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The five -course guitar (viola) in Portugal and Brazil in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries

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The five -course guitar (viola) in Portugal and Brazil in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries

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Content INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UM I films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UM I a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6‘ x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. ProQuest Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE FIVE-COURSE GUITAR (VIOLA) IN PORTUGAL AND BRAZIL IN THE LATE SEVENTEENTH AND EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES by Rogerio Budasz A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (MUSIC HISTORY AND LITERATURE) August 2001 Copyright 2001 Rogerio Budasz Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 3054717 __ ___ __( ( ) UMI UMI Microform 3054717 Copyright 2002 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA The Graduate School U niversity Park LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90089-1695 This d isserta tio n , w ritten b y R.Q6EP-IO SUDAS2-__________ U nder th e d irectio n o f h lk... D issertation C om m ittee, a n d a p p ro ved b y a ll its m em bers, has been p re se n te d to an d accepted b y The G raduate School, in p a rtia l fulfillm en t o f requirem ents fo r th e degree o f DO CTO R O F PHILOSOPHY Dent o f Graduate Studies DaCe Aua^-S_7i_2QQl DISSER TA TION COM M ITTEE Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The history of this dissertation begins during my 1995-1996 stay in Portugal, sponsored by the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and oriented by Prof. Manuel Carlos de Brito. At that time I was finishing my M.A. thesis and planning my next research project, which would deal with the Portuguese repertory for the five-course guitar. For that purpose, Prof. Rui Vieira Nery allowed me to consult and make copies of the Gulbenkian codex. At the Library of the University of Coimbra, the late Prof. Ney Travassos Cortez facilitated my access to the codex M.M. 97. During those months, in addition to frequent trips to the Music Division of the Biblioteca Nacional in Lisbon, then under the direction of Prof. JoSo Pedro d’Alvarenga, I also visited libraries in Oporto, Braga, Evora, and Madrid. Back in Brazil in 1996, the Vitae Foundation sponsored me for twelve months in a preliminary study of the Portuguese sources for viola. Since one year was not enough for a more detailed analysis, I concentrated especially on the connection of these sources with Brazilian music and selected around twenty numbers to transcribe. In 1997, sponsored by CAPES, a foundation of the Ministry of Education of Brazil, I started my doctoral studies at the University of Southern California, where, for four years, I have been taking full advantage of the many resources offered by the University, besides visiting several other libraries in the Los Angeles area. I am especially indebted to Prof. Bruce Alan Brown for our discussions, his tireless and meticulous revisions of my drafts, and for being my most supportive instructor and friend during the last four years. And I thank Prof. James Tyler-a pioneer on the early guitar who happens to be the most important authority on the instrument. Besides guiding me in the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. exploration of the repertory for plucked instruments and allowing me access to his personal library, Prof. Tyler has been my baroque guitar instructor for the past four years, and always an invaluable help in dissipating all my doubts and misconceptions about the instrument and its music. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. iv CONTENTS A CK N O W LED G M EN TS....................................................... ii LIST OF T A B L E S ..................................................................viii LIST OF F IG U R E S ................................................................... ix LIST OF MUSICAL E X A M P L E S ...........................................x ABBREVIATIONS...................................................................xi ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . xii Chapter 1. IN T R O D U C T IO N .........................................................................................1 2. THE V IO L A ................................................................................................... 10 2.1 Terminology, delimitation, features . 10 2.2 Makers. . . . . . . . 17 2.3 Early violas in Brazil . . . . . . 24 2.4 Other early plucked instruments . . . . 30 2.4.1 Machinho and machete . . . . 30 2.4.2 Bandurra . . . . . . 34 2.4.3 Citara . . . . . . . 40 2.4.4 Lute . . . . . . . 44 2.4.5 Theorbo . . . . . . 46 3. EARLY VIOLAS AND ITS PLAYERS . . . . 48 3.1 Portugal . . . . . . . 48 3.2 Brazil . . . . . . . . 61 4. S O U R C E S ...................................................................................................75 5. REPERTORY.............................................................. . 1 0 1 5.1 Italian and Iberian grounds and melodic-harmonic schemes . 102 5.1.1 Roj5o . . . . . . . 102 5.1.2 Chacaras . . . . . . 105 5.1.3 Folia types . . . . . . 106 5.1.4 Magana . . . . . . 108 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. V 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.1.5 Chacoina 5.1.6 Capona and mariona . 5.1.7 Vacas . 5.1.8 Pavana 5.1.9 Sarao . 5.1.10 Mantuana 5.1.11 Gagliarda 5.1.12 Terantela 5.1.13 Ballo del Gran Duca . 5.1.14 Espanholeta 5.1.15 Marisapoles 5.1.16 VilSo . Sectional and free-composed pieces 5.2.1 Fantasia 5.2.2 Batalha and trombeta . Other Iberian instrumental forms 5.3.1 Matachim 5.3.2 Canario Iberian vocal forms French and Italian dance-types 6 AFRICAN AND AFRICAN-BRAZILIAN INFLUENCES 7 TRANSCRIPTION AND PERFORMANCE. B IB L IO G R A P H Y .............................................................. A P P E N D IX ........................................................................... Anthology of five-course guitar {viola) music from Portugu (cl700-cl750).................................................. Explanatory notes . . . . Symbols . . . . . Fantasia 1° tom de Monteyro . Fantasia de Falsas 1° tom de Barros . Fantasia 1° tom Italiana com sua Fuga e Corrente Fantasia de 4° tom de Marques Fantasia 4° tom de Fr. Jo3o Fantasia 4° tom Italiana Fantasia de 7° tom Italiana Roj5o 1° tom de Marques RojSo 1° tom Italiano . Rojao 2° tom de Sylva. RojSo 3° tom de Barros se sources 109 111 115 116 117 118 120 121 121 123 124 128 130 1 3 1 133 134 135 136 138 139 148 171 177 186 186 186 188 190 196 198 202 207 211 213 214 216 220 221 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. vi Rojao 4° tom Italiano . . . . . . . 225 Rojao 5° tom Italiano . . . . . . . 227 Rojao 5° tom . . . . . . . . 229 Rojao 5° tom . . . . . . . . 232 Marisapoles 1° tom Italiana . . . . . . 234 Marisapoles 2° tom de Sylva . . . . . . 237 Marisapoles 4° tom . . . . . . . 239 Marisapoles 4° tom de Barros. . . . . . 242 Espanholeta 4° tom de Gomes . . . . . 244 Sarao 4° tom de Sylva. . . . . . . 246 Pavana 1° tom de Barros . . . . . . 248 Pavana 1° tom Italiana . . . . . . 250 Alanella 1° tom de Sylva . . . . . . 252 Magana 1° tom . . . . . . . 254 Magana ou Chacoina 4° tom . . . . . . 256 Chacoina 6° tom Italiana . . . . . . 259 Capona 5° tom de Sylva . 2 6 1 Capona 5° tom Italiana . . . . . . 264 Sarabanda 7° tom Italiana . . . . . . 266 Vacas 1° tom de Barros . . . . . . 268 Meninas de Montemor 1° tom de Sylva . . . . 270 Canario 1° tom . . . . . . . 272 Canario . . . . . . . . 274 Cubanco 4° tom de Barros . . . . . . 277 Cubanco 7° tom . . . . . . . 278 Cubanco 7° tom . . . . . . . 280 Villao 7° t o m .................................................................................................282 Meya Dan<;a 7° tom . . . . . . . 283 Sarambeque 1° tom de Sylva . . . . . . 285 Sarambeque 1° tom de Fr. Jo3o . . . . . 286 Sarambeque 2° tom . . . . . . . 289 Sarambeque 4° tom de Abreu . . 2 9 1 Sarambeque 4° tom de Sylva . . . . . . 294 Sarambeque 7° tom . . . . . . . 296 Chacara 1° tom de Barros . . . . . . 299 Chacara 1° tom de Abreu . . . . . . 302 Chacara 1° tom de Abreu . . . . . . 304 Chacara 1° tom Italiana . . . . . . 306 Chacara 2° tom de Marques . . . . . . 308 Chacara 4° tom de Barros . 3 1 0 Amorosa 1° tom de Marques . . 3 1 3 Marinheira 2° tom de Sylva . 3 1 5 Cumbe8°tom. . . . . . . . 317 Gandum7°tom . 3 1 9 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. vii CSosinho de £ofala . . . . . . . 322 Arromba 4° tom . . . . . . . 326 Italiana 2° tom do D.0 * Joseph Ferr.a Cordovil 329 Outra do mesmo tom . . 3 3 1 Fantasia do 2° tom . . . . . . . 334 Giga de Pepo Licete . . . . . . . 336 Outra Giga . . . . . . . . 338 Alemanda de Pepo Licete . . . . . . 340 Alemanda do Laude posta na Guitarra . 3 4 1 Tricotte da Alemanda . . . . . . . 342 Bayletto del Corbetto . . . . . . . 344 Capricio . . . . . . . . 345 Corrente . . . . . . . . 346 Corrente de Pepo Licete . . . . . . 347 Gagliarda . . . . . . . . 350 Mantuana . . . . . . . . 351 Mantuana del Cavagliero Mascarelli . . . . . 352 Gavotta . . . . . . . . 354 Borea . . . . . . . . . 355 Terantela . . . . . . . . 356 Tombo de Mazzarin . . . . . . . 357 Passo de Viola 4° tom. . . . . . . 359 Sarambeque 7° tom . . . . . . . 362 Cubanco 7° tom . . . . . . . 365 Paracumbe 7° tom . . . . . . . 368 Paracumbe 8 tom . . . . . . . 370 Vil3o 7° tom . . . . . . . . 375 Estrangeira 4 tom . . . . . . . 377 Matachim de la Reyna . . . . . . 380 Minuete p.a duas violas . . . . . . 382 Minuete da Marcha . . . . . . . 385 Oitavado . . . . . . . . 386 Minuete . . . . . . . . 389 Minuete . . . . . . . . 390 Amable . . . . . . . . 391 Minuete de Escarlate . . . . . . . 394 Minuete . . . . . . . . 395 Minuete 7° tom . . . . . . . 396 Minuete de 7° tom . . . . . . . 397 Contradan^a . . . . . . . . 398 Contradan9a . . . . . . . . 399 Giga de 4° tom . . . . . . . 400 Giga de 5° tom . . . . . . . 401 Folias de Espanha 1° tom . . . . . . 402 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. viii LIST OF TABLES Table 2 .1: Musical instruments mentioned in Brazilian inventories and wills (Castagna) 25 Table 4.1: Portuguese sources for the viola: 1640-1762 . . . . 80 Table 4.2: Contents of the Coimbra codex, P-Cug M.M. 97 81 Table 4.3: Contents of the Gulbenkian codex, P-Lcg Serviqo de musica [n.n.] 89 Table 4.4: Contents of the Conde de Redondo codex, P-Ln F.C.R. ms. Ne 1 93 Table 4.5: Concordances for the Coimbra codex. P-Cug M.M. 97. 96 Table 4.6: Concordances for the Gulbenkian codex. P-Leg Serviqo de Musica [n.n.] 98 Table 4.7: Concordances for the Conde de Redondo codex P-Ln F.C.R. ms. Ne 1 . 98 Table 4.8: The eight modes (tons) . . . . . . 100 Table 5.1: Compositions based on the Folia pattern in Portuguese viola sources 108 Table 5.2: Compositions based on the gaitas pattern in Portuguese viola sources . 134 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ix LIST OF FIGURES Figure 2.1: Instructions on how to tune the guitarra. and on how to tune the viola with the machinho. Alfabeto chart . . . . . . 32 Figure 2.2: Minguet e Yrol’s instructions for playing the bandurra 35 Figure 2.3: Fretboard of a citara, from Aguirre's treatise . . . . 42 Figure 2.4: Cifras. tuning chart and tabiature key for the citara. from Minguet e Yrol’s treatise . . . . . . . . . 43 Figure 3.1: Viola accompaniment of a tono by Antonio Marques Lesbio . 57 Figure 3.2: Ribeiro's instructions on playing a viola accompaniment 74 Figure 4.1: Most common watermark in P-Cug M.M. 97 . . . . 78 Figure 4.2: Watermarks in P-Lcg Serviqo de musica [n.n.j . . . 79 Figure 5.1: Comparison between a corrente by Pellegrini and an alemanda from the Coimbra codex . 1 4 1 Figure 5.2: Comparison between an alemanda by Pellegrini and a corrente from the Coimbra codex . . . . . . . . 142 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. X LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES Example 2.1: Campanelas 13 Example 2.2: Scordature . . . . . . . 14 Example 2.3: A bandurra setting of the cumbe from the Coimbra codex . 38 Example 5.1: Melodic-harmonic scheme of the romanesca (vacas) 115 Example 5.2: Settings of the Mantuana . 119 Example 5.3: Bass line and harmonic scheme of the Aria di Fiorenza. or Ballo del Gran Duca . . 122 Example 5.4: Melodic-harmonic scheme of the espanholeta 123 Example 5.5: Melodic-harmonic scheme of the marisapoles 126 Example 5.6: Transcription of figure 5.1 . . . . . . 143 Example 5.7: Comparison between a chcconne by Corbetta and the Francesa 7° tom from the Gulbenkian codex . . 1 4 4 Example 6.1: Standard compositional modules for cubancos in the Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices. 156 Example 6.2: Standard compositional modules for cumbes, paracumbes, and instrumental guineas in Spanish and Mexican sources 159 Example 6.3: Standard compositional modules for paracumbes in the Gulbenkian Codex . . . . . . . . . 160 Example 6.4: Standard compositional modules for cumbes in the Coimbra and Conde de Redondo codices . 161 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABBREVIATIONS Libraries A G O Gottweig. Benediktinerstift Gottweig. Musikarchiv. A-Kse Klagenfurt. Schlossbibliothek Ebental. A-KR Kremsmiinster. Benediktiner-Stift. A-Wn Vienna. Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek. CH-Bu Basel. Offentliche Bibliothek der Universitat Basel. Musiksammlung. D-B Berlin. Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz. D-Rp Regensburg. Bischofiiche Zentralbibliothek. Proske-Musikbibliothek. D-ROu Rostock. Universitatsbibliothek. Fachgebiet Musik. D-SW1 Schwerin. Landesbibliothek Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. Musiksammlung. E-Mn Madrid. Biblioteca Nacional. F-B Besanqon. Bibliotheque Municipale. F-Pn Paris. Bibliotheque Nationale. GB-Ob Bodleian Library. Oxford. I-MOe Modena. Biblioteca Estense. MEX-Mn Mexico City. Biblioteca Nacional. P-EVp Evora. Biblioteca Publica. P-BRp Braga. Biblioteca Publica e Arquivo Distrital. P-Cug Coimbra. Biblioteca Geral da Universidade. P-Lcg Lisbon. Funda^ao Calouste Gulbenkian. P-Ln Lisbon. Biblioteca Nacional. P-Pm Oporto. Biblioteca Publica Municipal. PL-Wn Warsaw. Biblioteka Narodowa. S-L Lund. Universitetsbiblioteket. US-R Rochester (N.Y.). Sibley Music Library. Eastman School of Music. University of Rochester. US-Wc Washington (D.C.). Library of Congress. Music Division. Currency The sign S corresponds to the early Brazilian currency reis (always in the plural). It is placed before a monetary value, and substitutes for the first comma when the value is larger than one thousand (e.g. $100: 105000). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT Three early-eighteenth-century codices of music in tablature for the viola (five- course guitar) are about all that remains from the Portuguese repertory for that instrument up to the publication of Manuel da Paixao Ribeiro's book in 1789. These extremely varied sources illustrate in a remarkable way the musical interactions between Portugal, other European countries, and Iberian colonies. More than that, part of their content seems to fit into a gray area between so-called art music, of written transmission, and music of the oral tradition. While this dissertation examines these issues in the context of the history of the instrument and its players in Portugal and Brazil, a more substantial section of the dissertation deals with the origins, development, and transmission of the repertory, isolating some particular Portuguese features from more general characteristics of musical forms and dance-types. An important pan of this repertory relates to the Portuguese colonies in Africa and South America. This dissertation examines this connection in the Iberian-American musical and literary context, giving special attention to the works of Brazilian poet Gregorio de Mattos Guerra (1636-1695). It considers the propagation of this repertory in Brazil as seen in his poetry, and how Brazil may have played a role of mediator between Africa and Portugal in the development of part of this repertory. An anthology with more than one hundred pieces from Portuguese viola sources, both in tablature and in conventional notation, with reconstruction of the rhythm, is presented as an appendix to the dissertation. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 I INTRODUCTION For the last century, musicologists have demonstrated a good deal of interest on the lute, recognizing the pivotal position that this plucked instrument occupied for more than 200 years in Western music. The early guitar, however, has been often relegated to a peripheral place in musicology, regarded as a little more than a curiosity as recently as three decades ago (the rule is confirmed by a small number of notable exceptions). Thanks to the pioneering work of several performers, researchers, and publishers in the last years, the repertory of guitar and guitar-related instruments from the sixteenth to early eighteenth centuries is finally earning a place more compatible with the importance the instrument and its players had in the genesis and development of so many musical forms and styles. A still obscure area in the history of Western music, related to the early guitar and the development of many dance-types and musical forms, is the Portuguese repertory for viola (five-course guitar) from the mid-seventeenth to mid-eighteenth centuries. Musicologist Rui Vieira Nery has appropriately described the central part of this period-- from 1690 to 1720— as a no-man's land in the history of Portuguese music.1 The stylistic indetermination, so often regarded as a negative feature, is probably the main factor to explain the oblivion to which much of that repertory has been relegated. As Nery observes, the period is characterized by the coexistence of the last manifestations of an archaic Iberian Baroque and a still incipient importation of more modem Italian models, a play of forces in which none is strong enough to prevail. 1 Nery. History o f music (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda. 1991). 79. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The Portuguese repertory for the five-course guitar, an instrument known in Portugal and Brazil as viola, illustrates better than any source the musical interactions of this period.2 Besides the play of indigenous and exogenous music, it also reveals the coexistence of the archaic and the modem, and of traditional and freshly-imported forms and dances. Moreover, the musical content of three remaining codices of tablature for the viola sheds some light on a gray area between art-music and popular unwritten practices. The same volumes that present skillfully composed fantasias requiring a sophisticated playing technique also display a notable negligence in the notation of rhythmic values. In addition to that, several "problems” of writing, from the inconsistent notation of ornaments and repetitions to the erroneous placing of numbers, sometimes raise suspicions about the copyists' musical proficiency. Other pieces use a sketchy form of notation, perhaps intended to serve only as an aid to the interpreter's memory. Because of the idiosyncratic writing, the unusual ornamentation, and the large number of errors, attempts at reading the tablature as it is often lead to odd-sounding results. Two of these codices remain in Lisbon, one in the Count of Redondo collection of the Music Division of the National Library (F.C.R. ms. Ne 1; henceforth Conde de Redondo codex),' and the other in the Music Division of the Caiouste Gulbenkian Foundation 2 Viola is the Portuguese term for both the five-course and the six-string guitars: in Brazilian Portuguese it refers to the five-course guitar, while the six-string instrument is called violao. or big viola. The terms guitarra and viola seem to have been interchangeable during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but since the late eighteenth century, guitarra refers almost exclusively to the Portuguese guitar, an instrument related to the English guitar, or cittern. The violin family's viola is known in Portugal as violeta. or small viola, and in Brazil simply as viola. 3 Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa. Se<;ao de Musica. F.C.R. ms. Ne 1. [Livro do Conde de Redondo\. Early-eighteenth-century codex with music in tablature for the viola. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 (Serviqo de Musica, no catalogue number; henceforth Gulbenkian codex).4 The third source belongs to the General Library of the Coimbra University Library (MM 97; henceforth Coimbra codex).5 They relate to other European and Latin-American sources through a number of concordances and correspondences.6 Given that several researchers have had the opportunity to examine these sources. I assume that the absence of studies on the subject, and even of performances of this music, could be attributed mostly to the particularities of notation and style mentioned above.' Besides these three codices, there are few other seventeenth- and eighteenth-century sources related to the Portuguese viola (see chapter 4). Although these are not the primary concern of this project, they are of fundamental importance to the comprehension of the context in which that music flourished. Equally necessary is to place this repertory in the whole picture of the European and Latin-American guitar repertory of the period. That is 4 Fundav'ao Calouste Gulbenkian. Serviqo de Musica. Lisbon, no catalogue number. Early- eighteenth-century codex with music in tablature for the viola, bandurra. and cravo. 5 Biblioteca Geral da Universidade de Coimbra. MM 97. Cifras de viola par varios autores. Recolhidas pelo Ldo Joseph Carneyro Tavares Lamacense. Early-eighteenth-century codex with music in tablature for the viola, bandurra and rebeca. 6 I use the term "concordance" for a version of the same piece, and "correspondence" when referring to a piece based on the same melodic-harmonic scheme. 7 Manuel Morais is working on an edition of the Gulbenkian codex. A photocopy of an early account of his findings (1969) is available for consultation at the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, filed in the same folder as the manuscript. Judging by information on his book on Corbetta. Richard Pinnell has had at least partial access to the Coimbra codex. Both Rui Vieira Nery and Manuel Carlos de Brito mention all three sources in their books on the history of music in Portugal. A few days before the oral defense of this dissertation. I was informed about a recently-released recording of a selection of pieces of the Conde de Redondo book, by Paulo Galvao. Musicalia M.01.03.003 (Monica Hall. “O livro [de] guitarra do Conde de Redondo." Lute News 57 [April 2001]: 30-1). Before Galvao. Manuel Morais has performed in concerts some of the pieces of the Gulbenkian and Coimbra codex (personal communication by Rui Vieira Nery. Lisbon. 11 October 2000). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 only possible after a careful survey of Iberian, Italian, French, and Mexican primary sources, in order to identify correspondences and to detect processes of change and recomposition.8 It is only by fully assessing the penetration of Italian and French models and analyzing how Portuguese musicians composers dealt with these models— accepting, reworking, or rejecting them— that one is able to recognize what was local and what was general in the music of the period, and to understand when. how. and why foreign models were assimilated and merged into local practices. Except for a thirteen-page introduction by Joao Manuel Borges de Azevedo in a facsimile edition of the Conde de Redondo codex, so far no research has been published on the Portuguese repertory for guitar and guitar-related instruments. In his edition. Azevedo includes a description of the manuscript’s contents and a study of the characteristics of some dances and musical forms. Azevedo also ventures some well-thought hypotheses on the date of writing and the authorship of some pieces. Some of his conclusions on the music itself, however, are less than convincing. For instance, he suggests a relationship between the Portuguese dance oitavado and Spanish music based on the indication b do quadro in one of these pieces. Without realizing that the term means major tonality, as opposed to b mode. Azevedo imagines that this would have something to do with the Spanish term cuadro. related to the more recent flamenco music.9 Referring to the tono (a type of song) "Al son de la cadena.” Azevedo suggests a link with some pieces in the codex P-Ln Col. Pomb. MS s These include primarily guitar, harp, and keyboard sources, which I do not list in the bibliography. 9 Azevedo. Urna tablatura para guitarra barroca (Lisbon: Instituto Portugues do Patrimonio Cultural. 1987). xxi-xxii. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 5 82.1 0 That is correct, but in a curious lapse, he does not realize that this very source has a complete version of that tono. for voice and continuo, to which the guitar version can be added with only few minor problems. Azevedo is once more on the right track when he suggests a possible African-Brazilian influence in some pieces of the book. However, when addressing the cumbe, he does not refer to any of the eighteenth-century sources that contain either information or even musical versions of this dance. The resemblance to the name of some geographical locations is. for him. reason enough to postulate a Brazilian origin of the cumbe. A mistake in the transcription of the name of one of these African-influenced pieces also shows his unawareness of that specific dance-type: the correct title of the piece on page 69 is Camzinho de Sofa I la. and not Camzindo. as he transcribes it. According to contemporary dictionaries, cdozinho (also camzinho. canzinho. literally little dog) is a common dance in eighteenth-century Portugal (Sofala is an old designation of a region in the former Portuguese colony of Mozambique).1 ' Although the Coimbra codex contains concordances with Francisco Corbetta's works, Richard Pinnell. the author of the most complete study on this composer, did not mention these: he only mentions and gives a transcription o f the Bavletto del Corbeto. f. 93r. a piece of questionable authorship.1 2 Pinnell has additionally published a book on the history of the guitar in Argentina and Uruguay during the colonial period, which also covers other 1 0 Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa. Colecqao Pombalina MS 82. Livro de rusitados de Alexandre Antonio de Lima. Late-seventeenth- or early-eighteenth-century codex with cantatas by several authors. 1 ' See chapter 6 for more details on African and African-Brazilian influences in this repertory. 1 2 Pinnell. Richard. Francesco Corbetta and the baroque guitar. Ann Arbor. Mich.: UMI Research Press. 1980. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6 Hispanic colonies, reproducing valuable data that illustrate the musical interactions between Spanish and Portuguese colonies.1 3 He makes no mention of the Portuguese guitar repertory. Juan Jose Rev's 1993 book is the only study so far published to deal with the eighteenth-century Spanish five-course bandurria.u Even though both Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices present a considerable number of pieces for this very instrument, Rey writes a single paragraph about the latter, and does not make any mention of the former.1 5 Maurice Esses is the author of an impressive study on dances and instrumental diferencias in Spain during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, which, however, does not mention the Portuguese repertory for guitar and bandurria.[ b Since he used some Portuguese keyboard sources, as well as some Spanish guitar tablatures with similar rhythmic indications (or lack thereof), I believe that his disregard for that repertory might be explained by the absence of studies on the subject and his unawareness of the existence of such material. Nevertheless. Esses’ s three-volume study is probably the most comprehensive anthology of Spanish instrumental dances. It is presented in a practical format and is accompanied with some interesting comments on the history and characteristics of these dances. Craig Russell's edition of the Codex Saldivar no. 4 also includes an extensive account of dance-types and forms associated with the guitar literature in the early eighteenth 1 3 Richard Pinnell. The Rioplatense Guitar (Westport. Conn.: The Bold Strummer. 1993). 1 4 A five-course instrument tuned in fourths and usually played with a plectrum. See chapter 2 for more details. 1 5 Juan Jose Rey. and Antonio Navarro. Los instrumentos de pua en Espaha: Bandurria, citola y laudes espaiioles (Madrid: Alianza. 1993). 1 6 Maurice Esses. Dance and instrumental diferencias in Spain during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries (Stuyvesant. NY: Pendragon Press. 1992-94). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 7 century, some of these with correspondences in the Portuguese guitar literature.1 7 Russell had a limited access to the Portuguese codices, which is reflected in the almost complete absence of references both in the text and in the section of musical correspondences. The only Portuguese guitar source that he uses, and that only partially, is the Gulbenkian codex. Craig Russell has also published important articles dealing with the process of recomposition in guitar music.1 8 Although Russell dealt mostly with the music of Santiago de Murcia, his methods and analyses could be easily applied to similar situations in the Portuguese guitar repertory. Less research has been done specifically on the musical interactions between Portugal and its colonies. Jose Ramos Tinhorao has explored urban popular music in Portugal and Brazil during the colonial period, always paying special attention to its racial and social contexts.1 9 Tinhorao’s analyses, strongly inclined towards a Marxist ideology, are hampered by his lack of musical and musicological training. Nonetheless, because of his extensive research in theatrical and literary sources. Tinhorao’s books always provide clues and sometimes unexpected information on Portuguese and Brazilian dance-types and popular music of the past centuries. Manuel Carlos de Brito’s short 1994 article, “The unassumed legacy: The influence of Brazil on Portuguese eighteenth-century music,” one of the few articles to treat directly the topic of Brazilian influence on Portuguese music, only covers the late eighteenth and 1 7 Craig Russell. Santiago de Murcia's Codice Saldivar no 4 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press. 1995)." 1 8 Craig Russell. "El arte de recomposicion en la musica espaiiola para la guitarra banroca." Revista de Musicologia 5. no. 1 (1982). 5-23. 1 9 Jose Ramos Tinhorao. Histdria social da musica popular brasileira (Lisbon: Caminho. 1990): Fado: Danqa do Brasil. Cantarde Lisboa (Lisbon: Caminho. 1994). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8 early nineteenth centuries.2 0 Robert Stevenson's 1968 article “The Afro-American Legacy.” as well as some chapters of Music in the Aztec and Inca Territory, deal with African- influenced music only in Spanish America, though including useful information about European musical contacts in Africa.2 1 This dissertation aims at shedding some light at the musical interactions between Portugal, Europe. Africa, and the New World, as illustrated by the viola repertory. For that reason, and because it treats a mostly unknown repertory, this research might also prove helpful to the early-guitar researcher and performer, as well as those interested in the development of musical forms and dance-types during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. In chapter 5 of this dissertation I provide some notes about most of the musical forms and dance-types found in the Portuguese viola codices. Because previous studies by Maurice Esses. Craig Russell, and Warren Kirkendale have already analyzed many of these within the Spanish and Italian context. I rely mostly on Portuguese and Brazilian sources. The information in chapters 2 and 3 is mostly based on the secondary literature and compilations of early documents about musicians, instrument makers, and musical practices in Portugal and Brazil.2 2 2 0 Manuel Carlos de Brito. “The unassumed legacy: The influence of Brazil on Portuguese eighteenth- century music." Ars Musica Denver 7. no. I (Fall 1994). 57-64. 2 1 Robert Stevenson. Music in Aztec < & Inca territory (Berkeley: University of California Press. 1968). ~ Francisco Marques de Sousa Viterbo. Subsidios para a histdria da musica em Portugal (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade. 1932): Paulo Castagna. “Fontes bibliograficas para o estudo da pratica musical no Brasil nos se'culos XVI e XVII” (M.A. thesis. University of Sao Paulo. 1991). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 The Portuguese viola repertory was not preserved in an easily-readable form. With a few exceptions, these tablatures do not bear rhythmic signs, which raises several issues related to the appropriateness of any attempt of reconstruction. I address some of these issues in chapters 5 and 7 of this dissertation, and present in the appendix some results of my method of rhythmic realization of this repertory. More particular issues emerged during the course of the study of these sources. For instance, there is still no answer for the almost complete absence in the Portuguese sources of mixed tablature notation. Combining numbers and the alfabeto chords, this was the most common type of tablature in Spain and Italy during the early eighteenth century. When copied in Portugal, a work originally in mixed notation was simply translated into Italian tablature. Comparison between Portuguese copies and their originals in Italian and French sources also gives us insights in local performance practices, from ornamentation to the reworking, or recomposition of entire pieces (chapter 5). Another important issue to be addressed in this dissertation (chapters 5 and 6) relates to the interaction between popular and art-music practices, as well as practices of different social and racial groups. Because musical practices in Portugal and Brazil until the late eighteenth century were part of the same continuum, both in art- and folk-music. these sources are extremely important for the understanding of the first developmental stages of Brazilian popular music. The substantial number of dances of probable African origin in these volumes also stresses that point: some of these dances were common in Brazil before the time of the compilation of the codices, which more than suggests a Brazilian stage in their development. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 10 2 THE VIOLA 2.1 Terminology, Delimitation, Features Twenty men gather together and bring a viola. Three or four of them play it and sing, and the other ones climb the walls of the houses and steal the men's belongings. As for some wives, daughters, and maids of ill repute who like to hear the viola playing, these men go indoors, sleep with them and take away something when leaving. Ajuntase dez e dez homes E leuom hua violla E tres e quatro estam tamgendo E camtando E os outros Entom escallam as cassas E Rouba os homes de suas fazemdas. E outros que tern maas molheres E maas filhas ou criadas como ouuem tanger a violla vamlhes desfechar as portas e dormem com ellas E quando se espedem leuom alguua coussa. Besides showing an early use of the term viola for an instrument employed in the accompaniment of popular songs, this 1459 document from the Lisbon court suggests that the instrument and its players already had a kind of dark fame that would resurface from time to time throughout the centuries. And the answer to the complaint seems to stress it: king dom Afonso V ordered that anyone caught in the streets with a viola from 9 p.m. to dawn, provided that there was no feast or wedding, should be arrested and have his viola. guns, and clothing confiscated.1 Was that instrument really a plucked viola, the same instrument known in other times and places as guitar? Confusion between the terms seems to have existed already at that early date. A royal letter of 1442 that deals with certain tax exemptions mentions the 1 Quoted by Mario de Sampayo Ribeiro. in 4s “ guitarras de Alcacer” e a "guitarra portuguesa " (Lisbon: Bertrand. 1936). 25-6. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 11 guitarra. along with the alaude (lute) and harpa, but not the viola.1 From the mid-sixteenth century onwards, the distinction between plucked and bowed violas is much clearer. Although not nearly as clear as in Spanish sources, the distinction between the guitarra and the viola is also found in sixteenth-century Portugal.3 The terms seem to be used more or less interchangeably in the following century, though the former is far more frequent. Although the origin of the term viola could be traced back to the late Latin fidicula. there is no point in attempting to relate the sixteenth-century viola to any specific instrument that might have existed centuries before. What can be ascertained is that by the mid-fifteenth century, the term viola, as well as vihuela and many variants of the word guitar, were used to designate several stringed instruments— both plucked and bowed. In the next century the meaning would gradually narrow to comprise only instruments with the body roughly in the shape of a figure eight. By this time the terms viola de mao. or da mano. and vihuela de ma/io~literally "hand-Wo/a”— were sometimes used to mean the plucked viola, which in Portugal might mean both the four- and the six-course instrument, known in Spain by different designations: guitarra and vihuela. Likewise, qualifiers such as da braccio. de arco. da gamba. were applied to bowed instruments. Already by the mid-sixteenth century. Juan Bermudo and Miguel de Fuenllana described a type of plucked instrument with five courses of strings. In 1554. Fuenllana 2 Ibid.. 24. Laurence Wright has demonstrated that in fifteenth-century Europe, the term guitarra and its variants meant a type of treble lute, later known as mandora. See Laurence Wright. "The Medieval gittern and citole: A case of mistaken identity." Galpin Society Journal 30 (May 1977): 8-42. 3 In the Auto de Filodemo. first published in 1587. Luis de Camoes mentions the viola and the guitarra in different contexts. The viola is used for the accompaniment of cantigas (songs) and the pastimes of the nobility, while the guitarra is used in a rustic instrumental ensemble, and accompanying "very old" cantigas. Luis de Camoes. Obras completas (Lisbon: Sa da Costa. 1972). vol. 3. 134-7.216-7. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 12 prescribed some compositions for a vihuela de cinco ordenes (five-course vihuela), which follows the interval-pattem of a common Spanish vihuela without the first course.- 1 Bermudo described in 1555 a guitarra de cinco ordenes (five-course guitar), which is different from Fuenllana's instrument because it departs from the four-course guitar, having its second course raised a semitone and an additional course placed a minor third above the first one.5 The model of five-course guitar that would prevail, in which a fifth course is placed below the fourth course of the guitar— thus resulting in the same interval-pattem as Fuenllana's five-course vihuela— would be established, although not invented, by Juan Carles Amat. in his little treatise of 1596.° The tuning prescribed there ( A a / d d ' /g g / b b /e 1) would soon become standard, even though variants of this model are seen throughout the seventeenth century, originating not only in the national styles, but also in individual preferences. Nicolau Doizi de Velasco, for example, says in 1640 that in order to play contrapuntal music, it is better to string the instrument with bourdons in the fourth and fifth courses— as explained by Amat— so it would sound better and closer to contrapuntal voices.7 Gaspar Sanz reveals that the use of bourdons was customary in Spain, where some players even doubled the bourdons in the fourth and fifth courses. However, he considered it more 4 Miguel de Fuenllana. Libra de musica para vihuela intitulado Orphenica lyra (Seville. 1554: reprint. Geneva: Minkoff. 1981). f. 158r-l62v. 5 Juan Bermudo. Declaracion de instrumentos musicales (Osuna. 1555: reprint. Kassel: Biirenreiter. 1957). f. 97r. The resulting interval-pattem. perfect fifth / perfect fourth / major third / minor third (or. considering G as its lowest course. G G / d d / g g / b b / d ' d 1). is the same as the tunings called by folk viola players in Brazil guitarrinha (little guitar) and rio abaixo (down the river). See Roberto Nunes Correa. Viola Caipira (Brasilia: Musimed. n.d.). 19-21. 6 The earliest edition that survives was printed in Lerida. 1626. 7 Nicolau Doizi de Velasco. Nuevo modo de cifra para taner la guitarra (Naples: Egidio Longo. 1640). 16-17. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 13 appropriate for the playing of the bass, by which he meant the accompaniment of tonos (songs) or sonadas (instrumental music).8 In France and England, players used to employ one bourdon in the fourth course only ( aa/d'd/gg/bb / e 1 ). This type of tuning, in which the strings or courses do not follow a linear sequence from the lowest to the highest pitch, is known as reentrant. Another type of reentrant tuning is the one that Sanz called the Roman style of stringing the guitar, that is, with no bourdons at all (a a / d 1 d 1 / g g / b b / e1 ). This tuning was much more suitable to the modem styles with catnpanelas, as well as several types of ornaments.9 For campanelas, literally “bells,” one understands the effect of letting the notes of a scale or melodic line ring by playing them on different strings and using open strings as much as possible, rather than following the usual scale patterns in the fretboard. The tuning without bourdons allows the playing of passages such as those in example 2.1. from Sanz's treatise. Example 2.1: Campanelas. 8 Gaspar Sanz, Instruccion de musica sobre la guitarra espaiiola (Zaragoza: Diego Dormer. 1674: reprint. Zaragoza: Institucion Fernando El Catolico. 1979). I [fol. 8r]. 9 Ibid. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 14 Five-course-ouitar scordature Bottazzan. 1663 Granata. 1674 P-Cug M.M. 97. early 18ih century Bottazzan. 1663 Granata. 1674 Krcmbcrg. 16X9 P-Cug M.M. 97. early 18th century Krcmbcrg. 1689 P-Cug M.M. 97. early 18th century Folk-v/o/n tunings in Portugal and Brazil •» ♦ Cdboluo mnim; (Brazil) i Cebotmha tuning (Bra/in r * •> . * Viola Tocira de Coimbra < Portugal) Viola da Madeira (Portugal) Viola da Terra (Portugal) Viola Bciroa Rcquinta ( Portugal. 4tli and 5th courses arc double) $ m i i t = - Granata. 1674 Campion. 1705 P-Cug M.M. 97. early 18th century i i * Antonio Vieira dos Santos. Cit'ras [.../para salierio (Brazil, early 19th century ) Example 2.2: Scordature. Besides the basic pattern of intervals established by Amat, the guitar literature of the seventeenth and early eighteenth century is particularly rich in scordature, unusual tunings aimed at facilitating the performance in certain keys and emphasizing the instrument’s Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 15 resonance. Some scordature also enhance the capability of using campanelas and other effects native to the guitar repertory. The use of scordature probably has its origins in folk practices, in which not only are there regional variants, but sometimes each player is expected to choose or even develop his or her own stringing system. A comparison between scordature by several seventeenth- and eighteenth-century guitar players and those found in folk violas in Portugal and Brazil reveals the recurrence of some patterns, (see example 2.2). Also the tuning of the third course in an octave, which seems to be implied in some sources, would coincide with several Latin-American modem patterns of stringing. In the last decade of the eighteenth century, the five-course guitar starts to lose terrain to the six-course guitar, at first with double and later with single strings. But that did not happen in the less sophisticated comers of the Luso-Brazilian world, where the only important modification was a growing preference for wire, rather than gut strings. That change begins to take place still in the late eighteenth century, when the viola de arame. or wire-guitar. is mentioned for the first time. Unlike what happened to the eighteenth-century chitarra battente, there is no major structural modification from the gut to the wire viola in order to support the metallic strings. And judging by Manoel da Paixao Ribeiro's Nova Arte de Viola. by the 1780s the repertory of both the gut- and the wire-strung viola was essentially the same: modinhas (love songs) and minuets, in which the viola would harmonize a given bass line. For that role, the wire-strung guitar had some advantages. Although, according to Ribeiro, it required from the player “a great modification in the fingers in order to achieve a good sound,” after some practice, there would be “no difference Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 16 between the viola and the harpsichord.”1 0 Besides the change in musical taste, maybe this fascination for the more extroverted metallic sound also contributed to the abandoning of the old repertory for solo gut-strung viola, and the definitive adoption of metal strings. It should be noted that, by the same time another metal-strung novelty— the English guitar-had gained ground rapidly, to the point of being converted, some decades later, to Portugal's national instrument. Of course, these observations refer primarily to urban popular music. By then several types of violas were being used in folk music in the same way that for centuries they have been, and still are, used. At least in the context of unwritten practices, that is probably the reason there was no substitution of the five-course viola by the six-string instrument known in Brazil as violao (lit. large viola) and in Portugal as viola francesa (lit. French viola). Both types of instruments coexist still today in Portugal and Brazil, although the five- course viola displays a large number of regional variants, in matters such as number of frets, body shape and materials, stringing, and tunings. As for the six-string guitar, it is usually strung with metal strings in both Portuguese and Brazilian folk and popular musical practices. 1 0 Manuel da Paixao Ribeiro. Nova Arte de Viola (Coimbra: Imprensada Universidade. 1789: reprint. Geneva: Minkoff. 1985). 7. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 17 2.2 Makers Already in the fifteenth century, documents mention a certain Martin Vasques Coelho as a guitarreiro. or guitarra maker in Lisbon.1 1 In the following century. Lisbon official documents mention viola makers in 1541 (Alvaro Fernandes), and 1551 (Diogo Dias), and the maker of viola strings Roberto Romano in 1562.i: According to Joao Brandao's descriptive book of 1552. Tratado da Magestade. Grandeza e Abastanqa da Cidade de Lisboa. Lisbon had then fifteen viola makers and ten makers of viola strings.1 3 The later Sumdrio em que brevemente se content cousas (assint eclesiasticas como seculares) que ha tia cidade de Lisboa, by Cristovao Rodrigues de Oliveira (c. 1554) increases that number to sixteen, besides three “carpenters” of organ and four of clavichord (manicordio).u Following the Portuguese professional classification of artes e oficios. arts and crafts, the profession of viola maker would fall into the mechanical crafts or professions (oficios mecdnicos). Within this category, the worker started as an apprentice. As he gained knowledge and ability, he rose to the status of a companion, later gaining final independence as a master. The designation oficial. craftsman, applied to an accomplished companion, as well as to a master who had not yet received permission to 1 1 Brito Rebclo. “Curiosidades Musicais. Um guitarreiro do XV seculo." A Arte Musical 16. no. 382 (1914): 166-9. Quoted by Ernesto Veiga de Oliveira. Instrumentos musicais populares portugueses (Lisbon: Fundat;ao Calouste Gulbenkian. 1982). 190. 1 2 Michelangelo Lambertini. Industria instrumentalportuguesa (Lisbon: Typographia do Annuario Commercial. 1914). 6. 1 3 Quoted by Jose Ramos Tinhorao. Histdria Social da Miisica Popular Brasileira (Lisbon: Caminho. 1990). 27. 1 4 Manuel Morais. “Uma viola portuguesa do seculo XVI. ” Coloquio Artes 17. no. 21 (February 1975): 71. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 18 open a workshop (tenda), where he would make, repair and sell instruments. The Regimento dos Violeiros, of 1572. shows what kind of examination the craftsman could expect from the guild before being allowed to have some independence and opening his own workshop:1 5 4. - And the craftsman of the above craft who wants to open a workshop will have to make a viola of six courses, with its sides in black or red wood, and carved [or bent] with fire, and very well molded and carved [or bent], soundboard and back in two halves - ss - joined in the middle, very well done and inlaid with an inlaid of eight and another of four very well done, and up the neck it will receive a kneecap or a trena [?] with two Fittings and their ends, and it will be glued with fish glue, back and soundboard, and it will be lined [covered?] in the inside with cloth lining: Likewise, he will make a carved rose, deep or shallow, very well done: Likewise, he will adequately [very well] place the frets in the viola, and he will clean it, and that is how he will finish it: Likewise, he will adequately [very well] string the viola according to its size, and he will tune it in order to allow someone to play on it: Likewise, he will make a chessboard with very straight tables [tauolas]. with the boxes of the board very well laid: Likewise, he will make a harp of the size he wishes, well carved, and well joined, and well glued with fish glue, and with a good distance between the strings, so that some do not go wider than the others: Likewise, he will make a bowed viol, tipre [treble] or cdtrabaxa [probably bass], whichever one he wishes, carved [or bent] with fire and with the soundboard carved in a fair thickness, all equal, and fretted according to the bridge, so that it is not too high or too low: 12. - Likewise, it is required from the viola makers who own a workshop that they make the six-course violas with two sides, and that they line [cover?] them with pions [?] or lenqos [clothes], and that they have their carved roses made of paper, and if they want to make them in the soundboard, they have to cover [make] them with parchment. 4. - E o official do ditto officio que tenda houuer de ter faraa hua viola de seis ordes de costilhas de pao preto ou vermelho laurada de fogo muito bem moldada e laurada, tampao e fundo de duas metades - ss - junta pelo meo muita bem feita e marchetada c5 hu marchete de oito e outro de quatro muito bem feitos, e pelo pesco^o arriba leuara hu rotolo ou hua trema co huas encaixaduras co seus remates e seraa grudada co grude de pexe, fundo e tampao, e seraa forrada por dentro co forros de panno: 1 3 Vergilio Correia, ed.. Livro dos Regimetos dos Officiaes mecanicos da Mui Nobre e Sepre Leal Cidade de Lixboa (1572) (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade. 1926). 138-9. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 19 Item faraa hu la^o de talha fundo ou raso muito bem feito: Item regrara muito bem a dita viola e a alimpara e per esta manr.a seraa acabada: Item encordoara a dita viola muito bem segundo pertencer ao tamanho della, e apontara e afinara de maneira que possao nella tanger: Item faraa hu taboleiro de xadrez e tauolas acostumado muito be desempenado que seia para passar co as casas do taboleiro muito bem assentadas: Item faraa hGa arpa do tamanho que quiserem bem laurada e bem junta e bem grudada co grude de pexe e de boo compasso das cordas que nao vao huas mais iargas que outras: Item faraa hua viola de arco tipre ou cotrabaxa qual quiserem laurada de fogo e do tampao cauado de muito boa grossura toda igoal e da regra que venha conforme ao caualete que nao seia muito alto nem muito baixo: 12. - Item mandao que os violeiros que tenda teuerem que fa^ao as violas de seis ordes de duas costilhas. e seiao forradas co pions ou lenqos. e os laqos deltas de talha seiao de folha. e se os quiserem fazer no tampao seiao forrados de purgaminho: These regulations show that the maker should be able to build not only plucked, but also bowed viols, as well as harps and chessboards. The most detailed section of the document, and thus the examination, deals with the making of a six-course viola, the instrument known in Spain as vihuela. At that point, this was the most important plucked instrument also in Portugal. Although it is not stated in the document, one infers that the examination should be convincing enough to give the prospective viola maker the privilege to build other plucked instruments such as four and five-course violas as well as several sizes of bowed viols. At least one instrument from a sixteenth-century Lisbon viola maker has survived. It was built by Belchior Dias, probably a relative of Diogo Dias, who was admitted to the service of king dom Joao III in 1551 -1 6 Belchior Dias's viola, which belongs to the museum of the Royal College of Music in London (catalogue no. 171), bears the date December 1 6 Francisco Marques de Sousa Viterbo. Subsfdios para a historia da miisica em Portugal (Coimbra: Imprensa da LTniversidade. 1932). 171. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 20 1581. It has five courses, a vaulted back, a string length of 55 cm and a total length of 77 cm. The way the neck is joined to the body seems to agree with the observations of the 1572 Regimento dos Violeiros: the neck ends in a fork and extends into the sound box. where its top is fixed to the soundboard and its bottom to the back of the sound box.1 7 A catalogue from the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation describes the instrument:1 8 Five-course guitar, rectangular handwritten label (gothic lettering) with a single lined frame: "Belchior Dias made it in Lisbon in the month of December 1581.” In an ivory label with dark background at the top of the head, one reads in red ink "Bchior/Dias Lxa.” Vaulted back with 7 ribs, half cane shaped, separated from one another by ivory fillets and triple ivory- ebony-ivory fillets. Back and sides are made of Brazilian rosewood [jacarandd] (dalbergia cearensis). Head and fretboard in ebony are inlaid with the same triple fillets that circle the peg holes, which are dorsal and follow the fingerboard in a winding design. The soundboard is in spruce. In the sound hole, framed by ebony and boxwood inlaid, there are signs that there was a rose. Both the soundboard and the bridge, which retains part of the ornamental moustache, are not original, and probably date from the eighteenth century. The guitar is outlined in all its lateral extension, in the front of the head, and in the back by the ivory-ebony-ivory fillets. The pegs are made of ebony, with an ivory collar. Guitarra de 5 ordens etiqueta rectangular manuscrita (letra gotica) com moldura de traqo simples "Belchior Dias a fez em/Lxa. nomes de dez.° 1581/.’’ Em etiqueta de marfim tinto a vermelho com fundo escurecido e que se encontra embutida no topo superior da cabe^a le-se “Bchior/Dias Lxa.” Costas bombeadas com 7 aduelas em forma de meia cana separadas entre si por fiietes de marfim e filetes triplos marfim-ebano-marfim. Costas e costilhas de jacaranda (dalbergia cearensis). Cabeqa e escaia em ebano marcheteados pelos mesmos filetes triplos que envolvem os oriffcios das cravelhas. que sao dorsais e seguem enla^ados pela escaia. O tampo harmdnico e em spruce. Na abertura sonora. emoldurada de marchetes em ebano e buxo notam-se sinais de ter existido uma rosacea. Tanto o tampo como o cavalete que conserva parte dos elementos omamentais "bigodes,” nao sao originais devendo datar do seculo XVIII. Toda a guitarra e percorrida lateralmente, no lado posterior da cabeqa e costas pelos filetes marfim-ebano- marfim. As cravelhas sao em ebano com colar de marfim. 1 7 Harvey Turnbull. The Guitar (New York: C. Scribners Sons. 1974). 10. 1 8 Exposiqdo Intemacional de Guitarras (Lisbon: Museu Calouste Gulbenkian. 1983). [f. 5r]. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 21 The opinion of the anonymous writer of the catalogue regarding the originality of the instrument differs from that of Morais and Evans, for whom the guitar is practically all original. Even if the soundboard was replaced in the eighteenth century, as the catalogue suggests, the instrument was still in use for some time after that. for. as Morais observes, the soundboard presents signs of wearing down near the bridge, where the player would rest the little finger.1 9 James Tyler points to the reduced size of the instrument, suggesting that this would be an equivalent of the type of guitar later known in Italy as cliitarriglia,:o In fact, there is evidence from the seventeenth century about an instrument in Portugal similar to the cliitarriglia, with five courses of double strings: the machete, or machinho. Besides that, seventeenth- and eighteenth-century documents such as inventories and customs reports mention violas in at least two sizes, grandes and pequenas, large and small. The qualifier pequena could mean a three-quarter or a one-half size, or even a viola requinto. as the smallest type of viola is called today-tuned a fifth higher than the full-size instrument. Belchior Dias's seems to be a three-quarter viola. Both Evans and Tyler relate Dias’s viola to a heavily restored guitar in the collection of the late English lute-player Robert Spencer. Spencer's guitar does not bear a label or any 1 9 Tom and Mary Anne Evans. Guitars: music, history, construction, and players from the Renaissance to rock (New York: Facts on File. 1977). 27: Morais. "Uma viola portuguesa." 71. If the identification of building materials in the catalogue is correct, this is probably the first example of the use of a Brazilian wood in the fabrication of musical instruments— and in a way it is still used today: the jacarandd. or Brazilian rosewood, for the back and sides of acoustic guitars. The same wood is used also in the undated vihuela de piezas at the Musee Jacquemart-Andre. in Paris. See a description in the catalogue The Spanish Guitar/La Guitarra Espahola (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art: Madrid: Museu Municipal. 1991-2 ). 2 0 James Tyler. The Early Guitar (London: Oxford University Press. 1980). 35-6. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. identification of maker, but displays identical inlays, besides some other similarities.^ With a string length of 68 cm. it is considerably bigger than Dias's viola, which has a string length of 55.4 cm. From the large number of viola makers in Lisbon during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the names that surface are usually those found in official documents: viola makers employed by the royal family, receiving or asking for some royal permit or benefit, or subpoenaed to witness before the Holy Inquisition. Sousa Viterbo and Michelangelo Lambertini list the names of Gaspard'Almeida. Francisco Gonqalves (who received his permit in 1626), Domingos Fernandes (bom before 1570), Joao Coelho (b. 1575), Thome Fernandes (b. 1576). Luiz Ribeiro (b. 1589), Domingos da Costa (mentioned in 1643). Jeronimo Gomes (b. 1641. mentioned in 1670 and 1677). Bartolomeu de Lemos (mentioned in 1670 and 1677). Luiz de Lemos (mentioned in 1674). and Mathias de Lemos (b. 1648. mentioned in 1678). The last one was Official Violeiro da Casa Real, literally “craftsman viola maker of the royal house." Since most of these had their workshops in the Rua dos Escudeiros. in Lisbon, both Viterbo and Lambertini suggest that viola makers would be confined by the city’s authorities to the street of that particular professional category, as it was the case with other types of craft. Although earlier the Rua dos Escudeiros probably was related to either shield makers or squires, by the sixteenth century it would become the viola- makers' street. Some viola makers of the eighteenth century were Manuel Francisco (appointed in 1710 viola maker of the house of the “Senhoras Rainhas"), Domingos Alvares (appointed in 1711 viola maker of the house of queen dona Maria Anna d’Austria, wife of dom Joao V), :I Evans. Guitars. 27: Tyler. The Early Guitar. 36. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 23 Domingos Rodrigues Galvao (mentioned in I727,d. 1731). Jose Ferreira (mentioned in 1731), Joao Esvenich (mentioned in 1749),“ Pedro Ferreira Oliveira (b. 1702. mentioned in 1767) and Joaquim Jose Galvao (mentioned from 1760 to 1787). Lambertini informs us that nine or ten violas by Joaquim Jose Galvao survived to his time, although they were considerably different among themselves in style, shape, size and varnish.2 3 However, Lambertini does not comment on the possibility that some of these could have been restored or modernized. The presence of a workshop of instrument making in the Monastery of Santa Cruz of Coimbra is documented from the early sixteenth cen tu ry .D o m Joao I, for example, who died in 1590 at 82. was a well-known maker of harpsichords, clavichords, bowed and plucked violas .2 5 " Viterbo. Subsidios. 188. informs that Joao Esvenich was actually a maker of rabecas (violins). rabecdes (celli). and cravos (harpsichords). 2 3 Lambertini. Industria Instrumental. 8-9. 2 4 Ernesto Gonsalves de Pinho. Santa Cruz de Coimbra: Centro de Actividade Musical nos Seculos XVI e XVII (Lisbon: Funda^ao Calouste Gulbenkian. 1981). 153ff. 2 5 Ibid.. 154. quotes the information by dom Gabriel de Santa Maria (d. 1616): he was a great musician, with a good contralto voice, and he was good also in making ail kinds of instruments, harpsichords, clavichords, bowed and plucked violas, and he used to repair the instruments as w ell. .. era grande musico assi de uox boa contra alta. como tambem de fazer todos os estromentos. crauos. manicordios. uiolas darco. e de mao e tambem consertaua. os estromentos . . . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 24 In northern Portugal, the music-instrument industry concentrated especially in the region of Guimaraes, where, according to Alfredo Guimaraes. a i/o/a-maker guild has a documented existence as early as in 1632.2 6 2.3 Early Violas in Brazil Information about viola makers in Brazil during the colonial period is virtually non existent. The majority of the instruments, like most manufactured goods, were imported from Portugal. The document Pauta da Dizima da Alfandega da Villa de Santos pela do Rio de Janeiro anno 1739 reveals that by that year the port of Santos was receiving"7 Common violas. a dozen 6.000 re'is Inlaid violas, each one 800 reis Small violas. a dozen 1.800 reis Violas Comuas aduzia 6S000 Violas marchetadas cada uma S800 Violas pequenas aduzia 1S800 The same document informs us that viola strings were also imported. Another source reveals that as late as 1796, 1.123 violas (at 600 reis) and 389 small violas (at 300 reis) were imported from Portugal through Maranhao. in the northern part of the colony, in 2 6 Alfredo Guimaraes. Violas de Guimaraes 36 (1926): 112-5. Quoted by Oliveira. Instrumentos musicais populares portugueses. 192-3. 2 7 Documentos interessantes para a historia e costumes de S. Paulo vol. 45 (1924). 168. Quoted by Paulo Castagna. "Fontes bibliograficas para o estudo da pratica musical no Brasil nos seculos XVI e X V ir (M.A. thesis. University of Sao Paulo. 1991). 671. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 25 that year alone. The same document shows that one rabecdo (cello) was imported for 32.000 reis and six rabecas (violins) for 3,200 reis each.2 8 Some details about value and use of violas can be gathered from inventories and wills. Paulo Castagna prepared a table about musical instruments mentioned in such documents from 1604 to 1700 (see table 2.1). compiling it from the series Inventories e Testamentos, published by the Instituto Historico e Geografico de Sao Paulo (1920-1 911).1 9 Table 2.1: Musical instruments mentioned in Brazilian inventories and wills (Castagna). Instrument Owner Document Place Date Value in reis Pandeiro (type of tambourine) Vfanuel Chaves Inventory Sao Paulo 10/04/1604 160 Viola Mecia Roiz Inventory Sao Paulo Between 08/01/1605 and 02/04/1606 320 Viola / guitarra Paula Fernandes Inventory Sao Paulo 09/19/1614 640 Citara Francisco Ribeiro Inventory Sao Paulo 08/22/1615 1.280 Viola Joao do Prado Inventory Sao Paulo 09/23/1615 1.280 Viola Balthazar Nunes Inventory Sao Paulo 06/1623 1.280 Citara Francisco Leao Inventory Pamaiba 02/19/1632 480 Harp Si mao da Mota Requeixo Inventory Sao Paulo 03/1650 6.000 Viola Leonardo do Couto Inventory Pamaiba 08/03/1650 320 Viola Sebastiao Paes de Barros Inventory Pamaiba 12/24/1688 2.000 Harp Sebastiao Paes de Barros Inventory Parnaiba 12/24/1688 160 Violas Afonso Dias de Macedo Will Itu 03/20/1700 - 2 8 Jose Antonio Soares de Sousa. “Aspectos do comercio do Brasil e de Portugal no fim do seculo XVTII e comedo do seculo XIX.'' Revista do Instituto Historico e Geografico Brasileiro 289 (October- December 1970): 58. Quoted by Vicente Salles. A nuisica e o tempo no Grao-Para (Belem: Conselho Estadual de Cultura. 1980). 86. 2 9 Paulo Castagna. "O estilo antigo na pratica musical paulista e mineira nos secuios XVIII e XIX" (Ph.D. diss.. University of Sao Paulo. 2000). vol. 1. 215. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 26 The inventory of Paula Fernandes’s belongings, of 1614. shows the interchangeability of the terms viola and guitarra at that time:3 0 Viola - One guitarra was appraised in two patacas, or six hundred and forty reis. Viola - Foi avaliada uma guitarra em duas patacas seiscentos e quarenta reis. In the next year the inventory of Joao do Prado described one viola as having "eight frets of strings,”3 1 which is the number of frets required for the playing of the most common chords in both alfabeto and cifras systems of ciphering. However, music in tablature often requires at least ten frets, sometimes going up to the thirteenth or fourteenth fret. Sixty years before Joao do Prado’s inventory. Juan Bermudo suggested ten frets for the guitar, although he noticed that some people who were limited in their playing did not put on more than five or six.3 2 Gut strings and frets imported from Europe are often mentioned in Argentinean inventories during the Viceroyalty period. These contain also some information on violas, or guitars (they are always referred as guitarras) imported from Brazil and Portugal. In 1676, General Don Gregorio de Luna certified that Lieutenant Jose Sanches de Loria still owed him a large guitar (una guitarra grande) made in Brazil. In 1708 Antonio Amuchastegui. from Puniila, owned a large guitar from Brazil appraised at 16 pesos. Among the personal belongings of Juan Farias, of Capiscuchima. there was a Portuguese guitar, "used but well ’ ° Castagna. "Fontes bibliograficas." 657. 3 1 Ibid.. 658. 3 2 Bermudo. Declaracion de Instrumentos. f. 96 v. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 27 taken care of,” with mother of pearl inlay. Juan Jose Martinez owned in 1752 a large Portuguese guitar, and the inventory of Don Jose Bravo, from Santiago del Estero, of 1796. mentioned a broken guitar made of jacarandd (Brazilian rosewood).” Amuchastegui's Brazilian large guitar had a quite high appraisal, if compared with other types of guitar whose valuation in contemporary inventories oscillates between one and ten pesos. However, in Caracas, in the year 1704. another Portuguese guitar reached a much higher sum in the inventory of Don Juan de Ascanio: 160 reales.3 4 That was probably because besides being a guitarra grande. or large guitar, the instrument had ivory and ebony inlays. Almost all these documents refer to the instruments imported from Portugal or. indirectly from Brazil, as being of the type guitarra grande. Evidently, the qualifier does not refer to the later six-course guitar, but it was probably used to differentiate the five-course instrument from smaller types of guitar, with either five or four string courses, such as the meta-viola, the requinto. the guitarrilla. and the machete. In addition to that, a certain preference for guitars made in Portugal is obvious, maybe because of the quality of the Portuguese instruments. One should consider also that the territorial proximity would facilitate the importation or smuggling of Portuguese instruments into Argentina from Brazil. In any case, these documents corroborate early reports o f interaction between the Spanish and Portuguese Americas, which were happening from the late sixteenth century onward. One of the morality plays of the Jesuit Jose de Anchieta, for example, features a 3 3 Pedro Grenon. Nuestra primera musica instrumental, dates histdricos (Buenos Aires: Libreria La Cotizadora Economica. 1929). Quoted by Richard Pinnell. The Rioplatense Guitar (Westport: The Bold Strummer. 1993). 202-12. 3 4 Alberto Calzavara. Historia de la musica en Venezuela (Caracas: Fundacion Pampero. 1987). 221. Quoted by Pinnell. The Rioplatense Guitar. 209. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 28 “Castilian,” from the Rio de la Plata region— the mouth of Parana River, between today's Argentina and Uruguay. On a more historical note, a letter written by Jesuit Antonio Ruiz de Montoya in 1628 described the passage of a clergyman from Sao Paulo through the Province of Guay ra— today's state of Parana, Brazil, then a Spanish dominion:3 5 A clergyman who was to be ordained came to these reductions [Jesuit settlements] from Sao Paulo in order to be ordained in Paraguay, but he came back because there was no Bishop there, and he was fascinated by the discipline of the Indians, and by hearing the music, and, since he found that it would be good in his country, he carried some music with him Vino a estas reduceiones un clerigo ordenante de la villa de S. Pablo con deseo de acabarse de ordenar en el Paraguay, volviose por no aver obispo. y mui maravillado de ver la policia de los Indios y de oir la musica con averla buena en su tierra y asi llevo alguna musica Contacts between Brazilian “Portuguese” and Argentine and Uruguayan "Castilians” would intensify in the eighteenth century with the development of a business of animal trading— specially cattle and mules— in southern Brazil and the Rio de la Plata region. The Argentinean author of the small play, or sainete. El amor de la estanciera. features a “Portuguese,” probably from Brazil, because of his frequent use of voce (lit. "You”), instead of tu. and the use of verbs in the gerund. Marcos Figueira is depicted as a street seller who put on airs, and is ridiculed throughout the play. In the final scene. Marcos is invited to play the guitar— which he calls viola— to cheer up the wedding ball of his rival:3 6 '5 Jaime Cortesao. ed.. Jesuitas e bandeirantes no Guaira: 1594 - 1640 (Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca Nacionai. 1951). 261. 3 6 Luis Ordaz. ed.. El teatro argentino (Buenos Aires: Centro Editor de America Latina. 1979). 30-1. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 29 CANCHO.- Bring up your guitar, Marcos, For we are going to have a fandango Chepa and Juancho will dance, And so will Cancho and Pancha, his wife. He takes the guitar. MARCOS.- Here is it then, the viola, Very well set and strung: They [the strings] are of nice sound [voices] And stay well in tune. CANCHO.- Traiga su guitarra, Marcos, que un fandango hemos de hacer y ha de bailar Chepa y Juancho, Cancho y Pancha, su mujer. Saca la guitarra. MARCOS.- Aqui ista pois, a viola, mui disposta y encurdada: tein uhas voces galafias e fica muitu ben temprada. In coastal areas o f southern Brazil, those interactions seem to have been more intense. One should remember, though, that the Portuguese dominions used to stretch out as far as the Colonia do Sacramento, today's southern Uraguay. Examples o f musical contacts, or at least influences, are the "fandangos"—an expression that in southern Brazil and the Rio de la Plata basin refers not to the individual dance with the same name, but to all-night dance gatherings, which especially included foot-step dances. In Brazil, however, some o f these dances seem to have been imported from the Azores Islands, and more research is needed in order to clarify the extent and result o f those interactions. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 30 2.4 Other early plucked instruments3 7 2.4.1 Machinho and Machete An instrument called machinho is mentioned as early as the late seventeenth century by Gregorio de Mattos, who puts it in an unfavorable context:3 8 In the way they raise their children They resemble simians. That is why they do not respect them When they grow up. They bring them up with freedom In gambling, and in vices. Persuading them to learn How to play guitar and machinho. Pois no modo de criar aos filhos parecem simios. causa por que nao os respeitam. depois que se veem crescidos. Criam-nos com liberdade nos jogos. como nos vfcios. persuadindo-lhes, que saibam tanger guitarra e machinho. 3 7 This section only includes information on plucked instruments provided with a neck. For a summary of the use of the harp as a continuo instrument in colonial Brazil, see Castagna. “O estilo anti go." 212-44. For an account of salterio-type instruments in Brazil and Portugal see Rogerio Budasz. “Uma tablatura para salterio do seculo XIX." Revista eletronica de musicologia 1. no. 1 (1996): <http://www.cce.ufpr.br/-rem/REMv I. l/vol 1. l/saltport.html> Because of its late appearance. I do not include here information about the Portuguese guitar, a descendent of the English guitar, or guittar [sic), introduced in Portugal by the English colony at Oporto in the late eighteenth century. 3 8 Gregorio de Mattos. Obra Poetica (Rio de Janeiro: Record. 1990). 47. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 31 Mattos refers here to the mestizo upper class of Bahia, who was replacing economically and administratively the old Portuguese landowners, including Mattos's family. The machinho is also mentioned in Guimaraes, northern Portugal in the Regimento de Violeiros, of 1719. Besides machinhos of four and five courses (it is not clear whether these were single or double), the document also mentions meias violas (half violas), and violas pequenas, (small violas), besides what appear to be larger violas: violas de marca grande and de contra borddes3 9 The four-course machinho might have been a descendent of the sixteenth-century four-course guitar, although there is no evidence at that early date of the use of a designation other than viola or guitarra for a small type of plucked viola. The early eighteenth century codex P-Cug M.M. 97 (the Coimbra codex), f. 103v includes a tuning table for a five-course machinho entitled "como se tempera a viola com machinho.” or "how to tune a viola with the machinho." from which one infers that the instrument used to be tuned a tone higher than the viola (see figure 2 .1). Even though other tunings may have existed, it seems that, although small, the machinho was not as small as other types of small viola, such as the requinto, tuned a fifth higher.4 0 The codex does not specify any composition for the machinho. but since the interval-pattem was the same as for the viola, one assumes that at least part of the repertory could be interchangeable. For the same reason, the early machinho— or perhaps the smaller 3 9 Alfredo Guimaraes. Violas de Guimaraes 36 (1926): 112-5. Quoted by Oliveira. Instrumentos musicais populares portugueses. 191. 4 0 Carlo Calvi (Intavolatura di chitarra e chitarriglia [Bologna: Giacomo Monti. 1646: reprint, Florence: SPES. 1980]. 6). suggests an ensemble with three sizes of guitars using four tunings: one chitarra grande, one mezzana a third higher, one mezzana a fourth higher, and one picciola a fifth higher. He does not clarify, however, whether the chitarriglia would correspond to the mezzana. the picciola. or even another type of guitar. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 32 meia viola, or the requinto~could be the Portuguese counterpart to the Italian chitarriglia and the Spanish guitarrilla. Despite the small size of these instruments, the performer is able to play without modification the strummed chords of the alfabeto system, as well as a large portion of the viola repertory in tablature. using the technique por pontos, or fingerstyle. ,'M nrd, s u A ' l i ' # iS ?~ C ’ ; ' ■ r ' r C ' Figure 2.1: Instructions on how to tune the guitarra, and on how to tune the viola with the machinho. Cifras de letras (alfabeto) chart. The designation machete for a small type of viola begins to appear in the late eighteenth century, and as many musical dictionaries suggest, the term most likely refers to the machinho itself. Similarly, the machete is always mentioned in contexts of popular and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 33 folk music.4 1 In 1817, during his six-year excursion through the Brazilian inland. French botanist Auguste de Saint-Hilaire described a machete player at a gathering in a small village, today's city of Castro, state of Parana:4 2 The sergeant gathered the musicians of the surroundings in his lounge, whose floor was neither tiled nor of wood, like the modest taverns in our villages. Among the musicians I heard there, there was a man who played the viola with very good taste, without knowing a note. Another one. master of a little instrument called machete, which is nothing else than a pocket viola. played it in all imaginable positions, having the talent of taking advantage of this. This man made so many grimaces, that a famous performer [acrobat], then known in Paris as le grimacier. would be envious. Nowadays, the term machete applies to several small-size instruments in Portugal and Brazil.4’ With five double courses of steel strings and a total length of approximately 75 cm., it can be found in the states of Bahia and Sao Paulo. Brazil.4 4 Except for the tuning and the use of metal strings, these characteristics seem to match those associated with the early machinho.A S On the other hand, in Portugal the denominations machete, machetinho. and machete de Braga were sometimes given to the instrument more commonly known as braguinha, which might have its origins in Braga, in the north of the country, but which is 4 1 See the section on Joaquim Manuel da Camara, in chapter 3. 4 2 Auguste de Saint-Hilaire. Viagem a Comarca de Curitiba (Sao Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional. 1964). 81-2. Portuguese translation by Carlos da Costa Pereira of the original in French Voyage dans les provinces de Saint-Paul et Sainte Catherine (Paris: Arthur Bertrand. 1851). 4 3 For a detailed description of types of Portuguese violas and cavaquinhos. see Oliveira. Instrumentos Populares Portugueses. 182-210. 4 4 Tiago de Oliveira Pinto. “Gitarre." sec. 3b. "Machete." in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart. 2nd ed. Enciclopedia da Musica Brasileira. s. v. "Machete." 4 5 Pinto. "Machete." gives the following tuning for a steel-strung machete in Bahia: e e '/a 1 a1/ f#' f#1 / b1 b1 . which, except for the second course in f#. is a fifth higher than the viola tuning called natural. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 34 found today on the island of Madeira. Since it has four single strings, the braguinha might be a descendent of the early four-course machinho mentioned in Guimaraes (a city near Braga), in 1719. The same could be said about the Portuguese cavaquinho, a four-string instrument that preceded both the Brazilian cavaquinho and the Hawaiian ukulele.4 6 Emesto Veiga de Oliveira adds the alternative designations machinho (used in the regions of Baixo Minho and Basto). machim, manchete, and marchete for the Portuguese cavaquinho and closely related instruments.4' A probable relative of the early five-course machete, or machinho. is the instrument known on the island of Madeira as rajao. Besides being smaller in size, it has five strings, although single ones. In fact, the Eluciddrio Madeirense. of 1921. attested that by that time the rajdo was also known in the island as machete.** 2.4.2 Bandurra The five-course bandurra, or bandurria in Spanish, used to be a very common plucked instrument in Portugal and Brazil during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Nowadays, although forgotten in these countries, the bandurria thrives in the Hispanic- American world with an added sixth course. 4 6 Oliveira. Instnimentos Musicais Populares Portugueses. 207-8. contains an account of viola makers Manuel Nunes. Augusto Dias and Jose do Espirito Santo, from the island of Madeira, who started the business of manufacturing braguinha-lype cavaquinhos using local woods in Honolulu after 1879. 4 7 Ibid.. 201. 4 8 Fernando Augusto da Silva and Carlos Azevedo de Menezes. Eluciddrio Madeirense (Funchal: Tipografia Esperan^a. 1921-22). vol. 2. 365-6. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 35 The bandurra is usually played with a plectrum, and, even more than the machete, is always related to folk and popular practices, which is probably the reason it does not appear in the surviving documentation on viola making in Portugal. Juan Jose Rey, author of the most comprehensive study on the bandurria, explains that in past centuries there were no standard models for the instrument, for, among other things, it could also be played fingerstyle and have single strings.4 9 Iffia la d t G folreutporla Bandurria. Natural*. 9 Sufyjbtnidas % B moLidar. J T J J T * J JuSubtda. Figure 2.2: Minguet e Yrol’s instructions for playing the bandurra. 4 9 Juan Jose Rey, Los instrumentos de ptia en Espana (Madrid: Alianza Editorial. 1993). 60. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 36 The codices for viola in the Coimbra University Library and the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation in Lisbon have sections of music for a five-course bandurra, whose characteristics match those described in Pablo Minguet e Yrol’s Reglas v advertencies generates, of 1754 (see figure 2.2). Yrol's bandurria, as well as the Portuguese bandurra, uses double courses of gut strings tuned in perfect fourths: c#1 c#1 / f#1 f#1 / b‘ b‘ / e: e: / a: a:. This pattern of fourths was among Juan Bermudo’s suggestions for tuning a three-course bandurria already in 1555. and is still in use today in the Spanish six-course bandurria. Among seventeenth-century Portuguese reports on the bandurra. some significant ones come from the monastery of Santa Cruz of Coimbra. A regulation of 1605 limited the playing of the bandurra to some specific places:5 0 Because of the indulgence of playing violas, cttaras. and bandurras. which causes too much scandal for secular persons, who complained to us. we mandate that no monk of this order makes use of those instruments in any place, under penalty of serious fine, which the Prelate would execute after being informed. This does not include indoors in farms and estates [outside the monastery], Por aver deuacidad em tanger uiolas. citharas. bandurrias co m.to scandalo dos seculares. de q - nos fizerao queixas, madamos q - nhu Religioso da nossa ordem uze dos tais instrum.tos em nhu lugar sob pena de culpa graue. aqual o Prelado sabendo executant sob a mesma pena. O q~ nao entendemos nos graias e quintas da[s] portas adentro. Although forbidden inside the monastery, the playing of plucked instruments was allowed in other properties of the order. A provision of 1615 stipulated that even in these locations, the monks should avoid having their musical gatherings being seen and heard by 5 0 Autos do Definitorio. . . de 605. f. 20v. Quoted by Pinho. Santa Cruz de Coimbra. 78-9 n42. 148- 9. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 37 the local population.5 1 Evidently, these regulations show more than anything else how customary it was for the monks to entertain themselves by playing bandurras, violas and citaras. Among the musical manuscripts of the University Library in Coimbra there are some vilancicos of the negro, or guineo type. In one of these, written in 1643, one of the voices, impersonating an African youngster, sings “let us play it on the little bandurra, on the floor, on the little bagpipe. let us play it with the foot in the hand, from guguluga. from tao balalao" after which follow some lines of music with no underlaid lyrics.5 2 Manuel Carlos de Brito had speculated that this vilancico could have been sung with the accompaniment of the instruments mentioned in its lyrics, maybe in a semi-dramatic performance.5 3 A sign of the high esteem in which the Coimbra monks regarded the bandurra, is the fact that the codex P-Cug M.M. 97. which has a section of music in tablature for the instrument, seems to have been acquired from the monastery of Santa Cruz.5 4 Many of the pieces there notated are popular dance types, including some of African influence, which 5 1 Ibid.. 149. 5 2 Manuel Carlos de Brito, ed.. Vilancicos do seculo XVI do mosteiro de Santa Cruz de Coimbra (Lisbon: Funda^ao Calousie Guibenkian. 1983). 21-2: "toquemo no bandurinha. nos soalho. nos gaitinha. toquemo co pe na mao." 5 3 Manuel Carlos de Brito. “Partes instrumentais obrigadas na polifonia vocal de Santa Cruz de Coimbra." in Estudos de Histdria da Miisica em Portugal (Lisbon: Editorial Estampa. 1989). 61. Brito also points that sometimes there is a semi-dramatic indication of instrumental intervention, for example in the phrase “os neglos de Sto. Thome' tocam os instrumentos." or "the blacks of Sao Tome' play the instruments." 5 4 Nei Travassos Cortez, personal communication. February 1996. The ultimate origin of the codex, however, does not seem to be the monastery. Its compiler. Jose Cameiro Tavares Lamacense. calls himself a licenciado. or a graduate with a permit to teach: Lamacense is the resident of Lamego. a city north of Coimbra, near Oporto. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 38 might explain in part why a monk playing bandurra in public was seen by some as so scandalous. The cumbe on f. 105v is one of these pieces of African or African-Brazilian influence, [t also illustrates a typical style of plectrum playing, with a predominance of melodic lines interspersed with a few chords, but with very little or no polyphony at all (see example 2.3). The same style is found in more complex pieces, such as the fantasias from another Portuguese source for bandurra, now at the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, in Lisbon. Besides the usual Iberian dance-types and supposedly African-influenced dances, the section for bandurra in this volume has a number of more serious pieces, such as fantasias and partidas. showing how versatile the instrument could be. * Example 2.3: A bandurra setting of the cumbe in the Coimbra codex. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 39 The bandurra is also found in colonial Brazil. In one of his poems, Gregorio de Mattos mentioned the bandurrilha, which was probably a smaller type of bandurra.'5 In 1759, Domingos do Loreto Couto stated that Father Joao de Lim a-earlier a chapel master in Bahia and an acquaintance of Mattos— played among other instruments, viola, ci'tara, and bandurrilha5 ( 1 The only extant Portuguese sources for bandurra are for solo instrument, and evidence suggest that also in Spain it was used mainly in instrumental music. However, even considering its high pitch, the instrument could have been used for accompaniment, as Gongora's lines seem to suggest:5 7 Now that I am quiet I want to sing to my bandurria What in a more serious instrument I would sing with nobody to hear me. Ahora que estoy de espacio Cantar quiero en mi bandurria Lo que en mas grave instrumento Cantara. mas no me escuchan. There were bandurra players also well regarded as song composers. A bandurra player from Bahia, for example, a certain Ignacio mentioned by Jose Mazza in the late eighteenth century, is said to have been a good player of the instrument— hence his nickname 5 5 Mattos. Obra Poetica. 172. 5 0 Domingos do Loreto Couto. Desagravos do Brasil e Glorias de Pernambuco (Recife: Prefeitura da Cidade do Recife. 1981). 385-6. 5 7 Miguel Querol. Cancionero Musical de Gongora (Barcelona. 1975). Quoted by Rey. Los instruments de ptia en Espana. 62. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 40 “the bandurra"— and a composer of modas (songs) for two and more voices.5 8 And the Portuguese poet Bocage mentioned the composer of modinhas (a type of love song) Joaquim Manuel da Camara as someone who. besides machete and viola, used to play the "vile bandurra."5 9 2.4.3 Citara Much of what is known about the context in which the bandurra flourished applies also to the citara. The citara is mentioned along with the bandurra in the regulations of the monastery of Santa Cruz of Coimbra, and it is cited by Loreto Couto as being played by important musicians in northern Brazil— some of them bandurra players as well— by the late seventeenth century. But there were notable differences among these instruments. The Diccionario de Autoridades (1737). defines cithara as a:6 0 Musical instrument, somewhat similar to the guitar, but a little smaller and round. It has wire strings and it is played with a trimmed quilt, like the ones that are used for writing in boldface. Instrumento musico, semejante algo a la guitarra: pero mas pequerio y redondo. Tiene las cuerdas de alambre. y se tocan con uma pluma cortada. como para escribir de gordo. 5 8 Jose Mazza. Diciondrio Biografico de Musicos Portugueses (Lisbon: Occidente. 1944-5). 27. 5 9 Manuel Maria Barbosa du Bocage. Opera Omnia vol. 1. “Sonetos." ed. Hemani Cidade (Lisbon: Bertrand. 1969). 93. 8 0 Diccionario de autoridades (Madrid: Real Academia Espaiiola. 1737: facsimile edition. Madrid: Gredos. 1963). vol. 1. 363. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 41 The same dictionary regards it as its synonym the term citola, which appears already in twelfth-century Gallician-Portuguese poetry, probably referring at that time to a type of the so-called guitarra latina, which is depicted in many Peninsular illuminations of the period. The instrument that the citoleiro Estevao Domingues used to play around 1444. according to a document of dom Afonso V, was probably closer to that citara described in the early seventeenth century.0 1 In any case, the instrument mentioned by this name in seventeenth- and eighteenth- century Portuguese and Brazilian documents surely was the citara described in the Diccionario de Autoridades.6 2 Eighteenth-century Portuguese dictionaries defined the citara in similar terms. In 1712. Raphael Bluteau says that the citara has little distinction from the lute, and has brass strings that are played with a feather.0 3 A later dictionary by Antonio de Morais Silva (1789) speaks of the neck of the ciVara— longer than the viola's— its wire strings, and its brass frets, some full, others covering half of the fret board.0 4 These features match Minguet e Yrol's description in his 1754 compilation of little treatises, as well as two early-eighteenth-century manuscript volumes with music in tablature for the citara. The first one. compiled by Sebastian Aguirre, is in the private collection of the 0 1 Viterbo. Subsiciios. 181. 6 2 In another meaning or the term. Sebastian de Covarrubias. Tesoro de la lengua castellana (Madrid Ediciones Turner. 1984 [1611]. 427). says that the citara was “a bowed vihuela with many strings." and "also known as lira." Covarrubias was evidently thinking of the lira da braccio. In Brazil there has been some confusion between the citara and some types of plucked instruments without neck, such as the salterio and the dulcimer. 0 3 Raphael Bluteau. Vocabulario portuguez e latino (Coimbra: Collegio das Artes da Companhia de Jesus. 1712). vol. 2. 331. 0 4 Antonio de Morais Silva. Dicionario da lingua portuguesa (Lisbon. 1789). vol. 1. 279. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 42 late Mexican musicologist Gabriel Saldivar (codex Saldivar no. 2).6 5 Another instruction manual for the citara is the Ramillete florido, by a certain fray Benito, a volume of 458 pages written around 1735.6 6 Aguirre’s codex prescribes three strings for each one of the four courses (see tigure 2.3), and all three manuals agree with the following reentrant interval pattern for the open strings: b1 b1 b‘ / a 1 a1 a' / d2 d2 d2 / e2 e2 e2 (see figure 2.4). J © cm o flra tio n dccldiapadon dccflc ioftrum cilo r . * H i M l ^ u c r d a s . Figure 2.3: Fretboard of a citara. from Aguirre’s treatise. 6 5 Craig Russell. "New Jewels in Old Boxes: Retrieving the Lost Musical Heritage of Colonial Mexico.” Ars Musica Denver 7. no. 2 (Spring 1995): 13-38. 6 6 Loihar Siemens Hernandez. “Fuentes bibliograficas para el estudio de la citara y su repertorio en Espana (siglos XVIII-XIX).” in De musica hispana etaiiis (Santiago de Compostela: Umversidade de Santiago de Compostela. 1990). vol. I. 259-75. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 43 r D e m o s t r a d o n d t las P u n t os eom unu de laCitara.- . „ 2- 3. . + . f . ? 7 8 P * A B G H F D F Ha_Oa. I_ C JfmpU ■ ynjiigwgn » - - -vi ■ w - - -» • r ? > ( ■ » v I D ia p q fo m q u t d tm u fjkrct los Sianos.qutcorrffyondtndju* cut 1_ _a_ _ _ a_ — _ a ._ _ *_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ a_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _a_ — ■ 1 _ _ e_ _ _s_ rd a s.y trq/itr. _ ^ * * ■ * " T "1 ' i f < r .‘ . . MS1 f » W * Z t * . M ' — - — ^ t - U ■ ■ : “ * C l - T V I zw c. _ ' E M _ * 1 ~ ~ nW c 1 1 7 | • r * 1 IP S" |7tyfairl 2 3 _4_ _ _ _ £_ 9 7 8 a A “ 1 0 11 12 13 14 15 W B P 1 6 * A i j Figure 2.4: Cifras. tuning chart and tablature key for the citara. from Minguet e Yrol’s treatise. Although forgotten today, the citara had a long life in Brazil, being mentioned from the early seventeenth to the late nineteenth century. In Sao Paulo, the inventory of Francisco Ribeiro (22 August 1615), mentioned a cithara com uma roda de rendas e outra meia. or a "citara with one wheel of laces [i.e., a rosette] and another half one." appraised in 1.280 reis!" Another citara (in the original cithara and sitra) was sold in 1632 for 480 re'is.M In the following century, it appears in the hands of Father Antonio da Silva Alcantara (b. 1712) from Olinda (Pernambuco), who. according to Loreto Couto. composed "sonatas for violins (rebecas), for harpsichord and for citara."6 9 In the nineteenth century, the citara was one of the main instruments for the accompaniment of popular songs— the modinhas— as reported by several chroniclers. Lopes Gama, also from Pernambuco, stated in 1843 that in the days of his youth it was customary for people to play and sing “not arias by 6 1 Castagna. "Fontes bibliograficas." 658. 6 8 Ibid.. 661. 6 9 Couto. Desagravos do Brasil e Glorias de Pernambuco. 374-5. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 44 Rossini and Bellini at the piano, but modinhas in duet [modinhas a duo], accompanied by the citara or the v/o/a,”and that "each educated maiden used to play the salterio or the citara, which had more than one cubit [55 cm] of neck."7 0 Lopes Gama’s report brings the key to understanding the fading of the citara in Brazil. Unlike the viola, the citara did not have a parallel life as a folk instrument. The urban middle class used to employ it in connection with a repertory that was becoming old- fashioned. Besides that, in urban centers, the citara, along with other plucked instruments, was being eclipsed by the piano, which in the bigger southern cities had already taken the center stage of the musical life. 2.4.4 Lute Documented information about the lute (alaiide. laikle) in Portugal begins to appear in the first half of the fifteenth century, which is somewhat late if compared to northern countries. In a royal document of January 15 1442. king dom Afonso V provided a tax exemption for harps, lutes (alaudes) and guitars that some people used to bring to Santarem, near Lisbon, provided that the instruments were for their own use and not for sale.7 1 Dom 0 Jose Antonio Gonsalves de Mello. O carapuceiro: O Padre Lopes Gama e o Diario de Pernambuco 1840-1845 (Recife: FUNDAJ. 1996). 52. quotes: One used to play and sing, not arias by Rossini and Bellini on the piano, but rather modinhas a duo. accompanied on the citara or the viola . . . Every well-educated lady could play the salterio and the citara. which had a neck of more than one cubit. Tambem se tocava e cantava. nao arias de Rossini ou Bellini ao piano, porem modinhas a duo. acompanhadas na citara ou na viola .. . Toda a moqa de maior porte tocava salterio ou a tal citara. que tinha mais de um covado de braqo. 7 1 Quoted by Ribeiro. As guitarras de Alcacer. 24. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 45 Afonso V also had at his service a lutenist (tamjedor dalaacle), Lopo de Condeixa. to whom he donated a considerable piece of land in 1459.7 2 One cannot be certain whether these instruments were of the Arabic type, the a l’ud, although that was surely the case with the ones mentioned by Damiao de Gois in the early sixteenth century, when he reported that king dom Manuel had “Moorish musicians who used to sing and play with their lutes and tambourines [pandeiros]."'3 Although not frequently, lutenists continue to appear in official documents during the following centuries. In 1547 dom Joao III freed a black man from Benin called Pero, who had been a slave of Diogo de Madril. a lutenist (tangedor dallaade)."1 And in 1619 a Flemish lutenist named Mathias (M atia) from Antwerp experienced some trouble with the Holy Inquisition while in Lisbon. 5 The scarcity of information about the lute in Portugal corresponds in essence to the same phenomenon observed in other parts of the Iberian peninsula. In Spain and Portugal the preferred plucked instrument was the six-course vihuela. or viola de mao, which shared with the lute a notation system and much of the repertory. Even after the vanishing of the six- course viola de mao the lute repertory continued to find its way into Portugal: as late as the early eighteenth century, pieces originally composed for the lute, such as the Gaultier's Allemande L'Immortelle, and the anonymous Tombeau de M azarin, appear transcribed for the five-course viola in the codex P-Cug M.M. 97. 7 2 Viterbo. Subsidios. 134-6. 7 3 Quoted by Luis de Freitas Branco. Histdria da Musica Portuguesa (Mem Martins: Pubiica^oes Europa-America. 1995). 95. 7 4 Viterbo. Subsidios. 355. 7 5 Ibid.. 370-1. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 46 2.4.5 Theorbo Besides late-seventeenth-century reports by the Jesuit Anton Sepp in the Spanish ruled region of Tapes— today the state of Rio Grande do Sul. southern Brazil— the only information about the theorbo in colonial Brazil comes from Loreto Couto in his list of the instruments that Joao de Lima played.'6 However, because of its singularity, this note has to be examined with caution. It could simply refer to a larger type of guitar. If it was really a theorbo, it might have been introduced during the twenty-four years of Dutch rule in Pernambuco, Lima's homeland. Regardless of how the instrument might have been introduced in Brazil~if it was— it had a very short life in the colony, for it was completely erased from the memory of chroniclers and never appeared in official documents. Just as elusive is the theorbo in Portugal. The codex P-Cug M.M. 97 is bound along with a printed edition of Giovanni Pittoni's Intavolatura di Tiorba. opera printa (Bologna. 1669) but it is now known when the book might have entered the country and. more importantly, whether its music was ever played in Portugal. The theorbo is mentioned in the early-eighteenth century cantata humana ‘Tiorba Cristalina" by the Catalan Jayme de la Te y Sagau (c l680-1736), who lived in Lisbon after 1708. As with many cantatas of the period, the bass line, with some occasional figuring, is suitable for a melodic bass and a continuo instrument such as the theorbo.7 7 One of the sources of this cantata is the codex Livro de Rusitados. in the Biblioteca National in Lisbon (Colecqao Pombalina. MS 82, ff. 75r-78v). 7 6 Couto. Desagravos do Brasil e Glorias de Pernambuco. 386. 7 7 As recently illustrated in a recording by Manuel Morais and the Segreis de Lisboa. Musica na Corte de dom Joao V. Movieplay MOV 3-11052. 1997. compact disc. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 47 However, an attempt at a drawing of the instrument on f. 75r resembles more a type of theorbo-guitar. The presence of the theorbo in continuo ensembles, along with guitars and harps, is documented in the Spanish theatre throughout the seventeenth century.7 8 However, there is no mention of the theorbo in the secondary literature about the much more limited theatrical activity in Portugal during the same period. In both secular and sacred music the harp was the continuo instrument par excellence in Portugal and Brazil until the early eighteenth century. 7 8 See Louise K. Stein. "Accompaniment and Continuo in Spanish Baroque Music." in Espaiia en la musica de occidente (Madrid : Instituto Nacional de las Artes Escenicas y de la Musica. Ministerio de Cultura. 1987). vol. I. 357-70. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 48 3 EARLY VIOLAS AND ITS PLAYERS 3.1 Portugal In a few words, the twenty-one years that Portuguese adventurer Femao Mendes Pinto spent in Asia could be described as a succession of misfortunes. There were some turnabouts, though. If in one year he was shipwrecked, taken prisoner, even sold as a slave, in another year he had enough resources to help St. Francis Xavier to build a church. One of the worst years was 1544. when he found himself as a beggar in Beijing, along with Gaspar Meireles, an unfortunate fellow countryman who happened to be a viola player:' Since Gaspar Meireles was a musician, who played the viola and sang quite reasonably, which are very pleasant things to these people because they spend their time in banquets and pleasures of the flesh, they appreciated him very much, and he was called upon several times to these events, from which he always brought back some alms, with which we fended for ourselves. E como este Gaspar Meirelez era musico. & tangia hua viola. & cantava muyto arrezoadamente. que sad partes muyto agradaveis a esta gente. porque o mais do tempo gastao em banquetes & delicias da came, gostavao aly muyto delle, & era muytas vezes chamado para estas cousas. das quais sempre trazia hua esmola com que o mais do tempo nos remediavamos. What was that viola like? It was most likely a six-course instrument related, if not identical, to the Spanish vihuela. It was the most appreciated plucked instrument in Portugal during the sixteenth century by both the nobility and the lower classes. And Portuguese 1 Femao Mendes Pinto. Peregrinaqao (Lisbon: Pedro Craesbeeck. 1614: reprint. Lisbon: Castoliva Editora. 1995). 137. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 49 sailors and travelers usually carried violas on their trips to Africa, America and Asia, which helped to introduce the instrument throughout the globe already in the sixteenth century. This chapter will trace several mentions of the viola in Portuguese and Brazilian sources from the sixteenth to late eighteenth centuries, attempting to relate the instrument and its players with its socio-cultural context and musical developments. Viola was the Portuguese term to designate both the six-course Spanish vihuela (similar to the Italian viola da mano). and, from the late sixteenth century onwards, the five- course guitar. While some distinction between the viola and the guitarra is implied in some sixteenth-century sources (see chapter 2), the terms are mostly interchangeable during the seventeenth century. The viola was the most frequently mentioned musical instrument in sixteenth- century Portuguese sources. Gil Vicente <cl465-c!537) depicts in his plays several characters singing and accompanying themselves on the viola. Sometimes there is a hint that knowing how to play the viola was a desirable quality for an educated person, or someone wanting to be seen that way. The squire, for example, who appears in several of his plays, is usually a viola player, as seen here in the Auto de Ines Pereira ( 1523):: I know well how to read And very well how to write And I'm a good ball player. As for playing the viola. Soon you will hear me playing. Sey bem ler e muyto bem escreuer, e bom jugador de bola. e quanto a tanger viola, logo me ouuireis tanger. 2 Gil Vicente. Auto de Ines Pereira. (Lisbon: Editorial Comunicaqao. 1991). 88. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 50 Luys Milan included several intabulations of Portuguese songs for voice and vihuela in his 1536 book El Maestro. The often-quoted preface praises the musical taste of the Portuguese people.3 and the book itself was dedicated to the Portuguese king, dom Joao III, who then gave Milan the title of gentil homem and a reasonable stipendium.4 However, there is no evidence that Milan had ever visited Portugal.5 Almost as many times mentioned as Milan's preface has been the supposed stay in the Portuguese court of dom Sebastiao of another Spanish vihuela player. Miguel de Fuenllana. Like his grandfather dom Joao III. dom Sebastiao became known outside Portugal as a patron of music, for Francisco Guerrero, too, dedicated his First book of Masses (1566) to him. Some decades ago. Macario Santiago Kastner stated that after the death of Isabela of Valois, wife of Felipe II. Fuenllana moved to Portugal, where, in 1574. he was hired as chamber musician to dom Sebastiao.6 These statements, which already have 3 Luys Milan. El maestro, ed. Charles Jacobs (University Park. Penn.: Pennsylvania Slate University. 1971). 12. Translation by Charles Jacobs: The sea into which I have thrown this book is fittingly the kingdom of Portugal, which is the sea of music— since [ihere| they esteem and also understand it so much. La mar donde he echado este libro es piamenle el reyno de Portugal, que es el mar dela musica: pues enel tanto la estiman: y tambien la entienden. 4 Juan Bermudo. too. dedicated to dom Joao III the first book of his Declaraccion de Instrumentos Musicales (Osuna. 1549). 5 Luis de Freitas Branco. Historia da musica portuguesa (Mem Martins: Publicaqoes Europa- America. 1995). 116. and Milan. El maestro. 11. According to Macario Santiago Kastner. Tres compositores lusitanos para instrumentos de tecla: Antonio Carreira. Manuel Rodrigues Coelho. Pedro de Araujo (Lisbon: Funda^ao Calouste Guibenkian). 154. 204. still another Spanish vihuela player. Hernando de Jaen. would have been at the service of the Portuguese king. 6 Macario Santiago Kastner. “Relations entre la musique instrumentale francaise et espagnole au XVIe siecle." Anuario Musical 10(1955), 107. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 51 bewildered Higinio Angles,7 have been recently contested by Charles Jacobs.8 However, both Angles and Jacobs seem to have overlooked Kastner’s sources: the documentation that Sousa Viterbo transcribed in 1932 in his Subsidios para a Historia da Musica em Portugal. which include payment records from 1574 to 1578, mentioning a certain Miguel de Folhana as a chamber musician of dom Sebastiao.9 Besides the Spaniards, also some Portuguese viola players were highly regarded by the nobility of both Iberian countries. Peixoto da Pena, for example, is said to have impressed the court of Carlos V by playing consonantly on an out-of-tune instrument:1 0 in Castile, before the Emperor Carlos V. [Pena] was surprised to see that [the king's] musicians used to spend too much time tuning their instruments before playing. So, as mockery, they gave him an out-of-tune viola, on which he regulated the fingers in such a way that he was able to play successive consonances for a long time, sweetly lifting his listeners in amazement. Higinio Angles. Diccionario de la Musica Labor. 978 comments: Manuel Joaquim (O Cancioneiro Musical e Poetico da Bibiioteca Piiblia Hortensia. Coimbra. 1940. pag. 118. nota) affirms that F. was "chamber musician" of the king of Portugal, dom Sebastiao. I ignore the basis for that statement. Sebastian of Avis ruled Portugal during the years 1557-1578: if F. actually served in Portugal, that should have happened after the death of queen Isabel of Valois, which seems to me rather doubtful. Manuel Joaquim (O Cancioneiro Musical e Poetico da Bibiioteca Publia Hortensia. Coimbra. 1940. pag. 118. nota) afirma que F. fue “miisico da camara" del rey de Portugal D. Sebastiao. Ignoramos el fundamento de esta afirmacion. Sebastian d'Avis reino en Portugal durante los anos 1557-1578: caso. pues. de haber servido F. en Portugal, deberia ser despue's de la muerte de la reina Isabel de Valois, lo que nos parece muy dudoso. 8 Miguel de Fuenllana. Orphenica lyra. ed. Charles Jacobs (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1978). xx. 9 Torre do Tombo. Chancelaria de d. Sebastiao e d. Henrique. Doaqoes. book 40. fol. 158: book 44. fol. 115: book 36. fol. 12v. Transcribed in Sousa Viterbo. Subsidios para a Historia da Musica em Portugal (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade. 1932). 226-7. 1 0 Mazza. Dicionario de musicos portugueses. 18th-century codex at the Evora Public Library, ed. Jose Augusto Alegria (Lisbon: Occidente. 1945). 39. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. em Castela na prezenqa do Emparador Carlos 5° se admirou de que os seus Muzicos para tocar gastassem m.to tempo em temperar os instrum.tos e por zombaria Ihe derao huma viola destemperada na qual regulou por tal forma os dedos que sobe produzir comsunancias susesivas por largo espa<;o, suspendendo docem.te e ademirando os ouvintes. Years later, in 1578, another player. Domingos Madeira, participated in the ill-fated expedition of dom Sebastiao to Morocco. During the trip. Madeira is said to have caused apprehension among the superstitious crew by playing the romance Ayerfuiste Rey de Espaha. hoy no tienes tin castillo, "Yesterday you were king of Spain, today you don’ t have a castle."1 1 He was captured after the battle of Ksar el Kebir. Fortunately, his family was able to pay the ransom and he returned to Portugal. Dom Sebastiao. however, was killed in that battle, leaving no heir and thus ending the Avis dynasty. The Spanish king. Felipe II. claimed the Portuguese crown, and Portugal would regain her independence only in 1640. Although there is no surviving work of the sixteenth-century Portuguese viola players, it is still possible to approach indirectly some of that repertory. Many of the vilancetes and cantigas found in Portuguese cancioneiros were also intended to be performed by voice and viola, sometimes the singer and the player being the same musician. This is confirmed not only by contemporary literature, but also by the fact that many of these vilancetes and cantigas are found intabulated in Spanish vihuela sources. The instrumental performance of motets and Mass sections was fairly common among Spanish vihuela players, as one might infer from the large number of intabulations of works by Josquin, Morales, and Guerrero, among others. Some polyphonic works by Portuguese composers have received similar treatment, a practice that could be recreated by today’s players. A good example is Alonso de Mudarra’s intabulation of Clamabat autem mulier cananea. a 1 1 Viterbo. Subsidios. 346. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 53 five-voice motet by Pedro de Escobar, a Portuguese composer also known as Pedro do Porto (cl465-after 1535). Mudarra's version for voice and vihuela appeared in his 1546 book, six years after being intabulated for keyboard by Gonzalo de Baena.1 2 Nicolau Doizi de Velasco was one of those Portuguese musicians who decided to move to Spain during the sixty years of Spanish rule. In 1640, when he published the Nuevo Moclo de Cifra, he was in Naples, in the service of the Duke of Medina de las Torres. Velasco's instrument was the five-course guitar, known in Portugal by the same term, viola, although the term guitarra was sometimes used. In Portugal, as in the rest of Europe and the Iberian colonies, the six-course instrument was totally eclipsed in the seventeenth century by the five-course guitar, much more suitable to the new musical taste and the new harmonic style then in development. In 1613. when Miguel de Cervantes assured that the guitar was "the easier and less expensive of the instruments."1 2 he was evidently thinking of the large number of less- trained players who accompanied romances and dances using only a limited number of chords, and not always the correct ones. The diffusion of the alfabeto system of chord notation also contributed to this state of things, and that was still the case around 1640. when 1 2 Regarding Luis de Victoria, chamber musician of dom Luis, brother of dom Joao III. Sousa Viterbo. Subsidios. 576 transcribes the following information from a document at the Torre do Tombo: The Infante had a musician called Luis de Victoria, an excellent viola payer, who composed a Credo and played and sang it to the Infante, to whom it appeared so good that he made him merce [an honorific title). O infante tinha hum musico chamado Luis de Victoria, excelente tangedor de viola, o qual compoz hum credo e tangeho e cantouho ao Infante, a quern pareceo tarn bem que Ihe fez por isso merce. 1 3 Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Obras Completas. vol. 2. "Novelas Ejemplares" (Madrid: Aguilar. 1975). 161. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 54 Velasco regretted that, because of their limited repertory, some players often used wrong chords when playing passacalles and tonos. Because of that, Velasco proposed himself the task of proving that the guitar was not an imperfect instrument, as some people used to think due to the abundance of mediocre players:1 4 for passacalles and playing tonos by ciphers, some by numbers, others by letters, so limited that they lack many consonances, [those players] put in their place other inappropriate and imperfect ones . . . Because of that I spent some hours investigating whether the imperfection of the guitar comes from the guitar itself, or rather from those who do not know the perfection it has. I also wanted to create a new way of ciphering, including all variety of consonances that music usually has, with which one can play any music in twelve different keys. que para passacalles, y taher, tonos por cifras. vnas de nurheros. y otras deletras. tan limitadas. que les faltan muchas consonancias: poniendo en su lugar. otras inproprias. y inperfectas . .. Esto fue caussa, paraque me enplease algunas oras en aueriguar, que la imprefeccion de la Guitarra no naqe della, mas de aquellos. que no conocen la perfeccion. que tiene y tanbien. en hazer vn nueuo modo de Cifra. que juntamente. con incluir ensi toda la variedad de consonancias. que jeneralmente ay en la musica. sirua de poder sacar por ella el taher qualquier musica por doce partes diferentes. Velasco’ s book is exclusively theoretical. It features a few examples of cadences and intervals in staff notation, besides two musical fragments— a chacona and a passacaglia. These were notated according to his own system o f ciphering, by far the most complex in all the guitar literature until the twentieth century. His system comprises 228 chords, nineteen for each of the twelve tones, including major and minor chords, in root position and first inversion, as well as some dissonant chords. Although comprehensive-or maybe because of that-the system was not adopted by the following generations of guitar players. Gaspar Sanz considered Doizi de Velasco’ s system ingenious, but too complicated, precisely because of 1 4 Nicolau Doizi de Velasco. Nuevo modo de cifra (Naples: Egidio Longo. 1640). 2-3. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 55 the great number of chords to memorize: it was much more practical to keep using the alfabeto notation for the simple chords, combining it with Italian tablature in more complex passages. Velasco s is. above all. a system of transpositions. That is made quite clear in the most important section of the book, the musical circles, which allow a musician to play the same music in each one of the twelve "letters.*’1 5 The idea was not new. In the late sixteenth century, Amat had already presented a circle of transpositions. However. Velasco’ s system is more ample, comprising sixteen circles, which explain how to pass through several keys and come back to the starting point. According to Velasco, these vueltas. or laps, might be done by twelve ascending fifths, twelve descending fifths, major and minor thirds, or six major seconds. For each circle with the chords notated in French tablature. there is a circle corresponding to the bass line (not the lowest note, but the root of each chord) in staff notation. Neil Pennington has suggested that the system was helpful in the performance of short songs and dances. Having these circles in mind, the accompanying guitar player could pass easily through two or three of them, before returning to the original key.1 6 Because of its fretted neck, the guitar was one of the few instruments suitable for this type of transpositions, as theorist Francisco Vails observed in 1742:1 ' One would notice also the musical circulation, as in most of the organ keyboards, and more closely the Spanish guitar, in which all the semitones are equal. 1 5 Each letter of the alfabeto system corresponds to a different chord. In a broader sense, the term “letter” may also mean "key." or “mode.” 1 6 Neil D. Pennington. The Spanish Baroque Guitar (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press. 1981). 125-6. 1 7 Francisco Vails. Mapa armdnico. 252. Quoted in Pennington. The Spanish Baroque Guitar. 131. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 56 Hallarase tambie'n la circulacion Musical segun los mas de los teclados de los Organos y mas proximamente de la Guitarra Espanola. donde todos los semitonos son iquales. Attesting to the long-lived popularity of such methods of transposition, circles and musical labyrinths would continue to appear in Spanish musical treatises throughout the seventeenth century, and as late as in Ferandiere’ s 1799 guitar book. Antonio Marques Lesbio (ca. 1639-1709), Master of the Portuguese Royal Chapel after 1698, assigned the viola as the accompanying instrument for two of his extant tonos (see figure 3.1). The harp took the job in the majority of his other tonos and vilancicos. A certain Marques is mentioned as the author of several fantasias, rojoes. and chdcaras in the early-eighteenth-century viola codex from Coimbra (P-Cug M.M. 97). The later volume now at the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation in Lisbon (P-Lcg, Serviqo de musica. no catalogue number), ascribes one fantasia for viola to "Antonio Marques, player of the Royal Chapel." And there was another Antonio Marques, a youngster who played the trumpet in the same Royal Chapel some years before, and was praised by the king dom Joao IV in a document of 1656.1 8 1 8 Sousa Viterbo. Subsidios. 362-3. See also Rui Vieira Nery. A Musica no Ciclo da "Bibliotheca Lusitana " (Lisbon: Calouste Gulbenkian. 1984). 150-3. Marques was also a poet, and added “Lesbio" to his last name, after the island of Lesbos, famed for its school of poets. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Figure 3.1: Viola accompaniment of a tono by Antonio Marques Lesbio. Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 58 Even considering how common the name Antonio is in Portuguese, these records most likely refer to the same person. It does not seem very probable that Antonio Marques was a namesake working in the same field, at the same place, during the same time. The late-eighteenth-century manuscript Diccionario Biographico de M usicos Portugueses by Jose Mazza contains additional information on Portuguese and Brazilian viola players. Many of the musicians mentioned there were monks of various religious orders, and composers of sacred music as well. Mazza stated that the finest viola player in Lisbon during his time was a certain Rodrigo Antonio, composer of minuets and toccatas, who had enjoyed some success also in "foreign lands." Like his sixteenth-century counterparts Domingos Madeira and Alexandre Aguiar, Antonio was a chamber musician of the king, who, in 1722, made him cavaleiro fulalgo. literally knight nobleman.1 9 Since the reign of dom Sebastiao. this title represented the lowest level of nobility. According to Mazza. Joao Vaz Barradas Morato. Choir Master at the Basilica of Santa Maria, in Lisbon, wrote several didactic works, mostly dealing with mensural music and plainsong singing.2 0 Mazza does not mention Morato’ s 1762 Regras de musica. a codex now at the National Library, in Lisbon. The volume has a disappointingly short and superficial section on viola making and tuning. Thanks to Charles Burney's journals, some information about the Abate Antonio da Costa ( 1714-after 1780) has survived. Bumey met Costa in Vienna, in 1772, and described him as an accomplished player of a "large Spanish guittar." whose music had a "very 1 9 Mazza. Dicionario. 39. 2 0 Ibid.. 31. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 59 peculiar style: with little melody, but, with respect to harmony and modulation, in the most pleasing and original manner."2 1 The term “guittar." as used by Burney, may suggest that Costa would actually have played the so-called English guitar, then a fairly popular instrument in England and Portugal. This instrument, the actual forerunner of the Portuguese guitar, was first introduced in Portugal by the English community at Oporto. In the late eighteenth century, Antonio da Silva Leite and Manuel Jose Vidigai published several solo and chamber works, and Leite even published a treatise for it. Similarly. Antonio Pereira da Costa. Chapel Master of the See of Funchal, on the Island of Madeira, had his Twelve Serenatas fo r the Guittar printed in London around 1755. The possibility that Antonio da Costa and Antonio Pereira da Costa were the same person was first proposed in 1971 by Filipe de Sousa, but later rejected by Manuel Carlos de Brito." Charles Bumcy. An eighteenth-century• musical tour in Central Europe and the Netherlands, ed. Percy A. Scholes (London: Oxford University Press. 1959). 89. Original title: The Present State of Music in Germany, the Netherlands and United Provinces (London: Printed for T. Becket and others. 1775). 2 2 In support of his theory. Filipe de Sousa ("Quem foi Antonio Pereira da Costa." Coloquio Artes 13. no. 2 [1975]: 51-2) points to the "ecclesiastical status and the similarity of their names." their "contemporarily, and the fact that the Abate's life is mostly unknown—which allows one to speculate that he might have lived in Funchal." Because the editor of the Serenatas is the same as that of some of Burney's works. Sousa also suggests that Burney might have been responsible for their publication. The reasoning does not seem entirely convincing for Manuel Carlos de Brito (" ‘A kind of Rousseau, but still more original*: Novos dados sobre o Abade Antonio da Costa." Estudos de Historia da Musica em Portugal [Lisbon: Estampa. 1989]. 140). who rejects the hypothesis on the grounds that at the beginning of 1750 the Abate fled from Portugal to Rome for unknown reasons, while in the middle of the same year. Antonio Pereira da Costa was still Chapel Master of Funchal, on the island of Madeira. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 60 In spite of the use of the term ‘‘guittar," Burney's reference to Costa’ s instrument as Spanish, as well as the observations that he gives on its stringing, seem to point to the viola, rather than the English guitar:2 3 He wanted very much to correct the imperfections of the finger-board of his guittar. which being strung with catgut and having three strings to each tone, he found it frequently happen, that these strings, though perfectly in unison, when open, were out of tune when stopped . . . The description agrees in part with the instrument portrayed in Manuel da Pai.xao Ribeiro's Nova Arte de Viola of 1789. That viola still bears five courses— the fourth and fifth courses had three strings each, instead of two. The string material could be silver and catgut, or silver and steel (each one of the triple courses receives a silver-wound string— a bourdon). Ribeiro's musical examples, mostly minuets and modinhas (diminutive of modas. or songs), arranged in staff notation, illustrate the process of change in the musical taste, which began already some decades before. The transition from the standard seventeenth-century guitar repertory seen in the Coimbra and Gulbenkian tablatures to this repertory of Portuguese love songs and French dances is exemplarily illustrated in the so-called Count of Redondo's book, a third volume of intabulated music for the viola, possibly from the second or third decade of the eighteenth century (P-Ln F.C.R. ms. Ne 1). Rather than fantasias and rojdes (passacalles). the main musical forms and dance types here are minuets and marches. The new musical style, simpler, more linear and regular, requires the reentrant tuning to be discarded in favor of bourdons. In the reentrant tuning— still employed in the 2 3 Burney. An eighteenth-century musical tour. 98. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 61 Coimbra and Gulbenkian books— the fourth and fifth courses sound higher than the third one, thus allowing a complex play of nuances of articulation and timbre color. But by the mid eighteenth century what is important is the clarity and linearity of the discourse, and for that end bourdons are quite effective. It is in this context that the six-course viola, violao in Brazil, began to spread. And it was for this instrument, still with double courses, that another Portuguese. Antonio Abreu. closed the century with the publication, in 1799. of the Escuela para tocar con perfecion la Guitarra de cinco y seis ordenes. 3.2 Brazil Already in their first contact with the Portuguese, the Brazilian natives were curious about European music and musical instruments, as noted in 1500 by Pero Vaz de Caminha in his report of the discovery of Brazil. Notwithstanding the absence of any mention about the viola in Caminha's letter, some decades later Catholic missionaries would use the instrument extensively in their efforts to teach and convert the natives. In the Jesuit schools and settlements, the reduqdes. the viola was used primarily as an accompanying instrument for religious hymns and songs— mostly religious versions of popular songs, or contrafacta— as well as in the feasts, processions, moral theater, and for their personal edification. In addition to that, one should consider the possibility that the skilled players could have used the six- course viola in the instrumental performance of short polyphonic excerpts, a practice common on the Iberian peninsula, and reported in the Paraguayan reducciones during the seventeenth century. Additionally, besides adapting religious lyrics to Iberian melodies, the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 62 missionaries also taught Catholic prayers in the native language, sometimes using native melodies and even native musical instruments. The first Bishop of Brazil, Pero Fernandes Sardinha, did not welcome these early examples of musical interaction between Europe and Brazil. Already in 1552 he reprimanded the Jesuits in Brazil for the practice of what he called "gentilities," particularly the singing and dancing with the natives, and the learning and mimicking of some of their ways of speaking and story-telling. Evidently, the participation in many of such activities was carefully plotted by the missionaries themselves, for respect of the natives' habits and the assimilation of many of these by the Jesuits were part of a strategy of apparent acceptance of their values, after which would follow a gradual substitution of the European ones. Portuguese colonists, who had been arriving in Brazil since the 1530's, kept using the viola as the main accompanying instrument for their cantigas and romances, as well as the folias. one of the few dance-types mentioned by name in sixteenth-century Brazil. The Iberian popular dances, however, were always targets of reproach from both religious and secular authorities. Notwithstanding the frequent condemnations of these abuses— rareiy taken seriously, for they were constantly reissued— the Church admitted some types of dances in processions and feasts. More than that. Church and secular authorities soon realized that they had something to profit by them. By not only allowing, but also by promoting them, they could channel the persuasive power of those activities to their own purposes. Interactions would continue to happen in the seventeenth century, with the intensification of the slave trade from several parts of Africa to Brazil. And the warnings Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 63 against excesses in feasts and processions now reveal a particular concern with activities that promoted the blending of Portuguese colonists with their slaves. By the mid-seventeenth century. African and Iberian cultures had been interacting in Brazil already for some decades, particularly in Bahia. Nobody portrayed these interactions in a more colorful— some would say vulgar— way than Bahian poet Gregorio de Mattos e Guerra (1636-1696). Mattos. who belonged to a wealthy family of landowners, went in 1652 to Portugal, where he earned a law degree from the University of Coimbra, and worked as an attorney and judge. He composed most of his poetry, particularly the satirical lines, after returning to Bahia in 1683. According to the eighteenth-century writer Manuel Pereira Rebelo. Mattos used to sing his stanzas to a viola that he made himself out of a gourd.:4 The viola de caba^o. a Brazilian folk instrument still in use. fits that description. Musical terms appear often in Mattos s lines, some of them referring explicitly to the viola. though almost always hiding some other meaning: A man asks Annie for one cruzado [monetary unit]. For the shoes. And I set it to the viola. In the position of the cruzado [viola position]. He says they are of seven pontos [shoe laces, viola frets]. But. since I play rasgado [strumming; ripping], I do not engage in these pontos [viola frets; issues]. Nor do I leave this agreement. Even if I had not noticed How much you have been buzzing In the banza [banjo; African instrument] of my senses [.] Leaving my viola in pieces: One cruzado would pay. 2 4 Manuel Pereira Rabelo. "Vida do excelente poeta lfrico. o doutor Gregorio de Matos Guerra” (first section of the codex 3576. Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, early 18th century), in Gregorio de Matos. Obra Poetica. ed. James Amado (Rio de Janeiro: Record. 1990). 1264. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 64 Since it was so unfortunate That I played [messed with] the escaravelha [viola pegs, female genitalia] And played on the sound hole [I entered into the hole, puddle]. But. since I already know That your instrument is low [bass, down there] And your strings are so bad. That they break at each passo [musical form; step], I don't strum [rip] you, and 1 don’ t play you finger-style [lace]. I don't tie and I don't untie you. Because by the key you play [touch] me. By the same key I dance [with] you. Go seek other tunings [seasonings]. Because I'm already out of tune [unseasoned]. Um cruzado pede o homem, Anica. pelos sapatos. mas eu ponho isso a viola na postura do cruzado; Diz, que sao de sete pontos. mas como eu tanjo rasgado. nem nesses pontos me meto. nem me tiro desses tratos. Inda assim se eu nao soubera o como tens trastejado na banza dos meus sentidos pondo-me a viola em cacos: O cruzado pagaria. ja que foi tao desgra^ado, que buli com a escaravelha. e toquei sobre o buraco. Porem como ja conheqo, que o teu instrumento e baixo. e sao tao falsas as cordas, que quebram a cada passo. Nao te rasgo. nem ponteio nem te ato, nem desato. que pelo tom que me tanges. pelo mesmo tom te dan^o Busca a outro temperilhos. que eu ja estou destemperado. Here the erotic meaning is hidden behind a skillful play of double-entendres, which reveals familiarity with the guitar jargon, its positions and playing techniques. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 65 In several other poems, Mattos named many of the dances then in vogue in Bahia, sometimes giving details about their choreography. He also reveals a great deal about the situations in which the contacts between blacks and whites happened. For Mattos himself, the usual gathering place was the brothel, but he also mentions other situations, such as the African ceremony of the calundus (see chapter 6), which even wealthy white people used to attend. Jose Ramos Tinhorao pointed to the double danger of such gatherings, for. on the one hand, the Church was concerned with the competition to the official religion, and. on the other hand, the secular power saw in the ethnic and social mixture a menace to the civil order.2 5 The moralist writer Nuno Marques Pereira wrote an often-quoted condemnation of the calundus. but he also warned against the supposed danger of singing profane songs (modas profanas) to the accompaniment of the guitar. In his 1728 Compendio Narrative do Peregrino da America, he tells the story of a certain black man. Joao Furtado. a "famous musician and great viola player." who had supposedly died after singing the then already old song Para que nascestes. Rosa, se tao depressa acabastes. “Why were you bom. Rose, if so soon you were finished.'' The song was so popular, having been so even in the previous century, that even Mattos composed a set of glosas over it. Pereira's observation on the origin of the repertory of those players is amusing:2 6 2 5 The sixth chapter will deal more extensively with these interactions. More detailed information about Brazilian viola players during the early eighteenth century will be given in that section as well. 2 6 Nuno Marques Pereira. Compendio Narrativo do Peregrino da America (Rio de Janeiro: Academia Brasileirade Letras. 1988). vol. 2. 138. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 66 But I am persuaded that it is the Demon who teaches them most of these songs [modas], because he is a great poet, a musician skilled in counterpoint, and a guitar player, who knows how to invent profane songs [modas] to teach those who do not have a fear of God. Father Bento Remigio tells us in his book Moral Practice o f Healing and Confession (page 9, and in another book entitled God Momo) that the Demon having entered into a rustic woman, a priest went to conduct the exorcism of the Church, and, curious, he asked the Demon what did he know. He answered that he was a musician. Soon he asked for a guitar, and he played it in such a manner, and with such dexterity, that it seemed as if a famous player was playing it. Porem, eu me persuado. que a maior parte destas modas lhas ensina o Demonio; porque e ele grande Poeta, contrapontista, musico e tocador de viola e sabe inventar modas profanas. para as ensinar aqueles que nao temem a Deus. Conta o Padre Bento Remi'gio no seu livro Pratica Moral de Curas e Confissoes (pagina 9 e no outro livro intitulado Deus Momo), que entrando o Demonio em uma mulher rustica. foi um Sacerdote a fazer-lhe os exorcismos de uma igreja, e entrando-lhe a curiosidade perguntou ao Demonio o que sabia? Respondeu-lhe, que era musico. E logo Ihe mandou vir uma viola, e de tal maneira a tocou, e com tanta destreza. que parecia ser tocada por um famoso tocador. For the musically uninitiated, the incomprehensible instrumental dexterity-as any other unknown phenomenon-had to be related to some supernatural power, hence the ages- old association of the devil and the skillful musician, be it the Middle-Eastern lutenist. the Italian violinist, or the blues player of the Mississippi Delta. However, Pereira was a guitar player himself, and he seemed to be more concerned with a certain repertory of secular songs then in fashion than the musical instrument or the mastery on it. In fact, for southem-Brazilian families of landowners during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, a certain skill at playing musical instruments— although not professionally— especially the viola and the harp, was equivalent to gifts such as writing poetry and being instructed in the so-called liberal arts. In Nobiliarchia Paulistana, a Iate- eighteenth-century genealogy book of the families of the Captaincy of Sao Paulo. Pedro Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 67 Taques de Almeida Paes Leme mentions two Brazilian viola players who lived in Portugal. The first one was a certain Frei Placido, grandson of Manuel Alvares de Sousa:2 7 Being a Benedictine monk in Brazil, he went to the kingdom of Portugal, where he became a monk of St. Bernard, receiving orders at the monastery of Alcobaqa; and he came back to visit his relatives around the year 1681. He was distinguished in the art of playing the viola, and he was so dextrous that he earned the honor of playing it before the king dom Pedro II. sendo monge benedictino no Brasil, passou ao reino de Portugal, e Ficou monge de S. Bernardo, tomando o habito no real monasterio de Alcoba^a; e voltou a visitar os parentes pelos annos de 1681; e foi eminente na prenda de tanger viola, e tao destro. que mereceu tanger na presenqa do Sr. Rei D. Pedro II. Another player. Francisco Rodrigues Penteado. originally from Pernambuco, had a somewhat less pious story, which still reveals the interest of the wealthy families of the colony in some kind of ito/a-based musical instruction:2 8 And this son Francisco Rodrigues Penteado having been already well instructed in the liberal arts, and being an excellent and charming viola player, and dextrous in the art of music, his father sent him to Lisbon where he would receive an inheritance. The son, however, finding himself in one of the noblest courts in Europe and with the gift of making himself esteemed, he took care only in the devastation of the patrimony he received, consuming it in the good life and with his friends. Reflecting upon his new situation, and realizing that he would not be able to account for the commission with which he left Pernambuco for Lisbon, he embarked in 1648 in a fleet to Rio de Janeiro, with Salvador Correia de Sa e Benevides who. having to leave for Angola in order to reconquer it from the Dutch, left him [Penteado] in the city of Rio with the recommendation to instruct on the musical instruments his daughters and his oldest son. Martim Correia, who was of his same age. 2 7 Pedro Taques de Almeida Paes Leme. Nobiliarchia Paulistana Historica e Genealogica. ed. Afonso de E. Taunay (Sao Paulo: Comissao do IV Centenario. 1953). vol. 2. 38. 2 8 Ibid.. vol. 3. 239-40. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 68 E tendo este filho Francisco Rodrigues Penteado, e ja bem instruido em partes iiberais; sendo excelente e com muito mi mo na de tanger viola, e destro na arte de musica; seu pai o mandou a Lisboa sobre dependencia de uma heranqa que ali tinha: o filho porem, vendo-se em uma corte das mais nobres da Europa e com prendas para conciliar estim ates, cuidou so no estrago, que fez do cabedal, que recebeu, consumindo em bom tratamento e amizades. Refletindo depois. que nao estava nos termos de dar satisfaqao da comissao com que passara de Pernambuco a Lisboa, embarcou na frota do Rio-de-Janeiro com Salvador Correia de Sa e Benevides em 1648, o qual tendo de passar a Angola, como passou para a restaurar dos hoiandeses, o deixou na cidade do Rio muito recomendado pelo interesse de Ihe instruir nos instrumentos musicos a suas filhas. a ao Filho mais velho Martim Correia com quern estava unido pela igualdade dos anos. As Leme continues. Penteado moved to Sao Paulo in order to marry the daughter of one of its wealthiest citizens, and became himself a landowner. Penteado died in 1673. In a manuscript dated 1757. Domingos Loreto Couto compiled some information about composers and viola players who lived in the Northeastern regions of Bahia and Pernambuco in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Among these he listed black musicians, such as Felipe Nery da Trindade and his brother Manuel de Almeida Botelho. The latter was bom in 1721 and moved to Lisbon in 1749. probably never returning to his homeland, for no additional records survive in Brazil. According to Couto, he gained the good graces of both the Patriarch of Lisbon, dom Tomas de Almeida, and the Marquis of Marialva. Couto lists some of Botelho's compositions, whose titles give us a glimpse into the musical forces and forms then in fashion in both the colony and the kingdom:*9 His works and musical compositions received singular acceptance among the best teachers of Portugal. The most important of these are a Mass for four voices and two violins; the psalm Lauda Jerusalem for four voices, two violins, and horns; three Tantum Ergo, a quatro with violins [rabecas]; and one for two choirs; several sonatas and toccatas for both viola and 2 9 Dom Domingos Loreto Couto. Desagravos do Brasil e Glorias de Pernambuco (Recife: Prefeitura da Cidade do Recife. 1981). 376. manuscript at the Lisbon's Biblioteca Nacional. MS F.G. 873. I Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 69 harpsichord; five motets and one four-voice Miserere for the Holy Week, which the mestre de solfa Joaquim Borges used to use in his functions, after performing it at his house. Besides these works, he composed in Lisbon several other cantilenas, such as duos, minuets, tonos, and so forth, which earned the approval and affidavit of Caetano Monsi. from Italy, and a distinguished singer and composer of the Patriarchal See of Lisbon. As suas obras, e composiqoens musicas tiverao singular aceitaqao entre os melhores professores de Portugal, sendo as principaes hua missa a quatro vozes. e dous violinos. O psalmo lauda Jerusalem a quatro vozes, dous violinos, oboe e trompas. Tres, Tantum ergo, a quatro com rabecas. e hum a dous choros. Varias sonatas, e tocatas tanto para viola, como para cravo. Cinco mottetes, e hum miserere a quatro vozes de composiqao modulada para a semana santa. que provando-se em caza do mestre da solfa Joaquim Borges usava d'elles nas suas funqoens. Alem das referidas obras compos em Lisboa outras muitas cantilenas, como duos, minuetes, tonos. etc. acreditadas com a aprovatjao. e testemunho de Caetano Monsi. italiano de naqao. e insigne cantor, e compositor da S. Igreja Patriarchal de Lisboa. No work ascribed to him has so far been recovered, but the Conde de Redondo codex, with its minuets and songs, might give us an approximate idea of the type of repertory that Botelho composed and played. Likewise, some parallels could be traced with Lesbio’ s above-mentioned tonos. Mazza reports that another black composer from Pernambuco. Luiz Alvares Pinto (1719-1789), was a good accompanist on the viola.}0 Pinto spent some years in Lisbon as well, studying with Henrique da Silva Negrao. Unlike many other eighteenth-century composers of Northeastern Brazil, some his compositions actually survived (though not for the viola), such as the Te Deum, and the singing treatises A Arte de Solfejar( 1761). and Muzico e Mode m o Systerna para Solfejar sem Confuzdo (1776). Domingos Caldas Barbosa and Joaquim Manuel da Camara belong to another branch of black Brazilian musicians, composers of secular songs— modinhas and lundus— and 3 0 Mazza. Dicionario. 33. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 70 not sacred music.3 1 Both were active in Lisbon during the last years of the eighteenth century, and their success angered, to say the least, members of the cultural establishment of that city, such as the poets Nicolau Tolentino de Almeida and Manuel Maria Barbosa du Bocage. However, recent researches on Barbosa's life point to the fact that, although he was acknowledged as a skillful poet-improviser, there is hardly any contemporary testimony about his viola playing. Though Joaquim Manuel’s life is still more elusive, some information about his viola playing has survived. In one of his typically biting sonnets, du Bocage addresses Manuel with a series of racial slurs, though acknowledging his musical skills:3 2 To a famous mulatto Joaquim Manuel, A great viola player and improviser of modinha. This man [lit. big goat] who lives his life shrieking. Who was breastfed and got thrashed in Brazil. The vile player [lit. the one who tires out] of the vile bandurra. The dog that never gets stuck in the strings: The vile monster that you produced, o Land Wherein Nature punches noses. That brings harmonic voids With black voice, a war against patience: The one whose snout comes from his mother dog. The one whom foolish ladies applaud more than Mirra [Myrrh?], The one who did not come from a free black woman: 3 1 There is an extensive bibliography about the modinha and the lundu. of which Manuel Veiga published the review ”0 estudo da modinha brasileira." Latin American Music Review / Revista de Musica Latino Americana 19. no. I (Spring/Summer 1998): 47-91. Two important anthologies were recently published: Manuel Morais and Rui Vieira Nery ed.. Modinhas, Lundus and Canqonetas: 18th and I9th centuries (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional — Casa da Moeda. 2000): Maria Joao Duraes Albuquerque ed.. Jomal de Modinhas: Ano I (Lisbon: Instituto da Biblioteca Nacional e do Livro. 1996). 3 2 Manuel Maria Barbosa du Bocage. Opera Omnia vol. 1. “Sonetos." ed. Hemani Cidade (Lisbon: Bertrand. 1969). 93. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 71 The one who tunes even more when one coughs. He deserves, instead of philosophical phlegm, A butt, a “scram.” an arre, an irra [nonsensical inteijections]. A um celebre mulato Joaquim Manuel. grande tocador de viola e improvisador de modinha. Esse cabra ou cabrao, que anda na berra. Que mamou no Brasil surra e mais surra. o vil estafador da vil bandurra. O perro. que nas cordas nunca emperra: O monstro vil que produziste. 6 Terra Onde narizes Natureza esmurra. Que os seus nadas harmdnicos empurra. Com parda voz. das paciencias guerra, O que sai no focinho a mae cachorra. O que nescias aplaudem mais que a “Mirra.” O que nem veio de propria forra: O que afina ainda mais quando se espirra, Merece a filosofica pachorra Um como. um passa-fora. um arre. um irra. In another sonnet, du Bocage mentions Manuel as someone who “gives opium to his machete"— or machinho. a type of small five-course guitar.” Du Bocage's allusion to Manuel having been breastfed in Brazil could be taken only as an allusion to the type of repertory he used to sing, the so-called "Brazilian modinhas"— less an indication of origin than a genre of songs. However, there are strong reasons to believe not only that he was Brazilian, but also that he was the same Joaquim Manuel da Camara who Louis Claude de Freycinet and Adriano Balbi knew in Rio de Janeiro in the early nineteenth century. 3 3 Ibid. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 72 Balbi mentions that, besides the viola, Manuel played a small type of guitar— probably the machete that Bocage mentions. Freycinet. who knew Manuel, also talks about his compositions:3 4 As for the performance, nothing appeared more astonishing to me than the rare talent on the guitar [guitare] of [another] mulatto Joaquim Manuel. Under his fingers the instrument had an indescribable charm, which I never found again in our most notable European guitarists. This musician is also author of several modinhas, a very pleasant genre of romances, of which Mr. Neukomm has published a collection in Paris. Mais pour I'exe'cution. rien ne m’a paru plus etonnant que le rare talent, sur la guitare, d'un autre mulatre de Rio de Janeiro, nomme Joachim Manoel. Sous ses doigts. cet instrument avoit un charme inexprimable, que je n'ai jamais retrouve chez nos guitaristes europeens les plus distingues. Le meme musicien est aussi auteur de plusieurs modinhas. especes de romances fort agreables. dont M. Neucum a publiee un recueil a Paris. A little note in the diary of Freycinet’s wife. Rose, also confirms Bocage's sonnet and Balbi’s report on the dimensions of Manuel’s guitar:3 5 1 July 1820. Although we were tired, we were obliged to go and take tea at the house of Mme. Lizaur and. worst of all. to go on foot. We were amply compensated for our pains, as we heard a musician play the guitar exceptionally well with an instrument no bigger than his hand. This man managed to produce some extraordinary and amazing sounds from it. Besides the published collection of his modinhas with piano accompaniment by Neukomm in Paris in 1824, two other modinhas by Manuel survived in a manuscript at the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid (E-Mn M2261), in which he is identified as “Joaq.m Manuel Brazileiro.” 3 4 Louis Claude Desauises de Freycinet. Voyage autourdu monde (Paris: Pillet. 1827-39). vol. 1.216. 3 5 Marc Serge Riviere, transl. and ed.. A Woman of Courage: The Journal o f Rose de Freycinet on her Voyage around the World 1817-1820 (Canberra: National Library of Australia. 1996). 168. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 73 The library of the Ajuda Palace in Lisbon has a late-eighteenth-century collection entitled Modinhas do Brazil (P-La 54/X/37 26-55). which contains some poems by Caldas Barbosa set to music by unidentified composers.3 6 These modinhas and lundus are scored in a way similar to those in Manuel da Paixao Ribeiro's Nova Arte de Viola (1789): the viola accompaniment is in F clef, and displays only a bass line that the player is expected to harmonize in performance. Ribeiro's instructions on playing the accompaniment on the viola may prove helpful in a performance of these settings (see figure 3.2). Another important collection containing forty of Barbosa’s poems set to music was recently found at the Biblioteca Nacional in Lisbon.3 7 Seen in the context of the early-eighteenth-century Portuguese repertory for the viola, the presence in Lisbon of Joaquim Manuel and Domingos Caldas Barbosa late in that century is the culmination of a trend that started many decades before, with the arrival in Portugal of anonymous slaves and free black men from Brazil bringing with them their sounds and. sometimes, their guitar-playing skills. 3 < > See Gerard Behague. "Biblioteca da Ajuda (Lisbon) MSS 1595-1596: Two Eighteenth-Century Anonymous Collections of Modinhas.” Yearbook of the Inter-American Institute for Musical Research 6 (1968): 44-81. 3 7 P-Ln MM4801. Muzica escolhida da Viola de Lereno. Para uzo da lll.ma e Ex.ma Snra D. Marianna de Souza Coitinho Offerece Seu afilhado. e (Jmilde Servo D.[omingosl C.[aldasl Bfarbosal Na Arcadia de Roma Lereno Selinuntino. 1799. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 74 E * r c a £ z < 3 Eot j Ca r d e u d a . (L L oa r ut m t m u n e d l a j p o t t i x j u u ^ ru ^ u x d **f > oni o3: a * c t j n z * / j t u j h m o « ear dt uf yue. **t »c uo -j d i a * . t u j u a n ma f a n , num ar at j cua^m * n a J i/tie c ad- jL j l u * i C d & ^o d j ta n i t x dt nomi nacaa J at adaj a jiu u yant adt q asf a/ . / a r v d u a a m . t o / n e n Ze a . duos yut U i d v d if a u a b r c / nm. t dec3 ~ * _ m ai ar; ei » m de < & $ - ffle n o r Figure 3.2: Ribeiro’s instructions on playing a viola accompaniment. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 75 4 SOURCES Although the earliest known Portuguese source for the five-course guitar dates from 1640, most of the Portuguese repertory for this instrument that predates the publication of Manoel da Paixao Ribeiro's Nova Arte de Viola (1789) is contained in three manuscript codices: one of them held at Coimbra and two in Lisbon (see table 1). Ribeiro’s book marks the beginning of another phase in Portuguese guitar music— beyond the limits of this study— as explained in the previous chapter.1 The codex MM 97 of the Biblioteca Geral da Universidade de Coimbra. Portugal (P- Cug M.M. 97) is a 310 x 210 mm parchment-bound volume containing 137 folios of music in tablature notation. A printed edition of Giovanni Pittoni's Intavolatura di Tiorba, opera prima (Bologna. 1669) occupies the first 22 folios. The remainder of the volume is handwritten. Folios Ir to 103v contain music in tablature for the viola (five-course guitar); folios 104r to 107v music for bandurra de cinco (five-course bandurra); folios 109r to 115v music for rebeca de quatro (most likely violin). Folios 80v to 90v, as well as 116r to 136r are blank. The type of tablature used in the Coimbra book is the most commonly found in the Iberian peninsula during sixteenth to eighteenth centuries— the Italian system. For the most 1 Rather than solo music for viola notated in tablature. one begins to see in the late eighteenth century the appearance of music in staff notation— usually one or two vocal lines accompanied by a bass line to be harmonized by a plucked instrument, usually the five-course viola. This pattern is followed in the little treatise Nova arte de viola, published in Coimbra by Manuel da Paixao Ribeiro in 1789. in two codices of modinhas at the Palacio da Ajuda library, and in a recently found volume with poetry by Domingos Caldas Barbosa set to music, as well as some numbers of the Jomal de Modinhas. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 76 part, the tablature does not present rhythmic signs, and when they do appear, they are scarce and contradictory. On the other hand, ornament signs are numerous. There is a tuning chart for the guitar— actually spelled guitarra— and the maclunho on folio 103v (see figure 2.1). The same folio has an alfabeto chart, or cifras de letras. but there is no practical application anywhere in the book. In this system, letters and other signs represent posruras, or positions in the guitar’s neck in order to produce chords. It was very popular in Italy from the late sixteenth century onward, and later in a mixed form, incorporated into the Italian tablature. In Spain another system was in use until the mid eighteenth century, the cifras, with numbers instead of letters, but the practical use was the same. After the mid-seventeenth century the mixed form— alfabeto and Italian tablature— was the main system in use also in Spain. The title page of the codex identifies Joseph Cameyro Tavares Lamacense as the compiler of the codex (see chapter 3. n54). Even though he is the most probable responsible for copying much of the codex, a different calligraphy appears between folios 74v and 80r— which is also the section of the book with the largest number of rhythmic signs in the tablature. Of course, the whole book may have been copied by the same person in very different periods. The Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation in Lisbon owns a codex of music in tablature. without a catalogue number, held at the archives of the Music Division. It is a 310 x 220 mm parchment-bound volume, of which the first twelve unnumbered folios, without staff lines, present music for viola, bandurra, and cravo (harpsichord) intabulated in cifras aritmeticas (see below). Folios Ir to 44r contain music in Italian tablature for the viola, and folios 49r to 79r music in Italian tablature for the bandurra. Folios 44v to 48v. as well as 79v to 82r are blank. The third section of the book, folios 83r to 97r, comprises a treatise of ciphering for Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 77 the viola and bandurra, which the author calls cifras aritmeticas, or arithmetic ciphers. In this system, each one of the twelve tones is represented by a different number— a logic that seems to derive from the Iberian keyboard tablatures. In addition to that, the treatise also explains how to compose Latin verses and accompany them on the viola. The first unnumbered folio contains six paragraphs of what seem to be aphorisms, and notes related to lending and spending of money. One of these is dated, but a scribble makes the year illegible. A single, careful copyist seems to have copied the music from folios lr to I5v. and 29r to 33v. The remainder of the book might have been copied by the same person, at a different time and with less care (there are many more mistakes), or by a different (or more than one) copyist. Since the first and last sections, which deal with cifras aritmeticas, are written on a different paper without staff lines, it is also possible that they were bound together at a later time, perhaps not even by its original owner. The so-called “Conde de Redondo book.” a codex in the music section of the Biblioteca Nacional of Lisbon, is a 270 x 160 mm oblong volume containing 57 folios. It has a very neat, gold-decorated binding, and all its contents were copied by a single, meticulous hand, probably not one learned at vio/a-playing. because of the large number of mistakes. Except for two blank folios, its contents are filled with music for viola in Italian and mixed tablature. Folios 44v to 49r present an alfabeto chart, one piece in mixed tablature with rhythm signs, and three other pieces in Italian tablature also with rhythm signs. None of these volumes is dated. In the first two. the abundance of concordances makes it difficult to establish a possible date of compilation. There are Italian and Spanish papers with identical or very similar watermarks in documents dated from the late sixteenth Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 78 century to the penultimate decade of the eighteenth century. A greater concentration seems to occur between 1670 and 1730.2 A Figure 4.1: Most common watermark in P-Cug M.M. 97 (arms of Genoa). 2 Variants of this mark can be found in the following works: Paul R. Laird and Greta J. Olson. "Watermarks in selected seventeenth-century Spanish religious music manuscripts." Musicology Australia 19 (1996). 49-59: watermark 'A', pp. 52-53. the last paragraph of this section brings several other concordances: Maria Cristina Sanchez Bueno de Bonfil. El papel del papel en la Nueva Espana (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia. 1993): watermarks on pages 141-145. particularly C 2219 32: Thomas L. Gravell. .4 catalogue offoreign watermarks found in paper used in America, 1700-1835 (New York: Garland. 1983): no. 271. p. 90 (GAM/I under the arms of Genoa). See also the watermarks 249 and 250. “scudo di Genova." in Charles-Moi'se Briquet. Le filigrani degli archivi genovesi (an Italian translation of “Les fiiigranes des archives de Genes." Atti della Societa Ligure di Storia Patria 19 [1888]). available on the internet: <http://linux.lettere.unige.it/briquet> Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. £ A Figure 4.2: Watermarks in P-Lcg Serviqo de mtisica [n.n. (always under the arms of Genoa, see Figure 4.1). Other evidence, such as the calligraphy, repertory, and musical concordances, also points to a compilation period between these years. The Coimbra volume, which includes a large number of fantasias, besides works by Ennemond Gaultier (c l575-1651). Domenico Pellegrini (publ. 1650). and Francesco Corbetta (publ. 1643), seems to predate the Gulbenkian codex by several years. The latter contains some pieces by Robert de Visee (publ. 1686), Gaspar Sanz (publ. 1674-5). and possibly Antonio Marques Lesbio (1639- 1709), among others. Though a watermark examination proved fruitless so far. the contents of the Conde de Redondo codex strongly suggest that it is a more recent volume: all concordances found until now are from the eighteenth century, and the type of repertory, comprising mostly minuets and contredanses, is clearly more modem (see chapter 5). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 80 Table 4.1: Portuguese sources for the viola: 1640-1762. LIBRARY AUTHOR AND/OR TITLE REMARKS I = Italian tablature M = Mixed tablature E-Mn Nicolau Doizi de Velasco. Nuevo modo de cifra para rafter la gvitarra con variedad, perfeccion. y se muestra ser instrumento perfecto. y abundtttissimo. [Naples: Egidio Longo. 1640). Print. Treatise. P-EVp Cod. CLI/l-1 d n° 13. Antonio Marques Lesbio. Tono a 4 Los males y los remedios. [Late seventeenth century). MS. Tipte 1. tiple 2. tenor, alius, viola accompaniment (only the bass line. C clef). P-EVp Cod. CLl/1-1 d n" 14. Antonio Marques Lesbio. Tono a 4 Ya las sombras de la muerte. [Late seventeenth century]. MS. Tiple. tenor, altus. viola accompaniment (only the bass line. F clef). P-Cug M.M. 97. Joseph Carneyro Tavares Lamacense. ed. Cifras de viola por varios autores. [Early eighteenth century |. MS. Tablature (I) for viola, bandurra. and rebeca. Alfabeto chart for viola and macliinlio. P-Lcg Servi(,’o de musica [No catalogue number). [Codice de musica em tablatura para viola, bandurra e cravo|. [Early eighteenth century). MS. Tablature (I. Arithmetic ciphers) for viola, bandurra. and cravo (harpsichord). P-Ln Set;ao de musica F.C.R. ms Ne 1 . [Livro do Conde de Redondo\. [Mid eighteenth century). MS. Tablature (I. M) for viola. Alfabeto chart. E-Mn Dona Policarpia. mestra de viola. Liqam instrumental da viola portugueza. ou de ninfas de cinco ordens. Lisbon: Francisco da Silva. 1752. Print. Treatise. Portuguese translation of Joan Carles Amat. Guirarra espaiiola y vandola (several editions). P-Ln Set;ao de Reservados COD 2163. Joao Vaz Morato [Joao Vaz Barradas Muito Pao e Morato Gonsalves da Silveira Homem). Regras de musica 87-100. "Factura de violas e sua afinaqao.'' 1762. MS. Treatise. Tuning instructions (I). .. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 81 Table 4.2: Contents of the Coimbra codex, P-Cug M.M. 97. Folio n" contents I Music for viola Ir 1 Fantesia 1° tom de Monteyro Entra a musica solta / toma a seguir o mesmo passo / Glossa 2r 2 Fantesia 1° tom de Montr.o 2v 3 Fantesia 1° tom de Marques 3v 4 Fantesia 1" tom de Barros Sesquialtera 4r 5 Fantesia de falsas 1 ° tom de Barros 4r 6 Fantesia 1° tom Italiana com sua fuga corrente Corrente da fuga 5r 7 Fantesia 1° tom Italiana 5r 8 Fantesia 1° tom 5v 9 Fantesia 1 ° tom 6r 10 Fantesia 2° tom de Montr.o 6v 1 1 Fantesia 2° tom de Marques 8r 12 Fantesia 2° tom de Barros Sesquialtera 8v 13 Fantesia 2° tom de Sylva 9r 14 Fantesia 2° tom de Gomes 9v 15 Fantesia 3° tom de Monteyro lOr 16 Fantesia de 3° tom de Marques Ur 17 Fantesia 3° tom de Sylva 11 V 18 Fantesia 3° tom de Sylva 12r 19 Fantesia 3° tom de Gomes 12v 20 Fantesia 4° tom de Marques I3v 21 Fantesia 4° tom de Fr. Joao 14r 22 Fantesia 4° tom de Fr. Joao I4r 23 Fantesia 4° tom Italiana 14v 24 Fantesia Italiana de 4° tom com sua fuga Fuga 15r 25 Fantesia 4° tom de Barros I5v 26 Fantesia de 4° tom de Fr. Joao 16r 27 Fantesia de 4° tom 16v 28 Fantesia de 4° tom de Monteyro 17r 29 Fantesia 5° tom de Marques 18r 30 Fantesia 5° tom de Sylva I8r 31 Fantesia de 7° tom Italiana 18v 32 Fantesia 8° tom de Marques 20v 33 Fantesia 8° tom de Marques 21v 34 Batalha 2° tom de Fr. Joao Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 82 Table 4.2 (continued) 22v 35 Batalha de 7° tom 24v 36 Trombetta del cavagliero Mascarelli 24v 37 Cansonetta 25r 38 Cansonetta 25 r 39 Cansonetta 25r 40 Venettiana 25 r 41 Cansonetta 25r 42 Cansonetta 25 v 43 Cansonetta 25 v 44 Moschettera 25v 45 [ '• ’I 25 v 46 Cansonetta 25 v 47 Trombeta 7° tom de Marques 26r 48 Batalha alias Trombeta 7° tom 26r 49 Gaita de folle 7° tom 26v 50 Rojao 1 ° tom de Marques 26v 51 Rojao 1 ° tom de Barros 28r 52 Rojao 1 ° tom Italiano 28r 53 Rojao 1 ° tom Italiano 28v 54 Rojao 1 ° tom Italiano 29r 55 Rojao 1 ° tom de Sylva 29v 56 Rojao 2° tom Italiano 29v 57 Rojao 2° tom de Sylva 30r 58 Rojao 3° tom de Barros > o r < - ( 59 Rojao 3° tom Italiano 30v 60 Rojao 3° tom Italiano 31 r 61 Rojao 3° tom de Sylva 3 Ir 62 Rojao 4° tom Italiano 31v 63 Rojao 4° tom Italiano 31v 64 Rojao 4° tom de Sylva 32r 65 Rojao 4° tom de Sylva 32r 66 Rojao 5° tom Italiano 32v 67 Entrada de 5° tom Italiana 32v 68 Rojao 5° tom 33v 69 Rojao 5° tom de Sylva 33v 70 Rojao 5° tom de Sylva 34r 71 Rojao 5° tom 34v 72 Rojao 5° tom 35r 73 Rojao 6° tom 35r 74 Rojao 6° tom 35v 75 Rojao 6° tom 36r 76 Rojao 7° tom de Abreu 36v 77 Rojao 7° tom de Abreu Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 83 Table 4.2 (continued) 36v 78 Rojao Italiano 37 v 79 Rojao Italiano 37v 80 Marisapoles 1° tom Italiana Glosa 38r 81 Marisapoles 1 ° tom de Sylva 38v 82 Marisapoles 2° tom de Sylva 39r 83 Marisapoles 3° tom Italiana 39r 84 Marisapoles 3° tom de Barros 39r 85 Marisapoles 3° tom de Gomes 39v 86 Marisapoles 4° tom 40r 87 Marisapoles 4° tom de Barros 40r 88 Marisapoles 4° tom de Barros 40v 89 Marisapoles 4° tom de Sylva 40v 90 Marisapoles 4° tom de Barros 41 r 91 Espanholeta 1° tom de Barros Glosa / Volta 42r 92 Espanholeta 2° tom de Sylva 42r 93 Espanholeta 3° tom de Sylva 43r 94 Espanholeta 4° tom de Gomes 43r 95 Sarao 1 “ tom de Barros 44 r 96 Sarao 2° tom de Sylva 44 v 97 Sarao 3“ tom de Sylva 44v 98 Sarao 4° tom de Sylva 45r 99 Sarao 5° tom de Sylva 45r 100 Sarao 6° tom de Sylva 45r 101 Pavana 1 ° tom de Barros 45 v 102 Pavana 1° tom Italiana Glosa 46r 103 Pavana 2° tom de Sylva 46r 104 Pavana 3° tom de Sylva 46v 105 Pavana 4° tom de Barros 46v 106 Alanella 1° tom 47r 107 Alanella 1° tom de Sylva 48r 108 Alanella 2° tom de Sylva 48r 109 Magana ou Chacoina 1° tom de Barros 48v 110 Magana 1° tom 48v 111 Magana ou Chacoina 2° tom de Sylva 49r 112 Magana 2° tom 49r 113 Magana ou Chacoina 3° tom de Sylva 49v 114 Magana 3° tom 49v 115 Magana ou Chacoina 4° tom 50r 116 Magana 4° tom 50v 117 Chacoina 5° tom italiana 51r 118 Chacoina 6° tom italiana Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 84 Table 4.2 (continued) 5 lv 119 Capona 2° tom de Sylva 5lv 120 Capona 5° tom de Sylva Volta 52r 121 Capona 5° tom 52r 122 Capona 5° tom italiana 52v 123 Capona 7° tom 53r 124 Sarabanda 4° tom Italiana 53v 125 Sarabanda 6° tom Italiana 53v 126 Sarabanda 7° tom Italiana 53v 127 Vacas 1° tom de Barros 54r 128 Vacas 2° tom de Sylva 54v 129 Meninas de Montemor 1 “ tom de Sylva 54v 130 Maricota do Brejo 1 ° tom 55r 131 Maricota do Brejo 2" tom de Sylva 55r 132 Canario 1 “ tom 55v 133 Canario 56r 134 Canario italiano 56r 135 Cubanco 4° tom de Barros 56r 136 Cubanco 7° tom 56v 137 Cubanco 7° tom 57r 138 Villao 7° tom 57r 139 Meya dani;a 7° tom de Abreu 57 v 140 Sarambeque 1" tom de Barros Disculpas 58r 141 Sarambeque 1 ° tom de Sylva 58r 142 Sarambeque 1 ° tom de Fr. Joao 58v 143 Sarambeque 2° tom de Sylva 59r 144 Sarambeque 2° tom 59r 145 Sarambeque 4° tom de Abreu 59v 146 Sarambeque 4° tom de Sylva 59v 147 Sarambeque 7° tom 60r 148 Chacara 1° tom de Barros Glosa 60v 149 Chacara 1° tom 60v 150 Chacara 1° tom de Marques 62r 151 Chacara 1° tom de Marques 62r 152 Chacara 1° tom de Abreu 62v 153 Chacara 1 ° tom de Abreu 62v 154 Chacara 1° tom do mesmo 63r 155 Chacara 1° tom Italiana 63v 156 Chacara 2° tom de Marques 63v 157 Chacara 4° tom de Barros 64r 158 Chacara 4° tom de Monteyro 64v 159 Chacara 4° tom Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 85 Table 4.2 (continued) 64 v 160 Chacara 1 ° tom 65r 161 Amorosa 1 ° tom de Sylva 65 v 162 Amorosa 1° tom de Abreu 66r 163 Amorosa 1° tom de Abreu 66v 164 Amorosa 2° tom de Abreu 66v 165 Amorosa 3° tom de Abreu 67r 166 Amorosa 3° tom de Gomes 67r 167 Amorosa 4° tom de Gomes 67 v 168 Amorosa 4° tom 67 v 169 Amorosa 4° tom de Marques 68r 170 Marinheira 2° tom de Sylva 68v 171 Marinheira 4° tom 69r 172 Marinheira 4° tom 69 v 173 Cumbe 4° tom de Gomes 69v 174 Cumbe 8° tom 70r 175 Cumbe 8° tom 70r 176 Gandum 8° tom 71 r 177 Gandum 3° tom 71 r 178 Picard 2° tom 71 v 179 Querera 7° tom 71 v 180 Caosinho 2° tom 72r 181 Caosinho de Qofala 72v 182 Arromba 4 ° tom 73v 183 Sexto 74v 184 Italiana 2“ tom de D.u r Joseph Ferr.J Cordovil 74v 185 Outra do mesmo tom 75r 186 Outra continuada 76r 187 Rojao do mesmo tom 76v 188 Fantasia do 2° tom 77r 189 Fantasia do mesmo tom 78r 190 Estrangeira 78r 191 Fantasia 79r 192 Fantasia de 2° tom por b.mol 79v 193 Rojao por 1 ° tom 80r 194 Avulso por 6° tom 91r 195 Giga 91 r 196 Giga de Pepo Licete 91r 197 Outra Giga 9lv 198 Bayleto da Giga 91v 199 Alemanda 91 v 200 Alemanda de Pepo Licete 92r 201 Alemanda 92r 202 Alemanda do Laude posta na Guitarra 92r 203 Alemanda Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 86 Table 4.2 (continued) Peqas de Viola Italianas e Francesas 92v 204 Tricotte da Alemanda 92v 205 Outra Alemanda 93r 206 Alemanda 93r 207 Bayletto 93r 208 Bayletto del Corbetto 93r 209 Bayletto 93v 210 Ballo dcla Regina del Cavagliero Mascarelli 7° tom 93v 211 Bayletto 94r 212 Sarabanda del detto bayletto 94r 213 Ballo del Gran Duca 7° tom 94r 214 Bayletto 94v 215 Capricio 94v 216 Corrente do Capricio q se segue 94 v 217 Capricio 95r 218 Capricetlo del Cavagliero Antequera [?] 95r 219 Corrente 95r 220 Corrente 95r 221 Corrente 95 v 222 Corrente 95v 223 Corrente 95 v 224 Corrente 95 v 225 Corrente 96r 226 Corrente de Pepo Licete 96r 227 Corrente 96r 228 Corrente de Pepo Licete 96v 229 Corrente de Pepo Licete 97r 230 Corrente del Cavagliero Mascarelli 97r 231 Corrente 97r 232 Corrente de D. Diogo Doria 97 v 233 Correntina 97 v 234 Correntina 97 v 235 Fuga da Correntina 98r 236 Mantuana 98r 237 Mantuana del Cavagliero Mascarelli 98r 238 Gagliarda 98v 239 Gavotta 98v 240 Menuet 98v 241 Tricotte 98 v 242 Borea 98v 243 Terantela 99r 244 Tombo de Mazzarin 99r 245 Marionas Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 87 Table 4.2 (continued) Varios temples de Viola 99v 246 Acordio de guitarra a 1 1 com a 4“ 99v 247 Sarabanda no mesmo 99v 248 Corrente no mesmo 99v 249 Alemanda no mesmo lOOr 250 Sarabanda no mesmo lOOv 251 Outro temple lOOv 252 Alemanda lO O v 253 Sarabanda lO O v 254 Giga lOOv 255 La Immortale 101 v 256 Outro temple / Sarabanda 101 v 257 Alemanda 101 v 258 Rojao no principio da Alemanda acima 10 lv 259 Giga I02r 260 Bayletto 102r 261 Corrente 102r 262 Gandum 103r 263 Outro temple / Corrente I03v 264 Sarabanda I03r 265 Alemanda 103v 266 Corrente 103v 267 Gavotta 103v Como se tempera a guitarra 103v Como se tempera a viola com machinho 103v Cifras de Letras sao as seg.'" II Music for bandurra Cifras de Bandurra de cinquo 104r 1 Chacara 1" tom 104v 2 Chacara 1 ° tom I04v 3 Chacara I04v 4 Amorosa 104v 5 Amorosa 3° tom 105r 6 Amorosa I05v 7 Rojao 4° tom 105v 8 Cumbe I05v 9 Pavana 1 ° tom 106r 10 Pavana I06v 11 Arromba I07r 12 Caosinho de Qlofaia I07v 13 Marinheira Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 88 Table 4.2 (continued) III Music for rebeca Cifras de Rebeca de quatro Italianas e Francesas I09r I La Zvizzera 109r 2 La Contra zvizzera 109v 3 Menuet 109v 4 Giga 109v 5 Alemanda I09v 6 Gavota llOr 7 Giga 1 lOr 8 Coranta 1 lOv 9 Gavotta MOv 10 Gavotta llOv 1 1 Ballo del Re HOv 12 Passagio llOv 13 Brando de la Pierra lll r 14 Sinfonia a Tripola 1 1 Ir 15 Passagio de la Trombetta 11 1 V 16 Trombetta 111 V 17 Trombetta 11 1 V 18 Trombetta 1 1 lv 19 Trombetta marina 1 1 lv 20 Trombetta 112r 21 Venettiana 112r 22 Aria 112r 23 Aria 112r 24 Eccho 112r 25 Coranta Longa 112v 26 Sarabanda 112v 27 Menue 112v 28 Giga 112v 29 Sarabanda 112v 30 Gavotta 112v 31 Passagio 113r 32 Alemanda 113v 33 Ciaccona 113v 34 Ciaccona 113v 35 Ciaccona 114r 36 Coranta 114r 37 Coranta Italiana 114v 38 Balleto 114v 39 2° 114v 40 Corrente I I4v 41 Tricote 115r 42 Ciaccona U5r 43 Caminar de terse Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 89 Table 4.3: Contents of the Gulbenkian codex. P-Lcg Serviqo de musica [n.n.]. folio n° contents I Music for viola, bandurra. and harpsichord in cifras aritmeticas [2rl 1 Espanholeta 7 tom tirada de cravo p viola por Cifras Aritmeticas [2rl 2 Estrangeira 2° tom Principio de todas as difren^as [2v| 3 Augusto Principe viola [4rl 4 Varios Minuetes de Bandorra em Cifras Aritmeticas [4rl 5 1 “ Partida 8° tom [4rl 6 T Minuete 7° tom [4r| 7 3 Minuete 5“ tom Divina Filis [4rJ 8 4 Minuete [4v| 9 5° Minuete e 5“ tom [4vl 10 6 Minuete [5r] 11 Minuete do Cravo por Ciferas Aritmeticas [5rl 12 Entrada [5r| 13 Minuete [5v] 14 Minuete Entrada Cravo [6r] 15 Ananita galega cravo [6vl 16 Passo 5° tom cravo [7r| 17 Minuete [7 v J 18 Minuete Cravo [7 v 1 19 Entrada [8rl 20 Cotra dani,'a Cravo [8rl 21 Minuete d Cravo [8v| 22 Minuete d Cravo [8v| 23 Giga alegro [9v| 24 Minuete Cravo final diverso [10rl 25 Minuete tU rl 26 Consonancias do P. Me l de Mattos Cravo [Nv[ 27 Minuete 112rl 28 Minuete de Cravo II Music for viola Ir I Fantasia de Ant.° Marques tocador da capella real Passo 3r 2 Passo de Viola 4° tom 3r 3 Passo de Viola 4° tom Gloza 3v 4 Obra de David 4v 5 Passo de Fantesia 4 tom 4v 6 Obra de dedo repetindo todas as posturas 5r 7 Rojao 7° tom Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 90 Table 4.3 (continued) 5r 8 Rojao 3° tom 6r 9 Rojao 6° tom 6r 10 Fantezea 6v 1 1 Dcduzido do mesmo Rojao 7r 12 Rojao 2“ tom 9r 13 Batalha Italiana 7° tom clarim / clarim / Bulha Lantaraza Ur 14 Fantezia 2° tom de Denis de Barros 1 1 V 15 Fantezia 5“ tom 12v 16 Outra Fantazia 5° tom 13v 17 Fantezia 2° tom Abreu 14r 18 Obra de segundilho 14v 19 Obra de segundilho 1 “ tom I5r 20 Fantezia 1 ° tom 15v 21 Fantezia 1 “ tom Abreu 16r 22 Batalha 1° tom Entrada / bota sella / pointe a cavallo / clarim / trompeteyro / re 1 irate capitao / degola / falssas / falssas 19r 23 Marinheira 3“ tom. com 3* mayor q serve de 7' 19v 24 Marinheira 4 tom 20r 25 Chacara 1 ° tom 20r 26 Augusto Principe 21r 27 Chacara 4 tom 22r 28 Chacara 2 tom 22v 29 Chacara 3 tom 22v 30 Sarambcque 7° tom 23r 31 Cubanco 7° tom 23 v 32 Glosa do Paracumbe 7 tom 23v 33 Paracumbe 7 tom 23v 34 Paracumbe 8 tom 24v 35 Mea danya 7° tom 24v 36 Viiao 7° tom 25 r 37 Estrangeira 4 tom 25 v 38 Matachim de la Reyna 25v 39 Pessa Franceza 26r 40 Franceza 7° tom 26r 41 Outra do mesmo tom chamado Minuete 26v 42 Minuete p.a duas violas primeira linha he a pr.a vox q dis com a seg. 27r 43 Estrangeira 8 tom 27 v 44 Genoveza 3° tom 27 v 45 Minuete 28r 46 Bure 28v 47 Gavote 1° tom Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 91 Table 4.3 (continued) 28v 48 Sarabanda 3° tom 28v 49 Estrangeira 1° tom 29r 50 Marizapula 4° tom 29v 51 Espanholeta 4° tom 29v 52 Estrangeira tirada de Cravo p.J viola 30r 53 Pavana 4° tom 30v 54 Pay Ambrozio 30v 55 Gandu 5° tom 31 r 56 Cubanco 7° tom 32v 57 Amoroza 2° tom 33r 58 Amoroza 3° tom 33v 59 Amoroza 4° tom 34r 60 Aromba 4 tom com rocadilho aondc estiver os erres difrenqa por ciferas aritmeticas 36r 61 Fantezia 5“ tom 39r 62 Acompanham.to de hum solo q dis justicia q manda hazer el amor gloza 39v 63 Acompanham.to de hum solo q dis fuentesilha q alegre rizueria Cop. Una fuentezilha alegre 40r 64 Arromba oitavado chamado i;hula 4 tom 41 v 65 Aromba Baithezaraico [?] 42r 66 Continua o oytavado 43v 67 Suposte principis [?] II Music for bandurra 49r 1 Batalha de Bandurra Entrada / bota sella / pointe a cavalo / passo / clarim / trombeteiro / bulha 5 lr 2 Batalha 7° tom Trombeteiro / gloza 52v 3 Fantesia 7° tom /pasaje 53r 4 Partida 53v 5 Partida terc.a 53v 6 Partida seg.da 54r 7 Passo solto Seisquialtera 54v 8 Deduzido 55r 9 Partida 55v 10 Fantazia 2° tom passo 59r 1 1 Fantesia 1° tom Abreu 62r 12 Fantazia 5° tom pasaje Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 92 Table 4.3 (continued) 62v 13 Estrangeira 8 tom 63v 14 Estrangeira 4° tom final / final variado 67r 15 Paracumbe 5° tom 68r 16 Chacara 4° tom Entre. 69r 17 Chacara 1 ° tom 70v 18 Amoroza 1 ° tom 71 v 19 Amoroza accidental 72r 20 Amoroza 4 tom Entrada 73r 21 Arromba 5° tom 73v i t Arromba 8 tom 74r 23 Sarambeq 7“ tom 74 v 24 Gandu 8° tom 75r 25 Cubanco 7° tom 75v 26 Marinheira 4 tom 75v 27 Augusto Principe 76r 28 Marinheira 7° tom 76 v 29 Pavana 1° [tom| 77r 30 Arromba 4 tom 77 v 31 Continua o Arrombo 4 tom chamado Paizinho 79r 32 Arromba do Inferno 82v 33 [No title] voz / acompanhamento [melody and figured bass| 83 III [Treatise on viola and bandurra cyphering, and composition of Latin heroic verses) Arte de Aritmetica q ensina a tanger todo instrum.'0 com regras certas. e fundam.‘ o s necessarios p.J Composi<;ao de Obras. e todo o genero de pessas asim de viola como de Bandurra. e p.J saber mudar de hua p.J outra: e p.J fazer versos latinos heroicos. a todo o intento q quizerem. sabendo som.I C ler e escrever. Composta por hum g.d c contrapontista deste Reino. cujo engenho dominou a Univenjid.' de Coimbra. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 93 Table 4.4: Contents of the Conde de Redondo codex, P-Ln F.C.R. ms. Ne 1 . folio page n° contents lr m I Sam Jozeph de Riba Mar Ir n i 2 Nao venda apretas lr [ii 3 O Patarata lr m 4 Passa Palaura lv [21 5 Diuina Filis lv [21 6 Serito 2r [31 7 Cupidilho 2v [41 8 Outauado a Sigana 3v [61 9 Amabie Mariguas meu bem 4v [81 10 Minuete da Marcha 5r [91 II Oitavado Continua o mesmo oitavado 5v [101 12 Minuete 6r [HI 13 Minuete 6v [121 14 Minuete 7r [131 15 Minuete 7v [I4| 16 Minuete Y nel verdor de tus prados 7v [14| 17 Minuete de Escarlate 8r [15] 18 Minuete Nouo 8r [15] 19 [No title] 8v [16] 20 Minuete 9r [171 21 Minuete 7° Tom 9v [181 22 Minuete 7° tom 9v [181 23 Minuete de Cain 7° tom lOr [19| 24 Minuete de Varan lOv [201 25 Minuete de Jorze 2° tom 1 lr [211 26 Minuete 2° tom ltv [221 27 Minuete Rey 2° tom b I2r [23] 28 Minuete 2° tom 12v [24] 29 Minuete 2° tom b 13r [251 30 Minuete 2° tom 13r [251 31 Minuete 1° tom I3v [261 32 Minuete 2° tom maior 14r [271 33 Minuete 2° tom maior 14r [27] 34 Minuete 2° tom maior 14v [281 35 Minuete 3“ tom 15r [291 36 Minuete 5° tom ponto baixo 15v [30] 37 Minuete de 7° tom 16r [31] 38 Minuete 7° tom 16r [311 39 Minuete 7° tom 17r [33] 40 Contra Danqa 1° tom Gelozia Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 94 Table 4.4 (continued) I7r [331 41 Contra Dansa 17v [341 42 Contradanqa I8r [351 43 Contradam,a 18r [351 44 Conlradan^a 18v [361 45 Giga de 4° tom 19r [371 46 Giga de 5° tom 19v [38] 47 Outauado do Inferno de 1 ° tom 21 v [421 48 Sonata 1 “ tom opera 5* de Corely 22v [44] 49 Augusto Principe 2° tom b 23r [451 50 Amable 6° tom 23v [46| 51 Folias de Espanha 1° tom 24v [481 52 Obra de 3" tom Jozeph Ferr1 Aria Minuete 3° tom desta obra 26r [511 53 Minuet da Prince/a Belha inimiga dulsisima fiera 27r [531 54 Batalha de 7° tom Gloza / cala corda / prepara / gloza / clarim / gaitas rctirate capitam / avanssa 31 r [59| 55 Rojao de 1 ° tom 3 lr [591 56 Rojao 2° tom b mol Devagar / seguido / pa«;o / outro / pai;o / outro 32v [621 57 Rojao de 3° tom 32v [621 58 Rojao de 4° tom 33r [63] 59 Rojao de 5“ tom 33v [641 60 Rojao de 6° tom 34r [651 61 Rojao de 7° tom 34r [651 62 Rojao de 8° tom 34v [661 63 Minuet Diuina Filis 6° tom 35r [671 64 Marcha 5° tom 35r [671 65 Minuet 35 v [681 66 Sarabanda 3° tom Aria 36r [691 67 Camzinho de Sofalla 1 ° tom 36v [701 68 Dam,a 1° tom 36v [701 69 Estrangeira 5° tom 37r [71] 70 Estrangeira 7° tom 38r [731 71 Estrangeira 1 “ tom 38r [731 72 Consonancias 2° tom duro O 38v [741 73 Outauado 2° tom b do Coadro O Falqa / falija 42r [811 74 Baiie Castelhano 2° tom pues del hancha estoi malo 42v [82] 75 [No title] A 1 son de la cadena Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 95 Table 4.4 (continued) 44 v [86] [alfabeto chart 1 44 v [861 76 Giga por O 45v [88] 77 Italiana 4° tom O 47r [911 78 Sarabanda 6° tom O 48r [931 78 Trombetinhas 49r [951 79 Mable de 7° tom 50r [971 80 Fantezia de 8° tom 50v [981 81 Fantezia de 7° tom L.P. Gloza 53v [1041 82 Batalha de 7° tom 56r [1091 83 Solo de 2° tom Ay dult^e dueno q queres de mim 56v [1101 84 Cumbe Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 96 Table 4.5: Concordances for the Coimbra codex, P-Cug M.M. 97. 5r Fantasia 1" tom Italiana P-Lcg [n.n.|. 3 v -4 r Obra de David [first two lines). 18v-20v Fantasia 8” tom de Marques P-Ln F.C.R. ms Ne 1. 50r: Fantezia de 8” tom. [97] [short version]. 36v-37r Rojao Italiano Corbetta 1643. 32-3: [Passachaglia] Sop. X. [first part]: G B-O b M usic School MS C 94. I32v. 43r Espanholeta 4” tom de Gomes P-Lcg [n.n.l. 29v: Espanholeta 4” tom. 46 v Pavana 4” tom de Barros P-Leg [n.n.]. 30r: Pavana 4" tom [first three lines]. 56v Cubanco 7' tom P-Lcg [n.n.l. 23r-v: Cubanco T' tom. 91 v Alemanda Corbetta 1643. 44: Aim. del 5'" un tuon piu Alto: l-M O e ms. E 323. lv: Aim": G B-O b Music School V1S C 94. 22r. 48v. 71r. 92r Alemanda C orbetta 1643.47: Aim. del 2" tuono. G B-Ob M usic School MS C 94. 64r. 92r-v Alemanda Pellegrini 1650. 50: Corrente detta la Savellina. 92v Tricotte da Alemanda [3J parte | Sanz 1674. plate 12 [27r|: Coriente. 92v-93r O utra Alemanda Pellegrini 1650.49: Alemanda Quarta: E-M n M. 8 1 1 .42: Alemanda del Corbeta. 93r Bayleto Fernandez de Huete 1702. pi. 36-8: Canzion Franzesa [harp]: E-M n V1.1357: Cancidn Real Francesa. 94r Ballo del Gran Duca 3" tom Cavalieri 1589: O che nuovo m iracolo [5 voices]: several concordances in Kirkendale. L 'Aria di Fiorenza: correspondences: Sanz 1675. pi. 9 [46r]: Granduque: P-Pm M .I577 107r-108r Cani;ao q chamao gran duque 8" tom [ keyboard |. 97r Corrente del Cavagliero Mascarelli [ 1J parte 1 Pelegrini 1650. 39: Alemanda seconda. 97r Corrente del Cavagliero Mascarelli [2J parte| Pellegrini 1650.40: Corrente nona. 99r Tombo de Mazzarin A-Kse MS II [M s. Goess 111. 85v-86r: T. M. [lute]: A-KR MS L79. 89v: Le Tombeau de Mazarin Allem ande [lute|: A-W n M usikabteilung Ms. 17706. I7v: Tombeau de Mazarin [lute]: D-ROu ms. XVIII 18. 53A. 3 8 r Tombeau de Mazarin [lute]: F-B Ms. 279.152 [Ms. Saizenay 1]. 167: Tombeau Mazarin Allemande [lute]: F-Pn Res F. 844. 143n Allem ande Mazarin: F-Pn Vm 6212 [Ms. M onin], 35v-36r: [Allemande. Tombeau de Mazarin] [lute]: GB-Ob Ms. Mus. Sch. G.616. 120: Le Tombeau de Mazarin. Allem ande [lute]: PL-W n BN Muz. Rekopis 396. 44v-4 5 r Tombeau de Mazarin [lute]: US-R MS Vault M2.1.D172. 125-6: Tom beau Mazarini [lute]. lOOv-lOlr La Immortale A-GO M usikarchiv 1 .8 4v-85r C ourante LTm m onelle [lute]: A-KR MS L77. I4v-1 5 r Courrante [lute]: A-W n M usikabteilung Ms. 17706 II. 18v-19r C ourentedu vieux G autier L'im m ortelle [lute]: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 97 Table 4.5 (continued) CH-Bu Ms. F.IX .53.30v: [Courante L 'lm m ortellel [lute]: D-B Mus. Ms. 40068. 2 4 r [Courante L'lm m ortelle) [lutel: D-Rp Ms. AN 62. 26v-27r: Courante du uieux gautier [tuie|: D-ROu Ms. Mus. Saec. XVII-54. 26r-27r Courante de G autier [lute): D-SW1 Mus. Ms. 641. 140r-141 r: C ourante de gauttier L 'im m ortelle [lute]: F-Pn Res. 89lcr. 64v-65r Courante du Vieux G autier L 'lm m ortelle [harpsichord |: F-Pn Res. 1106. 80v-81: L'im m ortelle [lute|: F-Pn Res. 1110 [Ms. Ruthwen). 26v-27r: C ourante Vieux Gautier [lute|: F-Pn Res. Vmh ms. 7 [M s. Barbel. 2: L'lm m ortelle du V. Gautier [lute|: * F-Pn Res. Vmc ms. 89. 23r-24r. Courente du vieux gotier 1 inmortele [Iute|: F-Pn Res. VmJ ms. 15 [Ms. De L yon|. 44v-45r: l'im m ortelle courante de gautier le vieux [!ute|: F-Pn Res. Vm‘ ms. 51 [Ms. J. V iee|. 15v -16r: [Courante L'lm m ortellel [lute|: F-Pn Vm 6211 [Ms. Lamare le G ras|. 2r: L'im m ortelle du vieux gautier [lute|: F-Pn Vm 6212 [Ms. M onin|. 41v-42r: Courante de G autier [lute|: F-Pn Vm 6212 [Ms. M onin|. 61v-62r: [D ouble de l'lm m ortellel [lutej; F-Pn Vm 6214 [Ms. Bocquet|. 45v-46r: L'Y m m ortelle du V [ieux| G [autier| [lute|: F-Pn Vm 6214 [Ms. Bocquet|. 79v-80r: C ourante de M Gautier [lute|: G B-Ob Ms. Mus. Sch. 1.576. I2v-13n L'im m ortelle Courante de gautier [lute|: G B-Ob Ms. Mus. Sch. G.618. 10-1: L'lm m ortelle C ourante de G autier Le V. [lute|: Perrine [1680|. 1-2: L'lm m ortelle du vieux G aultier Courante: S-L Ms W enster Lit. G 37. no. 25: L im m ortelle C ourante de M r G outier [ l u t e | . __________________________________ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 98 Table 4.6: Concordances for the Gulbenkian codex, P-Lcg Serviqo de Musica [n.n.]. [2v] 20r 75v Augusto Principe Viola Augusto Principe Augusto Principe P-Ln F.C.R. ms. Ne 1. 22v [44]: Augusto Principe 2" tom b: P-BRp MS 964. 216v: Augusto Principe [harp]. [4r| Minuete 5" Tom Divina Filis P-Ln F.C.R. ms. Ne I. lv [2]: D ivina Filis: P-Ln F.C.R. ms. Ne I. 34v [66]: M inuet Divina Filis 6" tom: E-Mn M. 816. 2r: Tonada: Filis divina [harp!- 3v-4r Obra de David P-Cug M.M. 97. 5r. Fantasia I" tom Italiana [short version]. 9r-1 Ov Batalha Italiana 7" tom Sanz 1675. pi. 12 [49r]: C larines y Trom petas con Caneiones muy euriosas Espanolas. y de Estranjeras Naeiones. 23r-v Cubanco 7 ’ tom P-Cun M.M. 97. 56v: Cubanco 7” tom. 25 v M atachim de la Revna Sanz 1675. pi. 4 [41 r]: Matachin. 26r Franceza T tom Corbetta 1671.69: Chaconne: U S-W cM 12 6 / C 32. 2-4. 26r O utra do mesmo tom ehamado M inuete Vise'e 1686. 16: Meniiet: Le Cocq 1729.63: Menuet. 28r Bure Visee 1686. 12: Bouree. 28v G avote I" tom Visee 1686. 11: Gavotte. 29v Espanholeta 4" tom P-Cug M.M. 97. 43r. Espanholeta 4" tom de Gomes. 30r Pavana 4” tom P-Cug M.M. 9 7 .46v: Pavana 4" tom de Barros [first three lines]. 40r-43v Arromba oitavado eham ado ijhula 4" tom P-Ln F.C.R. ms. Ne 1. 5r-v [9-10]: O itavado [some sections|. Table 4.7: Concordances for the Conde de Redondo codex P-Ln F.C.R. ms. Ne 1. I v [2] 34v [661 D ivina R lis M inuet Divina Filis P-Lcg [n.n.]. [4r|: M inuete 5" T om D ivina Filis: E-Mn M. 816. 2r. R lis divina tonada [harp] [?]. 2r[3] C upidilho E-Mn M. 816. lr-v: Cupidillo desleal tonada [harp] [?]. 3v [6] 23r-v [45-61 49r-v [95-6] Amable A m able 6° tom M able de T tom Campra 1700: Hdsione. A im able V ainqueur [voice and ensemble]: Ferriol y Boxeraus 1745. [28-331: Amable. con musica Antigua: Amable. con musica m odem a [m elody and choreography]: Feuillet 1704. 202-8: L 'A im able V ainqueur [melody and choreography]: Rameau c l 730.39: Aimable V ainqueur [incipit]: Magny 1756.183-88 [melody and choreography]: F-Pn Res F. 844. 159: Aimable Vainqueur. F-Pn Res. Vm" 9m 6v: [m andola|: F-Pn ms. Vm' 3555.41: A im able vainqueur d'besoine [ensemble I: F-Pn ms. Vm' 6222. 159: A im able Vainqueur. E-Mn M. 815. 75v: Amable [keyboard]: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 99 Table 4.7 (continued) E-Mn M. 2 8 1 0 .9r: A m able [saiterio|: MEX-Mn ms. M. 1560. 71 v -7 2 r La amable; VtEX ms. Saldivar 4 [private coll.). 73r-76r: La Amable despa." / D ifren/ dela A m able; Murcia 1714. 66-7; La Amable desp.Jl1 ; M inguet e Yrol. E xplication, pi. 5-6; El Amable; M inguet e Yrol. N oble arie. 43r-48n El Amable [melodyl; 49n El Charman vainqueur; .Minguet e Yrol: Reglas v advertencias. [Introduction!, pi. 2-3: El Amable variado [keyboard|: “G uitarra." pi. 4; El amable [melody): pi. 5: El amable: "Psalterio.” pi. 2: El amable [salterio): Paz 1757. 119-20: El amable [keyboard): Hernandez 1837. sec. 1 no. 61: El Amable: W eaver 1722. 107-12: T he Louvre: US-LA Southwest M useum ms. Eleanor Hague. 72r: Amable. 5 r[9 | Oitavado P-Lcg [n.n.l. 40r-43v: Arromba oitavado ehamado s'hula 4“ tom [some sections). 4v [81 15v [301 M inuete da Marcha Minuete de 7" tom I 7 r [331 Contra Dan^a 1" tom Gelozia Feuillet 1706. 4-8: La Jalousie: M urcia 1714. 83: La Jelousie. I 8 r [35] Contradan<;a Greensleeves: several sixteenth- and seventeenth-century versions: Feuillet 1706. 17-24: Les M anches Vertes [melody and choreography]: Le Clerc c l 725. 2: Les manches vertes [melody and choreography): F-Pn ms. Vm' 3555. 51: Les manches verts [ensemble): E-M n M .C.J 4103/5. 22: Les M anches Verds [melody and b.e.|: M urcia 1714. 66: Los Paysanos: MEX ms. Saldivar 4 [private coll.], 77v-78n Pavssanos: E-M n M. 811. 123-4: Paysana: E-Mn M. 918. 17v: La casaca verde [?). 21 v-22v [42-41 Sonata 1° tom opera 5J de Corely Corelli 1700: Sonata op. 5 no. 7. Giga [violin and b.c.J. 22v [441 Augusto Principe P-Lcg [n.n.[. [2vJ: A ugusto Principe Viola: P-Lcg [n.n.]. 20n A ugusto Principe: P-Lcg [n.n.]. 75v: A ugusto Principe: P-BRp MS 964. 216v: Augusto Principe [harp). 42v-44r [82-51 Al son de la cadena P-Ln CP M 8 2 .5 9 r-6 4 r Solo resitado q dis al son de la cadena [voice and b.c.). 50r [971 Fantezia de 8" tom P-Cug M.M. 97. 18v-20v: Fantasia 8° tom de Marques [first five lines]. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 100 Table 4.8: The eight modes (tons). Tom. or mode Approximate keys (compare with figure 3.2) P-Cug M.M. 97 P-Lcg Servi^o de musica [n.n.] P-Ln F.C.R. ms. Ne I 1° tom D minor D minor D minor 2° tom G minor G minor, ends in D major [rare! G major (rare) G minor G major E minor [rarel 2° tom b 2Q tom b mol G minor 2° tom maior 2° tom b do coadro A major 2° tom duro E minor 3C tom E minor E major A major, ends in E major [rarel E minor E major E minor [rare) 4° tom A minor A major [rare! E major [rare] A minor A minor 5° tom C major C minor [rarel C major C major 5° tom 13 ponto bai.xo B fiat major 6° tom F major F major F major 7° tom D major D major D major 8a tom G major G major C major, ends in G major [rare] G major Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 101 5 REPERTORY In Francisco Manuel de Melo's Auto do Fidalgo Aprendiz (The Apprentice Nobleman), of 1665, a rustic squire, dom Gil Cogominho, hires a dancing master to teach him the manners of the Lisbon court. The instructor explains him that if he wants to attend a sarao (see below), first he should learn the alta, the pe de xibao. the galharda, and the pavana. Cogominho protests that he would rather learn more popular dances, such as the fapateado. the terolero, the vildo. and the mochachim During the reign of Felipe III. the sarao has flourished in Spain— as well as in Spanish-ruled Portugal— as a court ball organized around the old Iberian noble dance-types dances cited by Melo. but by the mid-seventeenth century it had already fallen out of use in Spain.2 After the restoration of Portuguese sovereignty in 1640. times of political and economic instability resulted ultimately in the cultural stagnation of the Lisbon court— or one should say closure to foreign influences— reflected in the reduced theatrical activity and the retention of types of court entertainment considered outdated everywhere else. That situation would start to change only after 1666, when Mademoiselle d'Aumale. future wife of dom Pedro II, arrived in Portugal, and French ways began slowly to infiltrate Portuguese courtly life. In music, that influence would be felt more and more in court entertainments and dance. 1 Francisco Manuel de Melo. Auto do fidalgo aprendiz (Mem Martins: Publicaqoes Europa-Ame'rica. [1992]), 26-7. Though not spelled out. the Spanish distinction between aristocratic danzas and popular bailes (allowing movements of the hips and upper body) is also seen here. 1 See Louise K. Stein. Songs o f mortals, dialogues o f the gods: Music and theatre in seventeenth- century Spain (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1993). 66-86. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 102 while in opera and sacred music Italian models would prevail, especially after the turn of the century. With the discovery of gold in Brazil in 1694 and the economic stability guaranteed by the new influx of resources, the Portuguese court regained for some decades much of the grandeur of past eras. Lisbon became once more a cosmopolitan center, and thanks to its maritime business, a place where cultures of every comer of the world could meet and interact. It was during this period of changing tastes and clashing cultures that the Portuguese codices for viola were compiled. Although the three codices present a fair number of Iberian dance-types, from the time the Coimbra codex was compiled to the more recent Conde de Redondo codex one sees a decline of those forms in the face of imported models, such as the minuet and. to a lesser extent, the contredanse. On the other hand, emphasizing a strong connection with seventeenth-century musical ideals, most of the Iberian forms and dance- types found in the Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices are based on early techniques of composing over a ground: a bass line, a harmonic progression, a melody, or a combination of these. 5.1 Iberian and Italian grounds and melodic-harmonic schemes 5.1.1 Rojao Most of the rojdes (pi. of rojao) in Portuguese guitar sources are exactly the same form known in other parts of Europe as passacaglia, passacaille, or passacalle.' Originally a 3 In Portuguese and Brazilian traditional singing practices, rojao is a generic term for an instrumental prelude or interlude played in the viola or rabeca (a type of folk bowed viola). See Luis da Camara Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 103 type of ritomello, by the mid-seventeenth century the passacaglia developed into an elaborate form exploring the principle of variations on a harmonic bass.4 The Portuguese settings correspond to late-seventeenth and early eighteenth-century Italian and Spanish developments of this form. Like most passacaglie of this period, the Coimbra rojdes are generally based on the following harmonic pattern, which allows some chordal inversions and the insertion of passing harmonies: ||: • I [VIII I > v | [i] | V | [i] :|| On the other hand, some of the rojdes in the Coimbra book, and roughly half of the settings in the Gulbenkian and Conde de Redondo codices are in major mode. They usually coincide with another typical feature of Iberian passacalles— the use of binary meter, known in Spain as a compasillo. These settings tend to move towards two variations of the basic progression I IV V I: || I | I iv | b v n i | iv | v | v i | rv v | i || I I I | IV I I I IV I I [or Vj I IV [or n I V I I || The first one is commonly found in early-eighteenth-century a compasillo settings by Guerau and Murcia, while the second one. which recalls the harmonic structure of the villano, is typical of the Conde de Redondo codex. While these patterns begin to appear already in the last settings of the Coimbra codex, they are the basis for virtually all the rojdes of the Conde de Redondo codex. That is a point of departure from French and even Italian Cascudo. Dicionario do folclore brasileiro (Brasilia: Institulo Nacional do Livro. 1972). vol. 2. 769- 770. 4 See Richard Hudson. The folia, the saraband, the passacaglia. and the chaconne (Neuhausen- Stuttgart: American Institute of Musicology. 1982). vol. 3: Maurice Esses. Dance and instrumental diferencias during the 17th and early 18th centuries (Stuyvesant. N.Y.: Pendragon Press. 1992). vol. 1.684-91. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 104 models of the late-seventeenth and early eighteenth century, which are always in ternary meter and minor mode (a setting in major mode is usually identified in those countries as a chaconne or ciaccona). Many rojdes in the Coimbra book contains indications of Italian provenance. If some of these indications may refer simply to the style of those settings, there are pieces actually drawn from Italian sources. A rojao in the Coimbra codex (ff. 36v-37r). for example, is the Passachaglia sopra X (B minor) published in Francesco Corbetta’s book of 1643.5 While the first page of the printed version is copied with only a few changes, the material of the second page is reassembled and suffers several cuts. Besides that, the last eight measures are replaced by a different six-measure ending, and a four-measure ritomello is suppressed in order to finish the piece in B minor. While this piece appears isolated in the Coimbra codex. Corbetta's printed version is inserted in a series of passacaglie. and the ritomello modulates to A major in order to connect with the following number. It is not clear whether the Coimbra version was reworked by a Portuguese viola player, or was based on an already modified source, now lost. Instead of the passacaglia, a rojao might follow the major-mode ciaccona pattern, although rarely. An example is the rojao do 5" tom in the Coimbra codex f. 32r-v. whose opening has some similarity to Pellegrini's Chiaccona in parte variata alia vera Spagnuola!' 5 Francesco Corbetta. Varii capricii per la ghittara spagnvola (Milan: n.p.. 1643). 32-3. 6 Domenico Pellegrini. Armoniosi concerti sopra la chitarra spagnvola (Bologna: Giacomo Monti. 1650). 33-5. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 105 5.1.2 Chacaras Although in Portugal and Brazil chacara, or xdcara. has been generally understood as a form of narrative song, its danced form was also known in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century, probably through Spanish influence. Yet. it is odd that contemporary literary sources give so little information about it. when so many Portuguese musical settings have survived. Since in Spain the jacaras— both sung and danced— were so integrated in the theatre, perhaps a reason for the lack of contemporary information in Portugal is precisely the reduced theatrical activity in that country during most of the seventeenth century. Chacaras are among the most numerous pieces in the Coimbra codex— thirteen for viola and three for bandurra. which makes it the most important musical source for this dance. The number of settings is reduced dramatically in the Gulbenkian codex— four for viola and two for bandurra, and the dance disappears completely in the Conde de Redondo book. The chacaras in the Coimbra codex are also much more clear-cut examples of the form, with settings mainly in first mode (roughly D minor), but also in fourth (A minor) and second (G minor) modes. In these pieces, similarly to what happens in Spanish danced jacaras, a process of recomposition is noticeable, based upon two melodic formulas associated with harmonic progressions, which play a simultaneous role of refrain and variation material.7 7 In his recent study on a Mexican source of Santiago de Murcia's music (Santiago de Murcia's Codice Saldivar no 4 [Urbana: University of Illinois Press. 19951. 26-30). Craig Russell examines the process of recomposition in several variants of jacaras. including one from the Gulbenkian codex. See also Emilio Cotarelo y Mori. Coleccion de entremeses, loas. bailes. jacaras y mogigangas (Granada: Universidad de Granada. 2000). cdii. cclxxiv-ccxc: Esses. Dance and instrumental diferencias. 668-73. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 106 Another setting in a Portuguese source is axacra de I ° tom, by the Catalan Bartolomeo de Olague in the keyboard manuscript M 1577 at the Oporto Biblioteca Municipal (f. 70r-v). 5.1.3 Folia types It might seem strange that the Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices do not mention even once the folia, a dance for which so many sources claim a Portuguese origin, starting with Salinas's treatise of 1577. More than a specific tune or even a choreography, in Portugal and its colonies the expression "to make a folia" referred to an open-air gathering of musicians and dancers arranged in a certain disposition and usually taking part in a procession.* Some sources— the often cited definition by Covarrubias. for example— imply that a folia was simply a noisy gathering of leaping dancers playing some specific percussion instruments.9 Besides that, from the early seventeenth century until today the Portuguese verb foliar means "to play,” "to have fun.” or "to kid around.” It is not certain whether these gatherings used to be associated with a specific chord progression already in sixteenth-century Portugal. The narrowing into a single harmonic scheme seems to have happened outside Portugal, and during the first decades of seventeenth century, as explained by Richard Hudson in his comprehensive study of the form.1 0 8 The meaning did not change significantly in five centuries. For an account of the modern folias in Portugal and Brazil, see Camara Cascudo. Diciondrio do folclore brasileiro. 384-5. 9 Sebastian de Covarrubias Horozco. Tesoro de la lengua castellana o espanola (Madrid: Turner. 1984 [1611]). 603. 1 0 Hudson. The folia, the saraband, the passacaglia. and the chaconne. vol. I. See also Esses. Dance and instrumental diferencias. 636-48. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 107 Hudson identified two main harmonic patterns for the folia. The first one. found in earlier sources up to the late seventeenth century, is a flexible scheme. It is found in both minor and major mode and allows some harmonic variety in the form of substitute chords. Another important particularity is the pick-up-note opening: i ||: V | i | VII | VII | VII | i | V | V || V | i | VII | VII | i | V | i | i :|| A later pattern that begins to appear by the 1670s is always in minor mode, it does not display the pick-up-note opening, and its harmonic scheme is more stable. Because of that, as Hudson points out, this model is much more suitable as a basis for melodic variations: ||: i | V | i | VII | III | VII | i | V || i | V | i | VII | III | VII | i V | i :|| In spite of the apparent Portuguese origin of the term, except for one case, the musical settings of the folia found in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Portuguese sources receive different designations (see table 5.1). The later folia pattern— sometimes called folias italianas in Iberian sources— is the model for the three pieces called Alanella in the Coimbra codex, two in the first mode and one in second mode, roughly D minor and G minor. Another piece in first mode. Meninas de Montemor (f. 54v), uses a different pattern, which is nonetheless derived from the later folia: ||: i | V | i | i | VII | VII | VII | VII || III | VII | i | V | V | i | i V | i :|| Of course, because of the lack of rhythmic indications in the Portuguese viola codices, one should allow some margin of imprecision in this type of analysis. Portuguese keyboard sources also feature settings of the later folia. In the northern city of Braga, a late-seventeenth-century organ codex, the Ms 964 of the Arquivo Distrital. has at least three settings (ff. 219r. 220r. 225r-v), and the keyboard tablature Libro de Cvfra. M.1577 at the Biblioteca Municipal of Oporto presents another one (f. 11 lr-v). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 108 Table 5.1: Compositions based on the folia pattern in Portuguese viola sources. P-Cug M.M. 97 ff. 46v-47v Alanella 1 ° tom P-Cug M.M. 97 ff. 47v-48r Alanella 1 “ tom de Sylva P-Cug M.M. 97 f. 48r Alanella 2° tom de Sylva P-Cug M.M. 97 f. 54v Meninas de Montemor 1 ° tom de Sylva P-Ln F.C.R. ms Ne I ff. 23r-24r [46-7] Folias de Espanha 1 ° tom 5.1.4 Magana Early mentions of a dance called mangana are found in Garcia de Resende's Cancioneiro Geral, of 1516." Later. Luis de Camoes (1524-1580) referred to the mangana as a sung piece.1 2 The only extant musical examples of the magana, found in the Coimbra 1 1 Quoted by Luis de Freitas Branco. Historia da musica portuguesa (Mem Martins: Europa-America. 1995). 100-101. The following lines of the Cancioneiro Geral put the mangana in the category of bailes. rather than dan^as. such as the alta and the baixa. The second passage plays also with a non musical meaning of the word mangana. which is probably the same as magana— according to Morais Silva, “a happy, jovial, unrestrained woman ... a dissolute woman " : I know better how to dance [bailar\ the mangana than to dance [dan<;ar\ the alta or the baixa. You look like a mangana from Madrid. Who is here teaching how to dance [bailor]. sei bailar melhor mangana que danqar alta nem baixa. pareceis madril mangana qu'ensina a bailar aqui. 1 2 Luis de Camoes. Obras completas (Lisbon: Sa da Costa. 1972). vol. 3. 262: Where, in sad tone [set in a sad music]. They sang her the mangana: Aonde. com triste som. the cantaram a mangana: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 109 codex, are unlikely to be in any way related to the dance and song mentioned in the sixteenth century. The Coimbra maganas are always in minor mode, usually based on the following harmonic pattern: ||: i | VII | III | V :|| This pattern can be expanded to a six-measure scheme, as seen in the Magana ou chacoina 4° tom (ff. 49v-50r): ||: i | VII | III | iv VI | V | V :|| The way the notes are grouped in the tablature. more than an alleged connection with the ciaccona given in some titles, strongly suggests a ternary meter for the magana. 5.1.5 Chacoina In spite of a supposed link between the chacoina and the magana. the two works called simply chacoina in the Coimbra codex are in major mode and follow the most usual ciaccona pattern of the late seventeenth century, in ternary meter:1 ' ||: I | I V | vi | IV V :|| According to Raphael Bluteau. by the 1720s the chacouna [sic] was understood in Portugal as:1 4 It seems that Camoes was being sarcastic, for. according to Garcia de Resende. the mangana was by definition a jovial dance. 1 3 Hudson. The folia, the saraband, the passacaglia. and the chaconne. vol. 4. See also Esses. Dance and instrumental diferencias. 612-23: Cotarelo y Mori. Coleccion de entremeses. vol. 1. ccxl-ccxlii. 1 4 Raphael Bluteau. Supplemento ao vocabulario portuguez. e latino (Lisbon: Patriarcal Officina da Musica. 1727). vol. 1. 221. Antoine de Furetiere (1619-1688) was the author of a standard French dictionary. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 110 A som, or dance, which, according to the Abbot de Furetiere, comes from the Moors, and whose basis is of four notes that proceed by conjunctions, over which it is customary to make many consonances and variations always repeating that basis [volta], Maurorum Saltatio. commonly known as Chacouna. Som, ou danqa, que Segundo o Abbade de Furetiere. veyo dos Mouros. e cuja base he de quarto notas, que procedem por graus unidos, sobre a qual se fazem muitas consonancias, e coplas sempre com a mesma volta. Maurorum Saltatio, vulgo Chacouna. The hypothesis of a Moorish origin of this dance, as also the Mexican one, was never confirmed. On the other hand. Bluteau's description of the musical structure makes perfect sense. The basis of four notes to which he refers is the descending tetrachord. a very common bass line in late-seventeenth-century chaconnes. obtained by inverting some chords of the basic harmonic progression (I V6 vi IV6 V). The Coimbra chacoinas. bearing the title chacoina italiana. might well be Italian imports. In Italy the ciaccona was more popular as an instrumental piece— like the passacaglia— than as a dance-type. Even on the Iberian peninsula the chacona, several times condemned by religious and secular authorities as an immodest dance.1 5 went out of fashion as a dance long before the Coimbra codex was compiled. A stylized French choreography still remained by that time. and. exported back to the Iberian peninsula, was probably what the Frenchman Bluteau had in mind. A ciaccona is also found am ong the rojoes o f the C oim bra codex (rojao do 5" tom , f. 32r-v), as explained above. 1 5 Hugo Albert Rennert. The Spanish stage in the time of Lope de Vega (New York: Hispanic Society of America. 1909). 221. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Ill 5.1.6 Capona and Mariona The earliest mention of the capona in Portugal seems to be in the catalogue of the music library of king dom Joao IV, of 1649, where it is given as a subtitle for the vilancico Cara Buena Linda, by Gabriel Dias.1 6 Even though the Capona is mentioned much earlier in several Spanish literary sources, the only extant Iberian musical settings are in the Coimbra codex. With more or less variety, these settings are based on the basic ciaccona pattern (I [IV or vi] V I). One of these settings (ff. 51 v-52r) follows a little more elaborate version of the harmonic scheme: ||: I | V6 | vi IV | IV V :|| The connection between the capona and the cliacona is stressed in the Spanish entremes. El Prado de Madrid y baile de la Capona. by Salas Barbadillo. printed in 1635 but probably written before 1626:1 ' ROBLEDO The capona is a lively dance [baile], and a dance [baile] that is castrated [capon] should come with plumes. ROSALES How meddling are these castrated ones [capones]; it is not enough that they sing so extrovertedly [desenfadados], now they also want to be danced [bailados], DONA JULIA. Could something castrated [capona] be good? Only one, which they call the chacona. DONA TOMASA The chacona, isn't it a very old dance [baile]! 1 6 Esses. Dance and instrumental diferencias. 554. 1 7 Cotarelo y Mori. Coleccion de entremeses. vol. 1. 297. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 112 ROBLEDO A castrated one [an capon] rejuvenated it very gracefully [con gran dona ire], ROBLEDO La capona sera baile ligero. que un baile que es capon vendra con plumas. ROSALES Que entremetidos son estos capones; no les basta cantar desenfadados, sino que tambien quieren ser bailados. DONA JULIA. ^Puede haber cosa buena. si es capona? Sola una. que llaman la chacona. DONA TOMASA La chacona, ^,no es baile muy antiguo ? ROBLEDO Remozola un capon con gran donaire. An earlier play, the Entremes de los maldicientes. by Quinones de Benavente. is even more explicit in the connection between the two dances:1 8 ESTEFA[NI'1A My husband, it is the Master Who gives us some chacona lessons. BAJON Is this what they call capona'1 . MAESTRO It is the same one. Sir. 1 8 Abraham Madroiial Duran, ed.. Nuevos entremeses atribuidos a Luis Quinones de Benavente (Kassel: Edition Reichenberger. 1996). 229. In his commentary (p. 219-20) Duran points out to even earlier mentions of the capona in the theater of Lope de Vega and the poetry of Baltasar de Alcazar. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 113 ESTEFA[NI']A Marido mio, es el senor Maestro. que nos da unas liciones de chacona. BA JO N ^Es aquesto que llaman la capona? MAESTRO La misma, mi sehor. The first entremes plays ostensively with the main meaning of the word capon in Spanish, that of a castrated man or animal, and the characters of the play associate the baile called capona with the capones, or castrato singers (see the line no les basta cantar desenfadados). It also should be noted that the capona is often associated with another dance, the mariona. and a certain resemblance of meaning exists here also at a non-musical level. The term marion is given in the Dicciondrio de Autoridades as a synonym of maricon. a vulgar term roughly meaning “effeminate" (see below, on marisapoles).w This meaning is emphasized in several seventeenth-century entremeses. such as the Entremes del marion. and the entremes Los mariones. both by Quinones de Benavente.2 0 Maybe an explanation for the apparent confusion of dance names could be found in a regulation of 1615, which forbids bailes such as escarramanes, chaconas. zarabandas. carreterias. Equally forbidden was to “invent other new and similar ones bearing different names."2 1 The simple fact that the authorities were careful enough to detail it shows that the practice of renaming old dances in order to escape punishments was fairly common. 1 9 Dicciondrio de Autoridades (Madrid: Grcdos. 1963 f 1 734 ]). 2nd part. 501. 2 0 Cotarelo y Mori. Coleccion de entremeses. vol. 2. 722-5. 595-8. 2 1 Rennert, The Spanish stage. 221. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 114 The connection between the chacona. the capona. and the mariona is corroborated also in Italian musical sources. Alessandro Piccinini's 1639 lute book, published after his death, contains some examples of two types of ciaccona: a chiaccona mariona alia vera Spagnola, and a chiaccona cappona alia vera S p a g n o la The former, sometimes called simply mariona in other sources, is structured around variations on the borrowed ciaccona harmonic progression, usually beginning with a form of ascending arpeggiation. The overwhelming majority of the mariona-type settings are in C major (5° tom/iono). Piccinini's chiaccona cappona finds correspondences in capone by Kapsperger. Carbonchi and the manuscript Mus. Sch. C94 of the Oxford Bodleian Library. Besides the preference for D major and G major, another particularity of these settings— sometimes called “Spanish capona"— is a strong rhythmic drive, stressed by the bass line and the dactyl rhythmic figuration. One should remember that the Piccinini family had strong ties with Spain.2 3 Since Piccinini himself names these dance-types as Spanish, and the earliest Italian settings are his. it is quite possible that the capona and mariona were introduced in Italy by him or his brothers. The Coimbra codex displays one example of the mariona type, called capona Italiana (f. 52r-v). and one example of the so-called Spanish capona (ff. 52v-53r). Besides these, three other caponas do not fit easily in any of these groups, being most likely a later development. Another setting, entitled simply mariona. in G major, appears in the section of foreign music of the Coimbra codex (f. 99r). It resembles a French or Italian late- — Alessandro Piccinini. Intavolatvra di livto (Bologna: Giacomo Monti. 1639). il-lii. Iv-lix. 2 3 See also Stein. Songs of mortals. 193-6. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 115 seventeenth-century chaconne, and do not display the features usually associated with the mariona. such as the key, the arpeggiation motive, and the bass-line. 5.1.7 Vacas One of the most common harmonic schemes in Southern Europe during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was the romanesca. also known in Spain as Gudrdame las vacas, or simply vacas, because of its use in a Spanish villancico with those w ords/4 Even though its first printed appearance was in Spain (Mudarra 1546). its probable origin was Italy, where besides being used as a basis for instrumental improvisation, the romanesca was also a formula to sing poetry in ottava rima. In its simplest form, the formula comprises a descending melodic line over a harmonic bass (see example 5.1). ||: III | VII | i | V || III | VII | i V | i :|| pHi Example 5.1: Melodic-harmonic scheme of the romanesca (vacas). zi See also Esses. Dance and instrumental diferencias. 659-61: Russell. Codice Saldivar no. 4 .58-9. 163-4. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 116 In two very ornamented vacas of the Coimbra codex (ff. 53v-54v), that pattern is framed by a pick-up measure and a two-measure extension, functioning as a ritomello: i ||: III | VII | i | V || III | VII | i V | i V | iv V | i :|| 5.1.8 Pavana Despite protests of the character dom Gil Cogominho in Melo’s Auto do Fidalgo Aprendiz, by the mid-seventeenth century the pavana was a highly regarded aristocratic dance in Portugal, as it was in Spain.2 5 The Pavana 1° tom de Barros. of the Coimbra codex (f. 45r-v). follows the usual harmonic pattern of the late-seventeenth-century Spanish pavana. as it appears in Sanz and Antonio de Santa Cruz: ||: i | V | V | i | i | VII | VII | VII | III VII | i | i | V i | IV V | i | IV V | i :|| One sees, however, a tendency in Sanz to use the fourth degree in its major form in the first half of the piece (missing in Barros's setting) and in its minor form in the second half, which coincides with most Italian pavane of the early seventeenth century. The Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices also feature other pavanas in the second, third and fourth modes (G minor. E major. A minor), following the same basic scheme, but allowing more passing harmonies. The Coimbra codex has a setting of the pavaniglia. also known as pavana italiana (ff. 45v-46r), which present some glosas. or variations, over the following pattern— a simplified version of the ones found in seventeenth-century Italian guitar sources: ||: i | V I i V I i I i I vn I iv I vn I vn I i I iv I V I V I i I i V I i :|| 2 5 See also Esses. Dance and instrumental diferencias. 691-8. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 117 5.1.9 Sarao In the early nineteenth century, Antonio Morais Silva defined sarao (modem spelling: sarau) as "a festive evening gathering at a house in which there are dances and performance of musical compositions." which is still the main meaning of the term in Portuguese.2 6 In 1665 Francisco Manuel de Melo still had in mind the court version of the sarao. featuring specific dances in a certain order, and subjected to a certain theme.2 7 The definition given by Bluteau in 1728 is already similar to the one found in a recent edition of Morais’s. but Bluteau added:2 8 it is also a particular dance, whose main terms are campanela. esporada. vazio. romper, saltilhos, encaixe. and others, which designate the several steps [mtulan^as] of this dance. It is a very serious [well ordered, well arranged: orig.: muito grave) piece [som] played on string instruments. tambem he dan^a particular, cujos termos principaes sao Campanela. Esporada. Vasio, Romper. Saltilhos. Encaxe. e outros. que explicao as varias mudan<;as desta danqa. He som muito grave, em instrumentos de corda. The Coimbra codex has six settings of the dance-type sarao. three in major and three in minor mode. Besides sharing motivic material, these settings are clearly based on a single harmonic pattern, whose first half seems to derive from the magana. if not the opposite: ||: i I vn I m I V I V I I i I iv I V I i I i :|| ~ b Morais Silva. Dicionario (Lisbon. 1949). vol. 9.920: “A festive gathering, at night, at home, where one dances and there is performance of musical compositions, etc” (Reuniao festiva. de noite. em casa onde se dan^a. se executam composiqoes musicais. etc.). 2 7 See nl: n2: Esses. Dance and instrumentaldiferencias. 354-5. 2 8 Bluteau. Supplemento. vol. 2. 197. Spanish dance treatises, such as the works by Esquivel Navarro and Minguet e Yrol explain the several dance steps mentioned by Bluteau. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 118 This scheme does not accord with three extant saraos found in Spanish and Mexican sources.2 9 Neither share these settings a harmonic pattern nor do they agree rhythmically among themselves, for two are in ternary and one in binary meter. 5.1.10 Mantuana The Ballo di Mantova. or mantoana. became very popular during the seventeenth century, with several arrangements for instrumental ensemble or solo lute. Several Italian guitar books in alfcibeto notation feature its harmonic background detached from the melody and lyrics. In the Iberian peninsula, the Ballo di Mantova appears in Sanz's 1674 book and in the Coimbra codex. Sanz's setting is virtually identical to the one Carlo Calvi presented in 1646. the only difference worth mentioning being Calvi’s major chord ending. The A minor and B minor settings in the Coimbra codex share the following harmonic scheme: ||: i | III | VI | III | VII | i | iv V | i :||: i | v | II | v | III | VI | I vi vn | III | III | VII | VII | i | i | III | VI | III | VII | i | V | i :|| This scheme is closely related to Sanz’s. in D minor, which was most likely drawn from an Italian source. That seems to be the case with the Coimbra versions too. since they are included in a section of foreign music— mostly Italian— within the codex. While Sanz’s and so many other seventeenth-century guitar settings are notated in the alfabeto system, the Coimbra versions are notated in tablature, one o f them in so ornamented a fashion that the main melody is no longer recognizable. 2 9 See also Russell. Codice Saldivar no. 4. 96-9. 181-2. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 119 l - F c B o r b c r a 1 5 8 , 1. 8 2 v ( o n g . C , m i n o r ) t* * -------- *---------------- r - ------- ^ - T T 7 ‘ Fug-gi. tug-tp. tug * g i d a que* • to -!c - l o j s - pro. c Ju -ro . 4ptc*la * to [ ’- C u r M . M . 9 7 . f. 9 8 r i a ----------------- m . 0 - • • # gic - lo. l u d ie tl m i * I’m p n - g i o n c - Ic - ghi. '. c p er p u n • to q m # (ran * g» a p ie • gtu Flcr n * ran • no. t'ric! del - T in - no. F ug * gL tug • p. \ I ^ • ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ - ■ • B # • 0 0 * •* !* .*• m.. ^ m • m ------------ • . . 1 -<§ * : _ : ----- f— T — Y r: • - r ; tug gt U Jo vc tl vcr - no. Su lc hn ■ nc per veg - gm « 1 2 - b g 1 ( 3 0 - i 0 ! 3 ) “ a t 1 : i Example 5.2: Settings of the Mantuana. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 120 Since the harmonic pattern seems to have been drawn from a vocal setting, most likely the canzonetta Fuggi, fuggi da questo cielo. one can actually play them together (see example 5.2).3 0 5.1.11 Gagliarda Even though the galharda was a common courtly dance in Portugal— as seen in Melo, and later in Bluteau— the only setting found in Portuguese tablatures has its title spelled in Italian. The setting is placed in the section of imported music within the Coimbra codex, probably copied from a foreign source. It is unlikely, though, that the source was Italian, for it follows the harmonic and rhythmic structure of the Spanish gallarda~a compasillo. with some binary-ternary ambiguity— and resembling in many aspects Sanz's setting of 1674.'1 The harmonic pattern of the Coimbra gagliarda is identical to the one found in many major-mode Spanish settings, as follows (although in its first appearance, the initial harmonies of I V VI are substituted by IIV IV):3 2 I ||: I V | VI [III I V | V I | IV V | I :|| ,0 Transcription by John Walter Hill, in Roman monody, cantata, and opera from the circles around Cardinal Montalto (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1997). vol. 2. 396. 3 1 Despite the lack of durational indications, the rhythmic structure is obvious in the Coimbra setting 3 2 See also Esses. Dance and instrumental diferencias. 651-7: Russell. Codice Saldivar no. 4. 31-4. 147-9. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 121 5.1.12 Terantela The tarantella supposedly derived its name from the Italian city of Taranto, or to a long since discredited effectiveness of the dance in the treatment of tarantula bites. One of the earliest known settings, by Athanasius Kircher, already displays the same general harmonic and melodic features of later guitar versions." Sanz’s setting of 1674— the first Iberian one— may well have been collected during his stay in Italy. The Coimbra codex has one setting of the terantela [sic], which, although shorter, is very similar in its harmonic and melodic contour with Spanish settings: |: [i or III1 VII | III | iv V | i :|| |: i | i VII | III | iv V | i :|| |: i [iv or VII] | III | IV V | i :|| ||: i VII | III | iv V | i :|| |: [III or i] vii | III vii | i V | i :|| Kircher (1641) Sanz(1674) E-Mn M.81I (1705) Murcia (1714) Coimbra 5.1.13 Ballo del Gran Duca The origins of this piece can be traced back to an intermedio by Emilio de’ Cavalieri, written in 1589 for the wedding of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Ferdinando de’ Medici, and Christine de Lorraine. As Warren Kirkendale observed, the settings of the Ballo del Gran Duca, Aria di Fiorenza, or simply Granduque. that proliferate throughout the 3 3 Athanasius Kircher. Magnes (Rome. 1641), vol. 3, chapter 8. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 122 seventeenth century and even later, are based on the bass line and harmonic progression of one of the pieces in that intermedio, the five-voice ballo “O che nuovo miracolo."3 4 Cotarelo y Mori observes that in Spain the Granduque was associated with the Danza de hacha. whose choreography features dancers carrying torches. There is no documented evidence of that association in Portugal. The Coimbra version is structured as variations, featuring an initial motive that appears in many instrumental settings. Because of the guitar’s narrow range, it is not the bass line, but the harmonic progression that remains intact in the Coimbra setting, which resembles in many aspects Sanz’s setting of 1675 (see example 5.3). 6 6 ft P r o t o t y p e : [ V v i l b I V l i b V I I V I 11 I V v o I V I I V P - C u g M . M . ' i T , t. 9 4 r ( D r r u i | o r ) : I V v i I I V V I I V u b V U I V I I v t b V I I v V I II u v i i b I I V V I I V I I V b V I I V I u u I I V V I ___ b V I I v v i l i b V I b V I I V v i l i b V I Example 5.3: Bass line and harmonic scheme of the Aria di Fiorenza. or Ballo del Gran Duca. 3 4 Warren Kirkendale. L ’ Aria di Fiorenza id est il ballo del gran duca (Florence: Leo Olschki. 1972). See also Russell. Codice Saldivar no. 4 .90-2. 179-80. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 123 A * ^ ' r ' ■ * r P r o t o t v p t r i V I I III V I V I I III v • • P - C u g M . M . 9 7 . t . 4 3 r i V I I I II V I V I I III A Y I II V I I i V - ________ v - • * • • . V I I III V I I V . V A A , I t It «• • I- i V I I I V i II V 1 Y V i V i I V 1 ,1 * ■ « «_!•—*— I V Example 5.4: Melodic-harmonic scheme of the espanholeta. 5.1.14 Espanholeta The Portuguese espanholetas, like its Spanish counterparts, are based on a melodic- harmonic progression (see example 5.4).3 5 The earliest mentions of this dance date from the 3 5 See also Esses. Dance and instrumental diferencias. 630-3: Russell. Codice Saldivar no. 4. 34-5. 149-51. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 124 late sixteenth century, but it appears documented in Portugal only by the mid-seventeenth century. In Brazil, it is mentioned in a poem by Gregorio de Mattos late in that century.3 6 The later Coimbra and Gulbenkian settings follow Spanish models, but present what seem to be some distinctive Portuguese features 5.1.15 Marisapoles Marizapalos was a song and a baile remarkably popular on the Iberian peninsula and Latin America from the mid-seventeenth century until at least the 1730s.3 7 Cotarelo y Mori traces its origins to a poem by Jeronimo de Camargo v Zarate, but the first printed version appeared in a pliego suelto published by Miguel Lopez de Honrubia in I657:'8 Marizapalos went down one afternoon To the green banks of Vaciamadrid. Because when she stepped on that soil She no longer thought of Flanders as her homeland. Marizapalos was a young girl. In love with Pedro Martin. She was the beloved niece of the priest. The jewel of the village, the flower of April. Pedro told her, kissing the snow [her skin?]. Which was melting because of him. In your hands two small coins are worth more Than all gold from Valladolid. 3 6 Gregorio de Mattos. Obra Poetica (Rio de Janeiro: Record. 1990). vol. 2. 828. 3 7 See Russell. Codice Saldivar no. 4 .60-4. 164-5. 3 8 Miguel Lopez de Honrubia. Aqvi se contiene vna xacara nveva ... con vn Romance de Marizapalos a lo humano (Madrid: Andres Garcia. 1657). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 125 Because of the noise of leaves From the horseshoes of a certain nag, Adonis quickly flew away. Fearing the teeth of some wild boar. It was the priest who was coming. Had he arrived a little before. Since he knows grammar. He could have caught them in bad Latin [old expression, meaning to take unawares, flat-footed]. Marizapalos baxo vna tarde A 1 verde sotillo de Vaciamadrid, Porque entonces pisandole ella No huuiesse mas Flandes. que ver su Pais. Marizapalos era muchacha, Y enamorada de Pedro Martin. Por sobrina del Cura estimada. La gala del pueblo, la flor de Abril. Dixo, Pedro, besando la nieue, Que ya por su causa miro derretir. En tus manos mas valen dos blancas. q - todo el ochauo de Valladolid. Al ruido que hizo en las hojas De las herraduras de cierto rocin. El Adonis se puso en huyda, Temiendo los dientes de algu jauali. Era el cura que al soto uenia, Y si poco antes aportara allf. Como sabe gramatica el cura. Pudiera cogerlos en el mal latin. The song, which tells a spicy story about the young girl Marizapalos and her beloved Pedro Martin, appeared in several Spanish entremeses, as well as in Portuguese literary works (by Francisco Manuel de Melo and Antonio Jose da Silva). It was also parodied by the Brazilian poet Gregorio de Mattos, during his stay in Portugal. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 126 \ P r o t o t y p e V P - C u g M . M . 9 7 . f. 3 8 v - 3 9 r i V I I V I V V I I i : : , r - - - . . V V I I V V I I * “----* » *..... ................ ^ * * « i l» " * . \ V I I V V I I ^ • •- - : * ------<Z_L» ' % a T - g - \ I I I V I i v V i V i « ~ » f. « jl V I I I V I t v V 6 i V i Example 5.5: Melodic-harmonic scheme of the marisapoles. Mattos's poem Marim’ colas, written before 1682. satirizes a high functionary of the Royal Mint— whom he calls Nicolau de tal. or “Nicholas what's-his-name"— because of his unpopular handling of the Portuguese currency. Marinicolas might seem just a compound word using the particle Mari— abbreviation of Maria— to give a feminine connotation to the name Nicolau.3 9 But the word is used in other situations by Mattos. though always as a sexual insult. In Bluteau’s dictionary, the terms marinicola and marinicolas are given as synonyms of maricola, a vulgar word denoting "a man. who looks more like a woman than a 3 9 Heitor Martins. "A musica do Mari-Nfcolas de Gregorio de Matos." Suplemento Literario de Minas Gerais. 7 April 1990. 4-5. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 127 man."40 In Mattos’s parody, the amorous encounters of Nicolau and his servant Marcos replace the escapade of Marizapalos and Pedro Martin in the original song. As pointed by Heitor Martins. Mattos repeats several expressions and even three complete lines in Spanish, even though the poem is in Portuguese: Marinicolas. every day I see him passing by in his carriage, A gentleman from such nice places As. for example. London and Paris. But hearing some noise at the door. Where a civil guard was knocking. One and another flew away Fearing the teeth of some wild boar. It was Baeta. the mischievous one. Had he arrived a little before. Since Baeta knows Latin. He could have caught them in bad Latin [see above]. Mariniculas todos os dias O vejo na sege passar por aqui Cavalheiro de tao lindas partes Como verbi gratia Londres. e Paris. Mas sentindo rufdo na porta. Aonde batia um Gorra civil. Um e outro se pos de fugida Temiendo los dientes de aigtim Javali. Era pois o Baeta travesso, Que se um pouco dantes aportara ali. Como sabe latim o Baeta. Pudiera cogerlos en un mal Latim. 4 0 Bluteau. Supplemento. vol. 2. 19-20. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 128 At least thirteen musical settings of the marizapalos survive in Portuguese sources, one for keyboard (Oporto Biblioteca Municipal. M 1577, f. 112r), and twelve for viola (Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices). Only two of the viola settings, both in the Coimbra book (Marisapoles 1° tom Italiana, ff. 37v-38r, and Marisapoles 4° tom, ff. 39v-40), follow the usual marizapalos melodic-harmonic scheme. Of the remaining settings, four bring a varied first section on the same harmonic progression-three of these are in E minor (3° tom), an unusual key among marizapalos settings. Five other settings in the Coimbra codex and one in the Gulbenkian codex bring a different melodic-harmonic scheme for the first part (see example 5.5). 5.1.16 Vilao Discarding the possibility of a connection with the Gallician-Portuguese cantigas de vilao. the earliest references to a dance called vilao (literally a villain: also a peasant, a hillbilly) dale from 1451, in a letter sent from Italy, describing the marriage of dona Leonor of Portugal and the Habsburg Emperor Frederick III in 1451. The wedding took place in Siena, after which the couple went in a honeymoon trip to Naples, from where the Portuguese envoy Lopo de Almeida wrote to the king Afonso V. the brother of the bride:4 1 Prince Rossano, son-in-law of the king, asked us to dance, since he was dancing too, and so all of us who knew how to dance were dancing. When it came to the alta, all five danced alone, and after that was the chacota led by your sister. When it was finished, they ordered my nephew to dance a baile mourisco with Beatriz Lopes, and afterward, the vilao. The king was 4 1 Lopo de Almeida. Cartas de Italia 1451-1452 (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional. 1935). Quoted in Jose' Sasportes. Feasts andfolias: the dance in Portugal (New York: Dance Perspectives Foundation. 1970). 17. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 129 astonished with his manner of dancing and made me understand that he would be pleased if he remained some days . . . The dance is mentioned in Portugal again in the Cancioneiro Geral (1516), first in the trovas of Henrique da Mota to Vasco Abul:4 2 [She] was either dancing the balho [dance] vilao, Or the mourisca [moresca]. But I call it carraquisca. For it is livelier than the tordiao [iourdion\. Bailava balho vilao. ou mourisca. mas. chamo-lh'eu carraquisca, mais viva que tordiao. and later by Garcia de Resende: Neither are you fit To dance the tordiao. Maybe if you practiced. You could dance the bailo vilao. Sois tambem desensoada. para danqar tordiao, quit;a se foreis vezada. bailareis bailo vilao. As Freitas Branco observes, these lines imply a certain individual ability in the performance of the vilao. This vilao probably corresponds to the villano mentioned in Spanish pliegos sueltos (a type of pamphlet literature) since the 1510s, but it is not clear whether there is any connection between these and the seventeenth-century villano, a danza. whose music first appears in Cesare Negri's treatises of 1602 and 1604 (called there 4 2 Freitas Branco. Histdria da mtisica portuguesa. 99-100. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 130 villanico).4 3 Likewise, the famous refrain Al villano se le d a n / la cebolla con el pan appears in Spanish comedias and entremeses— also a lo divino. or in contrafacta-only around the turn of the century. In Portugal, the new form of vilao appears during the seventeenth century, but there is no evidence of the use of any sung refrain. This is most likely the vilao that Melo mentioned in the Auto do fidalgo aprendiz (1665). Some decades later two settings for viola would appear in the Coimbra and Gulbenkian compilations. Except for some glosas. or variations in the Gulbenkian codex, there is nothing distinctive about these settings, which coincide melodically and harmonically with earlier Spanish versions by Sanz and Ruiz de Ribayaz. Still today another type of vilao is found in Southern Brazil as part of the fandangos. all-night gatherings that include several types of dances in a specific order.- 1 4 The earliest descriptions and musical sources of this modem vilao are from the early nineteenth century.4 5 5.2 Sectional and free-composed pieces Sectional and free-composed forms--some times of a semi-improvisatory character- such as fantasias, caprichos. batalhas and rojoes, comprise roughly one quarter of the 4 5 See also Cotarelo y Mori. Coleccion de entremeses. vol. I. cclxiii-cclxv: Esses. Dance and instrumental diferencias. 726-35: Russell. Codice Saldivar no. 4. 35-7. 151-3. 4 4 Like its Luso-Brazilian counterpart, the villano was still found in twentieth-century Spain. Kurt Schindler (Folk Music and Poetry of Spain and Portugal [New York: Hispanic Society. 1941)) collected three villanos (no. 780. 781. and 782) and one milano (no. 704): the music of the last one bears some resemblance with the seventeenth-century villano melody. 4 5 In a tablature for salterio by Antonio Vieira dos Santos (1784-1854). at the Cfrculo de Estudos Bandeirantes. Curitiba (no catalogue number). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 131 Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices, a proportion that diminishes to a little more than one sixth in the Conde de Redondo codex. Except for the Coimbra book, sectional and free-composed pieces are also identified by terms such as obra, passo (the term may also mean a section of a fantasia or a passacalle), consonancias, and partida. 5.2.1 Fantasia The Coimbra codex has an impressive number of fantasias— the largest found in a single volume in all guitar literature. It is significant that by the time the codex was compiled the fantasia was already out of fashion in most of Europe. In fact, the type of fantasia found in the Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices does not correspond to the new musical ideals of simplicity and clarity that begin to take shape particularly in Italy by the late 1720s. As evidence of changing times, the later Lisbon codex contains only two fantasias. One of these (f. 50r [p. 97]) has a concordance in the Coimbra codex (ff. 18v-20v. attributed to Marques), but of the original 182 measures the new version retains only the initial 22~virtually all development material is suppressed. Another example of internal concordance in the Portuguese viola codices is a fantasia by Marques in the Coimbra codex (ff. 2v-3v), which is attributed to Antonio Marques in the Gulbenkian volume ( lr-2r). The Gulbenkian version lacks an introduction, but is considerably larger, encompassing several sections. Some of these are based on motives that appear in other fantasias of the Coimbra codex, which could imply some reassembling work, similar to what happens in some batalhas. The Gulbenkian codex additionally identifies the composer Antonio Marques as a player of the royal chapel, which strongly suggests that he was actually Antonio Marques Lesbio (see chapter 2). Since several Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 132 other pieces in the Coimbra codex are attributed to Marques, that might ultimately result in a considerable addition to the body of works attributed to this Portuguese composer. Considering factors such as structure, compositional devices, stylistic features, and overall dimensions, the fantasias of the Coimbra codex— and to a lesser extent those in the volume at the Gulbenkian Foundation— form a heterogeneous group. A small number of fantasias approach the model of arpeggiata toccatas by Kapsperger and Granata. More sophisticated harmonically, exploring unusual progressions, is a fantasia de falsas. by Barros (f. 4r). But most fantasias are free-composed pieces featuring several sections in varied styles— chordal, imitative, displaying scale passages, or in sesquialtera meter (6/8)— which corroborates the definition given in Raphael Bluteau's dictionary:4 6 FANTASIA, or Fantesia. It is customary to compose for the viola some pieces that are use several positions [of the left hand], which, multiplied and set in all eight modes, are called fantesias. because they are according to the fantasies and ideas of their authors. FANTASIA, ou Fantesia. Costumao fazerse nas violas humas pe^as. que constao de varias posturas, e multiplicadas. que postas por todos os oito tons da solfa, se chamad fantesias. porque sao con forme as fantesias, e ideias dos seus authores. Bluteau's remarks also show that by the early eighteenth century, the fantasia was more closely identified in Portugal with the viola than with any other instrument.. Several fantasias, caprichos, and batalhas of the Coimbra codex are based on Italian models. This is sometimes revealed by the title itself ( fantasia italiana. batalha italiana). In other cases, a comparison with Italian contemporary or earlier works may reveal a stylistic connection. The capricio on f. 94v, for example, displays a remarkable similarity with some of the toccatas published in the 1640s and 1650s by Giovanni Battista Granata. 4 6 Bluteau. Supplemento. v. 1 . 420. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 133 5.2.2 Batalha and Trombeta The late-seventeenth-century battaglia, or bataille— whose origin goes back to Jannequin's Bataille de Marignan— is composed around war-like fragments evoking trumpet calls (e.g., butta sella, alio stendardo. a cavallo, ritirata), drum rolls, horses galloping, and sometimes sounds from the fight itself, such as cannon fire and the clashing of swords. These sounds alternate with several popular songs— soldiers' songs in this context— such as the L ’ anturuni. the Girometta. and several others (in Portuguese sources, some of these song sections are named gayta. cansonetta, venetianna, and moschettera). The Iberian peninsula had a strong tradition of keyboard batalhas— mainly for organ— but some guitar settings also survived. Probably the best known Iberian example is Sanz's Clarities y Trompetas. from his 1675 book.- * 7 which quotes popular songs from Italy, France, and Portugal. Mostly using material from this piece, the batalhas in the Gulbenkian codex show exempiarily how elements from foreign sources could be reassembled and reworked into new pieces of music. The Batalha Italiana de 7° tom (ff. 9r-IOv) uses Sanz's entire setting, reassembled and framed in a different way. In fact, while Sanz’s piece begins with trumpet calls and proceeds immediately to the songs, quoting them one after another, the Gulbenkian version adds an introduction and has many more interludes in between the songs, though sometimes in sharp contrast with the original material. Another piece that uses Sanz’s material is the batalha on ff. 16r-18v, but it only quotes five of the eleven fragments from Clarines y Trompetas. The war-like sections here are much more elaborated, with subtitles explaining the battle events 4 7 Gaspar Sanz. Libro segvitdo de cifras sobre la gvitarra espaiiola ([Zaragoza: Herederos de Diego Dormer. 1675]). pi. 12 [f. 49r]. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 134 (the presence of such interludes and war-like sections, rather than just trumpet calls and songs, is probably the key difference between a true batalha and a piece entitled trombeta). Table 5.2: Compositions based on the gaitas pattern in Portuguese viola sources. P-Cug M.M. 97 f. 26r Gaita de folle 7° tom P-Cz/g M.M. 97 ff. 57r-57v Meya Danga 7° tom de Abreu P-Leg [n.n.| f. 24v Mea danqa 7° tom P-Ln F.C.R. ms. Ne 1 ff. 28v-29r [p. 56-71 Batalha de 7C tom: Gaitas One of the songs that is sometimes included in Iberian battle pieces is the gaitas, a popular tune evoking the sound of bagpipes.4 8 In both the Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices, it appears as an individual piece called meia danqa (lit. half-dance), which features the gaitas tune and the harmonic support with its characteristic drone in the tonic (see table 5.2). 5.3 Other Iberian instrumental forms The Conde de Redondo codex presents two pieces— Cupidilho and two settings of Divina Filis, also found in the Gulbenkian codex— that have correspondence in the harp manuscript M.816 in the Madrid Biblioteca Nacional. While Divina Filis is identified as a minuet in both Portuguese sources, the Madrid manuscript calls it a tonada. which is a designation usually given to small solo vocal pieces. However, no lyrics are found in either of these sources. Cupidilho desleal, also identified as a tonada in the Madrid manuscript, was performed in the comedia Todo lo vence el amor, by Antonio de Zamora in the second half 4 8 See also Esses. Dance and instrumental diferencias. 648-50: Russell. Codice Saldivar no. 4. 66-9. 166-8. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 135 of the seventeenth century.4 9 The similarity between the Madrid and Conde de Redondo settings is not convincing enough to draw a connection. The Conde de Redondo codex also has a baile castelhano and a piece named simply danqa~ior which I found no correspondence. Likewise, the meaning and use of other titles that presumably refer to Iberian forms and dance-types in the Coimbra codex, such as ananita galega. maricota do brejo, pai Ambrdsio. picard. querera. and sexto (lit. sixth) are still elusive.5 0 Portuguese forms and dance-types displaying African or African-Brazilian influence, or linked somehow to black and mulatto musicians and dancers, such as the amoroso, arromba. caozinho. cubanco. cumbe. gandum. oitavado. marinheira. paracumbe. and sarambeque will be examined in the next chapter. 5.3.1 Matachim The sixteenth-century Spanish dance matachin (mattaccino in Italy, and matassins in France) was known in Portugal as machatins. The origin of the term is still controversial. 4 9 Stein. Songs of mortals. 373. 5 0 According to Frei Lucas de Santa Catarina (1660-1740). picard was a little black strip that young ladies used to attach laces to their cuffs (Gra^a Almeida Rodrigues. Lireratura e sociedade na obra de Frei Lucas de Santa Catarina [Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda. 1983). 162-3). That is the same meaning given in Vtorais Silva's dictionary. Frei Lucas de Santa Catarina also mentions a querera voluntario among the dances of the Alfama quarter of Lisbon in the first decades of the eighteenth century (Anatomico Jocoso [1758], vol. 3. 209-10. quoted in Jose Ramos Tinhorao. Historia social da mtisica popular brasileira [Lisbon: Caminho. 1990], 289). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 136 and there seem to have been at least two distinct choreographies— a serious and a comic one— always danced by men and depicting sword combats.5 1 In sixteenth-century Portugal, the machatins are mentioned by Luis de Camoes in his play El-Rei Seleuco. and in a contemporary morality play by Jose de Anchieta, a Spanish Jesuit missionary who lived in Brazil from 1553 to 1597. In an auto that Anchieta prepared for the day of Our Lady’s Assumption, six Indians playing the role of savages newly arrived from the jungle are asked to dance the machatins. probably replacing the European swords and shields with their own weapons.5 2 In the following century, the mochachins that Francisco Manuel de Melo mentioned were most likely the machatins. The only Portuguese musical setting— in the Gulbenkian codex, entitled Matachim de la Reyna (f. 25v)— dates from the early eighteenth century. However, it was not drawn from the Portuguese tradition— not entirely one should say, for it replicates Sanz’s setting of 1675 interspersing it with newly-composed interludes in a somewhat different style. 5.3.2 Canario The earliest references and musical settings of the canario date from the second half of the sixteenth century, usually referring to this dance as native to the Canary Islands.5 ' It 5 1 See also Cotarelo y Mori. Coleccion de entremeses. vol. I. cccviii-cccxiv: Esses. Dance and instrumental diferencias. 677-81. 5 2 Jose de Anchieta. Poesias (Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia. 1989). 582-583. 5 3 See also Esses. Dance and instrumental diferencias. 600-09: Russell. Codice Saldivar no. 4. 39-43. 153-5. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 137 was first mentioned in Brazil only in the late seventeenth century, by Gregorio de Mattos,5 4 and according to Raphael Bluteau. it was still danced in Portugal as late as 1727:5 5 SOM. and piece played on a string instrument, very well ordered [grave], though hasty, it is customary to dance to it. SOM, e peqa de instrumento de cordas. muito grave, ainda que apressado. costumase danqar a elle. Near the end of the eighteenth century, the Portuguese poet Filinto Elfsio referred to the canario in the past tense, and added details about its choreography:5 6 It was an oitavado very much tinkled [repinicado] on the viola, danced with very difficult steps, and very well ordered [de muita gravidade]. Those who danced it with perfection were rare. Era um outavado muito repenicado na viola, e dansado com muitas posturas diffceis e de muita gravidade. Erao raros os que o dansavao com perfeiqao. The Coimbra settings follow the typical four-bar pattern explained in 1729 in the Diccionario de Autoridades. and seen already in the earliest settings by Caroso and Negri.5 7 Yet, the Coimbra canarios are unusual in their virtuosic writing and large overall extension. 5 4 Mattos. Obra poetica. vol. 2. 828. 5 5 Bluteau. Supplemento. vol. 1. 189. 5 6 Mario Costa. Danqas e danqarinos em Lisboa (Lisbon: Camara Municipal de Lisboa. 1962). 116. 5 7 Diccionario de autoridades (Madrid: Editorial Gredos. 1963 [1729]). vol. 1. 2nd. part. 106. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 138 5.4 Iberian vocal forms From the sixteenth century on there is documented information about the use in Portugal of the viola as an accompanying instrument for the voice. Among the earliest musical sources to illustrate that practice are two tonos by Antonio Marques Lesbio, composed around the end of the seventeenth century. One might argue that the term viola actually referred there to the bowed viol (usually called viola de arco), but Lesbio marked the part as an "accompaniment on the viola ," and included a couple of figured-bass signs. A few years later, one of the compilers of the Gulbenkian codex included viola accompaniment for some Spanish “solos"— a term that could encompass tonos. theatrical songs, or even fragments of cantatas. However, these settings do not include vocal parts or lyrics.5 8 The vocal pieces in the Conde de Redondo codex also present the viola accompaniment without a voice part, but at least the lyrics are notated. Though possible, a reconstruction of the vocal line based on the prosody, as suggested by Joao Manuel Borges de Azevedo.5 9 would be better classified as a recomposition, because the viola part does not feature an interspersed vocal line in the tablature (as used to happen in the vihuela repertory), but only the accompaniment (see below, under Amable). However, at least in one case— the cantata humana Al son de la cadena (P-Ln F.C.R. ms. Ne I, 42v-44r [82-85])— a viola accompaniment can be reunited with a contemporary 5 8 I was unable to check a possible connection between the piece Fuentecilla que alegre risueiia (f. 39v) and the keyboard piece Risueiia fuentecilla. in manuscript M.811. f. 58v. in the Madrid Biblioteca Nacional. 5 9 Joao Manuel Borges de Azevedo. Uma tablatura para guitarra barroca (Lisbon: Ministerio da Educaqao e Cultura. 1987). xiv. xxvi. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 139 vocal part, giving also an important insight into early-seventeenth-century performance practices. The tablature contains only the lyrics and the guitar part, but a complete setting for voice and basso continuo is found at the same library, in codex MS 82 of the Colecqao Pombalina.6 0 The guitar part, which can be juxtaposed with only minor differences, shows a harmonic realization of the bass line by a contemporary guitar player, at once showing that the guitar was used as an accompanying instrument for such a repertory and illustrating how that could be done. The Conde de Redondo codex also features some minuetes cantados— a very common hybrid form in the Iberian peninsula during the eighteenth century, whose popularity may help explain the setting of Portuguese lyrics to another courtly dance, the Aimable Vainqueur (see below). 5.5 French and Italian dance-types The Coimbra codex contains a whole section of imported music, entitled Peqas de Viola Italianas e Francesas (ff. 91r-99r). The following section, with settings in several scordatura tunings features a similar repertory of French and Italian dances (ff. 99v-103v; the only piece that does not seem to fit here is a gandum on f. 102r). The rebeca (violin, or perhaps bowed viola) section at folios 109r-l 15r was probably copied from a foreign source as well-most likely Italian, judging by its titles (zvizzera, passagio. trombetta. coranta. ciaccona). 6 0 Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa. Colecqao Pombalina MS 82. Livro de rusitados de Alexandre Antonio de Lima: Colecqdo de cantatas de varios auctores. ff. 59r-64r. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 140 In the viola sections, only two pieces could be ascertained so far as having French origins: the courante ”L'Immortelle," by Ennemond Gaultier (La Immortale. f. lOOv), and the anonymous allemande "Tombeau de Mazarin" (Tombo de Mazzarin, f. 99r). However, even these might have been copied from Italian or Spanish sources. It should be noted that, except for one gandum and one rojao, all dance names between folios 91r and I03v are spelled in Italian (giga, alemanda. corrente, ballo, tricot re. gagliarda, gavotta. sarabanda. borea). or a mix of Italian and Spanish (bayletto). In fact, some of these numbers can have their origins traced back to books published by Francesco Corbetta and Domenico Pellegrini in the 1640s and 1650s (see table 4.5). A comparison with the original sources gives us an important insight in the process of transmission of this repertory. Corbetta's alemanda on f. 92r was carefully copied.'’1 with most of the ornamentation and strasci (ties) indications, and the alfabeto signs correctly interpreted in the tablature. For the most part, the alemanda on f. 91 v is also faithful to Corbetta.6 2 although some chords of the first, fourth and fifth measures of the original are missing. That would pose no problem for the player, who could play the first bar in quarter notes, and the fourth and fifth bars in eighth notes, instead of the combination of eighth and sixteenth notes in the original (of course, other solutions are equally possible). An alemanda by Pellegrini on ff. 92v-93r is also carefully notated.6 3 the only shortcomings being a couple of wrong notes and the lack of indication of repeated notes and chords. Even so, measure lines help the player to get the correct rhythmic division. The b I Corbetta. Varii capricii. 47. 6 2 Ibid.. 44. 6 3 Pellegrini. Armoniosi concerti. 49. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 141 alemanda on f. 92r-v poses a problem of a different nature.6 4 Besides a missing last section (the last eleven measures in the original), there is only one mistake in the copy~the alfabeto sign R was taken as a C major, rather than B major chord. However, this piece is a corrente, not an alemanda. That is a major issue, for the player should make rhythmic choices that would conform to the ternary meter of a corrente. Since this piece appears among several other alemandas, and not in the section of correntes, the Coimbra compiler probably just replicated a mistake he found in another source (see figure S. I). C O R R E N T E D E TT A LA S A V E L L I N A nin 3 H * * - jj n mi] — f B n * i 1 * I I * * * * * Figure 5.1: Comparison between a corrente by Pellegrini and an alemanda from the Coimbra codex. 6 4 Ibid.. 50. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 142 Serious copyists' mistakes appear again in the Corrente del Cavcigliero Mascarelli. on f. 97r. The first part o f this piece is actually an alemanda found in Pellegrini book of 1650, page 39, while the second part is the corrente on the following page of the same publication (both pieces are in D minor). Besides the wrong identification of the dance, the copyist here had some trouble determining the alfabeto chords, taking the signs O and I as numbers 0 and / in the third course, rather than G minor and A major chords (see figure 5.2 and example 5.6). Besides several other cases of misinterpretation of chords, the copyist does not seem aware of the meaning of the strumming signs, which are mostly ignored, but sometimes identified as the number /. The results might have sounded a little strange to early-eighteenth century ears. z h z z z z z o z z z ny jt-Hu r-j w i 'juw o .ij i 0 ■ pi— »■ i II I ~ ITI WflKTT ' i n i ■»! i £ o . ? 2a Figure 5.2: Comparison between an alemanda by Pellegrini and a corrente from the Coimbra codex. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 143 iv j i 4 - ^ y 3 : 3 I I i 5 1 j Pellegrini. Armonnxsi concern, p. 3l> Alemanda seeonda. last measures P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 9"r. Corrente del cavaglioro Mascarelli. end o f first part. Conjectural reconstruction in corrente rhythm. See explanation for the selected notes Example 5.6: Transcription of figure 5.2. Another interesting case of pasticcio is the Tricotte da Alemanda. on f. 92v. which, despite the title, has no connection with the previous or the following alemandas. The piece is in three parts, for which I could not identify the first two— it could be a single giga or corrente. The third section is a rearrangement of themes from Gaspar Sanz's coriente. printed in his 1674 book— or perhaps from a source now lost, in which Sanz based his version. In the Gulbenkian codex, the French influence is more clear. Some French pieces are concentrated in a small section around the middle of the viola section (ff. 25v-28v). The compiler might have had access to French sources, but some of these versions are so modified that several stages of written or even oral transmission could separate them from the original sources by Robert de Visee and Francesco Corbetta. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 144 The franceza 7° tom on f. 26r is a chaconne by Corbetta published in Paris in 1671.6 5 Some divergences between this version and its original should be considered more as different solutions than as mistakes. The filling of chords with extraneous notes on open strings, for example is probably a reflection of local practices, for similar passages are seen in other pieces of the Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices (see example 5.7). C o rb etta, 1671, p. 69 P-Lcg [s.n.|, t. 26r [rhythm added | Example 5.7: Comparison between a chaconne by Corbetta and the Francesa 7° tom from the Gulbenkian codex. 6 5 Francesco Corbetta. La guitarre royalle (Paris: H. Bonneiiil. 1671). 69. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 145 Visee's pieces found in the Gulbenkian codex (see table 4.5) also present insights into local practices. Of particular significance is the bure on f. 28r. which features a bouree from Visee’s 1686 book first in its original form.6 6 then ornamented. French dance-types are very well represented in the Conde de Redondo codex, in terms of quantity, if not variety: there are 34 minuets out of a total of 85 pieces: besides two sarabandes and three settings of the "Aimable Vainqueur.” Although originally a French, somewhat pastoral dance-type, the minuet is the closest thing to an international dance to have appeared up through the mid-eighteenth century. The wide acceptance o f the minuet is at least in part related to an aim to emulate the habits and tastes of Versailles, seen in several courts and urban centers in Europe and the Americas throughout the eighteenth century. Evidently, on the Iberian peninsula Frenchification was more intense after the question of the Spanish succession was settled and the grandson of Louis XIV, Philippe d'Anjou— now Felipe V— began ruling Spain in 1713. However, just like the allemandes. some of the minuets might well have their origin traced back to Italy, rather than France. An example is the minuet ascribed to "Escarlate." most likely Domenico Scarlatti (f. 7v), which resembles the minuets of sonatas K73 (L217). K78 (L75), and K88 (L36). Several other minuets in the Lisbon codex display features that approach the style of some other minuet movements by Scarlatti, such as the incipient rounded binary scheme and the emphasis on repeated notes. Scarlatti, who stayed in Portugal several years as a teacher of Princess Maria Barbara de Bragan^a. left some disciples there when he moved to Spain accompanying his pupil, after she married Prince Ferdinand. 6 6 Robert de Visee. Liure de pieces pour la gvittarre dedie au roy (Paris: Bonneuil. 1686). 12. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 146 If some English influence, mainly in contradanqas and gigas, can also be detected in the Conde de Redondo codex, it seems to have been indirectly assimilated into the Portuguese guitar repertory. One of the contradanqas in that volume (f. 18r-v), for example, is the fairly-known English ballad "Greensleeves." but its incorporation was certainly mediated through the success of the contredanses at the French court by the early eighteenth century: Feuillet's Recueil de Contredanses, printed in 1706, contains a version of that ballad, entitled "Les Manches Vertes.’’ 6 7 There is another possibility, though. Several Spanish sources compiled before the Lisbon codex also feature this number (see concordances), almost always identified by its French name or referred to as a contradanza, which strongly suggests that the importation occurred through Spain, with which Portugal had stronger cultural ties than, say, with France or England. It is not likely that the “Aimable Vainqueur." of which the Conde de Redondo codex presents three settings, was introduced in Portugal in its original form, that is. within Andre Campra's tragedie lyrique Hesione. first performed in 1700. The Portuguese probably knew the original melody from Pecour and Feuillet’s 1706 book of contredanses. The Lisbon settings, as well as those found in Spanish, Italian, Mexican, and other French sources, adhere closely to Campra’s melody, sometimes treating it as a basis for variations. However, the first Amable in the Lisbon codex is the only setting, besides Campra's, in the form of an aria, or a song, for it is the only one in which there is a text (ff. 3v-4r)~not Campra's original text, or even a translation of it, although it displays similar affects. The intabulation is more a realization of the accompaniment than a literal transcription of Campra's melody. 5 7 Raoul-Auger Feuillet. Recueil de contredances mises en choregraphie (Paris: The author. 1706). 17-24. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 147 In Hesione, the aria "Aimable Vainqueur" appears at the end of the third act, right after a dance number, which is repeated literally after the aria as an entracte. Although the dance number and the aria share the same motif— the first seven measures are identical— it is the first one that is usually found arranged in later sources, obviously because many of these are found in dance treatises and collections. However, even though it is a vocal number, the Portuguese setting also uses the music of the dance, rather than the aria, which strengthens the hypothesis that the work as a whole was unknown in Portugal. Composing a song or an aria in a dance rhythm was nothing new, as seen in some minuetes cantados in the Lisbon codex itself and in many Spanish eighteenth-century sources, not to mention many examples in contemporary operas and even sacred music. An intriguing detail in the text of this setting, as noted by Joao Manuel Borges de Azevedo. is the presence of expressions used in Brazilian Portuguese, such as men bem (roughly "my darling”)--very common in the so-called modinhas brasileiras. Brazilian modinhas, of the late eighteenth century.6 8 However, the evidence is too weak to allow one to connect the Portuguese amable and the later modinha. Yet, there is evidence of a Brazilian influence in the Portuguese repertory for the viola, as I will discuss in the following chapter. 6 8 Azevedo. Uma tablatura. xi-xii. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 148 6 AFRICAN AND AFRICAN-BRAZILIAN INFLUENCES In June 30, 1685, the Holy Inquisition of Lisbon received a letter denouncing several citizens from Bahia, in the Portuguese colony of Brazil. Among these was Gregorio de Mattos Guerra, the famous Brazilian poet, who was also, according to the letter, a "man of loose habits, lacking Christian manners." and a notorious "atheist." whose disdain for the Holy Inquisition was well known to everyone.1 The denunciation did not go any further, probably because of the prestige of Mattos’ s family. Nevertheless, it emphasized aspects of Mattos's personality that resonate in much of his poetic work, and that, after his death, contributed to the placing of his name in a realm between history and legend. Particularly in recent decades, certain features of the writings attributed to him, such as reckless exposition of religious and political hypocrisy, delight in profanities and obscenities, his heterodoxy (for some researchers even suggesting a form of anti-religion), have instigated creative new interpretations of his work— sometimes dangerously anachronistic— molded in Bakhtinian. when not clearly Oswaldian. theories. In fact, Augusto and Haroldo de Campos see in Mattos a kind of forerunner of the Movimento Antropofagico— literaUy Cannibal movement- headed by Oswald de Andrade in the 1920s.: The approach was in part encouraged by the 1 Fernando da Rocha Peres. Gregorio de Mattos e a Inquisiqao (Salvador: Universidade Federal da Bahia. 1987). 18-19. 1 Oswald de Andrade (1890-1954) was a key figure in Brazilian modemismo of the 1920s. For him cannibalism (anthropophagy) was the only true Brazilian philosophy, as he summarized in the 1928 Manifesto Antropofagico. The movement urged to a critical ingestion of European culture and the "reworking of that tradition in Brazilian terms." See interview with Haroldo de Campos: "Concrete poetry and beyond." Review: Latin American Literature and Arts 36 (January-June 1986). 38-45. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 149 fact that the writings of both Mattos and Andrade reveal the frequent use of such literary devices as parody, recomposition, and combinatoriality. Some contemporaries of Mattos. however, were not as enthusiastic-one of his rivals used to call him a "pirate of the others’ verses." In the poem Marinicolas, Mattos used one of those literary devices, parody, to satirize one of his many enemies (see chapter 5). As Heitor Martins observed in 1990. the poem was composed over the famous Marizdpalos, a widely popular song in the Iberian peninsula and Latin America during the second half of the seventeenth century/ There is little doubt that Marinicolas. the most popular of Mattos’ s poems, used to be sung with the melody of some version of Marizdpalos. Manuel Pereira Rabelo. Mattos's earliest biographer, recalled that the poet used to sing his stanzas to a viola that he made himself out of a gourd.4 This chapter focuses on other and perhaps more important connections between Mattos’ s poetical work and the Portuguese repertory for the five-course guitar, or viola. Mattos’ s poetry is a source of information about the repertory of viola players from Bahia during the second half of the seventeenth century. It also describes several occasions when the viola was an accompanying instrument for dances of African and African-Brazilian origin. The Portuguese viola repertory displays the musical counterpart to this picture. Besides settings of Iberian. African and African-Brazilian dances that Mattos mentioned, such as canario, vilao, arromba, caozinho, gandu, and cubanco, it presents other dances 3 Heitor Martins. "A musica do Mari-Nfcolas de Gregorio de Matos." Suplemento Literario de Minas Gerais. 7 April 1990. 4-5. 4 Manuel Pereira Rabelo, "Vida do excelente poeta Ifrico. o doutor Gregorio de Matos Guerra" (first section of the codex 3576. Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, early 18th century), in Gregorio de Matos. Obra Poetica. ed. James Amado (Rio de Janeiro: Record. 1990). 1264. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 150 whose titles are not found in his writings, such as the amorosa, sarambeque. cumbe, and paracumbe. The African or African-American origin of these dance types is suggested by references in Iberian literary sources of the first half of the eighteenth century. Rather than a separate, independent group, the pieces displaying African influence should be considered a subgroup of the Iberian dance types, not only because of their musical structures, which parallel those of many dances native to the Iberian peninsula, but also because of the historical context in which they flourished, which is always related to the Iberian enterprises of navigation, commerce and colonization. Some of these dances might have appeared first on the Iberian peninsula, whose harbors and coastal cities were inhabited by a large black population from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. Others seem more likely to have developed first in the Atlantic coastal cities of Africa and the Americas. Regardless of the place of origin, most of this repertory was shared by people in different areas subject to Portuguese and Spanish influence. To illustrate this point, one might consider examples of the propagation of this repertory in Brazil as seen in Mattos s poetry, and how Brazil may have played a role of mediator between Africa and Portugal in the development of part of this repertory. The "Rules for good living" is one of those poems by Gregorio de Mattos that influenced the Brazilian avant-garde, from the Antropofagia to the Concrete Poetry movement. Following what appears to be an inventory of domestic utensils, and always exploiting the double-entendre. Mattos lists some dances that were common in seventeenth- century Bahia:5 5 “Regra de bem viver. que a persuasoes de aiguns amigos deu a uns noivos. que se casavam." Gregorio de Matos. Obra poetica. ed. James Amado (Rio de Janeiro: Record. 1990). vol. 2. 828. In a footnote. Amado suggested that this would be a list of ornamental pieces. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 151 EIGHT SERVICE PIECES The Canario, the Caozinho, the Pandalunga. the Vilao, the Guandu, the Cubango, the Espanholeta. and one Brave Black man in Flanders. p e ^ a s d e sERvigo o r r o O Canario, o Caozinho. o Pandalunga, o Vilao. o Guandu, o Cubango, a Espanholeta, e um Valente negro em Flandres. The canario, the vilao and the espanholeta are Iberian dance types well represented in both the Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices. With the exception of the pandalunga and the “brave black man in Flanders” (valente negro em Flandres), the other terms also refer to titles found in the same volumes. In addition to that, the caozinho (little dog) can be found also in the Conde de Redondo codex. What type of pieces would these be. and in what context were they played? In a bizarre way, Gregorio de Mattos describes a banquet offered during the Feast of Our Lady of Guadeloupe, where he saw the caozinho being danced by Luisa Sapata. a black woman:6 Right after this appeared Sapata. And trying to bare her teeth She did not have any to bare: To make up for that, however. She started dancing the caozinho. And. since over the mill She took so many embigadas [belly blows] She ended up transforming Wine into pure vomit. Tomou a Garqa no ar a Sapata incontinenti. e indo arreganhar-lhe o dente, nao teve. que arreganhar: porem por se desquitar 6 Ibid.. 482. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 152 foi-se bailar o caozinho, e como sobre o moinho levou tantas embigadas. deu em sair as tomadas a puro vomito o vinho. The umbigada. belly blow, the choreographic movement in which the dancers touch their belly buttons, is a basic feature of many dances imported from the Congo-Angoia region to Brazil and Portugal. It is also one of those elements that contributed to make these dances appear so obscene to European eyes. The Coimbra codex contains two pieces called caozinho de Sofala. and another one called simply caozinho. There is also a caozinho de Sofala in the Conde de Redondo codex. The indication “from Sofala” probably refers to a variant of the dance from that region in Southeastern Africa, known today as Mozambique, although it does not belong to the so- called Congo-Angola area. Gerhard Kubik. and more recently Peter Fryer, noticed that during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, many dances of African influence seem to appear simultaneously in different points of the so-called Atlantic triangle, a region that would comprise coastal cities from the Congo-Angola. Portugal and Brazil.7 In addition to that. Peter Fryer suggests that one should consider also the Spanish-American coastal cities, both in the Atlantic (or Caribbean) and the Pacific, besides places such as Seville and New Orleans. All these places were inhabited by large black populations, and musical interactions and exchanges could 7 Gerhard Kubik. "O intercambio cultural entre Angola e Portugal no domfnio da musica desde o seculo XVI." in Portugal e o Encontro de Culturas na Musica (Lisbon: Dom Quixote. 1987). 381- 405. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 153 happen almost simultaneously in one place or another.8 Because these contacts would happen by sea, sailors and harbor workers— many of them black— played a very important role in this cross-fertilization between sounds and rhythms of three continents. Thus, it is no coincidence that one of the dance types or forms in the Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices is precisely the marinheira (a sailors dance or song), and that a rhythm with the same name can be found still today among the black population in Peru. A Portuguese pamphlet of 1758 described how some of these sounds and rhythms arrived at the Alfama harbor quarter, and from there propagated among Lisbon’ s lower classes:9 From Brazil in procession The sounds arrive there barefoot. Breed there, grow up there. And from there they pass By degrees to the chulas [lower-class women]. Step by step to the mulatos. Do Brasil em romaria Os sons vem ali descalqos Criam-se ali. e ali crescem, E dali se vao passando Pouco a pouco para as chulas. Piam piam para os mulatos. According to Raphael Bluteau. an eighteenth-century Portuguese lexicographer, the term som. or “sound” meant, among other things, “a piece that one plays on the viola." Among the most popular “sounds” of his time he mentioned the arromba, the arrepia. the 3 Peter Fryer. Rhythms of resistance: African musical heritage in Brazil (Hanover. N.H.: Wesleyan University Press. 2000). 137. 9 Frei Francisco Rey de Abreu Matta Zeferino [Frei Lucas de Santa Catarinal. Anatomico Jocoso (Lisbon: Officina de Miguel Rodrigues. 1758). vol. 3. 209. Quoted by Jose Ramos Tinhorao. As origens da canqao urbana. 121. Also in Luiz Moita. O fado: canqao de vencidos (Lisbon: Anuario Comercial. 1936). 254 n. 9. English translation by Peter Fryer. Rhythms of Resistance. 132. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 154 gandu, the canario, the amoroso, the marinheira and the caozinho.1 0 As was noted by Jose Ramos Tinhorao, the sounds arrived barefooted at the Alfama because the slaves brought from Brazil walked barefooted.1 1 Some of these sons, or sounds, seem to have been restricted to areas of Portuguese influence. That was the case with the caozinho, the gandu. the arromba and the cubanco, as well as other dances of which no musical setting has been found so far. such as the arrepia, the fofa, the zabel-macau and the paturi. Gregorio de Mattos mentions the gandu in connection with the brothel of black women that he used to visit, alluding in the same context to the viola player of that house, a certain Femao Roiz Vassalo. Jose Ramos Tinhorao has found several mentions of the gandu in eighteenth-century Portuguese literary sources, which always associate the w ord- referring to the dance or to something else— with the color black or the black race. Tinhorao also suggests that the gandu is actually the forerunner of the lundu— sometimes spelled landu— and Peter Fryer recently defended the hypothesis, though the argumentation of 1 0 Raphael Bluteau. Supplemento ao vocabulario portuguez e latino (Lisbon: Patriarcal Officina da Musica. 1728). vol. 2. 220: A piece that one plays on the viola. The more common sounds, or pieces that one plays at the viola are the following ones: Arromba. arrepia. gandu. canario. amorosa. marinheira. caozinho. passacalhe. espanholeta. marisapola. vilao. galharda. sarau. fantasia. The reader will find the definition of each one of these sounds in its alphabetical place within this supplement. Pei^a. que se poem a viola. Os sons, ou peqas mais ordinarias. que na viola se tocao. sad os seguintes. Arromba. Arrepia. Gandu. Canario. Amorosa. Marinheira. Caosinho. Passacalhe. Espanholeta. Marisapola. Villao. Galhurda [Galharda]. Sarao. Fantesia. Neste Supplemento achara o Leitor a diffini(,ad de cada som destes no seu lugar Alphabetico. 1 1 Tinhorao. As origens da can-do urbana (Lisbon: Caminho. 1997). 121. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 155 neither researcher seems entirely convincing.1 2 Nor does the analysis of the music corroborate that theory. The melodic behavior of the Coimbra’ s gandus points to a ternary meter, instead of the binary, or compound binary meter, usually associated with the lundu. In addition to that, none of the gandus presents anything similar to the perpetual arpeggiation found in the earliest lundus. However, the harmonies and the cadential approaches seem close to those of dances of supposedly North-African influence, such as the fandango. with which the lundu shared some choreographic features.1 3 1 2 Tinhorao. Os negros em Portugal, uma presenqa silenciosa. 2 oil. (Lisbon: Caminho. 1997). 361. Fryer. Rhythms of resistance. 116. 1 3 For example, the waving of the arms above the head and the snapping of the fingers, imitating castanets, which were also features of another dance described by Mattos. the paturi: To the sound of a guitarrilha That an Indian boy [or a black boy| was playing. I saw dancing in the Agua Brusca The Mulatas from Brazil: How well the Mulatas dance. How well they dance the Paturi. They do not use castanets But they make such a noise With their gentle fingers That after hearing them I yelled: How well the Mulatas dance. How well they dance the Paturi. Ao som de uma guitarrilha. que tocava um colomin vi bailar na Agua Brusca as Mulatas do Brasil: Que bem bailam as Mulatas. Que bem bailam o Paturi! Nao usam de castanhetas. porque cos dedos gentis fazem tal estropeada. que de ouvi-las me estrugi: Que bem bailam as Mulatas. Que bem bailam o Paturi! Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 156 Although several cubancos are found in both the Coimbra and the Gulbenkian codices, no description of this dance— if it was a dance— has reached us. The Portuguese settings reveal that cubancos were composed over a few melodic-harmonic modules, in a process similar to what happens in jacaras and other forms discussed in chapter 5 (see example 6.1). P - C u g M M l > 7 . f 5 tS v P - L c g [ n n | . f 3 3 r P - C u g M . M . * r 7 . f 5 6 r - v \ [(Kittle. i M o d u l e 3 M o d u l e 4 i * Example 6.1: Standard compositional modules for cubancos in the Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 157 There is a short mention of a cubanco in a pamphlet attributed to Frei Lucas de Santa Catarina, dated 1755, which gives us some information on the context in which such piece used to be played:1 4 Near the place of the cross the mochilos walked with their gandum por pontos [ponteado, or fingerstyle, as opposed to the rasgado. strummed style]. And that night there was a mochilo who broke two machinhos just in the cobango: no wonder, because in that function I saw a mulatto who. by singing the amorosa without taking breath, was already with a candle in his hand [i.e. dead]. Junto a Cruz andavao os mochilas ao socairo com seu gandum por pontos. E mochilo houve. que naquela noite quebrou dous machinhos a puro cobango: nem he de admirar: porque nesta funqao eu vi mulato, que de cantar a amorosa. sem tomar folego. esteve com a candea na mao. The mochilo who destroys two machinhos while playing the cubanco is a servant. It is not clear whether he is black or not. but he certainly belongs to a low social stratum. The machinho. or machete, was a guitar-like instrument, with dimensions approximating those of the modem ukulele (see chapter 2). The amorosa, sung in the excerpt by a mulatto man. is also found in both the Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices, although only in instrumental settings. A 1708 Spanish source associated the amorosa with another dance of African influence, the paracumbe. The Portuguese connection is also clear, for the paracumbe was mentioned as coming from the Portuguese colony of Angola, and. in the description that follows, it is danced in the Portuguese manner.1 5 The text that follows switches from Spanish 1 4 "Festas Heroicas Da Sobreievante Irmandade da Vera Cruz Dos Poyae." in Frei Francisco Rev de Abreu Matta Zeferino [Frei Lucas de Santa Catarina (1660-1740)]. Anatomico Jocoso (Lisbon: Officina do Doutor Manoel Alvarez Solano. 1755). vol. 1. 278. Quoted by Jose Ramos Tinhorao. Os negros em Portugal: Uma presenqa silenciosa. 2 ed. (Lisbon: Caminho. 1997). 212. 1 5 Emflo Cotarelo y Mori. Coleccion de entremeses. loas. bailes, jacaras y mogigangas desde fines del siglo XVII a mediados del XVIII (Madrid: Casa Editorial Bailly Baillie're. 1911). vol. 1. n. I. ccxx: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 5 8 to Portuguese, and contains even a suspicious voce, a typical Brazilian colloquial way of using the third-person pronoun to address the second person. Since this usage also occurs in Portugal, though in a much lesser degree, one cannot establish a Brazilian connection based solely on this detail. The terms paracumbe and cumbe surely refer to the same dance type. The Gulbenkian codex uses the first term and the Coimbra and Conde de Redondo volumes the second one. According to the 1737 Diccionario de Autoridades, cumbe is a "dance [baile] of blacks, which one does to the sound of a joyful tune, called by the same name, and consists of many swings of the body from one side to another."1 6 Jose Ramos Tinhorao mentions another eighteenth-century pamphlet that describes a religious feast in the Alfama quarter, in which the blacks walked nicely, and "danced the cumbe to the sound of the drum, all in a dignified way." GRACIOSO: What? You do not know me? I am the Paracumbe from Angola. Citizen from Guinea. Married to the Amorosa Whom I chose as my wife. If you want to know who I am Be present at this baile. And accompany my romance In Portuguese style. GRACIOSO: ^Pues que? ^No me conoceis? El Paracumbe de Angola, ciudadano de Guine. casado con la Amorosa que escogi yo por mujer. Si quereis saber quien soy en este baile atended. y companad mi romance en estilo portugues. 1 6 Diccionario de autoridades (Madrid: Real Academia Espanola. 1737: reprint. Madrid: Gredos. 1963). vol. 1.700. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 5 9 Murcia. Codex Saldivar no. 2. f. 43r-44v: Cumbees M odule I M odule J £ i i I 4 (related to 2) rl L j ~ - -- E-Mn M. 811.46-8: Paracumbe M odule I 4 ».-;; t--- ; * * M odule J = * = i t 4 (related to 2) ft-m--------------- E-Mn M. 811. 145-50: Guineos M odule 2 m Fernandez de Huete. 1702. pi. 4: Paracumbe M odule 2 ^ $ t . . . jjJX t , ; i d tS E ! ! I m Am is w - a Example 6.2: Standard compositional modules for cumbes, paracumbes. and instrumental guineos in Spanish and Mexican sources. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 160 P-Lcg [n.n. |. f. 23v: Paracumbe 7° tom M odule I 2b - m-------- ■ * - ■ ■ _ m 1 — — ■— S----- *---------- m — l ---------- • — *— 1 P-Lcg [n.n. |. f 23v-24r. Paracumbe 8° tom M odule 1 2c M odule 2 d b = *) M odule -I j t t Example 6.3: Standard compositional modules for paracumbes in the Gulbenkian codex. Tinhorao points out that the Brazilian blacks also had a dance called cumbe or cumbi. suggesting that the name comes from the fact that it was the dance of the "cumbas” which was the designation used in Congo for skilled dancers."1 7 1 ' Tinhorao. Os negros em Portugal. 209. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 161 P-C ug M.M. 97. f. 69v: C um be 4° tom d e G om es M odule 4 £ P-C ug M.M. 97. f. 69v-70r: C um be 8° tom M odule I 2c £ t M odule 4 P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 7 0 r C um be 8" tom M odule 2b £ • — r P-Ln F.C.R. ms. Ne 1. f. 5 6 v C um be M otlule 2a £ Example 6.4: Standard compositional modules for cumbes in the Coimbra and Conde de Redondo codices. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 162 Around the mid-eighteenth century, the cumbe was already going out of fashion in the face of new dances, as shown in a 1750 pamphlet:1 8 The fofa is a fine dance. It makes you tap your feet [or "it is danced with tap steps;” literally “it is shaken with the feet"] And makes better harmony Than dancing the cumbe [.] A fofa e boa danqa sendo tremida com o pe. e faz melhor consonancia de que bailar o cumbe [.] The Portuguese codices contain nine settings of cumbes and paracumbes. They all share important melodic and harmonic features with those found in Spanish and Mexican sources for guitar and harp, in fact, most settings of paracumbes and cumbes are based on a few compositional modules, as seen in examples 6.2. 6.3, and 6.4. The fofa (literally soft, fluffy) cannot be found in the Portuguese viola sources, possibly because these were compiled before its popularization. Notably, there is an explicit mention of the Bahian origin of the fofa in a 1752 pamphlet, as has been observed by Jose Ramos Tinhorao.1 9 The sarambeque is probably the most common dance of African influence in the Iberian-American world during the last four centuries, being mentioned in Portuguese, 1 8 Relaqad das cantigas da fofa: compostas pelo memoravel e celebrissimo estapafurdio Manoel de Paqos [Lisbon: n. p.. c. 1750]. English translation by Peter Fryer. Rhythms of resistance. 128. 1 9 Excerpts from this pamphlet, entitled Relaqdo da fofa que veyo agora da Bahia, can be found in Tinhorao. Os sons dos negros no Brasil (Sao Paulo: Art Editora. 1988). 52-53: Historia social da musica popular brasileira (Lisbon: Caminho. 1990). 76; Fado: Danqa do Brasil, cantarde Lisboa (Lisbon: Caminho. 1994). 21-22. There is a diplomatic transcription in Peter Fryer. Rhythms of resistance. 176-177. and an English translation in page 127. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 163 Spanish, Mexican and Brazilian sources. The Diccionario de Autoridades defines zarambeque as an “instrumental piece [tanger], and a very joyful and lively [bulliciosa\ dance, which is very common among the blacks.*’2 0 Again, there are reasons to believe that the introduction of the dance in Spain and its colonies was mediated through Portugal. Not only do the earliest mentions of this dance appear in Portuguese sources, its Portuguese origin is also reaffirmed in an eighteenth-century entremez, as Craig Russell has pointed out.2 1 However, Peter Fryer suggests that before its appearance in Portugal, the dance could be found in its African colony of Mozambique, for among the Chuabo, Yao, and Nyungwe. the terms saramba, salamba and sarama mean practically the same as the Portuguese sarambeque: a dance with swinging motions of the hip.2 2 2 0 Diccionario de Autoridades. vol. 3. 562. *' Cotarelo y Mori. Coleccidn de entremeses. cclxxiii: FILOMENA: Let us finish. Pascual [.| The bade at this point. PASCUAL: It is so languid (lit. melting] Because it is from Portugal... "Zarambeque. go. Go. Zarambeque. Which is a joyful tune For the sainetes [little theatrical play]." FILOMENA: Demos fin. Pascual ai baile esta vez. PASCUAL: Tan derretido es que es de Portugal... "Zarambeque vaya. vaya Zarambeque. que es alegre tono para los sainetes." 2 2 Fryer. Rhythms of resistance. 107. The definition is from J. T. Schneider. Dictionary of African borrowings in Brazilian Portuguese (Hamburg. 1991). “Sarambeque." 267. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 164 Already in 1651. in the Carta de guia de casados, Francisco Manuel de Melo warned husbands that a wife knowing how to dance the sarambeque. and bringing castanets in her purse, were dangerous signs of unrestraint.2 3 Gregorio de Mattos also used the word in some of his poems, but always with an erotic, rather than musical, connotation. The historian Luiz Edmundo. in O Rio de Janeiro no tempo dos Vice-Reis, asserted that the sarambeque used to be danced in eighteenth-century Rio de Janeiro, but he did not disclose his sources of information. The dance persisted into the early twentieth century, when music historian Guilherme de Almeida mentioned it and Emesto Nazareth composed a sarambeque for the piano. The Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices register ten sarambeques. The rhythmic reconstruction can be done based on other settings in Spanish and Mexican sources for guitar and harp. One of the sarambeques of the Coimbra codex is assigned to a certain Frei Joao (f. 58r), who is also author of several fantasias and one batalha in the same volume. Although the codex seems to originate from the Santa Cruz de Coimbra monastery. Frei Joao is the only composer explicitly mentioned as belonging to a religious order. Gregorio de Mattos mentioned another dance, the arromba. which, like the gandu, seems to have been restricted to Brazil and Portugal. He described the arromba (literally a breaking down of something, or something outstanding) as being danced with "the foot and the hand, but with the hip always in one place," which seemed curious to him. since in Bahia that part of the body was always dancing.2 4 The Coimbra codex contains two arrombas. one for viola and one for bandurra, and the Gulbenkian codex has seven, three for viola and four 2 3 D. Francisco Manuel de Melo. Carta de guia de casados (Lisbon: Europa-America. [1992]). 44. 2 4 Mattos. Obra poetica. vol. 1,455. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 165 for bandurra. Some of the titles are unusually revealing: Aromba 4 tom com rocadilho aonde estiver os erres, literally “arromba of the fourth tone with a little brushing where the letter T’ is" (P-Lcg, f. 34r), probably indicating some sort of golpe (stroke), or repicco: Arromba oitavado chamado qhula 4 tom, or "arromba in oitavado form (maybe "oitavado-like arromba"), known as chula" (P-Lcg. f. 40r), associating the arromba with two other dances, the oitavado and the chula; and arromba do inferno, or "Hell's arromba" (f. 79v), which corroborates the association with the oitavado. for there is an oitavado do inferno in the Conde de Redondo codex (f. 19v [p. 381). which is mentioned as a song in Antonio Jose da Silva’ s Vida do engenhoso D. Quixote ( 1733)."5 The information given by the compiler of the Gulbenkian codex, that the arromba oitavado was also known as chula. does not help in clarifying the features of this dance. Even today, there is a large number of different choreographies designated by the term chula in both Portugal and Brazil. Besides that, the term might have been used only as an indicative of “vulgar." which is what the term literally means. On the other hand, the association between the arromba and the oitavado is evidenced in the music itself. Some sections of an oitavado in the Conde de Redondo codex appear in the middle of one of the Gulbenkian's arrombas (ff. 40r-43v). In a 1933 article, musicologist Rodney Gallop suggested that both the arromba and the oitavado presented traces of African influence.2 6 Even though Gallop has never analyzed or even heard any of these dances, there are reasons to believe that he was not entirely wrong. The 1752 pamphlet Rela^ao da fofa que veio da Bahia, mentioned the Alfama as the 2 5 Antonio Jose da Silva. Vida de D. Quixote. Esopaida e Guerras do Alecrim. 2nd part (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda. 1975). 113. 2 6 Rodney Gallop. ''The Fado." Musical Quarterly 19: 2 (April 1933). 203-4. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 166 place of origin of the oitavado, and at that time, that quarter of Lisbon had a large black population. However, still in the eighteenth century, the writer Filinto Elfsio related the oitavado to the candrios, saying that the latter was a type of "oitavado, very much tinkled [repinicado] on the viola.” In fact, the constant motion in three-note groups typical of the candrios is also found in the oitavados. The Portuguese settings of the oitavado also feature many chordal sections, some of them unusually dissonant, when they are not simply copyists' mistakes. Maybe the relationship with the canario could be found in choreographic features, such as the tap steps, which would not eliminate the possibility of an African influence, since some sort of fast motion of the feet occurred also in the fofa, which was also "tinkled." and "shaken with the feet." Common to the point of being converted into stereotypes, black guitar players appeared as characters of Iberian literary works as early as in the late sixteenth century (e.g. Antonio Ribeiro Chiado s Auto da Natural Invenqao, and Miguel de Cervantes’ s Novelas Ejemplares). Later, in 1651. Francisco Manuel de Melo complained that the viola, "being an excellent instrument, it was enough now that blacks and scoundrels knew how to play it. that honorable men no longer wanted to put it in their arms."2 7 The first truly historical pieces of information that survive concerning black viola players are from a much later date. There were, for example, Manuel de Almeida Botelho, Domingos Caldas Barbosa and Manuel Joaquim da Camara, Brazilian black viola players who lived in Lisbon during the second half of the eighteenth century. Manuel de Almeida Botelho was bom in 1721, and moved to Portugal in 1749. The eighteenth-century historian Domingos do Loreto Couto listed among Botelho's works, besides sacred works for choir and instruments, "several sonatas and 2 7 Melo. Carta de guia de casados. 67. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 167 tocatas for both the viola and the harpsichord," as well as cantilenas, duos, minuets and tonos.‘8 The lack of any ethnic title among his compositions may appear unusual. If Botelho composed gandus and cumbes, Loreto Couto did not find it relevant to mention them, just as he did not mention other types of Iberian and Italian dance types that constituted the standard viola repertory of his contemporaries. In any case, just as in our days, many of those dances, or sons. played on the viola were creations of practical musicians, without any formal musical training. And much of the repertory considered above belonged more to the oral than to the written tradition. A tablature lacking rhythmic values, although obviously written down, does not require any knowledge of musical notation to be deciphered. Yet, there are pre-requisites. Familiarity with the piece to be played may be one of these. However, the Coimbra codex contains almost three hundred viola pieces, a somewhat large number for the average memory. More important than knowing the works beforehand is knowing the mechanics of composition and recomposition, and the good practical musician actually recomposes— composes again in each new performance— sometimes helped by a written record, such as a tablature. or a musical recording, but never restrained by those. Surely the Portuguese gandus, cumbes and cubancos were not ethnomusicologically correct transcriptions of dances performed by slaves or free blacks in Portugal or its colonies. They were recycled pieces, recomposed over some patterns or motifs of those dances. Being transposed to the viola, these motifs, whose origin could be traced to some recreational or religious gathering originating in or strongly influenced by African culture. :s Frei Domingos do Loreto Couto. Desagravos do Brasil e Glorias de Pernambuco [Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa. MS F.G. 873] (Recife: Prefeitura da Cidade do Recife. 1981). 376. The manuscript is dated 17S9. See chapter 3. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 168 were now combined with idiomatic features particular to that European instrument. These are the details that make that music sound so Iberian to our ears, and these are the elements that made it comprehensible to the eighteenth-century European listener. Evidently, such fusion could have been undertaken by black musicians. That does not change the fact that, in order to be incorporated into the European repertory, that music should be tamed in some way. For European observers of past centuries, certain African dances were odd and confusing (Cavazzi, 1654), and emphasized the rhythm in a strange way (Touissant-Samson. cl 880). Instead of shedding some light on the nature of the African music, such reports reveal the incomprehension and perplexity of the European in face of those cultural phenomena. "Horrible outcry" was the expression Nuno Marques Pereira used to refer to the calundus, a type of African-Brazilian religious ritual featuring several dances and drumbeats, which he knew in early-eighteenth-century Bahia.'9 Even Gregorio de Mattos mentioned the calundus in an unfavorable manner:'0 I know of quilombos With superlative masters. In which they teach at night Calundus and witchcraft. One thousand female subjects Attend them with devotion. Besides many bearded ones Who think of themselves as Narcissus. They seek good fortune, they say, One has not seen such a folly! I hear it, look at it, and keep quiet For I cannot amuse them. What I know is that in such dances 2 9 See chapter 3. 3 0 Mattos. Obra poetica. vol. 1.42. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 169 Satan is engaged. And that only such a father-master Could teach such follies. There is no scorned lady. Or disfavored gallant. Who misses going to the quilombo To dance a little bit. Que de quilombos que tenho com mestres superlativos nos quais se ensinam de noite os calundus, e feitiqos, com devo<;ao os frequentam mil sujeitos femininos, e tambem muitos barbados que se prezam de narcizos. Ventura dizem que buscam: nao se viu maior delfrio! eu, que os oui;o. vejo. e calo por nao poder diverti-los. O que sei. e, que em tais danqas Satanas anda metido. e que so tal padre-mestre pode ensinar tais delfrios. Nao ha mulher desprezada. gala desfavorecido. que deixe de ir ao quilombo danqar o seu bocadinho. The term quilombo might mean a fortress, or hidden place in the woods, where runaway slaves used to find refuge. In the case of Mattos's poem, however, it seems that it refers to something closer to its original meaning in Kimbundu language— as Jose Ramos Tinhorao suggests, simply a place of open ground in the woods, in which blacks, slaves or not, gathered to worship their gods.3 1 To Mattos, such rituals were signs of “delirium.” and the attitudes of some white people who used to join them— some seeking the guidance of African priests, others just for fun— were incomprehensible. However, Mattos was no 3 1 Tinhorao. Os sons dos negros no Brasil. 33. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 170 moralist. As a survivor of the old nobility of the colony, what bothered him was the change of habits, the breaking down of the old institutional order. The fact that white folks were going to the quilombo to dance with black people to the sound of their drums contributed to an effacing of social and racial boundaries in a much more important way than his encounters with the black women of Bahia's brothels. And those irrational sounds, incomprehensible to more conservative ears, would eventually rise to the salons and theater stages of the bourgeoisie, after borrowing musical instruments and structural elements from Iberian music. That was the case with black dances such as the sarambeque. the fofa and the cumbe. And so it was later with the lundu. As George Whittaker explained in 1826. that happened only after this dance was subjected to "certain decent modifications.”3: Thus, according to a 1761 report, it did not seem strange to the population of the city of Olinda. in the Northeastern province of Pernambuco, that a certain Jesuit brother was a well-known dancer of the fo fa r And. as late as 1838, it did not seem unusual to the inhabitants of Recife, also in Pernambuco, that lundus and modinhas were played in the church by the organist during the intervals of the Mass.3 4 And there was nothing extraordinary that gandus. cumbes and sarambeques were recomposed and played on the viola by the musician monks of the monastery of Santa Cruz of Coimbra. 3 2 Fryer. Rhythms of resistance. 115. 3 3 Quoted by Pereira da Costa. "Folk-lore Pemambucano.” Revista do Instituto Histdrico e Geografico Brasileiro. vol. 20. part 2 (1908). 221. Pereira da Costas source was never found. 3 4 Lopes Gama. O carapuceiro 55 (August 25. 1838). 2. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 171 7 TRANSCRIPTION AND PERFORMANCE The disappearance of the viola from art-music circles and urban popular music in Portugal and Brazil by the late eighteenth century cannot be regarded as the sole reason for the absence of modem studies and performances of its repertory. Unable to cope with changes in taste and style, the lute. too. fell into oblivion some decades before, and that did not prevent it from being revived both by performers and musicologists in the last century. Perhaps an important factor to be considered is that, unlike the lute, the viola remained very much alive in the unwritten folk practices of both countries, which contributed to make it an uneasy topic for traditional musicology to deal with; an example of that is the cautious approach with which Sampayo Ribeiro treats the topic in the 1930s. Of course, the reduced number of sources and the particularities of notation, as well as the peripheral place to which Portugal is still relegated by the traditional history of Western music, should also be taken into account. For almost two centuries, the viola was in all walks of life the first-choice instrument in musical gatherings and for the accompaniment of singing and dancing in Portugal and Brazil. The viola repertory was what people in these countries actually played and heard at their homes and during their pastimes. This popularity among amateur musicians, many of them lacking any traditional musical training, was reflected in the system of notation used— the rhythm-less Italian tablature— which brings us to the paradoxical situation in which what made that music accessible then is what makes it elusive now. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 172 A similar context frames much of the seventeenth-century Italian repertory for the lute, as recently demonstrated by Victor Coelho. Pointing out that many of the Italian manuscripts lacking rhythmic indications are of a pedagogical type, Coelho suggests that beginning lute students would memorize the melody of the pieces they were learning, while the tablature would serve only as a memory aid. Coelho bases his hypothesis in Thomas Robinson's 1603 treatise, in which it is stated that the apprentice would not learn the “times" before knowing the "stops” (i.e.. the left-hand positions).1 Of course, the ability to read rhythmic indications in a tablature would imply a more developed musical knowledge, which was exactly what the tablature aimed at substituting for in the first place. The performer for whom, or by whom, manuscripts in rhythm-less tablature were written was expected to have previous knowledge of the rhythm of standard dances. In other cases-an arrangement of a song, for example-the tune could be known to everyone, and the remaining parts could be supplied with more or less precision by filling the rhythmic spaces around it and paying attention to the barring. The missing rhythmic information could also be obtained from an instructor or fellow guitar player. All of this would place this repertory in a region between oral and written traditions. In fact, there are other points of contact between popular, unwritten practices and a large segment of the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Iberian guitar repertory. Many of the pieces in the Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices are Iberian popular dances that fit in the category of bailes. as opposed to the aristocratic dan^as. Moreover, as seen in chapter 3, there is a great number of pieces based on melodic-harmonic formulas— many of these 1 Victor Coelho. The manuscript sources of seventeenth-century Italian lute music (New York: Garland. 1995). 32. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 173 known by virtually every musician in southern Europe at the time— whose uses and transmission are not necessarily related to the written tradition, even though some might have originated in such a context. Similar processes are found in the traditional music of many cultures, in which the use of formulas is associated with the oral transmission of the repertory. That the type of notation found in the Portuguese repertory for the viola was sketchy also in aspects other than rhythm is seen in the absence of final chords. Besides that, in some variation types the alternation between the harmonic-melodic pattern and its variations is expected but not notated. These pieces were not supposed to be played from beginning to end: first and second endings are not always notated, and decisions on where the original form of the melodic-harmonic pattern should be inserted were usually left to the interpreter. Likewise, performers could approach that repertory with an open mind. By immersing themselves in the musical literature of that time, they will be able to apply to the Portuguese repertory rhythmic solutions found in Spanish, Italian, and Mexican sources, and to make their own decisions in matters of repetitions, and improvised sections— in other words, learning by doing it. However, how should the performer approach more abstract pieces, such as fantasias and capricci that lack any melodic-harmonic pattern or connection with dance music? Because of the large number of fantasias in the Portuguese codices, it is not plausible to imagine that a contemporary performer was supposed to memorize them all. The modem performer could start by assuming a somewhat steady pace, and make the necessary adjustments according to the barring or other types of note grouping, harmony changes, presence of chords and supporting bass lines, as well as cadential approaches. A Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 174 comparison between natural and ornamented versions of melodic fragments may also offer some clues. Nevertheless, this type of reconstruction will always tell as much about the restorer as it will about its original composer. Restituting the missing elements of such sources is not an easy task, so detached we are from that musical context. Besides that, there are other complicating factors. Should someone be allowed to make corrections in the musical text? There are many cases that would classify as copyists’ mistakes, as seen in chapter 3, whose performance as they stand would not conform to eighteenth-century rules of harmony and composition. Sometimes a mistake becomes clearly apparent when one compares repeated sections in the same piece, but in other occasions that supposed mistake could well represent some local practice, or the personal style of an individual composer. In other cases the title of a dance is notated incorrectly: an aiemanda might be entitled corrente, for example, changing entirely our approach to that number. Should we now play that aiemanda in a corrente rhythm, even if we know, after the study of its concordances, that it is supposed to be otherwise? After all, when seeing a number entitled corrente, a viola player of the time would perform it as such. And what about additions? Besides the simple placement of a lacking final chord, should the editor reconstruct all the details in a sectional piece, in which so many elements, such as the improvised or varied repetitions mentioned above, are left to the discretion of the performer? The answers to these issues will always be subject to the purpose of a specific performance or edition, and I have tried to take a balanced approach in the transcriptions that I present as an appendix to this dissertation, sometimes leaving doubtful passages as Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 175 they appear in the original, sometimes correcting probable mistakes, but always explaining them in editorial notes. In any case, it is not my intention to purge the tablature of all its idiosynciasies-or to add some of my own— in search of a musical ideal that might have never existed in real life. Victor Coelho has pointed to the importance of the study of manuscript sources in understanding how music was actually played.2 Printed editions alone might be helpful in determining an authoritative established text, but they contain very limited information about the choices made by an autonomous reader. The Portuguese viola sources bring us a great amount of information on how that authority of an established text was subjected to several changes by local performers, due to factors such as local taste and practices, modernization, ability of performers, musical proficiency of performers, or change of medium. Many pieces in the viola sources are not the work of one specific composer, but represent only a stage in the development of a dance type, or the registering of one variant played by one player in a certain time. And there could be as many acceptable variants as there were players. The same could be said of today’s performances, as long as the players are knowledgeable in that particular style. In the appendix to this dissertation I provide transcriptions of a selection of works of the Coimbra, the Gulbenkian, and the Conde de Redondo codices. I notate these in double staff, along with the tablature with reconstructed rhythm and measure lines. More details are given in the explanatory notes. 2 Victor Coelho, “Authority, autonomy, and interpretation in seventeenth-century Italian lute music,” in Performance on lute, guitar, and vihuela (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 108-41. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 176 The main purpose of these transcriptions is to help the non-specialist in the early guitar to form some musical image, by either playing or silent reading of these scores. The transcriptions might be used in the analysis of the features and the development of these musical forms, as well as in the identification of imported and indigenous works, correspondences, concordances, and recomposed pieces. Should the reader consider my rhythmic solutions unsatisfactory, he or she can always adjust or simply disregard the barring and note values. Another aim is to provide the performer of the early-guitar with a small repertory of reconstructed works. Even though I judge that each performer should study carefully this repertory and seek out his or her own solutions in the matter of rhythm, I find it appropriate to present my suggestions, which are by no means intended to be final. Any edition of this repertory should not aspire to be definitive, but only the solution of an editor grounded in the information available at the time, and according to a number of choices according to his knowledge, expertise, and (why not say it) instinct. Likewise, through a careful study of primary sources, a performer might approach this repertory as an opportunity to exercise his or her own autonomy, accepting or rejecting editorial interventions and by developing, rearranging, adding, or suppressing elements, the same way musicians of other times used to do. In recent years, many recordings by well-informed musicians illustrate this departure from the notion of an ideal and absolute work of art, in search of a more creative and living approach, much more consistent with what is known about seventeenth- and early-eighteenth-century musical practices. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 177 BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Albuquerque. Maria Joao Duraes, ed. Jomal de Modinhas: Ano /. Lisbon: Instituto da Biblioteca Nacional e do Livro. 1996. Anchieta. Jose de. Poesias. Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia. 1989. Bermudo. Juan. Declaration de instrumentos musicales. Osuna. 1555. 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Lisbon: Patriarcai Officina da Musica. 1727-8. Bocage, Manuel Maria Barbosa du. Opera Omnia. Edited by Hemani Cidade. Lisbon: Bertrand, 1969. Calvi, Carlo. Intavolatura di chitarra e chitarriglia. Bologna: Giacomo Monti, 1646. Reprint. Florence: SPES, 1980. Camoes. Luis de. Obras completas. Edited by Hemani Cidade. Lisbon: Sa da Costa. 1972. Castagna, Paulo. "Fontes bibliograficas para o estudo da pratica musical no Brasil nos seculos XVI e XVII.” M.A. thesis. University of Sao Paulo, 1991. Cavazzi, Giovanni Antonio. Descriqao historica dos tres reinos do Congo, Matamba e Angola (1692). Lisbon: Junta de Investigaqoes do Ultramar, [n.d.]. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 178 Cervantes Saavedra, Miguel de. Obras Completas. Vol. 2, Novelas Ejemplares. Madrid: Aguilar, 1975. Corbetta, Francesco. Varii capricii per la ghittara spagnvola. Milan: n.p., 1643. Reprint, Florence: SPES, 1980. Corbetta, Francesco. 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Early- eighteenth-century codex with music in tablature for the viola, bandurra. and cravo. Gama, Miguel do Sacramento Lopes. O carapuceiro: 1832-1842. Edited by Leonardo Dantas Silva and Luiz do Nascimento. Recife: Fundaqao de Cultura Cidade do Recife. 1983. Honrubia, Miguel Lopez de. Aqvi se contiene vna xacara nveva [...] con vn Romance de Mariqapalos a lo humano. Madrid: Andres Garcia, 1657. Leme, Pedro Taques de Almeida Paes. Nobiliarchia Paulistana Historica e Genealogica. Edited by Afonso de E. Taunay. Sao Paulo: Comissao do IV Centenario, 1953. Lesbio, Antonio Marques. Tono a 4 Los males v los remedios. Biblioteca Publica de Evora. Cod. CLI/1-1 d n° 13. Lesbio, Antonio Marques. Tono a 4 Y a las sombras de la muerte. Biblioteca Publica de Evora, Cod. CLI/1-1 d n° 14. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 179 Madronal Duran, Abraham, ed. Nuevos entremeses atribuidos a Luis Quinones de Benavente. Kassel: Edition Reichenberger, 1996. Mattos e Guerra, Gregorio de. Obra poetica. Edited by James Amado and Emanuel Araujo. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 1990. Mazza, Jose. Dicionario de musicos portugueses. Edited by Jose Augusto Alegria. Lisbon: Occidente, 1945. Mello. Jose Antonio Gonsalves de. O carapuceiro: O Padre Lopes Gama e o Didrio de Pernambuco 1840-1845. Recife: FUNDAJ, 1996. Melo, Francisco Manuel de. Carta de guia de casados. Mem Martins: Publicaqoes Europa- America. 1992. Melo, Francisco Manuel de. Auto do fidalgo aprendiz. Mem Martins: Publicaqoes Europa- America. 1992. Morais, Manuel, and Rui Vieira Nery ed. Modinhas. Lundus and Canqonetas: I8lh and /9,/l centuries. Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 2000. Morato. Joao Vaz [Joao Vaz Barradas Muito Pao e Morato Gonsalves da Silveira Homem]. "Factura de violas e sua atlna^ao.” In Regras de musica (1762), 87-100. Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa. Seqao de Reservados, COD 2163. Pellegrini. Domenico. 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A Woman o f Courage: The Journal o f Rose de Freycinet on her Voyage around the World 1817-1820. Canberra: National Library of Australia, 1996. Rodrigues, Graqa Almeida. Literatura e sociedade na obra de Frei Lucas de Santa Catarina. Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda. 1983. Saint-Hilaire, Auguste de. Viagem a Comarca de Curitiba. Sao Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1964. Sanz. Gaspar. Instruccion de musica sobre la guitarra espahola. Zaragoza: Herederos de Diego Dormer, 1674, 1697. Reprint, Zaragoza: Institucion Fernando El Catolico, 1979. Silva, Antonio Jose da. Vida de D. Quixote. Esopaida e Guerras do Alecrim. Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 1975. Silva, Antonio de Morais. Diccionario da lingua portugueza, recopilado dos vocabularies impressos ate agora. Lisbon: Typographia Lacerdina, 1813. Silva, Antonio de Morais. Grande dicionario da lingua portuguesa. Lisbon: Editorial Confiuencia. 1949-59. Silva, Fernando Augusto da. and Carlos Azevedo de Menezes. Elucidario Madeirense. Funchal: Tipografia Esperanqa. 1921-2. Velasco, Nicolau Doizi de. Nuevo modo de cifra para taher la gvitarra. [Naples: Egidio Longo. 1640]. Vicente. Gil. Auto de Ines Pereira. Lisbon: Editorial Comunica^ao, 1991. Visee. Robert de. Liure de pieces pour la gvittarre dedie au roy. Paris: Bonneuil, 1686. Reprint, Geneva: Minkoff. 1973. Viterbo, Francisco Marques de Sousa. Subsidios para a historia da musica em Portugal. Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade. 1932. Other works Angles, Higinio. Diccionario de la Musica Labor. Barcelona: Labor, 1954. Azevedo, Joao Manuel Borges de, ed. Uma tablatura para guitarra barroca - O livro do Conde de Redondo. Lisbon: Instituto Portugues do Patrimonio Cultural, 1987. Becco, Horacio Jorge. El tema del negro en cantos, bailes y villancicos de los siglos XVI y XVII. Buenos Aires: Ollantay, 1951. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 181 Behague, Gerard. “Biblioteca da Ajuda (Lisbon) MSS 1595-1596: Two Eighteenth-Century Anonymous Collections of Modinhas.” Yearbook o f the Inter-American Institute fo r Musical Research 6 (1968): 44-81. Branco, Luis de Freitas. Histdria da musica portuguesa. Mem Martins: Publicaqoes Europa America, 1995. Brito. Manuel Carlos de. ‘T he unassumed legacy: The influence of Brazil on Portuguese eighteenth-century music." Ars Musica Denver 7. no. 1 (Fall 1994): 57-64. Brito, Manuel Carlos de. ” * A kind of Rousseau, but still more original': Novos dados sobre o Abade Antonio da Costa." In Estudos de Histdria da Musica em Portugal. Lisbon: Editorial Estampa, 1989. Brito, Manuel Carlos de, ed. Vilancicos do seculo XVI do mosteiro de Santa Cruz de Coimbra. Lisbon: Fundaqao Calouste Gulbenkian, 1983. Brito. Manuel Carlos de. “Partes instrumentais obrigadas na polifonia vocal de Santa Cruz de Coimbra." 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L'Aria di Fiorenza id est il ballo del gran duca. Florence: Leo Olschki, 1972. Kubik, Gerhard. "O intercambio cultural entre Angola e Portugal no dominio da musica desde o seculo XVI." In Portugal e o Encontro de Culturas na Musica, ed. Salwa El- Shawan Castelo Branco, 381-405. Lisbon: Publica^oes Dom Quixote, 1996. Laird, Paul R. and Greta J. Olson. "Watermarks in selected seventeenth-century Spanish religious music manuscripts." Musicology Australia 19 (1996): 49-59. Lambertini, Michelangelo. Industria instrumental portuguesa. Lisbon: Typographia do Annuario Commercial, 1914. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 183 Le$a, Armando. Musica popular portuguesa. Porto: Editorial Domingos Barreira, [n.d.]. Martins, Heitor. "A musica do Mari-Nicolas de Gregorio de Matos." Suplemento Literario de Minas Gerais. 7 April 1990, 4-5. Milan. Luys. El maestro. Edited by Charles Jacobs. 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Gregorio de Mattos e a inquisi^ao. Salvador: Universidade Federal da Bahia, and Centro de Estudos Baianos, 1987. Pinho, Ernesto Gonsalves. Santa Cruz de Coimbra: Centro de actividade musical nos seculos XVI e XVII. Lisbon: Fundaqao Calouste Gulbenkian. 1981. Pinnell, Richard. Francesco Corbetta and the baroque guitar. Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1980. Pinnell, Richard. The Rioplatense Guitar. Westport, Conn.: The Bold Strurnmer, 1993. Rennert, Hugo Albert. The Spanish stage in the time o f Lope de Vega. New York: Hispanic Society of America, 1909. Rey, Juan Jose and Antonio Navarro. Los instrumentos de pua en Espana: Bandurria. citola y laudes espaholes. Madrid: Alianza, 1993. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 184 Ribeiro, Mario de Sampayo. 4 s "guitarras de Alcacer" e a "guitarra portuguesa." Lisbon: Bertrand, 1936. Russell, Craig. “El arte de recomposicion en la musica espanola para la guitarra barroca." Revista de Musicologia 5, no. 1 (1982): 5-23. Russell, Craig. Santiago de Murcia's Codice Saldivar no 4. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995. Russell, Craig. “New Jewels in Old Boxes: Retrieving the Lost Musical Heritage of Colonial Mexico.” Ars Musica Denver 7, no. 2 (Spring 1995): 13-38. Russell, Craig. “Imported influences in 17lh - and ^ -c e n tu ry guitar music in Spain. ” In Espana en la musica de occidente. ed. Emilio Casares Rodicio. Ismael Fernandez de la Cuesta. Jose Lopez-Calo, 385-403. Madrid: Ministerio de Cultura, Instituto Nacional de las Artes Escenicas y de la Musica. 1987. Russell. Craig. “Santiago de Murcia: the French connection in Baroque Spain. ” Journal o f the Lute Society o f America 15 (1982): 40-51. Salles. Vicente. A musica e o tempo no Grao-Para. Belem: Conselho Estadual de Cultura. 1980. Sanchez de Bonfil. Maria Cristina. El papel del papel en la Nueva Espana. Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia. 1993. Sasportes. Jose. Feasts and folias: the dance in Portugal. New York: Dance Perspectives Foundation. 1970. Schindler, Kurt. Folk Music and Poetry o f Spain and Portugal. New York: Hispanic Society, 1941. Siemens Hernandez. Lothar. “Fuentes bibliograficas para el estudio de la citara y su repertorio en Espana (siglos XVIII-XIX)." In De musica hispana et aliis: Miscelanea en honor al prof. Dr. Jose Lopez-Calo. S.J.. en su 65° cumpleahos, ed. Emilio Casares and Carlos Villanueva, vol. 1, 259-75. Santiago de Compostela: Universidade de Santiago de Compostela. 1990. Sousa, Filipe de. “Quern foi Antonio Pereira da Costa." Coloquio Artes 13, no. 2 (1975): 51- 2). Stein, Louise K. “Accompaniment and Continuo in Spanish Baroque Music.” In Espana en la musica de occidente, ed. Emilio Casares Rodicio, Ismael Fernandez de la Cuesta, Jose Lopez-Calo, vol. 1. 357-70. Madrid : Instituto Nacional de las Artes Escenicas y de la Musica. Ministerio de Cultura, 1987. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 185 Stein, Louise K. Songs o f mortals, dialogues o f the gods: Music and theatre in seventeenth- century Spain. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993. Stevenson, Robert. Music in Aztec & Inca territory. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968. Strohm, Reinhard. “Unwritten and written music." In Companion to Medieval and Renaissance music, ed. David Fallows, 228-33. London: Dent. 1992. Tinhorao, Jose Ramos. As origens da canqao urbana. Lisbon: Caminho. 1997. Tinhorao, Jose Ramos. Os negros em Portugal: uma presenqa silenciosa. Lisbon: Caminho, 1997. Tinhorao. Jose Ramos. As origens da canqao urbana. Lisbon: Caminho, 1997. Tinhorao. Jose Ramos. Fado: Danqa do Brasil. Cantarde Lisboa. Lisbon: Caminho, 1994. Tinhorao. Jose Ramos. Histdria social da nuisica popular brasileira. Lisbon: Caminho. 1990. Troeger. Richard Walter. 'T he French unmeasured harpsichord prelude: Notation and performance." Early Keyboard Journal 10 (1992): 89-119. Tyler. James. The Early Guitar. London: Oxford University Press, 1980. Tyler. James, and Paul Sparks. The Guitar and Its Music. Oxford: Clarendon Press, forthcoming. Turnbull, Harvey. The Guitar. New York: C. Scribner's Sons. 1974. Veiga, Manuel. “O estudo da modinha brasileira." Latin American Music Review/ Revista de Musica Latino Americana 19, no. I (Spring/Summer 1998): 47-91. Viterbo, Francisco Marques de Sousa. Subsfdios para a histdria da musica em Portugal. Coimbra: Imprensada Universidade. 1932. Wright, Laurence. “The Medieval gittem and citole: A case of mistaken identity." Galpin Society Journal 30 (May 1977): 8-42. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 186 APPENDIX Anthology of five-course-guitar (viola) music from Portuguese sources (cI700-cl750) Explanatory notes In this anthology I present a selection of pieces from the codices P-Cug M.M. 97 (the Coimbra codex), P-Ln F.C.R. ms. Ne 1 (the Conde de Redondo codex), and P-Lcg Servi<jo de musica. n.n. (the Gulbenkian codex). I edit these works in double-staff notation: Italian tablature and conventional notation with rhythmic reconstruction. Rhythmic indications in Portuguese tablatures for the five-course guitar are extremely rare. For that reason, all rhythmic values in this anthology are editorial, with the exception of the Rojdo 5° tom (P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 34 v. pp. 38-9 in this anthology), and the Fantasia do 2° tom (P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 76v. pp. 127-8 in this anthology), in whose tablature staff I notated original values in a bigger font size. Original double bar lines are represented as such, while dashed double bar lines are editorial. However, I do not differentiate between original and editorial single bar lines. Repetitions, as well as first and second endings, are left to the discretion of the performer. I retain the original repetition signs in the tablature staff (see section “symbols”). The performer should keep in mind that the scores of some dance types provided here should be regarded more as sketches, or a guides, for some sections could be repeated, alternated with the chord pattern, or not played at all. The performer is also encouraged to seek his or her Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 187 own solutions in matter of rhythm, provided that these are supported by concordances, correspondences, or similar passages in the guitar repertory of the period in question. I did not make any attempt to correct the Portuguese spelling in titles, lyrics, and notes, but I did make additions, changes and deletions to the musical text whenever I found necessary to do so (see chapter 7). Additions and changes are identified by square brackets; deletions and changes are explained in footnotes. The five lines of the tablature staff stand for the five courses of the guitar, in which the top line represents the fifth course. Numbers placed over these lines represent open and stopped strings. In P-Cug M.M. 97. the tenth fret is always represented by the Roman numeral X. The eleventh fret can be notated as n, q. or XL the twelfth fret by m or cL and the thirteenth fret by T. Because of this inconsistency. I decided to use for the three codices only Arabic numerals, from 0 to 13. I present the transcriptions in conventional notation, in the so-called “guitar clef." which is also more convenient to the guitar player not versed in tablature. While there is no doubt that the five-course guitar is the most appropriate instrument for this repertory, with all its special effects and subtleties, I encourage players of the modem six-string guitar to find ways to play these works without losing too many of those particularities. That could be done by finding alternative fingerings and by sometimes playing the effect-notes. notated in the score by smaller-size notes, which, on the five-course guitar, sound after the plucking of the fourth or fifth courses tuned in octaves. The five-course guitar player still has to face some decisions about stringing of the instrument. While the time of compilation as well as the musical tradition to which most of this repertory belongs would suggest the use of bourdons in the fourth and fifth courses. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 188 some pieces in the Coimbra and Gulbenkian codices were copied from French and Italian sources, which might imply the use of only one bourdon, in the fourth course. In addition to that, some pieces from the Gulbenkian codex are based on works by Gaspar Sanz, who advocated stringing with no bourdons at all (see chapter 2). Evidently, that does not tell us anything about what was the customary practice in Portugal, and the playing with bourdons of pieces originally conceived to be played without them may well have been the custom in that country. In any case, the player should be aware of all these variants when making decisions on the most appropriate stringing. Symbols * Indicates a trill, a mordent, or some sort of vibrato. A number placed above it shows the fret on which the string should be trilled. In some cases, when placed above a group of three notes, it could mean a triplet as well. i Downward right-hand stroke. Replaces a single vertical line placed under the staff (Conde de Redondo codex). t Upward right-hand stroke. Replaces a single vertical line placed above the staff (Conde de Redondo codex). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 189 Repetition sign (not used consistently in the sources). Not used in the transcriptions. It is not clear whether these signs refer to some sort of vibrato, arpeggiation. repetition, fingering, or to the note values (not used consistently in the sources). Not used in the transcriptions. © © ® ® (D Guitar courses. Used only in the transcriptions. a - c # 1 - e 1 Notes played in sequence. Used only in the footnotes. a / c#' / e' Notes played simultaneously. Used only in the footnotes. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 190 F a n t a s i a 1 ° t o m d e M o n t e y r o P-Cug M.M. 97. ff. lr-2r I — 1 . . : 1 ------------------ 1— ----- 3 - ---------' —5------- - 6 ---------- — « 5 ------------- - 5 --------- — 3-------- ------ X ----------- ----1--------- 1— 3— r T r jp ------ 1 i ! * * ® t ■m f- f * 0. o o 0 0 • • • ------------ 5-----------5-----3—- - i -----------9 ---------- 9 - - - - - - - - r —9 - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -----------3 —9 --------------------------------------- * £ “ B” ------------- 1 ------------------------- > 1 O -----------------4 -5 ------------ «-------9 ----------------3------2--------------------3-------3 3 5 5 3 I O-"-------------O--------- ------------------------------- 5 - £ a a 'g«*— a __ ♦ t i o ■ a - 0 ■ ■ B ......... .. .... • * • • 0 • 0 I 0 'o ! ' o t — d—— M -------- 5 —~ -d-------^ —d H ) q ■ 9——£0------ •K > d 6 5 6-5------ 1 1 b (2 0) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 191 ! 1 . j f j — s — ----------------s — ------------5------5 - 3-S -S -----3— ■ 4 --------- ^ | -------------5-----------------0 — 5 - jj? F * « t *— S - r « • >-»■> * * = J « * ~ a ----® ----“ B - P ---- Jo-- » • k * - 0. --------------------------------------------o ---------------------------------------------4----------------------------------------------0 ------------------------ -------------3------£—0 ------------------------------------- * 5 --------3------- ----------- 3----------O—E- 3 - 0 —- i ------- 0 --------- 0 -------- E — 0 -------------- A \ — m -------- 1 — * * ■ ! --------------------- ra-------------------- * -------^ r ; % TiJ r " ^ 1 H U ' ' ’ • ! ! ' ! ! 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I ^ ---------5— = s — 6-----------L?--------------- J------ S------5 - 7 - - 8 - 7 - 5 j --------------------■■5------- 5-------- 5— -------------- 5------5— Toma a seguir o mesmo passo #• • ------- r» ~ »— - " 'T -f» •" : m -+ r= r ^ - - 1 : * 1? l:----—— ■ * » * 0»J * * * ------------------------------------------------------------------- t e i---------------------- : --------------------------- ------------- * 5 ---------- 7 -8 --------7 ---------- 8 - 7 ----------------- f 0 - 5 ---------i© -------- 1 0 -5 ------- ----- BO- d 1 0 - 7 -------------------- 8 6 8 5--------------- ------------ » > . ---------- ■ ■ ■ . ------------------ a-6 -a ■ S---- 5----------------------------------------3------3-^-----------------S 3 S'------------------3 + ^ --------------3------------------------* — - * -------------------------------- ; ---------------------------------------- 1 -------------------------------------------! -------------------------------- , 1 ; i 1 i ------------- Q----------------------------- ------- S 3 S 2 — e - t - L-3------------------------------------ - s -------------------s----------------- 'd(IO) 4 d#‘ (X 4) 5 Repeated section. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 193 -----------* ----------------------- ! --------------------------- -O------------------------ : --------------- O O 1 •> ------------- 3---- 1----1 ---------- S 5 3 S 1---- Q -t--3 ---- f— Q------------- ! ----------------------------! --------e --------------------------- i-irO ---------- Glosa j < • . ^ * ' V p ! • • * • *■ - - » • ...... ' a ^ : • • • . 3-------3 ir O 2 ---- 0--------------- ----- — 3 J~ ° 1 : 3 O 1 O I 3---- 1 3 I O I O o------------------------------o- ---------- 3----------- 5------------ ? ----------- O---------- -------------- e ---------- — O----- — a—S------- S-------5 - — 8 -IO 9 7 3 K>-d- -SO ~ a ~ ■ -r±- ----- 0----------- i ’ ---------- d 6- a a o a -6 —S--6—a—3 a - 3--0- 1 3 1 3 - o - ----- 0 1 0 - 1 6 bt ( ?- 3) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 194 ----------------------------------------------0--------------------------------0--------------------------- --------------------------------------------------------------------0— i- - - - -O - - - - - - -f- 3- — 3 — -------i--------------3- --------------O ------------3 --------------- t - « ■ ■ • m — - - - - - -f -------"3- - -- - - - - -* --------■ * m -* -. 4 S ------■- - - - -5: - - - - -- - ------------- V \ \ \ m "m * b ■ — ........ - ~ v ■ - -■ ■ K 9 « ------------- 1--------------1 — i— -3-- - - -3- - - - -3 - - - - -3- - - - -1 I O I 3 3 I 3 O-T O I O " ~ ~ — ~-------------------3 0 3- O O 1 M O I 3 -t 3 6 3 3 6 d- 6 3 ~d#' (2; 4) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 195 £ ? 9 f V C ^ ^ I - -1. i T I I '0 1 3- r g • a . T I r -d = ? ----- 5 - t 5 - - 5 -------- - 7 --------= --------d -------- 7 d ; ■ d d 6 S ~ d— d-----d d — S ---------------------------- 5 - - 5- -fO ------------------ -S9----5 —~ d K > i J t iO- - i £ > — i £ > - u o —- d IO U IO -S B - - 2 - -S- * - 2— £ i -3 - 2 - - 3 - t - r O £—3 - -d 0 -2 H -3 - -d— f -e -e - 2 3 -5 3 1 O- 0 2 3 5 2 3 0 V “ # v 3 2 0 2 -3— 2 0 2— r*“ -l— 0- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 196 F a n t a s i a d e F a l s a s 1 ° t o m d e B a r r o s P-Cug MM. 97. f.4 r Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 197 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 198 F a n t a s i a 1 ° t o m I t a l i a n a c o m s u a F u g a e C o r r e n t e P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 4r-v « / l b i ! a; - t!----- H S------- «. o* ^ g t.: : p. - 1 ! 1 i i f T r ........ j 1 1 9 - p. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 203 £ % | c 1 , - - - - - - - - - - - 4 - - - - - - - - - - i 5 i " * ! ° | * - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 4 4 - 4 4 ■ -2----- 7 -> ~ 7 5 S § V ----------- ^ i 4 2 2 3 2 '----------O— O- O- O— f. I Or m 3C Hp V — 4 - - 2— ■ + - £ V -2 ■ * - -r-5- - 2 — r g : -r-4- +3- 1 d‘ ( 2 3) - 2 0 2 - Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. -t 2 (4t-S---- H > - - 2 ---------------------------3----------- 2- -QQDQiO l £ ! V & . • * —1 0 — i • i d d-d d >? ■ -d ~ d-7- 7-: K > K > K H £ H £ > d d - 7-* d 'd' ( I 3) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 205 J K • ---------- K-----‘ - ' t t : . • V J | — ■ * : S .& L ' 1 • 9 • • • # • 0 9 0 9 ------------ 5--------------- i ------ -3 -------3--------------- ~e-----------3— 2 - 0 —-2------------------------ - e -------------- 0 --------0-------- 0 ------------- f t . 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J - - 1 ; —m --------# — —f r . 2 ----------- i ........m J " j . 1 ' h M # *l0\m — 1 m g m + •* r i - — • — ----------- * V © * T r - “ 0 0 0 0 * - . . 1 ^ ---------------------------------------------------- i — — 0 ---------1 — ------3 - ------5 ----------- ----------- 3 — — 3 -------- ---------------5----- — t Z - d 6 -f 5 H ------- i V - 4 - f i “#P~ -a - s—o- -= r ---------5 - -r*~ -r O - V ( ! 8) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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S i t ® r r % l: ; " *r ■ ’ r—r * i i * p a a 7 —. p a - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ■=--------5--------5--------H?-------?------------------------------ j--------------p r --------6--------------------r?--------5--------5- --------------------------------j -------------------------------- j ------------------ f r ------- = ------- r-tf--------? ---------= -------- i ------------------------ -5 -----------5 -----------5 -----------p ? -------------------------------------p 5 -------------------- p - 5 -----------5 ---------------------------- 5 -----------5 -----------“r -a -----=--------------- ! -1 ------------- J-S-----“------------ : -8----- = ■ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 224 i t r T -~e- -rl- 1 " 4 - / 30J’ -i-O - - f - i - £ % i f 1 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 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' - * - 1 1 - 3 • 0 6 * • • * k * s f t k t ) • > f t * f t * ■ f t * —OI 3 l O ' —'- - - - - -- - - - - - - ----- «-- O H IO —- ------------------- -0 - - - - - - - -0 13— 9- 3 O j _u3_ U L* u«r * * * * * s f t * f t * f t H J ---------------------- -----------------------------rr-3 ---------------3 — 2 - 0 — 2 -------------- 2 — 3 — 2 — ^ -------------------------- r \ ~ ~ W I f , ~ " f ~ " < - w l ^ i v - i l l | . 2 ------------------------— e -------------*— ii t ------------------------------L q -------- 0 -------------------- !------- S ^ -3 -------------------- ------------------------------------ --------W -------------------- J 1 Before the double bar line. ■ Before and after the double bar line. ' Before the double bar line. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 228 h t u I 5 6 i j " I r n n n n r-» n / 2 r p i ^ ' t T ' " « ■ --------------- • • • • • &» ! j -------------------------1 ------------------- --------------2 3---------------------^-------------------- -------------5-----------U ----------------- ------ i----5-----5---- i -------------------- ------e----3-----3-------------3----5---- — t— a--------- - e ---------------- i-------------------- ■33 1 ----1----------- 0---- 3---- jf-J-3------------- ■ 33 1 -------------------- 3---- 3 ^ -0----O I 3-£— ■3 2 3---------- -----------0 1 3 I O I----3-J- ---------- e ------- * _ « « * » « : * : 0 o m 0 . • * m » m ' • 0 li i J , | r 1 ^ r . ? : l * J * * « * « ¥ « 1 Before the double bar line. ' Deleted note e' I 2 1) ” Before and after the double bar line. Before the double bar line. s b ( Z 0) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Rojao 5° tom P-Cug M.M. 97. ff. 32v-33v s i * r ^ r v r -i 3 p ■ e — 2— k - * 2 - e -2 j-e------- ■ & — & i fe— i- -a— i- ■ i— 3- ■ i 3 - -0— e-t- ■ e — t- f.3 3 r 1 J 1 ; ^ i i r i i 1 x i T J i -------- 3 1 0 --------- - O ■ — 0 — I 1 O--------------- O— ----------- ■ I o ----------------- ■ ---------1 ------------ * ------------- 1 r i-------- 3 1 0 --------- ‘ O' O—I 1 O---------------O — l ----------- * I- 0 -------------!----------------------1 ------- , j - , i J ~4~y n — *------------------ J J . j , L i - i u ' c > [ > ' t i u - ' s 0 -----3------------- 1 ---- 3----- 0 —pi-------- 3— | 0 1 3 } ! -----3----- -------------- ! -3------------ t j t h s # -------O 2 3 | : J t--------- 3--------- p ---------------- 2 - - 3—0 ------------- I 0 — 3-------------n -2------------ 1 i I s t ^ i = - o -■ -= J_3---------------------U i--------- i ----------- i---------e ---------L j r - - g = - t I --------0 -------- i -------- 3-------- * -£--------f 1 * i > I # • --------1 ------------------e ---------- £--------- 1 ------------------------ --------------------------------------------------- 4 * — 9 — ------------------------------------------3----------r * --------- 3--------- --------a------- i ------e ------------- < ------------------ e —1 0 -3------------ -i-----------L C J * U 1 • 0 — 2 — 3— 2— -------------- 3— J— 0 ------------------------- 0 ------ 3 —2 ---------- ■e--------------------- -0-------- 1---------- f r - 1 *\ i 0 0 ---------------------r3 -------------n 3 ------------------ H3------------ ---------- 0 ------------------------- 3 -------- 3 - 1 f l ------------- ---------- * --------1 ----------------- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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O j L-3-------------------- L j --------------------L0 ------------------‘ 3 0 3--------- 1 ------------ •H-H I 9 ----- ?------------1 - 5 ------------ p*------------r-i------------ _ 3------------ r -3------------ ■ * ------------r | ------------ I 1 3 I ----- a------------a*------------a ------------ L a------------L a------------ X ------------! i ------------ \ ^ N 9 9 9 9 9 — ? ------------------ r 5 — - — -7 ------------6-1 3 3 2 - 0 - 1 3 2-------- a ----------- 5 ; 7 ------- a 8 7 6 l 7 ------ 7 -------1 La------------------ a ------ a------- L-i------------------ - a -------3------- 1 g (® 0) f e = f i T— T — ? Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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P L p i ----------- * > -------■ > -------------- 5 —M -------------4- ------------ S-----------------------3 ------------ ------------------5 ---------1 ----------- 3-------- 1 ' P 1 -2------------2— ----- 1------------- -----------1-------1 i i i • -e------------ — e -------------- ----------e ------- L r = p = 3----------- 3- — 2---------- ---------3----- Y - ■ f t ^ - - 2 -----------2— 0--------------- ------- 1-----------------------1 - 0 - J ---------- a ------------- £---------- 9 -i-3-------n - 2 ------- -■2------- c#‘ / f * (*£ 2/® I) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Rojao 5° tom 232 P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 34v # * * a i , ! , i ^ X f i = J i < ■ t ^ 1 1 -------- 5-----------------------------3— — 3— --------a - - f r - 6 ‘ S— — 3 - — T —■ o — ■ I -------- d------------------ ■ ^ - — r*5 --- — > — , — * r —f— 5*— I ■ + ■ P -L*. - r i* 1 i ! # j F » i - i s 3 - - — V - ! 1 o L ! , i ! j 2 i o - 4 — i — 3 --------1 1 Bar lines and rhythmic values are original. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 233 Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 234 Marisapoles 1° tom Italiana P-Cug VI.M. 97. ff. 37v-38r * ,-j P— n — j r p ! i i * * _ ± J i ' * - i • • r * f ^ = i T - ; = * • #• • • O. s #• • • o 1 o 1 i 3 -------------------------- O iq_I------ e - i ---- ^ — 3 ----3 ----- 6 ----- L 3 --------- 6 -d---- - a — eo— a— -6------------6 ----- o . -i -e- -3------ 3--------3-----------3------------3 -3 ----------------3 ~ 3 3------ J - 3 3-31 f. 3Sr £ i * * - 3 i - - 3 f r 3 - I - O - -i O-I O -E - e — o - 2." p.* Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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V - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - p * K m m ' ' - - - - - -* ® - - - - - - - b. 0 * 1 1 * 1 ^ - - - - - -8 - S - - - - - -■ * - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -; - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - — O — O-- - - - - 0- - - -2 — 3-— i- - - - - - - - - - - - o- - - - - - -— o- - - - - - - - - ' A ( s' 0) : c#1 ( ? 2) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 246 Sarao 4° tom de Sylva P-Cug M.M. 97. ff. 44v-45r i —w n -- _a* ■ -- ■ ■ ■ r~ i /l m \ ~ m * m. - ■ . • • ~ ■ m • ~ m * ! V\J <■ I i £ I * ! •• ■W"U ! ! W ' ~ SB u ' i * a j p 1 V L ij * • i^J • ' ^ i V 9 i i I s m #• \ 0 0 0 - 0 0 - 0 0 1 ! ! 7 ! o : 1 T I 4— — 3-- -e--- —«-- I o- - i — 9 - - 1 — 0- -3---- 1— 0 - Sfr ------------- .. ^ % . © © ' ; * i ~ * v s 0 #• 0 0 0- 0 • • * • » ’ m i / ! V •• 0 0 •! 1 j . 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V ~ 0 ---- 0—2—3— 5--- “ 0 -------------------------- 9------------3—I O - ■ , , = -£ ' r - r f - ■ - - - ...... f p * I* * ” 0 - 0 0 - 0 9 0 b . -------0------------------------------------ - a ----------------e------------------a------------------------------------ -------a------------------------------a— -------3-----------------1----0---------- -------j------------------------------------ - a ------------------------------------a------------------------------------ - 0 ----------------------------------r-i------------------------------------ - e ---------------------------------- -0------------------------------------ 1 g (£ 8 ) 3A (? 0 ) :a-d#‘ - c<3 7-2. 4 - f 5) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 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I s I 0 | O 0 0 s * * V h 0- m • 0 0 0 0 • 0 0 0 0 • • ; 0 -------3--------------3— ^ ---- - ! ------- 3 ---3— i: 3 ---------3— — 3 I O ' O i i o-i—e- ^ 3 ‘ I O 0 ‘o I 3 1 0 -O -i- £ 3 - 3 -3—3 1 0 3 I O -o -i - -s -3 - — +—1--- -3—— i -------O 13 0 1 3 0 ------O-i -3 3 3 - i-O— -9----3 -----i-O^—O - -W Closu j O-------- -O--------- O--------- 1 -------- f — ©------------e — 1 i --------------------- i -------- 1 ----- 0 1 3 ----i- O --------------- \ j a , I-J J 14 ! ' 1 ; ! ! -3 -------3---------2r— 3 -----3 - - o i - 3- -------1- 0 - 9 3 1 0 O- i - 3-- O O O 0 -0 'O - 'g ( S 0) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 251 O Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 252 Alanella 1° tom de Sylva P-Cug M.M. 97. tT. 47v-48r \ to « -3— 2 —o- - 0 - 2 - 3-1 0 - - l 0 - -3 - 1 O- I 1 ^ ^ h rfr~"■ ® ® ---- *------------ D --------m ---- *--------------- • ------ e r ~ - --------- ¥ » • i • • 9 • 0 * « Q .. £~ b e b z -------B ----------------------------- 0 . • -------------- O 3 I O I-------- 1--- - i----------------O------i----------- -------1------------ e---------------- e S! • m • * * i o. -rS- -^ 6 5 3 6 5 3 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 253 i m f . 4Sr « . " I ,i\ i _ . . J 3 — t -------* * * * i t 3 • • M m \ ~i w - * I ' r ... - ! > i ® i - • • • i •» 0 • ' 1 n i 2 — jm--- m---• --- *— = g = = i= 3 8 . I i V -------------— — --- 0 ' » 9 ... 9 — r ------9-------v ------- ! # i » m • ’ 0 ---- e— a— i— e— ---i------ ------ 1 — ■ - I ■ ---------------- o— ------1 -------------------------- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 254 P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 48v * Magana 1° tom • — 0 - -J-* » -e— 2 - - i 3 E- - i 3 - 3 2 3-------2 — 3- O I 3 I • • I I • # A "IF 0 3 3 3 6 6 3 3- 3 - 3 - 6 3 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 255 — » ----- 5------ * ----- 1 -6 - -* -6 --------- 5 — 6— 6- -a r 6 8------6- 6 — 6~ V * r » »« # i g _ j g i . . - - j * ** V 1 t 1 t J -5----------------------5 6 - 8 6 5 -------------------------------------- 6----- = ?-------9-----JO-----9------ i -6-8 6 8 6 - 6- 7- 6 - 7 1 c#2 ( X 9) 2 g ( 3 0) * Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 256 Magana ou Chacoina 4° tom P-Cug M.M. 97. tT. 49v-50r r / - » - — h -g— 1 i :l » v * ! * ! i - - - - - - - - - - a . a . - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -— 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -8 — - - - - - - - - - - -f - ~ M * F 1 m 9 • • 9 • •• # ' ' i ! 0 1 i - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -J-o- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -3- - - - - - - - - 3 1 0 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0 - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - 0 —— I- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -J- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - — ©- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0 — 0 —2 3 2 - 0 - -2- 1 2 I O I 3 I O -O -O-fc -O - O O I O 3 - 0 - I - 0 - O - O - i % « = = f - r - O---- 023 ._. ; ------------------- -3-----------3---- --------------------------------------- i i t ® ------0 9 9 9 - 9 9 - O ------------------3----310 ---' -0---------- 0---- —£--------1------- -0 ---------------- % n M i £ 50r J I 4 ' ♦ M « i d ! 1 1 = -0-9- 9- 9—9 — 9- f f f l * 02 3 - 0 - 2 3 I - 3 ------- 6 3 3 - 9 JO— 9 - - - = - Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 257 i 7 13 D D D D 'd d m m d ! ! J J - ; i ~ t .0 0 — f 0 m 9 m 0 • 0 ------■ ■ - ----- -------- - I:}-- • — m -.------0-.---- —----- * •. •• -e---------------- : ------------------- o--------------------------- -—7 ---------------------------- —5------------- i ------------ ■ ■ > —* --------------3-------------— £------ 1 ---------- 7 K ) IO IO K H IO - — S - S - 7 3 7 S - 6 -------------------3-------- 3 3 5 - 6 5 3 —5-------------------3--------—0------ -0- •• , . r — ji a — -----1 - j | • i I ; / * • • V . . - , ------------- . . •La— K. \ \ ! ‘ • i > r C E T ! * • o m -w. - - 0 m • • • i ! \ ! ------O S S S S S- J -o— -------------- -3- 6 5 3------- ^ ----- ----- 3 — - -s- s 7 -a 7 — s r=------a 7 s n J > • > 3: ♦ J S T ? 2 - «• -— — m r J t i.*« * _ J- 0 0 . 0 * jr D * m m «» . :« w . /£ 5 I T , • : r r r r : B r i • ' J r * fn • ------------------------------------* P a p ; — - - - - -j - - - - - . . — ■ — - - - - - - - - -i - - - - -i-------i — .— r - f i- 2 ----------------------- - * ! “ 0 V * V V — — 1 u • s v k s . I 4 * 0 — -a— - S 6 S 6 a • ' —— 5--- - 7 S 7 8-4 7 ---- - - - - - - - - « - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -D D B -B O - a - S ■ 7 S 7 a 1 Repeated section. 2 Missing measure, see similar passage twelve measures before. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 258 M j f i JJ. ;<f -aB: g 1 * 1 1 i O . i 0 ] i • i X ----------------7 8 — 7 -------a 7 %■ ■ 7 I O I Q I Q I O I Q — 5 --------- 5 7 S ? a — 3 — ---------— ------------ > - » - • : 3 — — 3 — a ------- 3 S - 6 - = H = * ' m - z J «i=z3 t= r l , t : - j r . . 4 -------------------------- ■— 1 L ;.. ; t • • • n t } - y iizzzzrJ m 0 •» # • # * 0 • r ------0---- --------------------------------q --------- --------------------------------------o --------------------------------- 5 g < i 0) 4g<3 0) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 259 Chacoina 6° tom Italiana P-Cug M.M. 97. t'. 5 lr j - i G n i : - * - - - - - | - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - r - f - - - - - - - # - - - - - - - r V ' 1 - • - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - 1-3 - - - - - - a - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ! V m 0 • — f - - - - - - - - - - - ^ - - - - - - - - - - " ! * — * — * 0 0 0 - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - ; - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - i - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - —i - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - !- 5 - - - - - - - - - - ~ 3 - - - - - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - 0 - - - - - - 3 1 0 - - - - — O - - - - 9 3 I O C j J . — fc- - - - - - 3 5 3 - - - - - ^ 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - - - - 0 0 ^ ' i i ----------- i o - i 3 ------------------------------------ : ------------------------------------- U - t3- T 2- -3r- - 5 — 3 5 3 ~ - 3 I 3 I O— t- -3—i—3 —t- O - I O I - Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 260 f l ■ J i . h n..i . . J V s j5 j » ! iS U U J 1 • 0 0 0 0 - - - - - - - - - - - - i - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -T -e - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0 - 0 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1-3 - - - - - - 3 1 3 - - - - - - ;- - - - - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ^ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - ' i r - i - - - - - - 3 1 3 I I I - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ! - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0 - - - - - - - i ------------------------ J------------------------------------ 3 - - - - ■{-*- - - - 3 1 3 I j I - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ■ - - - - - - - - - - - - e - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - O-------------! -------------------------! -------------------------: ---------------------------e ----------------4 ----- 3----- < r i % • o. m y - r a - - I - 3 - x - i 3 I O I 3 O 1 - 3 O I 0 13 0 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 261 Capona 5° tom de Sylva P-Cue M.M. 97. IT . 5lv-52r - r ----------------------------r - 2 - O I (31 ■ I -O------ -2 --------- — 2 0- 3 • I - -0- 1-3- 3 1 0 t r V o l t a -3—2----0 —2 - -O—3 2 0- 3 ■ 2 O " 3 I O - -3 - — £- 3-----------3-------- 2 -------- O ------------------------------- ------------------------------------ ------------------------------------ ------------ 3—2— O 2 -2-----------1---------------------2 ------------------- 3--------- (-3-------------------------------i-2 -------------------------- 3 : 2- 0 ----------------------- ---------------------------------------------------- - 2 ---------- e --------------------------------j--------------------- e --------------------------- 1 ----------- e — 3 -2 — e ------------ ------------------------------------------------- - i--------- 1---------------- - I ----------------- £-------- p i -----------------------3 - r - i ----------------------------1 ---------------------------- ■ o e------------- e ------------5-------s ---------- 1— o---- -e ---------------------------------------- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 262 u eT» i — f — -------------- r- r- • 1 * ! -------- 0 -------------- 0 3 5 3-------------------------------- ------------- 3--------- 5--------- - 5 --------- 3 1 0 ---------— 3---------------0 - 3 5 m V £ • • -3—2--0— 2- 3 - 2 0 -2 0- -O— 3-2— 0- 3 — 1- 1 - 0- LI i % r O m i m 0 * 0 . \ m m • 0 % • T -----0— — 3------3——3---—e-------- —s— ---5---------i-O---- i -o—------------- 0 13 0- i V • » -3—2— 0-2- -2------------9 - -O — 3 - 2 —0 - -£— 3— O — — 2- 3 1 0 1 Repeated section. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 263 £ t f 3 5 6----- 5 - 6 5 ■ 3 - -3- 5 -6 - — 0 - v r ----------- 3 ------------------ 3 ------- -------- 0 ------- — 0 — \ ' '-----------3 --------------------------- ------- 3 -------- — O ------ -----------5 ---------- --------- =-------------- — 3 ----------------------------- 3 6 - - 5 ------ 3--------------- i n % - H 5 - i i V I f.5 2 r 9: r I _____ x_____________ t n I n ____________________________ ------------------------------------------------ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 264 Capona 5° tom Italiana P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 52r-v \i a . ■ ■ • ^ f= 3 1 0 “3 “ 3-----2- - i O ----------- hi----------------- -Q 3 ----- 3-----i-e---- 3 1 -0 3- O —I---3- — O — I—3- i i * i i • « ■ i ■ ! i i i — _ J i i ___________ i . x_____ •> r \ —I x ■ ■ y r u i-------------* ---------¥---------1 1 A / d / g / b / e ' ( ® 0 / $ 0 / D O / 2 0 / DO) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 265 # J f i f f l i f i i > I * t f -5 --------3 - O 1 H01-------£--------- 3 --------3—5-------- 5—7 7 ! » 5 3 5--------3 I - O - / 52v r s 3--0 - — 3 3 0 - -e—i—3- 3 1 0 ~o -1 o O I 3 ‘ o !lO I 3-------3 - 5 -------5 - J J I J I P .T n .11 n J , r c r u - p r j . a r u i f r V , i r J . I jtJr — ----u -J txr ■ i v a ! ° i 3 ° 1 .*» ft A - f t - . ft ■ ft ft----- m p . 0 0 1 3 * 2f<(© I) 3 c (< $ 3) 4 Deleted notes: c/e/c'/e' ( $ 3 / 5 2 / 2 ! I / © 0). These notes appear both before and after the double bar line, maybe as an indication of first and second endings, or of alternation between chord pattern and variations. 5 Deleted notes: c / e / c1 / e1 (® 3 / © 2 / ® I / © 0). before the double bar line. See n4. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 266 Sarabanda 7° tom Italiana P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 53v * ! j * 4S- • • # 9 (5. • : i ; u ■ , _ * « « * i % b • * % • # • © • f t • ' 9 - p • • —o— — -o- ------- -------------------- ----- J. o ------- * r - f l - l f c r — I - - . . S _ i * — n * J ■ ■ ; * > : * — Z Z - * I ; . r 4 r ^ - ^ = ----------5 — 4 — -----------9 * — • ------------------------------------------- • -------------------------- \ ® . • r - r • • - k , 0 0 k 0 • • % • • > * ------------------------- * — ■ 5 • “ V 7 — S ^ S -------------------" v . - - 0 ---------------- 0 --------- ----------------- © j --------------------------------------------------- % i £ -a—o- -e—i —e- d‘ ( i 3) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 267 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 268 Vacas 1° tom de Barros P-Cug M ..V1. 97. IT . 53v-54r r * n i i r * n _ T T lJ o . O ----------------------------------------- - 3 --------- 3 -------------------- ----------------------------------0 - 1 3 - £ ------------- i ---------------------- — 1------------- 0 - 1 - 3 - 3 -----------3 3 1 0 -------------- O ------------------------------- i i I j • ■ « s • % • • V • m -ww~ s m i» i* 6 A • • / % r t 6 ‘ i • m « - s j . > /-k . _A • >_a__ U 1 V ■ » 2 X w . v r - » 3 x-- . " 1 X X^ " » 1 X ! ^ X X - 1 £ V T X X / \ r i ^ X C -O I 3 I 30- I ---O I 3--i— 3 --£-- L -4-- • X — O-- Q 0 13' X ---------0— £ 0 0 1 3 1 30- -O I 3— S 3 i i o / 5 4 r ' f( 4 3) : c‘ <£ 1 ) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 270 Meninas de Montemor 1° tom de Sylva P-Cug M.iVI. 97. f. 54 v * ■ J U n . 4. -9-----■----5 - —2—HJ- -r-a---------------- -3 t-i- - S 0 - 3 ----2---O — -3— i— - e - -3 - 1 -0 - t — -- < r. * - * m --------------- br - .------ o — 2— o -a - 3-1 O -£----3 ----1 ------ e----i----O ----- 1 ---- 0- -rO- -r-3— -3—3 -fr -O - £ -J—•- * — 6 3 3 6 3 3 1 c( S 3) 1 b1 (1 7) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 271 --------- ID—a — -------- r 6 — — j o — — 6---- — d — IO I — *9--------- ---------------------- --------- H ---------- -------------------------------- - a — ----- d— J - r & *— — d «T "d . . - J.. m . m . = # t = * r r * 0 _ _ , 0 i -js- ! § -^5---- r 9 • 9 0 9 m 1 “ * 1 Q ' 1 I ' ■ a 1 ! - i j W . A ^ j ~ ---------9 -------------- _ J_ _ 5 ----- ----- 5---------- 5 - 3 I O — 1----------3---- ------ 0---- 3— ----- ' 3 c1 ( 3 5) V (1 5) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 272 Canario 1° tom P-Cug VI.V1. 97. f. 55r-v -------------- 1 ---------------------------{ J ---------------------- x -------------------------------------------------------------------- ------------------- 1 -------- - 3 ----j- 3---------------- -3------- O I So 1 3 2 3--- -3------- — e — e — 2 ------ 3 ------2 — 0 — - 2 ----------------------------------- 1 -----------------------0 ---------- 0 — 3 ------------------- 3- £ * " * f t ML • • 7 • • . _ ------ S— 3 S ~ S ~--S--1 — S — 3— £— 3— -2- e----0--2— 3—— £---— B+- -=-—S-=-- e i — = s — rdN^-f- * f M - P - * • f *• •• W 1 * 1 f * ✓ • 1 ------ S 7-S--------- ----------------------O S 3 - 2 ---------S --------- 3---------- ^ ----------- 2 3 2 0 1 0 --------------------------------- f jjH * * • * f — t— s- 3 2 3 2 3 3-S- -^ -5---+ — > 5 — 7 5 -U- 1 a‘ ( I 5) : B!> < ■ £ 1) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ---------1--------------------------1---------------------r*---------------------*----------------------1? —I---------------------: j _ o o ! - - I ° ^ ^ ^ 1-----------------s----------------------s------------ ----------L=-----5------3-----5-----= 5-----5------!--------------------------------------------------1--------------------------*-----5------3------ f. 5 5 v i i * d • d- * 0 0 • • • ------------->— — 0— --- i ---- — 3— S -- 3 — i — S ----3— — i — —1 — —O------- \ \ * * ■ tj» • T * m fj. V O ; -----------IP—9-------------- iK>— - ■ -* > ------------- 1 0 1 3 2 3-----5— 3— 5— = * — S— =— ? » H ) >10----------------------------- ! ---------------------------- -----------------„------------------5------------------- ------------------1------------------O----------------------------------------;-----------------------O--------------------------------------- O 0 !° | _ , 1 1 1 -e------------------a—5— a— l i t 0 -------------------e- - - - - - - - - - -i-a- --------------- V IS I) J f4 ( I I) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 274 C a n a r i o P-Cug M.M. 97. tT . 55v-56r i ! V ' Is=gs 2 3 5 3 2 0 -----2 - -5- 0 —i o 3 2- 5 0 2 O 2 3 2 - 2— 0 - 3 - 3 -2 —5 - - 0 — 2- - 3 - 0 - 1 Section lacks two measures. -2— 3— 2— 0— 2— 0- 3 2 3 2- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 275 ■ I— i f 1 * * " f------ ri--- r l ---- J J J J * ! | I f : : . + - - * = ^ I . -_T ± - % 1 *. i ■ v ■ - - ■ »• - : 1 i f- 1 h • * 1 -®- " ■ 0 ii — ^ : l n ifO o -2 M O --------- o------- S— 3— ------ J ------ 3----- £— 0--------- 0— 3 ' ! O ------- ! ------3---- - 1 - S i , r « r * • * « 1 ---------, ----------* - ------- • - * • • * * '* # -------/ *-----------m + * % . - .. ? ■ ■ ■ ■ * ■ s « , • • • ------------ E » • * • 0 3-fr-O- 2 ------------------------3 ----------- 2 : a ----------- 0 2 3 . a 0 m - _ « J L •_ 5 f -9— 6- -d- -9— 5------5 ------ 5 — ~ - f. 56r 4 2 Repeated section (without the double bar line). - e - d # ‘ (I 7 - 5 - £8) 4 Repeated section. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 276 « ♦ % l r _ r ' ? » p r ------- 11 ■ « - m 9 • W & t T — i " ^ 1 W ^ ' -t- r " * "• ~ i l l • « 4* I w i m * V , 1 * 1 ' ! i , ; * 5 b!> (3 3) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 277 Cubanco 4° tom de Barros P-Cug Vl.M. 97. f. 56r ft i 1 1 i ! 1 -j- • —*---- 0- ---- ; 1 = i S 0 • 0’ • n ------- O — — o— — e----6---------------------e— m— 3— 3---- ---L s----- -----0--i---3 --- i - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - _ e - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - O I o - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ~ e - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 278 C u b a n c o 7 ° t o m P-Cug Vt.M . 97. f. 56r-v i,t ,t JT3 — J - ^ i — * I ^ h I — h — £ ---------- ^ — F*— v * i p r 1 i S V s • • 0 0 0 0 • i 1 V 0 0 i # • j V V ------------- 2 0 1 3 1---- “0------- 0-------- ^ 0 1 3 1-----e------- o------- —----0 1 3 ---- f 5 6 v i * > 5 * 2 1 3 1 3 ■a - n -> -a c — i v n - -e--------------------------; ------------------------------re ------------e ------------ 1 ------------------------------- e ------------e --------------------------- 2r-\-----------0--------- 1 ----------- 2- 0— 2—------------ 0----------------------------- I -------2------3------k3 2 - 3--- 3---- 1 0 2-------- *-3------------- 1------------ 1 ------ O I O--- 0--- — ------0--- O L O------------- 1 ~ O lljl 3--■ ? 3 1 0 2 -3 1 d/c#‘ - d' (4 0/ t 2- Z 3) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 279 , o jJ V JT 3 p i : f i J - * * J J jT) v i 1 r r v j . . ------------------------------------------------ - e -------------- e -------------- ---------------o ------------- o --------------: ---------------------------------- 1 r ..>' ' - ................r • K 0 0 0 - o --------------5— *-------- T ---------------------------------- ---------------------------------- * ------------------------------------------------ - 5 r - 3 ---------i r - i --------- --------------- 1 3 5 a 3 5 : O-------- 0 --------------0 — - 3 --------------------3 ---------^ 5 --------------------------8-----------8—= *— S ------------- 1 3 5--------- 5----------5 ---------8 7 5----------- 5------------------------------ « * ! i % - _ -------------- 5------- —5--------------------------------5— --------- 5---------- ----- 5— — s— — ? -------- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Cubanco 7° tom 280 P-Cug M.Vf. 97. tf. 56v-57r r O 2r- -O - 1 ■ 1 3 *---3- - 2 — 0 - -3---2“ -9—2—0- 3 2 i jbzgz * I ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 0 -------------------------------------------- ---------------------------------------------------~ e ---------------------------------------------- ----------------------- 2 — 0 --------------3 — 2 --------------- 0 -------------------- 2 3 0 - 2 — 0 ------------ 0 ---------------------- 0 ---------------------------------------------- ~ 0 2 1 3 2 ----------- A t , j j rri J J • * N * — 0 * * f S . • " T • 1 - j j S 0 » • - - ■ - 0 0 0 0 V v ■ y 0 0 0 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - i - O - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - e - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - p * - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ;- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - i - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - i - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - r S - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - O 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - I — 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 2 2 2 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 5 3 * a _ 3 2 O - ■ 0 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - e - - - - - - - - - - - - - O - o - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - • - - - - - - - - - - - -J i - d - A - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - g d . J — r : ~ i . . — • O 2 l _ 3 2 3 I " ^ ■ - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 3 - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - J - f-f^ r r = \ 0 0 i— — — i — | » +■ m m - i ^ ir ! k k • • • • • 9 +- 3 - 3 - 2 3 3 2 2 2 - 3 - 3 3 0 2 3 - 2 3 -2— 0- 0 - 2 - 3 - 2 3 0 - Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 281 a - 5- -------------------------------=—jo— ------9 -----------s * ----9----- ----40----S----to----=---- £ 0------ -------*--------- i ~ _ _ -------------------------=---T O ----- 9— ---------- ---------s— =— a— — 5— — 5------ J ' ( I 9) ’ The player might want to finish a perform ance w ith a D major chord, or by repeating the first seven measures followed by a V-l cadence (a V chord in the third beat o f m.7 and a I chord in the first beat o f m.8). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 282 Villao 7° tom P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 57r e > s » > * - i r « 4 - 3 1 -3-------2 ■ 3- S 3 -3 - O 1 2------ 0 --------------- 0 ------ - 2 - > 1 - 0 3 3 ------ 1 3 fr2 | -3 ------5 - V ^ . n j - n . j , 5 3 ° ! y = r r . 3 2 -3 2 3 ! S 2 3 5 2 3 -3 ----- 5 - ■ 3 ---- 2 3-0- n ^ 30 ‘c#‘/g‘ (2>2/©3) 2e' (© 0) 3d1 / al (®3/®5) 4 e‘ / b' (® 5 / © 7) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 283 M e y a D a n q a 7 ° t o m P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 57r-v i • m * K * k V K V \w ! ~ '} : w 0 , i , o - { i * ■ i i ------------- i — 3-5 — ------------ -e--------- —--------- 1 i y m A \ ~ a -= — o - - 3 ----- + - -3 -2---- -s -3---------3 - - 1 --------3-5------5 --------3-2------9 ------- 1-3-------1 - - 1 --------3-5- -5--------3-2- g ; *- -e-z 0. 0. • • • • « • • - mm - 0-------------- r°- -e-i— r-e- 3 I 3 5 -3 -5 --------3-5------ = ------- 5-= ------0 ------- 5-3------ 1 - t e i j a j . I 2 —r 0- 1 O I --- -e—3—i —i -e- -e—i -------b-3- -*— 3 1 o-------3—j-1- 5 3 ■ 2 tr f - -e i-e t-o- -^-3- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 284 i 0- V 0 0 • • • 0 #• k « • 0 • • ■ 0 0 0 • • • V #• 0 0 4 ■ fO f ----------5— 3 ■ » — S -= — — 9 — — M ------- i s ------ — * 0 — ----------------------------- ---------------------------- * ^ . . 3: . ,«j* 2 3 * - is — , /. 57j > «------j£*--------- - ^ 1 ----H ------------ S V tpt ' "tbr i ; D- 'B* * 1 1 ! jl J J ■ J ' J — i tlv/i _ ---------- a— ie-a— ~ = ? ----------- -s-----s------s----------- -5------- « 5 ---- 9 ----------- -6----------- -5------------ 1 T -V*- - r 6 - f l- — 0- -2*---3- 2 * O 1 A ( t 0) 2 A ( I 0) 3 A ( S 0) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Sarambeque 1° tom de Sylva 285 P-Cug M.M. 97. t'. 58r ! i 1 I ' | H i • r ------------ J 7 , , J ^ ------------------- • -------;-------------- ---------------------- 8 ! f o 1 • • • - - ■ ■ — ■ r i • * • • r i 2 ---------------- 1----- 3----- 5----- '-5------ 5---- 6 ---- — t ---- 3 - 5 - 3 ------ _ j---------------- - 3 — 1 0 3 1 0 ----------Q--------- * i 9 # ------------------------1 :------------ a. © '— m • • * --------- ^ - - ■■ 9 m I T p »y1 -;-0* 4i= 3 1 0 1 -O —1---3- - e — i — - e - * 3 - 1 —3 I - - O—i- -i-3- 1 e / e ' i i O/1 0) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 286 Sarambeque 1° tom de Fr. Joao P'Cug M.V1. 97. f. 58r-v i r-jfl---- fl - f l t J * ; 1 0 i 0 0 J « J J A --- 1 h t J * , J . J J . | - i - r y - J - 0 ■ \ 0 0 I 0 i 1 o . ! -jHsr- ' r * i ©• • • i 0 0 o S V • 0 0 0 i ° I , : . . . • , , ! , ---------------O - 2-3-- 5 - - s - - s — 3 1 3 [51------—-----------0 1 3 1 5 3 1 0 ' J O " o I— : .. . : : , • i . i - z , » 0 ^ , s -------It* , - r n - a ' J » — , O' ~ 1 ■ * » 1 1 O' ..... V ®. O. ----------- o--------------- 1 ------------------ : -------------------. ------------------ -o---------------- -------------a— - 0---------a------a---------3 — ~ l-3- 1* o --------3 -3------------ 3 t o - -3— i — - 3 ------- a- -3--------3- -2-o—e- -1 0 0- 0 1 0 0- -0 0- f. 58i< I i l l T l v t* p. - 3- - - - - - - - -3 - -0 — a-H ---------- 3 - - - - - - - - - - -3 - - - - - - - - -0 — a - -0 0- -0 — i 0 £ 3— - a—3— 3 ' ---------- 5 ------ 3- - - - -^-a— 0 - 'g ‘ ( I 3) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 287 t = J = I__ i dk± * T r o. -i— e—i- - i — 6 - -3—i- - A T * - jr F ~ # jjj ! ■ j m © ■ - #---*--- * * - * | - • V ; ------ ©• — - — ■ o - | — ■ -. 0 . 0 __,0 0 © 9 # 9 -------- O ------------- ■ 5 3 > O ------------ 0---1 ----0---1 ----3--- -1--- 3 --- S ----------8 --------- S ---5 -------- I ~ * f * m <p -% £---------- ^ r * " V.. B ___ ,p \ i (9 ‘ » •.... ! I T . .i v \ *©. - - 0 9 - m 9 • 9 • 9 I ~ ; • 1 i -------- = ---------- ------1 - ----- ! -----c------ -W- _C ----- — 8----- ----- 1 ----- 8----- --*>----------- ------5 -------1 dlK M «• #; ©. -s— 6 — r-a- -?-s- 5-61 ? -= h j s----- a-e-s—-re- a ~ 8- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 288 d m d . ! J I ! 1 i J i n ---------------- * i m - * ■ * h j '!« • * r«t i f ? .......r o T r " * m « a 0 1. m w y * » w .. . 5 * ' ■ « ■ O* ■ ■ ’ *0 ' • 0 0 m \ , ------ - (5* V t 0 0 O I 0 0 ------------0 --------------- --------------------o > y - s — s— s---------------------------- ------------------------ - o -------------------------1 o ------- -m— 0 — »z---- \ s J . i — — — : -----; * » — f r y — » — j~P------- ^ ■% ----------------- * r 0 --------------------- “ fc — w --m m ~^r ' n ! t t n ! 1 ! , „ - 1 - 1 1 ° ! ----------------0-----£ ---- 1 -0 -----------------1 ------------------■ ------------------1 ------------------1 ----------------- 1 ------------- 3 H ■ I J . o t • s 0 0' i ^ .; ^ 3 i „ J i :iu 1 i 1 , - 1 , ! - > , , ! --------------------------------! ---------------S-----1 -------- a----------- --------------! ----------------e -------------------! ---------i — e ---------: ------------------ 2c#' (2 2) 3c#1 (z; 2) t :» Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Sarambeque 2° tom 289 P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 59r fl j J J j > ^ J . a j j .,, j j ,, m JfrJ g J JtB» * J J J ^ 1 ! ° o ° „ « T 1 , 1 ° ------------------- 3 0 2 “ 3— i ---------3 ----------------------- a ---------- 3 O I 3 1 0 - 1 3 1 -------0 — 2-----3-------------------- i r j . --------------------------o —---------------i -----------------------------------------------e - -- - - -- - - - -- - - -- - -- e -------------------------------------------&— ----------------1 - - - - - - -O I 3 I o - '■ * 1 ? * \ : . 1 j J i < a ." ~ ~ ~ < a • f f- * » ^ * • 9f- * m f . m • 7f. • m . •7 i r — 1 . • i . ; ° n 1 i ? I i . 1 , -------- 1 3 3 0 3 ! 3-------- i ----------3--- “ 4 ---5 --- 3----3---3---3---4 ---5 ---3— -4---3—3 ----4—3---3— l £ H i , a- Z 0 • J r^S . ■ ■ - - — 6- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 290 ■ A . T - » > - J - • f . • • J j • • « j J • f ? = = = i ■ ■ ■ '! a— : -----:----- & ------------ ; I * i 9 # 0 — ;! ' '*0 -------- 6----5----6-----8--- = ? --- 8-----H 3 ---9---iO ---— 8--- =--- 8-----------=--- 8 -----E 0---8---------- = » --- 8---*0--- e £ = 2= *>= - £ 0 — 8 - * © - - i 9 — 8 - - < 5 ---=- £ % Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 291 Sarambeque 4° tom de Abreu P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 59r-v - * T ------- =e---------------0------------- O ----- 0------------- ------------Q — X — “0------------ £ H ■ « t * ----------------------------------------, -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------^ ---------------------------------------------------------------- 1 n - ---------= © -----------------------—0 — --------------------------------------o 2 : J —1-------9 — - — i — - - - - - -0----------------o - - - - - - - - i ? 1 I ; i « ^ ^ - - - - - - - -e-------------------------Le ------------------------ --------------------O I 1 O b o I o 1 - ---------------------------------------------------------1 # * r • • • m m . ! - » t { . - * • ! ! - » i * 1 | T ; ! 2 ! t j 1 Q — 0------------------- Lo o ----- - ■ “0 — —0 — —-------------------O 1 1 9 — i ——9----- 1 1 g < S 0) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 292 • 1 I ■ I n ■ l r ---------------8 — — 4 — a — — fr------------2 — --------1-------- - 4 - — d — — S t — r — a — — s — * — s — -T • ! f. 59v m m -------- d -----19— d ---- ------- d -----?---- -d-----19---a ---- 19--- a --- 19---- -d----------------- -=---- d---- “---- m 8 ~ S ~ — J i— ♦ ; 5 r-S- s - -S 3 - -*---- 5 ----• f r ig f . I k £ dfct — 9 - *g( S O ) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 293 JSd -i— i — t- - 2 O- O i I 3 3 1 0 - I— O- -0— 2—* — 1 5- 4 1 0 m m -3 —2 — rO - - 3 — 2 - -2— 3 — 2-0- ~ 2— 3 2-0- - 4 — - 2- 2 - 0 - 2 O -2 — 0- -E —£ — O- ■ O- 1- 0 - £ - 4 --------i-2 - - 2 O - 0 — 2 - 0 — 2 — f O - -r-O-------------------------------•----- — O ---- O 1 — 0— 2 ----0- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 294 Sarambeque 4° tom de Sylva P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 59v f * ~ r i% — 4 M 'o j • 'o \ \ \ V • 9 0 0 ~ H - i j 1 * • * 0 9 0 L | i L 4 L 1 ! - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -d -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - a — e - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -L e - - - - - - - - - - - - -e— e — e - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --e - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -a -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - e -------------- ------ 1 S ^ — 4 g — fl* ' • • • # # # }|- #* • 0 :T B »g ---------hr,-----------: --------: -----^ ----------- = \ • • 0 t --- 9 - is. — ^ t s ----- ^ is. b . b . 0 9 o* * • • • # • * • , i ----------e — ______ H ------------ - - - - - -« 5 - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - -“S-------------=—6- - - - - - -=- - - - - -5 - ------ 4 —— 1 -6- ------------*— d- - - - -- i ■p* * 1 ? * * — j - * * - 0 — n— *— rm — » r j , - a K * . r % ---------: — ------------------If-’- ----------------------— ---------------8---------- V 0. • • 0 0 » • -...........................- • » . - , 0 1 1 ----------“--------5--------H----------- 5 --------------3— a-------- 9 -------------------------------1 ------------9 --------£-----------9 -------------------------------------------- 9 ------- i -------- * 9 i ....* ! • 9 I 0 f . . . . . . • ° 1 ! 1 1 - 1 ---------e ---------------------------------------- © ------- * --------i-e ---------------------------- l-------------------------------- - 9 ------- 9 ------------------ 1 - 9 ------------------9 --------1 1 e‘ (£ 5) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ■ Deleted note A (5 0). Probably to be played as a first ending when repeating the section. See n2. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 296 Sarambeque 7° tom P-Cug M.M. 97. tT . 59v-60r - f V n ■ ■ J — u . - * — r t C # - J ^ ------- J ------- i ---------- , J , 4-------» ------------------d ^ m ■ ----3 — :-------- | * j • " J ■ J 1 B * I ' B * f 0 > O > 0 ! 1 . ■ •9 m - a m i ! i .! ° ; ° i ------------------------------ O— * — -_ 3 -------------3 — —I — Q ---------------o ! ---------©------------- e ------------------ ----------0 — a — i « » ■ i I * ' ‘ B • • ' * b ' J w -3---- 1 O S i 3- -3-----£ —© - i f- 60r ■ ? ’ * d ~ * * m — 9. J- i | :| j ^ 3 i i n . . J Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 297 i 1 I I I J j I I I = r f - 1 - f = - f - 9 - - - - - - - - - * r " ^ j * - j » * j s . — * - ” W i 1 ] r r ' P * m < 7 m j ! j . v / ;j ! u j j j j O O X ■ ; f c - t j J r ■ i O ~ 1 ^ 1 , 1 „ , , ! , , I - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ! - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ! - - - - - - - - - - - - i ------- 3 - - - - - - - ! - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - 3 -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - i — e - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - • t u ■* 90 '* : % I 9 0 { # i . i _ i ----------------------------- = -------- j_ = ------------- ----------------s— 6— a---- =— a— =— £ Q• -g&f f * • * f . X_g_ — s- *»- -T«- IO ---------- — 9 — i e 9 - T»- - 4 0 - ^ * 9 -----9-----J 0 -----L -S - 1 e-gl (.4: 2- 13) 2 f ( € 3) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 298 f- - r 2 - - 9 ---- 5- -e—i- 'If m mi lf S ----------3----- 2—e - -5— 2----- 3---- -5 — 0 3 I O 3 I O 3 1- 0 - > » » ♦ m Spsc: % O f-i 3 I - O 1 --- 3- -3-----3 -3-----3 ' u ■ 1 \j ‘ u ■ — « * 1 ----• ----r-*----- i----• — ~m — . — - 0 ---- r 4-----p i Z - 2 - . % I p 1 ■p.-- I - > ‘ " 1 _.Jr i - EP------ 9 m 9 9- -~0- -0 2- -3--------------2-------- 0- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 299 Chacara 1° tom de Barros P-Cug M ..VI. 97. f. 60r-v l | ---------------- ; ---------- p0------- ----e---- 1 ------ 3— ---i----rO------ i i i -------- 1------- i ------i-o— !-e-----e-----0— 3— ---- 0— ! -------- -0-- <r 5- — Q--- — ■ 111 t p---- t — *— a — 5------ b m f b # i 1 * * 0 m w » ■ k . m m k • • * m • • # 9 • i ----- 5--3 H - 0 -— t— 3 I 3 1-0-- ------o^-o— — o— : ----0-- ----------------- • JjJ*. m % * • ••— • • # * • • • , ‘2 ¥ ! i 1 1 L. 1 • . , . . . . . jy. -i j l •• k t k k m 0 « « « u • • ■ * 1 ■ , I ! 1 * J ;6 ; ; , | J W , i ----- 1— 3 5 6 a 1 5-----■tit------ * - 5 ----------0--6--0-6— 5--------5— i0— 1 a 6 t------ i . t k l A t ! -t- : ! -r. L 1 .0 < | 1 i.J- \ 1 • : i !!?» * f » 1 L-----------------‘ ----------------------- ! ] P- i O • 1 u -----------o -o ------- a— p?— - — 5— -a - 7 -----5--------- =---5-- a ' 5 L~ ------- 7 -7 -^--- ---- p6------------- ------- 6 -0-5------- p»------------- --------5-5-5------- L -5------------- p*--------------6 ------------- 1 - 6 -------------—5------------- -------------1 —5------------- --------------- k -------------i --------------- - --------------- k -------------i ---------------- --------------- —5-------------------5 ---iO---- 1 Deleted note: A ( 5: 0). Probably an indication o f first ending. 1 See n l. The second ending would include the remaining notes, up to 3 §ee n | _ the double bar line. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 300 0 0 m S I i - —■ m^ 0 0 0 0 o m S0- IO 9 -lo- i o - p -B— Et-B 3 < » — fO - -?o- -10- IO IO O D Q -iO - -10- - 1 0 - f. 60i- - T O - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ( ) - • » 5 — - o - — • e ._____ _ — r * T — r - > — r - - S — ------------------ ------------------ - o ------------------------ , . ; r . “ T t .......................... " " ---------------- 1 0 ^ * ----------- d — ----------------— --------- - S -------- . y ----------------- ' - y -------- — ------------- 0 0 0 0 7 - 0 -------------------------------------------, --------------------------------— - - - - - - - - - -e----------------------------------~e----------------------------------3---------------1--------------- -------------------------—=£-J------------------^ ' O ------------------ O I -O---------------------------------- 0 O- -------- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 301 O i - 3 0 13 -e t- 3- -o- O- i - 3 - O f c -3" O-ir- - O - i - 3 -^ -0 - -0 --------------------- a---------------------------£--------------e ---------------------------- e ------------ ----------------3 -------------------------O --------------------- - 2 ----------------- - 2 ----- 3------------ 2------------ rO-------------- -------------------------- ■ ---------------------------------------------------- 2 ------------- 0 ----- - 2 ------2 ------------- ; --------- 2--------------h i---------------- 0 1 3 j--------------------------- 1---------------------------3------------i-2----- 3------------ -3 -----2------------ r-3-----O------- ----------------0 - J - -----O I 3 1 0 0 -------------------------------------------0 ------------0 ----- 0 -----3----- *-£-------------- ------------------------i ---------------re ----------------------------r O--------------------------------------------------------------% ------------------------------e----------------o - -------------1 ° i f „ i i --------------- 5- -----------------------! -e --------3 1 0 - - - - - - -■ O - - 3 1 0 L I ------ 3 1 0 --------0 ------3 I O ------ O------------- ! --------------- 1 4 A - d 1 ( 5 0 - 1 3) 5 See n l. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 302 Chacara 1° tom de Abreu P-Cue M.M. 97. f. 62r-v i i ' i j - W ■ g ~ w — w o. • • • 1 1 1 . ° o i ; 3 3 r-± ; A A O ; ■ » ; ---------0-- ------------------------- -O I--^ — 1 I O----- * - £ ---i---3--- i tfr- g - .g — a 8 j ■ » , 1 r ..v •— 1 > » ~ ' 3 ----- * 5 — ------ 1 S-- — 3_ — I— • o o--- 4 — i — 3— — j5--6-— 6— — - — s— - — a--- -e-» 1 Illegible Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 303 * « * V V •> k i ~ i - li ; ----------- 0 --------------0 — - 2 ---------------------- -------------------------: o 0 1 3 ------1 ----------------0 ----- - Q I o ---------1 3 -2- 3 - 2- 2 O -2— 0- -2— 0- O I 3 - 1 3 'O 2 3 2 - 0- -0— 5— 3 2 -0- £ T t -0 -----------_ _ ; t { 4 1 ---- i -----0----- r i 1 o J A w ! } i ! 2 1 ° ! ! 2 i i I i | i 1 l : A - e1 ( I 0 - I 0) 3 c ( £ 3) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 304 Chacara 1° tom de Abreu P-Cug VI.M. 97. f. 62v 9 i ! • f= i i 5F-:- r------ « g j J • r * i i m ; ! i — i- - - - - - - - - - - - - - r — - - - - - - - - v — » » 0 , f 0 1 : 1 s » m 0 0 0 r • : i , v ^ ^ 1 ^ ^ - - - - - - - - - - -1 - - - - - - - - - - - -- 0 - - - - - - - - - - - — e - - - - - - - e - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - i- i— i — 3 — --- 5----6--------- • —i * m # = ----------- 1 ------- r— V i» I o » • ® * in ® • ! • s • * • 0 0 • • 0 0 ----- s— 3---e----e----- — I-- 3--1----0 3 1 0-- 0--0-310--0— 0----------- > J K * . - * # f m m d r— — < 1 n j J - ! — ^ J • • u * — « - jin i • - f * ■ g ; - - - - - - - - - - - - ! V j* 0. 0. > j. _.s . ! • * 0 • l ° ! X i 1----- 1--3--£— -OIO---o-- O--------- O ■ I 3 S---3— — ---3---3— - 1 I - 3— s--- - " jW . * " 1 - 4 1 = * ■ - - # O ■ — B-z---------------------- Q Li--------------------------------------------------------------■—*— ^ ----------------------- { 0 . »• K 0 0 ; ; O. 0 . k , • 0 O- 1 ---------------e— i — a— —0--------i-------- 3 — ------ 1 3 I O----------------------------------------------e---------------e--------e---------------e------- ' g - a ( S 0-2) 2 e x ' U 2) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 305 n . j j ■ f r ........... j=. - ■ 4 . k , mm mm m | p |hm 4 V • # mm ----------e ------------------- j -----------------------—------------------- --------------- 3 ^ .jo --------------------j -----------------------1 ----------1------------------- ; -----------------------: -------- 1 3 -1 -0 - ---------- 3-----3 - 1 3 -------------- 3--------- 3— F l------------------- ---------- T ft 1 T P - T r» ■ 1<W -^ -> -0 ------------ J-a--------------------! -----------------------• ----------------------- r3----- 3 2 -3----- ■ -------- 3--------- 3 - ----------------------- ! T nl.T-A- y-n-----: 3 a i i i i J i 3 - ! ^ ^ ■ : . T T _ _ _ _ _ _ _ j ■ . * — V ' o . ^ a m 0 # * * m m mm 1 ^ = # H 4 - • - - - - - - « — * ^ « j « i - J . j " " * ! -- - - - - - - - - - - - “ " " - - g , — - - - - - - - - f y - ! v — m [ - - - n b * . . . . ^ u . _ S 4 4 m m m m m m i- ; 5 C 1 ( 2 . ■* c 1 ( f i ) 0 ) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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J T ■»_ .. i . .. d j U P , i~T] v ,,J / j - f j / r h > ---- a— i -----0~ > -------- 1 * ---------------- r ' : » 0 i = ^ « r > r > T f t - S * v • • • • 0 0 ----0------------rr-e------ 0------ r0-------------- ----------- a— } ------0------ a-j------0-------- T " ^ • # t ® --------------- ; ----------— 3-a-------— a- -------------- :--------j-L -a— fJ N f ^ J = = ^ E = ------3--- -3-a— 0- , j ~ t i i I ‘ • a -a— a--------- 4a— 3— a— o+a— 3 - 2-0 ----------------- u-o— 20— e— 0— 1 -------- —*— -----Jp ; SP i F t » * j j ---------------- ^4 ---- O-* 3------- * J 3 = j 1 • m --------------------0--------- ---------0--------------------- ■ \ ' - i J r r z i j f r f f / f r \ m 0 _ --------- ------i ------- 0------0---2 — 4----- 4-0--------- a---- p-a------- a—-------- a--------- & — > , -------------------- 4 — ---------3--------------3 t -------------a------e--------- * r £ » J M f * 5 3 . ----------3-------- 3 ------------3 — 2------ 3 • a------ 3 — S ------ 3 — ---------u -0-------0—1 --------0-00 — a— 0 — 0--------------5 — 1 ^ 1 ■ JT3 JT3 , j , t j - n r t f L v r $ r *. 3 * • • « • --------------- 0------------ 1 ---------4---------a----- a— ■ a —a—a- tLTT n r t “T ' S S # 0 0 0 ------------- -Q ---------0----- O iO-------------- — 4 —*— 0---------- 0------------j ---------0----- 1 1 -r0-------0------- -------------- a— ---------3----- a— 3--------- 1 ---------5 ----- 0— 4 ---------£ -3 —3—3- -4 —4—4- -3—3 ------- a-----3 — a----- a— (-a— a-3—0 -4— 4------ L o 0 a 0 0 a 1 3 -------------- * ------0----------- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 338 O u t r a G i g a P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 9!r-v I s r - n * J. j d Y ■ P'- T T f S s * V - S 1 3- 5-----* - s V S * • -O —2—0 1 4 * 1 * 1 * V s * s s * s 1 4 - 3 — a - e — f e — 1 - 3 - - O 0 - % ' m J j— , ■ i\ L i h L i r ' h n f ; -0-1—4 1— ♦ - T " i s * s s s s s 4- O 1 I - i 2 - 3 - 3 ■ ■ 1 ------3— 1— 0 - -4--------2 — 4 - -1 0- f t ii „ If “• P- f 91 v J / . J - J f T v s * s V V * V -H-i— 45}- - 0 — 2- -3-----3- -0 - 0- -5--- 2-----3 — 5- 1 b (2 ) 0 ) 2 d ( D 0 ) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 339 i ! * S 5 ‘ ‘ * s * •• 0 O ’ i I * T .L . . . _ _ _ _ _ * * L , - f c 1 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 340 A l e m a n d a d e P e p o L i c e t e P-CueM .M . 97. tT . 9 1 v-92r g i T 4b J,, | J* 1 , -e—1— r-3- 9 9 3-------3 - 2------ 3— 3 - -3 + -2 --------------2 -----O '-2 ; -9 ------ - 9 - -9 —9— 3—9--------------- 3------ i --------i O - v 4SF - 2 2 — 2- -3 - ■ 2 - - 2 --------3 -2 0 1 - 3 ft! O 2-----3------ 2----3- 2 - 3 ------- - 0 — 2 ------------- 3 -------------— 2 - 3 3- 2 3 i - « -2 3322--- 0- -3 ------2 - 3 ------ 3 *2 H t.92r 9 6 6 6 9 3 - 1 I 6 ------ 6 9 1 3------ 3-------2 • a. N - 1 r r :1s = i* - 20- -9 — 3— 3------ 2 - 3 - 1 2 1 ; 3 -3— 3- 1 0 9-----3 - 1 f< i 3) 2d‘<23) 3 d l l ' 0) 4 b ( % 0) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 341 A l e m a n d a d o L a i i d e p o s t a n a G u i t a r r a P-Cug M.V1.97. f. 92r * r m i Ed" T S * * > .* 5 0-0 0 0-0 0' r L*r - ■ . . - 1 * * mu r f f f I I L I T T * ------------- — i ----------- : ---- 3— r ~ r --------- :-------- r*------ 1 ----1— , i * * : i ) --- 3--- * O I-------- ■ ^ Q-------------O- ---T O--- O------- Q - a , | * A i s i i . a j r a j j A P i f t . i p r m f r i j . i t r ■ - ■ v * --------• +-m----------- * * •> • -------O I O----------------------1 -----O I - 3 - 5 ------5 — 3— f ----- 1 I— I ----- 9 - 0 - l© ------------------------- J ^ ► O 3 I O -------------- » 1 f( S > 3) 2g (v ® 0 ) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. T r i c o t t e d a A l e m a n d a 342 P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 92v A d Y - 0 - - - - 3 : — t h-5- - 3— ■ J .J J J ,J I A] J 1 ! a ! ! ! , ° ^ i ■ v | U Z 1 1 1 A 1 ? 3 ! 3 s - 5 ! i in J V * . ^ * r® i l L . , 1__ * I ____ - f c 3 _ , ---A ------------ ! ------------------1 b & * J - si ...tfb r f-.ii; ^..-j iJ ^ ■ P J ' . . f t j = 3 1 ? i y f - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - g -- -- - - - - - - - - - - - 0 - - - - -O - - - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - f r - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - r - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - 0 - - - - - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - 0 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - 2 - - - - - - - - - - - # • m - 0 - - - - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0 - - - - - - - - - - - 4 - ------- 3 - - - - - - 0 — r 1 - r 0 - - - - - - - - * ---------- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - i - 0 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1 r * -------------- - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0 ------------- Lq - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - u Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 343 J3J U “ i T r T T • •• O . # - Q I o 2 --------------- 3------- -------- ©--------- i_e--------------------i ----------------------- ------------------- ‘ -------- 1 O 1 - 3 - Ls--------------------1 i-J n n„J.^— ^ 4 ! - j - i - - 1 „ ! 1 « V i J T | i------------------------------------------------------------L q -----------------------------------1 ---------------O 2 3 S - - 7 ----------------------------------- -------------------------- a — 1 ------------------------- o — i ------------ ------------------------- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 344 P-Cue M.M. 97.1'. 93r > n rSt M B " ‘— A ' B a y l e t t o d e l C o r b e t t o 2 3 rJ : - “ m r L j | 1 • ■ ^ i J • f ’■ f 4 _ J L r - 1 V ! F _ t f * 1 r 1 r V i 0 0 m m 0 0 0 0 1 -X T - TV ; J. | ------------------------— f-i------------------: ---------------- ------------------ 4------i -------G------------- j ---------------- ------------------------r+l— -----i ----- -2 ------4----- jri*----------------------------- ------------------------1 -9 -1 ----r-i--------- O ■ 2------4----- -G------------------------------ 1 ----------------------4 i 4 1 y • O------------- ^ * -0 ----- 2 ^ O 2 4--- 4---------- 4 - ---------------- i-3-------- &~ -1--------- 0------------------ 7 • ■ = r . J . . J - n » -------- 5 -------- V I ’ T f „ J , - - - £ » 0 0 0 0 0 • 9 O r W ! 4 ! 2 1 i ° r ■. ? r 1 . . i r i , . . . l i , 2 O ■ " * ° >o 1 c / g / c‘ / c*.' g ‘ ( § ■ 3 ? 5 / 3 5 / Z 5! I 3) 4d‘ (2 3) 7 d‘ (1 3) 2 g / b ( S 0 / 2 0) 5 g ( 3 0) 3g ( I 0) " g ( 3 0) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 345 Capricio P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 94v ! o !? 1 n ----------------------- c r \ s.. .-* > --------------- T 1 i : fj J* J **• ' t PT- -40 ----- 9------49---------- r - 4 = — “— 9— 9-— IO- 40 40 IO; 9 IO 401 -d—< J - -40- i(»7) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 346 C o r r e n t e P-Cug M.M. 97. til 95v-96r ! ; ----------------- 0 --------------- ! 1 . i 1 3 1 -----6--------------- -------------- 3------ — i-------- 1---------i ----------3— ------©----------f ----------3— a s —a —e------ s—s—5 —-a—i— o—j----3 — --------0 « * « —t-o 3 1 0 10 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 347 Corrente de Pepo Licete P-Cug M.M. 97. tT . 96v-97r . * * t * k t » t -----------------------------rO— ----S31rO-----------3----------------------- ;; , ' ----------------------5—L js —- - - - - - - -«- - - -0- - - ---------------L j5 ------------------3 -----{ ----------— e- -- - - -- -•--------------------------- : « * « S I S . « • ' * t4 # * S S X S S ^ S * --------------------Z—— .. f t l l f .------------------- * ^ -------- * « g T : — ^ w « , ...fc - * ■ —r V ' ? ; • / • • « ■ 0 * * * " T ^ v / k t * • • • w- . . . . . . ss ‘ a 0 0 0 ---------0 ---------?— 6---------- — -5 -----------------------------------«----- ------------ 2-3 ~ V -~ ----------6---- K > S -7 -a i0 7 6-------3 -* -0 ----- * * « O I 3 - - - - - - 3 - 1 - 0 - 5 4 5 4 3 0 - -5 -3 - - 3 - 5 - O a O 5- 7-8-------- l-5 -----8 7 H * * 1 A -o' / e1 / a1 (5 0 - 5 5 / 1 5 / 1 5 ) ! e - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 5 — i 0 1 3 ; -----1------ S — 3------ " Repeated section. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 348 * 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 2- 0 — O - - 3 1 0 - 2 - 0 - 3- 1 -0 3 2 0 -0- 0— 00 -1—O- # -2—2— I O I 3 6 5 3 -£— 3 — £ — O- 5 3- 0 0 ------------------ a -------------------------------------------------- 1 ----------0 ------------------- O------ 5 3 5 ------ j ----------------------------------------------- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 349 -1 2- B O -K > ---- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 350 G a g l i a r d a P-Cug MM 97. f. 98r-v 9 L „ J J J j r] 8 - |j ‘' =c^= r r ? p 0 0 3 - ? i - -3 —2— e- -3 -----0----- / . 98v -J J 4 fl - ¥ f r f 0 0 ^ j v . | yj ; - v ; 1 ! ! 1 i i i i i ! i 1 i i - a 1 --------- 1 i n I r t . . . - I . - a a 1 •> --------- L _ O " ! “ ! 4 1 o ■ 2 2 2 0 o i t i i -----------------------5 - 3 - L * ----- 3 2 0 ----- 2 - 0 -1 -------- 3 2 0 -----:-----“ -O----------------- 1 ----------------------------- -------------------e --------L * ---------U n I fl.Jj i J.J ■ J J J i n. i h j n.Jj ' ‘ L 1 - h f i 1 r « • r « « 3:------- 2 3 --5 3 - t - 2 - - 2- 0 - -3 -2 - ■ O 2 -3 - - - - - - - - - - - 3 -2 - 3- - - - - - - 3 - Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 351 Mantuana P-Cue M.M. 97, f. 98r S 0-------------0--------------------------------— 1------------i ---------------3 ------------------------------ . i ----------- i -----2r O • 1 --------- - 3------ 31 -i----------- i-o—; -------------- -o----------------------------- - i ------ iO---- - - - - - - i - - - - - - - - - - - - - i - - - - - - - 3 - i - O - - - - - - - - - e - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -♦- - - - - - - - - - - * — e - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - i - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - i — I r e - - - - - - - - - O------------ O ---------------- 0 3 2 0 O I------O------------- 0- 31OI 3 0 1 ----------- 3 1 0 - I OIOI 3 1013 (H IO 1 Deleted note: b ! > (3 3) 2 c*1 V 't 2) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 354 G a v o t t a P - C u g M . M . 9 7 . f . 9 8 v . - r j » * , J * S it* - e — t - - o — £ — 3— 5 - -5—a- 4 - 3 - - e — a — ~ e - -o—a—a- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 355 P-Cug M.M . 97. f. 98v B o r e a -o-t J r -s 3 - a - -0 - - - - - - - -3 - - - - - - - -Hf c - -3 --------1 - — 0 - -s s- J J s s I L J - J - r t -3------- 3 - -S 3 1 1 3--------5 - -3 i - * Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 356 P-Cug M.M. 97. t'. 98v T e r a n t e l a & j j S t. « -fc-K. V 7 i» »• * ! 1 * » • 0 0 — I t- 0 0 0 — * • • 0 V 0 } 1 } I --------------------o— —0--- —-e—--0--- t * j --- 0---: £ m - m - 0 - * * k f t V * f t f c k ( ^ ft^Kftkkft*. S I A T -----0--- -----e—i---- 3 — £ — e---- 1-e------ — 0----- -------------------------------------- 0---- 1 b ( 2 . 0) 2 b ( 2 . 0) 3 A ( 5 0) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 357 T o m b o d e M a z z a r i n P-Cug M.M. 97. f. 99r I Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 358 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 359 P a s s o d e V i o l a 4 ° t o m P - L c g S e r v i ^ o d e V l u s i c a [ n . n . | . f . 3 r * i f -&r ~ < p r * 1 i ^ i I 1 I | T ! 1 o T ! , 1 T — L _ 1 L — e — — t — a — O I - 1 ------------------:- - - - - - - - - - -0 ------- i _ 1 -----------* - 3 ■ 2 O - ------------! « X. o. TPT u ^ t 1 w V | L £ A , - 1 1 gloza o i > s * 1 A ( 8 0 ) 2 A ( S 0 ) 3 g / c # ' / g ' ( 8 0 ) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 361 ----------------------f -------> ------- 5----------------- -------------i -------m m * --------- > ( v a » , % m m m m m m a 9 ------------------------------------------j ------------2---------------------------- - --------*--------2 ----------------------------- --------i------------------ O------------------ ----------------------------------5 4 2 -------------------------------------2 p i-----------------------------*------- - MB------------------ 3- I O------- ----------------------------3 1 0 — — 4--------0 ----------------------------1 ----------------------0 ------------------- — 2— — I— — 0 - - 5 A ( S O ) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 362 Sarambeque 7° tom P-Lcg Scrvi<;o dc Musica [n.n.|. ff. 22v-23r. ,J.J j J. ,J J v p * [ t l\ T ' [ ■ m a * a m ---------- 0------------- 1 --------- 1 --------------------r ~ T --------- * * I --------------o -------------------g-r i .. 1 i 1 ------------------- ------------------- --------- e----------- -------© -----2-----Le— 2-----3— “2----3----- 5------0----2----- 3----- I3 -O J Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 363 rjp » „ 1 - T 1 J ^ . -4 J U . J ------ J ,J i J ,J.-------,j J 3 J , -------- s m s r - p • • • TT-----------1 ----0------- T®-----------1 ------------- ---9----- ‘h • • • r® ------------1 ----------- p--< ;— -------0---O - 2 -3---------0 13---L-------3--- ■ * -------3-- -a —0--------0-------- i -----0 13---1 -e- J J J J j - j -U i . w » J J J J J J. f f T o. I • ¥ * JO * K> 5---7- H> I O 1 9 Jj — T 2 K3— ' 9 H I -& Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 364 f. 23r Continua o Sarambeq r r r r r ^ t • i ' ■ I 1 :l TO ! -------------------ie— 9— 1 L t*----------- 9---- ^ -----8---- 7---- Lfi----------- 3 ---- ± B ------------------- * j - i f 5 T - r r l 7 - 5---- 7— L -S—3- ■ 3 —0- 1 J^ iJ % i j. ‘ -1 '' * 0 ......................................................................................: 1 ° ! 1 ° ■! 1 1 0 .1 S i ! S ' ! ! S i 8 - r a ** :i * - a ! ** ; r j o • ■ { fli,y rrr ,r «rY ,r prr~r r , ,r r*T ,r r r±^= V S # 0 0 0 • 0 « 0 ---------------------1 -------0 ----------[ i I ------------- 8---- 7 8-10— --------- 5 7 8----------------- < * - 7 ---- ------- 5— 6— ~ a - f — -t ---- 5-----------i -5---------------- 1 1 1 b \>1 ( X 6) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 365 C u b a n c o 7 ° t o m P -L cg Service) d e M u sic a [n .n .|. f. 23r-v - fl jt. _ ^ ,, ! a j J J d — . j T : j U — . i — * ; r .- B . . . . . . . .......... ^ 8 i / i 0 . * ■ ' ' 1 S V • # • #' « # * # ; U 1 / • * * / • * * t ! U U . . - , ! « • * Vj KJ ■ " r- ” —- 1 ( i 1 \ j 3 J v J " " ■ * 2 1 ------------------------ 5-------£ — 0 -----------3— i ------------ 5 --------0 - 2 - 5 ------- J J O J 2 ‘1 - 2 — 0 ----------3 —2 ----------*5-------------- — 5---------- - 0 — 2 - 3 3 2 0 2 3 2 - -3 -5 - -3 2 3 :5 3 2 3 2 Q ;2 0 O—O- i i , ! r p M j • * • * * r • s • • • --------------------------- 1* m - j » . - ■ ■ ■ - ■ - - - j * . ■ ■ ■ V >_ ■ f - S * V • 9- « 0 • 1 l ! T 1 ^ -i_a_ _ 3_ _ c - x - c — T ir= ~ 3 I O 2 3 | O 2: 3- 2 3 S -S Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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" " f J- i ~ s • 0 0 * • i r ■ i i V 0 1 ~ . - 1 1 --------------------------------------------------rO -------------------------------------1 ----------5------ « *-------j-----------------------------------j ------------------- ------------ 1 ------------------------------------------------- --------------------- 0 ----------------- -------------------3------1 - 5 ---------4-------= -------- - 6 ------------------------------- --------------- 2 ---------e -------- 2 ---------r 3------------------------------------- -------------------3------1 -------------- 3------------------ r 5 5 7 - 8 ---------3— ----------------e ------------------------------- 1 --------6 — 2— 3— 2 -----------*-5---------------3---------------------5-------------------S --------------------5--------- A (® 0) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 367 f 13v ? 5- -IQ —8 J 1L i J * > i • ! ,m • H f — Z T f d -.m --------» ^ m m * --------- 1 v r * r i - ....... ~ w i ' * • • m 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 , i i ° i ! ----------------2 0 X 3 2 -----—>-e-------S------ 0 — — ^-O— 0 — ^ —3 — 2 ------— ‘-------0 1 3 3---------' ------ 0 - 2 - 3 - S -------- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 368 Paracumbe 7° tom P -L cg Sci vico d c M u sica [n .n .|. 2 3 v. * * * * J==j • i i j i V - r _ - ✓ \ V • 0 0 0 i | # yr-i-r k k • m 0 o • u ■ u 3 O 3 * 3 * 7 3 --------------i---3--- i -2:----0----0— 1 -----------3---3--- 2 “5--3--i— 3----3-- ♦ A Q -e --------------------------------------------------- ---------------------- O-- ; " " --------- a----- 3----- -S--------------------------- 5 -------5------ =------ -W---------- 0----------- ; s k i— ,-w -t- 1- » • ■ •— m J ; i J . .... 1 ! ^ V * • * m 0 m .. ,. s s • • • C i l o a ! o o * 1 ------ 5----- L i --a----- a-----7 * -----1 - 5 - -5----5------ L - S--- 5--- 3----3— =— a— =----i©— 1 e 1 ( 1 0 ) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 369 J ! J.. i ! 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 370 Paracumbe 8 tom P-Lcg Servigo de Miisica [n.n.|. tT . 23v-24r. £ A : - 3 — 2- 1 - 0 - -i-f- I O S > • S : " " „ _ 2 „ i ° t 1 ------X--- X------ — 3----3-- 1 3 -3- 3 1 O 2 • 3----3--- 2--- 1 J J ’ . m j - h----- ------- i — T ~ ---------------- ------------- ^ 1 • ~ • • • • • i 1 1 * j O j * X U X | t X U X X ------- 3 0 3 2---- 2 - i-3---------------- 1 ------------------- fO] j *g( 3 0) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

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Asset Metadata

Creator Budasz, Rogerio (author)

Core Title The five -course guitar (viola) in Portugal and Brazil in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Music History and Literature

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Folklore,Literature, Latin American,Music,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-144442

Unique identifier UC11327910

Identifier 3054717.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-144442 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 3054717-0.pdf

Dmrecord 144442

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Budasz, Rogerio

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA