development, labor and policy organizations together in a campaign against unfair development and debt practices, the United States Congress responded by restricting funding for agencies until they improved disclosure, environment and development policies, and promote international workers rights (Anderson, Cavanagh and Lee, 1999). During the World Trade Organization’s meetings in Qatar in November, 2001, developing countries, bolstered by protests, got industrial countries to pledge that the WTO’s intellectual property agreement should not enable pharmaceutical companies to prevent cheaper, generic versions of medicines from being sold to developing countries (Mokhiber and Weissman, 5 December, 2001, Shorrock, 22 January, 2002). Protest groups claim some significant victories on a wide range of issues (Cavanaugh and Anderson, September, 2001), many of which are bolstered by the pressure of developing countries. Third, groups such as Alliance for Sustainable Jobs and the Environment have called for increased environmental protections. In one of the most notable 253 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. successful campaigns to hold corporations accountable, the Rainforest Action Network pressured Home Depot to support sustainable forestry (Cavanagh and Anderson, September 2001). However, environmental disappointments have been more numerous—the WTO ruling that protection of endangered species is a trade barrier still stands, despite vivid protests in Seattle. The organization has rolled back environmental protections with rulings such as the method of production cannot be used as a basis for discriminating against a product, and restrictions on goods must be proven by scientific consensus, so products are nearly impossible to ban (Environmental Research Foundation, 2000). The movement has not succeeded in pressuring institutions to consider environmental protections that threaten dominant economic priorities. Fourth, activists envision an alternative society, exemplified in the growth of the movement itself. The beginning of this chapter demonstrates the success toward this end. Global justice movements have succeeded in mobilizing over one hundred thousand people to protest the economic globalization (Vayrynen, 2000). This study has revealed that it is impossible for activists to express their demands within the system because there is no room for such resistance that is outside the accepted norms of established institutions. In this way, the protests are successful in expanding the public sphere and creating space for the expression of resistance, and in this way rupturing the globalization debate to include counterhegemonic identities. Many scholars have lamented that as globalization diminished the power of the nation states, it also shrunk spaces and opportunities for civil deliberation. This study supports the claim that people fill in around the open spaces and crevices, to 254 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. create their own opportunities for civic deliberation (Hollihan, Riley and Klumpp, 2001). That institutions have responded indicates that the movement is transforming the debate about globalization, and this expansion of the public sphere has changed our notions of the role of social movements in a globalized world and the theoretical and practical criteria for determining movement success. The movement has undoubtedly increased awareness of different causes. A University of Washington survey found that after the protests in Seattle, people tended to think of the WTO as secretive, unjust and generally harmful (Ramsey, 2000). While the movement has experienced some success by increasing awareness of numerous causes, a few factors are inhibiting the resistance from truly transforming global politics. First, while the movement has helped to put issues of social, economic and environmental justice on the radar of the public agenda, the specific demands of the protests remain unclear. Stuck with the common moniker “anti-globalization,” the movement’s specific calls for actions are not understood by the public because they are eclipsed by numerous other causes, which dilutes the overall protest message. Activists are seen as protesting for the sake of protest, and without informed solutions. Second, globalization is widely seen as inevitable, a view perpetuated by the economic institutions under protest. The inevitability of globalization means that clashes of interest such as rich-poor gaps and environmental disputes are part of the process of world growth. Protesters are seen as misguided, with utopian demands because globalization is seen as beneficial overall. Free trade is sold as the only way to achieve global prosperity and democracy, based on effects like cheaper products for consumers. Thus, protester’s concerns are not legitimate because they are being 255 with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. addressed by the institutions under protest. Third, negative media attention is a major problem facing movement organizers who strive not to be trivialized as a hodgepodge of issues or criminalized due to the conduct of more violent elements within the movement. Public perception of the protests is determined by their response to media and administrative attempts to criminalize the protesters, which attempt to frame the debate around the legitimacy of the civil disobedience rather than on the demands of the protests. This should be the primary focus of activist media efforts in order to dissuade the public from ignoring movement causes because they disagree with some tactics of groups of protesters. If protest is not a legitimate method of communication, the concerns of the demonstrators are not legitimate because otherwise they could be dealt with in the policy arena through sanctioned channels. In many ways it is too early to qualify the success of the movement. The rhetoric of the anti-globalization movement reveals that even asking for proof of movement success ignores the redemption and emancipation in the struggle itself. Such focus ignores the continuum of social politics that frame social movements, and emphasizes short-term effects rather than transformations that may only be visible in the long term. However, this analysis points to several ways movement organizers can work to improve their message and change public opinion. As Cathcart (1978) has noted, to be successful, a movement requires sustainable confrontation, this is one optimistic view of the potential of the movement because they have rallied the troops and may be able to influence world affairs. First, activists must clarify their message. This may require internal discussion so that people can come to a 256 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. consensus on the use of violence or at least must construct media messages to better distinguish themselves from violent factions. Second, activists must work to make their solutions seem more realistic. Ultimately people are unwilling to sacrifice their standard of living to the level that the radical demands of the protesters require. People need to see that the effects of globalization threaten their own standard of living, in order to feel personally affected by the causes described by the protesters. Third, if invited to future summits, activists should participate, because refusals will signal that the movement is not interested in real reform, and is not willing to work for change. This fulfills the prophecy that they are just protesting for the sake of protesting. CONFRONTATION AND DISSENT IN THE INFORMATION AGE Networks through Internet technologies may lead to “looser” ties and forms of connection and commitment than traditional social movement theory predicts. The development of alliances among indigenous groups reveals a strong base of international solidarity that “while enthused about people’s globalization, each of the [smaller] movements also does powerful work locally” (Starr, 2000, p. 108). This is manifest in a few ways. First, naming is powerful. The anti-globalization movement exists as a phenomenon in large part because of the publicity/media efforts of activists and their awareness of the importance of public consciousness to boost their causes. Identifying communities not only enables them to act, but also creates bonds and support networks between communities in similar situations all over the globe. This naming strategy is central to garnering support for future protests because it 257 with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. contributes to global awareness of the growing contingents of people moved to action. Second, global justice movements redefine the role of citizens and activists, incorporating a sense of global responsibility beyond traditional local, national and regional allegiances. This is also seen in the rhetoric of websites, which enable protesters as “global activists... [to] transform our gestures of indignation on a global scale to overcome unemployment, absolute poverty, hunger, discrimination, domination, wars, the concentration of land ownership, massive alienation and the irrational destruction of the environment” -Olivio Dutra, World Social Forum, (Mobilization for Global Justice, 10 May, 2001). Thus causes extend beyond local and regional concerns and become part of a larger attempt to address global injustices. Indeed, the myriad of causes for the movement reflects the diverse motivations that unify followers in the belief in protest as an effective and appropriate means of action. The local becomes global through the emergence of a civil society composed of indigenous resistance. This is significant in the development of a global citizenry that acknowledges that the world’s activities are interconnected and thus we are all responsible for the world’s problems. For this reason, the enhanced and expanded networks of the anti-globalization movement require activists to be part of a larger struggle while they are acting locally. This means that not only do their struggles become globalized, but it also bolsters broader claims of international injustice with specific local examples. Activists are focusing on local protests because they might exert more influence on trade finance policies if local officials can be persuaded to challenge IMF and World Bank policies. 258 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. “Because our localized action can have substantial global impact, global dynamics - operating outside our control - redefine the possibilities and limits of what we do at a local level. More than ever we must ‘think globally and act locally.’.... We members of civil societies must redefine ourselves as citizens of a globalized world” (Grzybowski, 1995). The emergence of civil society has occurred as local movements become globalized in a variety of ways (See Lipschutz and Conca, 1993, and Wapner, 1996). In analyzing globalization and social movement communication, one must note the importance of technology on the dissemination of information. This analysis of confrontation and dissent in the Information Age reveals that confrontation can be even more powerful when it occurs through global networks. Indeed, the Internet opens up discursive space for dissent to expand the public sphere, and also aids in more effective coordination of visible confrontation. As noted in Chapter Three, the protest message is as much about expansion of the public sphere and the role of protest as it is about anti-globalization itself. Globalized networks form a model of politically active resistance that transcends traditional political conventions of the nation-state. Networks of global justice movements simultaneously challenge the concepts of national discourse, democracy and the globalization imperative itself. The resource mobilization of the anti-globalization movement has created loose organizational structures that have expanded the public sphere and transformed the debate about globalization. The emergence of a technologically linked, global civil society has changed Cathcart’s (1978) notion of visible confrontation to include continued pressure on a 259 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. global scale. Globalized confrontation is visible because it is virtual shown by demonstrations of solidarity that are emerging in locales distant from the protests at meetings of economic institutions. The expansion of the public sphere through globalization of new technologies has changed the nature of confrontation for social movements because globalization changes the frame for protest. Activists must maintain visible confrontation in order to establish a place on the public agenda. The media saturation of contemporary society means that local movements enjoy a global stage as new communication and information technologies broadcast their messages to a global audience. In this way, the globalization of local struggles changes the way that movements wield power, attempt to achieve policy changes, and demand social transformations. However, it is also more difficult for movements to sustain such visible confrontations, because they require that more and more people be kept engaged and mobilized on a global scale. Visual protests are critical if a movement is to achieve success in a globalized world, because global justice movements must compete for public attention in a world already saturated with media images. Additionally, protesters have to contend with controlling influences of economic globalization from above. Protests help movements to visualize their causes for a global public audience in hope that people are moved to act because they see that the movement is taking place and see its effect on people. This is evident in the movement’s goal to attract media attention to undemocratic police tactics used to contain protesters. The anti-globalization movement has endeavored to stage global confrontations through solidarity demonstrations that take place around the world in conjunction with protests at the 260 with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. sites of free trade meetings, which are the focal point of the protest. This is a visualization of localized problems in the networks of global justice movements, and reveals the importance of solidarity for the collective action of the movement. This also helps the movement seem bigger, because these “solidarity demonstrations” gain media attention for the movement and its causes around the globe. This is increasingly important in the context of globalization because it is crucial that activists establish the collective so that people may identify with the movement, but also so that the movement is aware of itself. This is important to maintain momentum for the movement—as interested peoples see other activists mobilizing, the movement is seen as gaining popular support, and thus participation seems a viable option for people eager to express their dissatisfaction with the effects of globalization. The expansion of civil society reveals how globalization has changed the frames for protest so that movements can assert their place in the public sphere by creating discursive space so that forces of globalization from below participate in civil deliberations. The comic frame allows activists to protest something as pervasive and inevitable as globalization because activists can frame protest in a way that allows for social change. The protests are alternative and oppositional practices that can lead to social change (Chabran and Salinas, forthcoming). The electronic space of the networks of global justice movements allows the deliberation of subaltern counterpublics that change the power structure of the debate about globalization. The emergence of civil society shapes wider patterns of transnational 261 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. social practice through local empowerment and strengthened grassroots resistance (Wapner, 1996). LIMITATIONS AND AREAS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH Several times throughout this work, I have mentioned topics or issues that deserve comprehensive commentary. In this section, I discuss some issues which exceeded the scope of this study but which may provide fruitful areas for further research. I have taken an interdisciplinary approach to this study of social movements, in that I drew upon rhetorical theories of confrontation, protest strategy and the comic frame, as well as political science theories of collective action, agenda-building and mobilization. I have also utilized communication and sociology theories in the area of networking and new technologies to evaluate the success of this social movement. This work contributes to conversations about the changing nature of social movements in globalization by defining what it means to be successful in this new era. What emerges from the broad areas of study addressed by this work are ways that scholars have specific focus for further areas of research. This study reveals how the different stakeholders in globalization disputes have changed the debate about globalization. First, economic institutions are significant as the targets of protest. Accordingly, one could do a policy analysis to examine the responses of these institutions to protests in policy changes. Second, political institutions such as governments and law enforcement must respond to the protests and one could undertake an analysis of the tactics of local hosts to contain the protests while preserving the reputation of their city as a host. Third, more 262 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. research could be done into the face-to-face interactions of the protesters themselves. Several studies of firsthand accounts of the protests include narrative analysis (Shumate, 1999) and ethnographic studies (West and Gastil, 2001). Further work in this area could shed light on the community bonds, interpersonal arguments and shared experiences that exist within global justice movements, and thus help supplement rhetorical dimensions of the identity claims studied here. Finally, more research could be done to illustrate the narratives and experiences of indigenous communities that in many ways are the impetus for protest. Several works are bringing these voices into academic scholarship and to the global stage of the protests (e.g. Costello and Smith, 1998, Anderson, 2000). More studies could be done to analyze these voices and evaluate their effect on public discourse, and their successful resistance. In this same way, the discourse of specific groups tailored to specific causes could be analyzed for more close textual analysis. This would allow a more detailed analysis of how specific issues such as the environment, or labor rights play out in the global arena. Campus and student activism is another area where this approach could be fruitful. The American coalition against sweatshops has emerged from a burgeoning network of students activist groups (www.usas.com). Finally, the movement has been criticized as being predominately white. As one movement activist declared: “Perhaps the most critical task facing the movement, though, is forming real, lasting alliances with communities of color. The present face of the coalition, for all its internationalist intent, is a white one” (Roth, 9 August, 2000). This offers a couple of areas for further study. First, the coalitions 263 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. between NGOs in industrialized countries and indigenous groups in developing countries has an interesting power dynamic based on privelege. Postcolonial theories of representation (See e.g. Spivak 1990, 1987 and Alcoff, 1991-1992) might characterize such links as paternalistic attempts that are disempowering for indigenous groups who are told they cannot help themselves, but who need the assistance of activists in positions of privilege. This portrays the capitalist system as the savior for these struggles. Second, people have criticized this movement because its members lack the experience of suffering. They do not see suffering first hand and thus cannot effectively speak for others much less prescribe solutions (See Wimsatt 1999, p. 44, for example). Activist rhetoric has indicated an awareness of the homogeneity of the movement (Wimsatt, 1999). GlobalizeThis.org publishes “Tools for white guys who are working for social change” (6 December 2001), which is a guide for developing anti-oppression practice, and begins by recognizing that power and privilege play out in group dynamics—which activists must challenge and identify. It emphasizes discussion and respect, built on the movement’s goals for consensus building and respecting difference. These represent just some of the areas which merit further investigation and would address questions unanswered by this work, and thus supplement studies of the larger framework of globalization. 3 Interestingly, the events of September 11t h helped to mobilize social activists to communicate with communities of color on how to deal with issues of racism and xenophobia (elliot, 17 September, 2001). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. PROTEST AFTER SEPTEMBER 1 1th The last moment in the movement examined by this study is the June 23-26, 2001 protests in Genoa, Italy. It is important to address the impact of the events of September 11th to leam more about the ways in which these events may alter the future of protest movements. The hijacking of four planes on September 11th dramatically changed perceptions of security in America and around the world. The stability of the established order was tragically ruptured as over three thousands lives were ended as planes flew into the World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon in Washington, D.C. These events altered America’s and the world’s perception of safety and the control of the established order, and thus changed the frame in which protest and anti-establishment rhetoric is perceived. In the wake of the worst terrorist attack on American soil, the protesters’ concerns seemed almost trivial, and anti-establishment rhetoric seemed somewhat unpatriotic. Administrative authorities have characterized protesters as security threats, even terrorists, and have used the events to justify heightened surveillance of “criminal” groups, such as global justice movements. Third, activists have canceled protests and transformed their message. The public reaction to the events of September 11th was multi-faceted and to a great extent exceeds the scope of this discussion. However, these reactions do have implications for this movement. First, the magnitude of this tragedy was one never before experienced by many Americans; it happened on our own soil and for many people demonstrated the inadequacies of our technologies to defend us. The number of lives lost and the fears of another attack dramatically changed American 265 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. perceptions of safety and security. This event jarred the American consciousness in such a way that the injustices of indigenous peoples all over the world seemed trivial by comparison. The struggle for global justice does not happen on the television screens or in downtown New York City, and thus does not seem as real or as tragic as the fall of the World Trade Center. The American public was continuously exposed to drastic images of death, emotional pain and chaos after the September 11th attacks, that people have become desensitized to horror, and thus are not moved by the often hidden injustices of labor practices and environmental degradation. Second, acts of public protest were seen by many Americans as disrespectful to the victims of September 11th. The violence caused a swelling of patriotic fervor, which allowed very little sympathy for those who would protest government action and meant a strong demand for public order. To protest for causes that many Americans cannot witness from their living rooms, seems callous to the public and disrespectful to those mourning loved ones lost. In this way, the protesters could alienate people by intruding on the grieving process for this national tragedy— simply by not paying due respects to the families of victims. Similarly, as the World Trade Center and Pentagon attacks were assaults on the “freedom loving people of America” as President Bush argued, opposition to the ideals supported by America and capitalists worldwide is seen as unpatriotic and even terrorist activity. Administrative and governmental authorities made efforts to portray protesters and other anti-establishment groups as criminal elements that warrant heightened surveillance and security measures. Immediately following September 11th the IMF/World Bank canceled their meetings scheduled for September 28-30, 266 with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2001, in Washington, D.C. In press releases and news reports, the cancellation was justified “in the wake of terrorist attacks.” Officials argued that in the middle of the tragedy, such meetings and the inevitable protests were not appropriate (Blustein and Fernandez, 2001, p. A21). Furthermore, city government officials worried that the security force needed to control masses of protesters would not be available due to disaster relief efforts (Blustein and Fernandez, 2001, p. A21). This rhetoric equated protests with dangerous violence that would justify administrative tactics to contain the protests under anti-terrorist security measures. As discussed in Chapter Five, these strategies not only delegitimate protesters’ causes by making them seem illegitimate and generally suspect, but also justify intensified police and military response to the protests. This includes enhanced surveillance tactics as authorities use the Patriot Act to monitor any individuals or groups that constitute a national security threat (FBI WFO, Henshaw-Plath, 2001, Lehmer, 2001). These administrative strategies work to help sway public opinion against the protests, forcing movement activists to change their rhetorical strategy for protest. When the IMF/World Bank rescheduled their September D.C. meetings to November 16-18, 2001 in Ottawa, Canada, activists were divided about what form demonstrations should take. Some advocated calling off mass mobilization (Mobilization for Global Justice), and holding strategy sessions among movement organizers. Other activists saw the attacks on America as evidence of capitalism’s discontents and thus as warrants for further action. The War on Terrorism polarized questions of poverty and resentment of American hegemony and imbued the debate about globalization with new urgency (Kuipers, 2001, p. 23). A dilemma now faces 267 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. these activists: how can they maintain sustained and visible protests without offending the public? Indeed, respect for the victims seemed a high priority, but some activists “felt a new urgency to link their concerns about global capitalism with the grief and outrage over the attacks” (Fernandez and Dvorak, 2001). Such rhetoric risks alienating people and activists potentially finding themselves themselves cast as criminals. Immediately following the attacks, the push for low key actions out of respect for victims of tragedy prevailed. Movement groups hurried to add words of solidarity for the victims and their families to their websites, and allowed their actions to be guided by the institutions’ decision whether to hold meetings in the wake of September 11th. “If the World Bank and IMF cancel their meetings, we will change our plans.... The movement continues” (www.abolishthebank.org/en/). When the meetings were canceled, activist groups decided that scheduled rallies and marches would be condemned by a grieving population and thus canceled such events, if only for the survival of the movement. Many activist groups still held teach-ins and support groups during the scheduled protests (e.g. Mobilization for Global Justice, Direct Action Network, GlobalizeThis!). In later protests in Ottawa and in solidarity with the Qatar WTO meetings, the focus of the protests changed as well. Activists still demonstrated resistance to the IMF and World Bank, but focused on nonviolent and more timely and appropriate topics, such as peace and immigrant’s rights. Organizers of protests at the Qatar WTO meeting in November, 2001 note: “we feel it’s critical to draw attention to the quiet tragedy of what [the WTO and IMF/World Bank] inflict” (Bauduy, 2001). Josh Karliner, executive 268 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. director of CorpWatch, described the movement as “struggling to make its way out from under the metaphorical rubble of the World Trade Center” (11 October, 2001). He outlined three challenges facing the movement: to assert the relevance of their issues in a way that does not alienate public support, and expresses solidarity with the victims; to defend the movement against “terrorist baiting;” and to regain initiative and momentum based on a platform of “peace, justice and grassroots globalization” (Karliner, 11 October, 2001). Global justice movements must remain loud but law-abiding (Starhawk, 20 November, 2001). September 11 has also changed the movement’s platform through the outgrowth of a peace movement, which has emerged from the anti-globalization movement, and seized on the response of the Bush administration to wage a bombing “campaign” as a cause for nonviolent actions. Major news outlets noted that anti globalization protests scheduled against the World Bank and IMF in September took a new form as anti-war rallies (Femdandez and Dvorak, 2001, p. Bl). Embracing the peace protests raises the question of whether with Americans strongly in support of military action, such anti-militarist action cost the anti-globalization coalition hard-won support and momentum? (Huber and McCallum, 2001). The movement is challenged to put forward a more positive agenda (Kuipers, 2001, p. 23). This indicates a need to focus on negative publicity. The Ruckus Society canceled a training camp that was scheduled for the week after September 11th. The program director of the Ruckus Society noted: “they would have shown our camp right next to footage of other kinds of training camps and that wouldn’t have looked too good” (Kuipers, 2001, p. 23). Activists need to make sure the movement is seen as 269 with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. peaceful, and protests must seem nonviolent to remain in good public favor. The movement must not only differentiate itself from terrorists, but also nationalists and religious fundamentalists who are protesting against the United States in other countries. Finally, the events of September 11th reveal how such events shape social movements by altering the frame for anti-establishment rhetoric. “With the political topography radically reworked under its feet, it was clear the movement must now collectively think in long-term, strategic and politically effective ways” (Cooper, 2002). Such events force activists to broaden their goals and incorporate rhetoric to encompass a range of causes. People from a variety of positions spoke about the success of the Ottawa protests. The Ottawa Citizen proclaimed the meetings a success by showing the rest of the world that protests “don’t have to decline into widespread violence and vandalism” (19 November, 2001). Starhawk describes the Ottawa protests as successful in demonstrating that protesters could mount strong opposition, and also by giving activists practice in street solidarity, because in times of increased oppression protesters need the support of other activists more than ever (Starhawk, 20 November, 2001). Protesters have been successful in controlling negative spin, but September 11th really demobilized the movement, even if the public was not alienated—the big impact is that the protests lost their place on the public agenda. They have to remobilize energies of the public and media to pay attention to anything but the aftermath of September 11th , and convince these audiences that their causes are worthy of attention, and merit concern. While the exclusive focus of the news and other media outlets on military campaigns in 270 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Afghanistan, the search for Osama bin Ladin, Guantamo Bay detainees, etc. has ebbed, so has enthusiasm for global justice. Movement activists will have to remarshal support and make their causes seem global. In earlier chapters I discussed the importance of sustained movement efforts to mount visible opposition (Euchner 1996, Cathcart 1978). And this must be a central element of protest strategy: to maintain continued pressure on the purveyors of free trade to make it fair trade, and be accountable for the harms of globalization. The long-term effects of the anti globalization movement remain to be seen, but activists seem optimistic. 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Paper presented at the National Communication Association, Annual Convention (Atlanta, Georgia, November). Whitelaw, K. (13 December 1999). The sound and the fury. U.S. News and World Report, [On-line]. Available: http://www.ruckus.org/news/. 296 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Wimsatt, W. (1999). No more prisons. New York: Soft Skull Press. Windt, T. 0 . (Summer, 1982). Administrative response: An undemocratic response to protest. Communication Quarterly, 30, 3, pp. 245-249. Wirth, P. (January/February, 1997). Mass media for activists. Freedom writer, [On line]. Available: www.protest.net/activists handbook/massmedia.html. Woodward, G. C. (Winter, 1975). Mystifications in the rhetoric of cultural dominance and colonial control. Central States Speech Journal, 26, pp. 298- 303. Zamichow, N. (18 August, 2000). Notes from the streets. Los Angeles Times, p. U5. Zarefsky, D. (1980). A skeptical view of movement studies, Central States Speech Journal 31, pp. 245-254. Zoll, D. (9 August, 2000). Crashing the party (Or: Y2G02D2KLA). San Francisco Bay Guardian, p. 22. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Appendix: List of Select Groups and Organizations 50 Years is Enough Network, 1247 E Street, SE, Washington, D.C. 20003 USA (202) IMF-BANK (463-2265), www.50vears.org. Alliance fo r Sustainable Jobs and the Environment, 1125 SE Madison, Portland, OR 97214, USA, (503) 736-9777, www.asie.org. American Federation o f Labor/Congress o f Industrial Organizations, 815 16th Street, NW, Washington, D.C., 20006, USA, (202) 637-5169, www.aflcio.org. Association fo r Progressive Communications, Presidio Building 1012, Tomey Avenue P.O. Box 29904, San Francisco, CA 94129, USA, +1 416 516-8138, www.anc.org. Corpwatch (USA), PO Box 29344, San Francisco, CA 94129 USA, (415) 561-6568, www.corpwatch.org. Corpwatch (UK), 16b Cherwell St, Oxford OX41BG, UK, +44 (0)1865 791 391, Avww.oneworld.org/cw/. Direct Action Network, PO Box 1485, Asheville NC, 28802, USA, http ://riseup .net/cdan/nyc/. Fair Trade Federation, 1612 K Street NW, Suite 600 Washington, DC, 20006, USA, (202) 872-5329, www.fairtradefederation.org. Focus on the Global South, Wisit Prachuabmoh Bldg., Bangkok, 10330, Thailand, 66-2-2187-363, www.focusweb.org. Friends o f the Earth, 1025 Vermont Ave., NW, Washington D.C., 20005, USA, (202) 783-7400, Avww.foe.org. Frogworks, (310) 458-9023, Avww.thelvp.com/frogworks. Global Exchange, 2017 Mission Street, #303, San Francicso, CA, 4110, USA, (415) 25-7296, (800) 497-1994, a v w w .globalexchange.org. Independent Media Center Network, {888) 686-9252, AVAvw.indymedia.org. Infoshop.org:. Avww.infoshop.org/. Institute fo r Global Communications, Institute for Global Communications P.O. Box 29904, San Francisco, CA, 94129-0904, USA, AVAvw.igc.org. 298 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Institute for Policy Studies, 733 15th Street, NW, Suite 1020, Washington, D.C., 20005, USA, (202) 234-9382, ipsps@,igc.apc.org. International Forum on Globalization, 1555 Pacific Avenue, San Francisco, CA 94109, USA, (415) 229-9350, www.ifg.org. Jubilee 2000, 1 Rivington Street, London ED2A 3DT, UK +44 (0)20 7739 1000, www.iubilee2000.org. Jubilee 2000 USA Network, 222 East Capitol Street, NE, Washington D.C., USA, 20003, www.i2000usa.org. Mobilization fo r Global Justice, www.al6.org or www.globalizethis.org. Protest.Net, www.protest.net. Public Citizen’ s Global Trade Watch/Citizens Trade Campaign, 1600 20th St, NW Washington, D.C. 20009, USA, (202) 546-4996, www.tradewatch.org. Rainforest Action Network, 221 Pine Street Suite 500 San Francisco, CA 94104, USA, (415) 398-4404, www.ran.org/. Redefining Progress, 1904 Franklin Street, 6th Floor, Oakland, CA, 94512, USA (510) 444-3041. www.rprogress.org/. Refuse and Resist, 305 Madison Ave., #1166, NY, NY, 10165, USA, (212) 713- 5657, www.refuseandresist.org. Ruckus Society, 2054 University Ave., Suite 204, Berkeley, CA 94704, USA, (510) 848-9565, www.ruckus.org and www.globalizethis.org. Students Organizing fo r Labor and Economic Equality, 1017 Oakland Street. Ann Arbor, MI, 48104, USA, sole.steer@umich.edu. Third World Network, 228 Macallister Road, Penang 10440, Malaysia, 60-4-226- 6728, twn@igc.apc.org. United Students Against Sweatshops, 888 16th St. NW Suite 303, Washington DC 20006, USA, (202) NO-SWEAT, www.usasnet.org. Youth For International Socialism, do Wellred Books, P.O. Box 1331, Fargo, ND, 58107-1331/USA, www.newyouth.com/. 299 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NOTE TO USERS Page(s) missing in number only; text follows. Page(s) were scanned as received. 104 This reproduction is the best copy available. ® UMI Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 3093929 UMI UMI Microform 3093929 Copyright 2003 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

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Creator Todd, Anne Marie (author)

Core Title The globalization of mobilization: protest strategies of global justice movements, 1999-2001

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

School Graduate School

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Communication

Degree Conferral Date 2002-12

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag mass communications,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-263954

Unique identifier UC11339340

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Legacy Identifier 3093929.pdf

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Document Type Dissertation

Rights Todd, Anne Marie

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