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Changing colleges and universities through individual empowerment: Exploring the intersection between institutional actors and their organizations

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Changing colleges and universities through individual empowerment: Exploring the intersection between institutional actors and their organizations

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CHANGING COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES THROUGH
INDIVIDUAL EMPOWERMENT: EXPLORING THE
INTERSECTION BETWEEN INSTITUTIONAL
ACTORS AND THEIR ORGANIZATIONS
by
Melissa Contreras-McGavin
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF EDUCATION
(POSTSECONDARY ADMINISTRATION AND STUDENT AFFAIRS)
December 2004
Copyright 2004 Melissa Contreras-McGavin
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iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES............................................................................ iv
ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................... v
Chapter Page
1. IN TRO D U CTIO N .............................................................................................. 1
2. REVIEW OF LITERA TU RE.......................................................................... 5
Institutional Transform ation..................................................................... 7
Individual Empowerm ent........................................................................... 10
Context and Environm ent.......................................................................... 13
Com m unications.......................................................................................... 14
U nderstanding.............................................................................................. 15
M otivation..................................................................................................... 17
Conceptual Framework Methodology and Conclusion....................... 20
The P rocess................................................................................................... 22
3. M ETHODOLOGY.............................................................................................. 24
The Institutional Context............................................................................ 28
Individuals..................................................................................................... 30
Com m unication............................................................................................ 30
U nderstanding.............................................................................................. 32
V alues............................................................................................................. 34
M otivation..................................................................................................... 35
Summary and A nalysis.............................................................................. 38
4. CO N CLUSION ................................................................................................... 40
REFERENCES.................................................................................................................. 42
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iv
LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES
Table Page
1. Interview Participants......................................................................................... 28
Figure
1. DSP Elements of Empowerment...................................................................... 20
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ABSTRACT
This paper offers a discussion of organizational transformation in colleges
and universities focused on equitable educational outcomes. The underpinning thesis
suggests that through individual empowerment within organizational contexts,
institutional actors can be compelled to produce transformation and educational
equity. Interdisciplinary literature is used to identify sources o f individual
empowerment within institutional contexts. Excerpts from a pilot study of the
Diversity Scorecard project are then used to illustrate ways in which institutional
actors might be compelled to produce organizational change. This paper concludes
by situating change specific to educational equity as occurring in the dynamic that
exists between organizations and the institutional actors who serve them.
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
In 1989 noted educator Henry Giroux wrote an article titled "Rethinking
Education Reform in the age of George Bush.” In the piece, he made a plea to
George Bush (Sr.) to address the critical inequities plaguing the American
educational system. Some of the issues highlighted by Giroux included inequitable
educational funding practices, and the marginalization of underrepresented students
and the need to use education to promote social justice. Fifteen years later the same
challenges persist and the nation is yet again led by a President George Bush. Not
much has improved. In fact since Giroux’s article, efforts have been made to address
issues of educational inequity, yet little progress has been made. In spite of
interventions intended to provide equal educational access that date back almost 50
years the chasm in equity that exists for traditionally underrepresented students
continues to grow unabated.
This is evidenced by the fact that numerically, “minority students are less
equal now than they were thirty years ago” (Renner, 2003, p. 1). According to the
National Center for Educational Statistics, Blacks and Latinos remain academically
segregated from Whites (NCES Annual Survey 2002). In fact, the gap in college
enrollment rates is widening and American higher education continues to serve
majority culture students better than traditionally under-represented populations.
Black and Latino students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds consistently
experience less equitable educational outcomes than their White and Asian
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counterparts. The college achievement gap between Whites and their Black and
Hispanic counterparts in 1971 was 12.2% and 13.8%, respectively. By 2001, in spite
of concerted efforts like affirmative action the attainment gap widened. The gap
between Whites and their Black and Hispanic counterparts increased to 15.1% and
21.9%, respectively. Despite decades of strategies and interventions intended to
produce educational equity for all students, the equity gap in higher education is now
wider than ever (NCES 2000/2001; Renner, 2003).
I suggest this equity gap is symptomatic of a larger issue, the inability of
colleges and universities to change to meet the needs o f minority populations and
produce equitable educational outcomes for all students. In order for this to happen,
change must first be understood. Few topics have inspired as much conversation and
debate as change. Organizational change in particular is a complicated undertaking
in many ways and for a variety of reasons. In some cases change is inevitable.
Shifting demographics and growing minority populations are two examples of
unanticipated organizational transformations. As a result, scholars and practitioners
have paid a great deal o f attention to predicting, managing, and controlling change.
Researchers have looked at the process from a variety of perspectives including
through technical, sociological, and managerial lenses (Collins, 1998; Kanter, 1983,
Kezar, 2001; Kotter, 1996; Schein, 1985). Certain fields like business have been
more successful at learning about and managing change than other fields like
education (Birnbaum, 1991; Ewell, 1998). In education, however, change has been
difficult to understand and thus is often resisted (Ibarra, 2001; Keller, 1997).
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Change within higher education has been conceptualized using a variety of
models. Included in these are business and political strategies that emphasize
processes as well as outcomes (Birnbaum 1991; Kezar 2001). Both individuals and
organizations have been studied with respect to how and where transformation occurs.
Although change is a challenge in most organizations, it is especially complicated
within institutions of higher education. Colleges and universities possess
characteristics that make them especially resistant to planned change (Keller, 1998).
One example of this is Grutter vs. Bollinger the 2003 Supreme Court case that once
again challenged the use of affirmative action in higher education. After years of
racial preferences in admissions practices, ideologies resurfaced that rejected
previously accepted practices.
Even though change in higher education is difficult, the status quo can be
more problematic. In this paper, I examine a condition that is common to most
institutions of higher education: their inability to resolve the problem o f inequality in
educational outcomes among minority students with a history of underrepresentation
in higher education.
Given the difficulty of change in higher education, I will examine ways
individuals are empowered by their institutions to address unequal outcomes in
higher education. While the matter of educational inequity— what it consists of and
why— is important, it is not the focus of this paper. My discussion will focus on how
individuals are empowered to produce change by their institutions and where these
changes occur. I specifically use the problem of unequal outcomes as the target of
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change. I will begin this analysis by defining elements of change at the institutional
level and I will draw on interdisciplinary research literature to explain ways in which
individuals change organizations. Next I provide a excerpts from a pilot study of
eight participants in the Diversity Scorecard project, an action research project
focused on educational equity, to illustrate how organizations can understand change
processes and how these are underpinned by individuals. I conclude with suggestions
about the importance o f educational transformation through individual action.
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CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
There are many definitions of change. Rosabeth Moss Kanter (1983) defines
change as “the crystallization of new action possibilities (new policies, new
behaviors, new patterns, new methodologies, new products, or new market ideas)
based on reconceptualization patterns in the organization” (p. 279). This process of
reconceptualization produces many approaches toward achieving change, but
inevitably change is an elusive process (Birnbaum, 1998; Duderstadt, 2000; Ibarra,
2001; Kanter, 1983; Keller, 1997; Kezar & Eckel, 2001; McLaughlin, 1990). In
1985, Schein added to this definition of change and offered a model of organiza
tional culture, which identifies where change takes place within organizations. The
model describes organizational change on three levels. The first and innermost level
of organizations is founded on basic organizational assumptions include
“unconscious, taken-for-granted beliefs, perceptions, thoughts, and feelings” (Schein
1985, p. 17). The second level involves organizational “strategies, goals, and
philosophies.” At the third level, and closest to the surface, are organizational
artifacts. These are defined as “the visible, tangible, and audible results o f activity
grounded in values and assumptions” (Schein, 1985, p. 17).
Safarik (2003) describes change from the perspective o f feminist transfor
mation and notes, “transformation is the tension between traditional and feminist
values” (p. 425). This tension stems from feminists seeking to act as change agents
by challenging socially constructed norms and advocating for their values related to
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women’s role in society. This example and Safarik’s definition o f transformation
both emphasize a central component o f change— values. For the purposes o f this
paper, I integrate all of these ideas and define change as: the evolution or deep level
transformation o f current values, practices, and beliefs to accommodate new and
innovative ways of thinking or being.
Safarik (2003) further points out that change is individually driven. She
argues that “higher education organizations are essentially people . . . individuals
bring their own personal and professional backgrounds to their interpretation of
organizational life” (p. 420). Schneider (1987) and Senge (1990) support this notion
in their work since they recognize the pivotal roles individuals play in transforming
organizations. Because o f this, institutional change cannot be discussed without
examining change as it occurs at the individual level.
Individuals transform organizations in two primary ways: (a) they act as
transformational leaders, also referred to as change agents, or (b) they act as agents
of change producing transformation at various organizational levels. The first term
conjures up images of transformational leaders who play heroic roles in leading
massive organizational changes. Usually these charismatic leaders are risk takers
situated in strategic positions within the organizational hierarchy (Conger et ah,
1988). "These people take on the responsibility for revitalizing an organization.
They define the need for change, create new visions, mobilize commitment to those
visions and ultimately transform the organization” (Tichey & Devanna, 1986, p. 4).
Because much has been written about how transformational leaders change
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organizations, the focus of this paper will be on how change is fostered by
individuals who are not leaders— but rather empowered agents o f change.
Thus change has many definitions and is multi-dimensional. Because it can
be discussed on so many levels it is important to rely on the working definition that
was provided. It reminds us that change in higher education needs to be a deep
rooted shift in values that occurs when individuals are empowered by their
institutional contexts. To further explore how this transformation occurs, in the next
section I will discuss transformational elements at the institutional and individual
levels. First I will briefly review traditionally strategies for transformational change.
Institutional Transformation
Kezar (2001) offered a theoretical taxonomy of organizational change
models to provide some insight on five traditional change strategies. They include:
the Evolutionary model, the Teleological model, the Life Cycle model, the Political
model, the Social Cognition model, and the Cultural model. These models have been
studied widely and are valued for their ability to “reveal the driving forces of
change” (Kezar, p. 25). They differ in ideological perspectives, but each model
contributes a unique view of how and why organizational change occurs.
Teleological models are the most dominant type of change theories. This
form o f change is planned and often scientific or formulaic in nature. Interventions
designed to produce certain transformative outcomes, like Total Quality
Management, fall under the category of teleological change. This model assumes
that leaders play a critical role in change and that change processes can be controlled
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and managed. The Life Cycle model is premised on the idea that change is a naturally
occurring progressive stage process similar to the developmental stages individuals
experience. There is inevitably a beginning, middle, and an end, and change occurs
through individuals. The Political model also referred to as the Dialectical model
assumes “a pattern, value, ideal, or norm in an organization is always present with its
polar opposite” (p. 40). Change results from the opposition of these forces, and
conflict is treated as a natural and healthy organizational occurrence. From this
perspective, organizations go through stages in which they change and transfor
mation results from interest groups and individuals who take political action. There
are many ways individuals act politically according to this model, one of these is
empowerment.
A number o f transformative strategies based on these theories have been
developed to address the equity gap in higher education. In particular, institutions
have relied on: (a) adopted interventions, (b) policy mandates, and (c) transforma
tional leadership. Adopted interventions are practices replicated based on their
success in other circumstances. One of the problems with adopted interventions is
that generalized strategies are put forth that cannot be used by everyone (Kezar &
Eckel, 2002). Change strategies are most successful when they consider context and
are tailored to fit the needs o f the institutions to be transformed. Policy mandates
have enjoyed success in changing outcomes because they are legally enforceable. As
mentioned previously, the challenge with policy mandates is that they change
outcomes but fail to transform institutional values, e.g., affirmative action was
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successful in increasing the participation of minorities but it left the structure and
culture of institutions o f higher education virtually intact.
Another important point related to change on the institutional level, is that it
will not occur unless there is a genuine desire for transformation. When this desire is
not present and change is mandated, the transformed outcomes are short-term. A
final way change occurs on the institutional level is through leadership. A reliance
on what Burns (1978) refers to as transformational leadership is one of the most
common approaches to institutional change. This strategy relies on a heroic leader to
carry out great acts o f transformative leadership. There are various problems with
this approach. While some leaders do act in ways that stimulate change, not all
leaders are transformational. Effective leadership takes many forms and is not
always structured in a top-down approach. Some institutions might welcome a
hierarchical leadership style, yet others might appreciate a grass-roots approach. In
most cases, leadership needs to unidirectional (Boleman & Deal, 1997).
Although they are not perfect, these organizational models and transfor
mational strategies are useful in a number o f ways. They provide a broad stroke of
understanding for how change occurs. On a wide scale they offer alternative ways of
thinking about change. Also, these models and strategies offer something to
underpin the study of change, and provide a physical shape to the otherwise abstract
concept that is change. In spite of their limitations, these models offer a foundation
on which researchers can argue new points. In this vein, I will return to Safarick’s
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notion o f individuals underpinning organizational transformation by turning my
attention to individual transformation.
Individual Empowerment
In this section, elements that empower individuals to produce transformation
within their organizations are described. I begin with the role o f the environment and
then elucidate how communication, understanding, values and motivation are critical
in individual transformation. Typical approaches to change that focus on the role of
individuals tend to be framed in terms of incentives and rewards that can be offered
in exchange for compliance (Ewell, 1998). That is, organizational actors are treated
as self-interested rational beings who will respond opportunistically. Thus, many
educational practices that have been borrowed from the business sector, such as
accountability systems and strategic planning, are founded on the premise that
individuals have to be rewarded or punished in order to perform effectively. The
issues of transformation within higher education however are more complex
(Duderstadt, 2000). As a result I will move beyond incentives and instead focus on
empowerment as a force for change.
Empowerment is defined as the sharing o f power (Thomas & Velthouse,
1990). In connection to educational transformation empowerment signifies the
sharing o f power with institutional actors who have traditionally not been imparted
with power and authority such as mid-level administrators and support staff. In this
paper empowerment is not treated as a managerial technique aimed at controlling
power or maximizing worker efficiency (Conger & Kanungo, 1988). Rather, it is
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used to describe how organizations enable institutional actors by delegating power
and authority (1988, p. 473). Thus, organizations must be comprised of individuals
capable and willing to engage in empowering practices. Spreitzer (1996) notes
empowerment is the result of a number of social and structural characteristics in the
work place. She offers six specific characteristics that create a context of
empowerment: (a) low role ambiguity, (b) working for a supervisor with a wide
span of control, (c) sociopolitical support, access to information, (d) access to
resources, and (e) a participative unit climate (p. 487).
While her work will be employed in this section, alternative elements will be
discussed as leading to individual empowerment. It should be noted that there is no
one formula for individual empowerment. Rather, it is useful to identify a number of
variables that facilitate individual empowerment. I suggest organizations can readily
identify empowered agents of change by observing their environments and speaking
to other organizational actors. Institutional actors have the ability to identify peers
noted for their commitment and ability to produce transformation around certain
interests through their daily work. In the next section, I will discuss how contextual
environments, communication, understanding, values, and motivation serve to
empower individuals.
In this section, I describe elements that empower individuals to produce
transformation within their organizations. I first describe the role o f the environment
and then elucidate how communication, understanding, values and motivation are
critical in individual transformation. Typically in addressing how individuals
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transform their organization there is a conversation around incentives (Ewell, 1998).
Organizational actors are often treated as self-interested rational beings. Thus many
business practices like accountability movements and strategic planning have been
adopted to entice individuals to perform effectively. The issues of transformation
within higher education however are more complex. As a result I will move beyond
incentives and instead focus on empowerment.
Empowerment is defined as the sharing of power (Thomas & Velthouse,
1990). In educational transformation this term signifies the sharing of power with
institutional actors who have traditionally not been imparted with power and
authority. In this paper empowerment is not treated as a managerial technique aimed
at controlling power or maximizing worker efficiency (Conger & Kanungo, 1988).
Rather, it is used to describe how organizations enable institutional actors by
delegating power and authority (1988, p. 473).
Spreitzer (1996) notes empowerment is the result o f a number o f social and
structural characteristics in the work place. She offers six specific characteristics that
create a context o f empowerment: (a) low role ambiguity, (b) working for a boss
with a wide span o f control, (c) sociopolitical support, (d) access to information, (e)
access to resources, and (f) a participative unit climate (p. 487). While her work will
be employed in this section, alternative elements will be discussed as leading to
individual empowerment. It should be noted that there is no one formula for
individual empowerment. Rather, it is useful to identify a number o f variables that
facilitate individual empowerment. In particular, I will discuss how contextual
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environments, communication, understanding, values, and motivation can empower
individuals.
Context and Environment
A conversation on empowerment cannot be had without discussing
environmental contexts. A common approach at producing empowerment is by
changing organizational cultures and environments, e.g., from an authoritative to
participative administration However, in this paper, rather than discuss environments
as mechanisms for change I consider institutional environments or climates as either
facilitating or inhibiting empowerment. This distinction is important to this paper.
Rather than treat the organizational environment as a variable to be manipulated, my
focus is on whether or not an existing environment supports or impedes individual
empowerment, the attention being on the individual and whether or not they are
constrained by the organizational realities that surround them.
Bureaucratic organizations are one example o f environments that inhibit
change and individual empowerment. “Bureaucratic organizations are characterized
by patriarchal management/employee contracts (Block, 1987) and direct member
behavior through established rules and routines. These factors inhibit self-expression
and limit autonomy” (Conger & Kanungo, 1988, p. 477). Thus, any system that is
patriarchal in nature negates the notion o f empowerment.
Another empowering trait related to environments is worker participation. By
this I refer to the inclusion and involvement of institutional actors in their
organizational endeavors. Spreitzer (1996) reminds us that, “in participative
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climates, the acknowledgment, creation, and liberation of employees are valued,
whereas in nonparticipative climates control, order, and predictability are valued”
(Evered & Selman, 1989; p. 489). Miller and Mongue (1986) support the idea that
participative environments are empowering because they enhance productivity and
worker satisfaction. “Participation fulfills needs, fulfilled needs lead to satisfaction,
satisfaction strengthens motivation, and increased motivation improves workers’
productivity” (p. 731). Lawler (1986) also describes participative environments in
terms of empowerment. “Power, information, knowledge, and rewards are all shared
in an upward and downward information flow” thus empowering agents of change at
all levels (p. 43).
Communications
As suggested above communication is a critical organizational process.
Conversations or dialogues serve as the milieu in which change takes place (Ford &
Ford, 1995). Raising dialogues and having certain types of communication are useful
in empowering individuals. Ford and Ford (1995) note, “communication is
considered a critical element in enabling people to change their attitudes and
behaviors (Beckhard & Pritchard, 1992; Beer, Eisenstat, & Spector, 1990), and in
their gaining ownership of the change” (1995, p. 542). In terms of empowerment,
certain forms o f communication are especially useful as sources o f inspiration.
Conversations that generate understanding about organizational issues “increase
involvement, participation and support on the part o f those engaged in the change”
(p. 549). Conger & Kanungo (1988) note that encouraging and supportive
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conversations also produce empowerment. “Words of encouragement, verbal
feedback, and other forms of social persuasion often are used by leaders, managers,
and group members to empower subordinates and co-workers (Conger, 1986;
p. 479). A final thought on the importance of conversations comes from Paolo Freire
(1970): “Dialogue is a horizontal relationship of which mutual trust between the
dialoguers is the logical consequence” (Freire, 1970, p. 91).
Understanding
Understanding issues to be addressed is also a source of empowerment.
When individuals engage in transformative initiatives without a clear understanding
of what needs changing, and what change will look like or entail they fail to produce
genuine change. Recognizing this is often what separates effective educational
change strategies from short-lived interventions. Despite the genuine nature of an
intervention or its institutional actors, progress may not succeed unless the scope and
magnitude o f the issue to be changed is understood.
It is also important that individuals understand the structure or system to be
transformed. Colleges and universities in particular are complex entities (Birnbaum,
1998). For example, the type of change necessary to achieve equity in education is
institutional transformation at an ambitious scope. This is especially challenging
because Academe is designed to resist change and maintain the status quo (Darder,
1998; Duderstadt, 2001; Keller, 1997, Ibarra, 2001).
In theory pursuing equity is an admirable goal, however in practice it can
become messy and destabilize otherwise peaceful environments. Understanding this
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point is especially important in academe where collegiality is highly valued by
individuals (Baldridge et ah, 1993). In some institutions perceived cultural harmony
is so highly valued that it is preserved at the expense of other institutional traits such
as ethnic diversity. Understanding this about academic institutions and individual
cultures is central to the success of any agent of change. Thus, it is important to
emphasize the role of an institution’s structure and values in relation to institutional
transformation, especially when related to equity and diversity.
Values
Another component of empowerment is an individual’s values. Values are
defined as “general standards or principles that are considered intrinsically desirable
ends, such as loyalty, helpfulness, fairness, predictability, reliability, honesty,
responsibility, integrity, competence, consistency, and openness” (Jones & George,
1998, p. 532). Mayer relates values to trust. “Values contribute to the generalized
experience o f trust and can even create a propensity to trust” (1995/1998, p. 532).
Cultural values are also important in the empowerment process. Some cultures are
collectivist in nature while others are individually focused. Often collectivist cultures
experience less empowerment in traditional organizations (Chen et al., 1998). Kezar
(2001) suggests certain groups remain unempowered as a result of their cultural
values. “Women, minorities, and other historically marginalized groups who have
different backgrounds bring different values to their work (Astin & Leland, 1991;
Calas & Smirich, 1992). This great differentiation in values within the institution
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suggests that change will be slow and difficult, and perhaps a political process in
which different values systems represent different interest groups” (p. 68).
Motivation
Motivation is a key variable in discussing empowerment. Thomas &
Velthouse (1990) describe intrinsic task motivation, which refers to the positive
experiences workers gain from certain tasks. In their study on the cognitive elements
of empowerment, they discuss four key assessments which motivate agents of
change. These are: (a) impact, (b) competence, (c) meaningfulness, and (d) choice.
Each of these is instrumental in fostering intrinsic task motivation.
Impact refers to the degree to which individuals “make a difference” through
the work they do (p. 672). This element is significantly related to the empowerment
or helplessness o f institutional actors. Those who feel their work is valued and has
an impact are motivated intrinsically to work. Those who do not feel their work has
an impact behave in ways that are helpless and alienated (Martinko & Gardiner,
1982). Another affective element related to empowerment is competence which
relates to individuals feeling a sense of self-efficacy in the work they do. In
Bandura’s (1977/1978) social learning theory, self-efficacy is defined as “one’s
belief in one’s capability to perform a specific task” that results from institutional
actors assessing their capabilities within the work environment (p. 472).
Accordingly, Gist (1987) asserts self-esteem and self-efficacy are directly linked to
performance in organizational settings (p. 472). Thus, one of the most direct and
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effective ways to empower individuals within organizations is to build their self-
efficacy.
Another way job impact relates to the process of empowerment is through
job characteristics. Brass (1981) asserts that “job characteristics mediate the
relationship between structure and individual responses” (p. 331). This supports the
notion that organizational context and environment are important to institutional
actors. Worker satisfaction, performance, and ultimately empowerment all hinge on
job characteristics. For example individuals in central positions within their
organizations have more of an impact on others (p. 335). “People who are in central
positions in a communication network are thereby relevant players in the social
construction o f reality” (Brass & Burkhardt, 1993, p. 447). They can withhold,
disclose, and modify information in order to influence others’ perceptions and
attributions o f power (p. 447). Although this quote talks about job characteristics in a
manner intended to control power, it still serves to illustrate how job centrality is
empowering. It also communicates that when individuals are in roles they perceive
to be more central, they are more likely to behave as agents o f change.
Meaningfulness is another motivational trait related to how individuals feel
about a given task. A task is meaningful when it coincides with the beliefs and
values of individual actors (Spreitzer, 1996). This variable is also important because
it is an investment o f time and energy by workers that can result in increased
commitment and involvement. Choice or self-determination is the final element of
empowerment. Deci and Ryan (1985) note that when individuals perceive they have
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choice over their behavior “it produces greater flexibility, creativity, initiative,
resiliency, and self-regulation (1990, p. 673).
A more sociological perspective on motivation comes from Paolo Freire
(1970) who explores motivation using two alternative concepts— true generosity and
false generosity. In his discussion of humanization Freire stipulates there are two
types of concern that motivate individuals— genuine concern and false concern.
Humanization is the process by which people are liberated and free to make changes
necessary to live in a humane and empowered way. True generosity relates to this
concept because it is the motivation behind liberation, equity, and empowerment.
False generosity or what Freire calls false charity is deceptive because it appears to
support empowerment but fails to do so in action. According to Freire (1970):
True generosity consists precisely in fighting to destroy the causes
which nourish false charity. False charity constrains the fearful and
subdued, the ‘rejects of life,’ to extend their trembling hands. True
generosity lies in striving so that these hands— whether of individuals
or entire peoples— need be extended less and less in supplication, so
that more and more they become human hands which work and,
working, transform the world, (p. 45)
I contend these concepts are reflected in current educational change
strategies. Some approaches genuinely value equity and aim to transform their
system while others support superficial and limited systemic adjustments. Discerning
these is critical to any change effort. Because the motivations for change differ, two
types o f change result— durable change or short-term change. Most transformative
efforts are best measured according to their outcomes. As will be discussed later in
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20
this paper, genuinely motivated strategies produce more effective changes than those
motivated by other factors.
In this section, I will discuss the Diversity Scorecard Change (DSP) process.
This approach to change aims to transform institutions by changing individuals. This
is done by empowering individuals to examine and alter core values, beliefs, and
practices about educational equity and take action to implement change within their
institutional capacities. This model is an amalgamation of a number of change
theories used to produce educational transformation. Specifically, the DSP serves to
empower individual institutional actors to behave as agents o f change. Also relevant
is that this process is underpinned by communication, understanding, motivation,
and values— the organizational variables previously identified as contributing to
individual empowerment. It is important to note that this model is only one approach
at producing institutional transformation, and the focus is on individual institutional
actors. It is not a recipe for change but rather an observation o f the elements that
contribute to change in the context of higher education (Figure 1).
Communication
Understanding
Conceptual Framework, Methodology, and Conclusion
Values
Individual Empowerment [ CHANGE
Motivation
Figure 1. DSP Elements of Empowerment
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21
The Project
The DSP process is the outgrowth of an action research project called the
Diversity Scorecard Project7. This project was intended to serve as an accountability
measure related to institutional equity for colleges and universities. It is principled
on the Balance Scorecard (Kaplan & Norton, 1993), a business tool used to measure
outputs and organizational success in achieving specific goals. By focusing on the
use of data to gauge progress in moving toward determined targets and benchmarks,
organizations are able to assess their productivity and advancement toward achieving
their specified goals.
In response to the accountability movement in education, two principal
investigators from the University of Southern California Center for Urban
Education, Estela Bensimon and Donald Polkinghorne, decided to apply the notion
of the balance scorecard to higher education. What resulted was the Diversity
Scorecard Project, intended to foster organizational accountability within
educational institutions with an emphasis on measuring inequitable educational
outcomes for diverse and traditionally underrepresented populations.
The DSP project methodology was simple. The objective was to replicate the
Balance Scorecard within higher education with a focus on diversity2 and
1 A project m ade p o ssib le w ith funds from the Jam es Irvine Foundation.
2 T he ca m p u ses selected w ere determ ined to be “opportunity c o lle g e s ” or in other w ords
already had diversity o f representation w ithin their student bod ies.
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22
educational equity. Presidents from fourteen colleges and universities3 were invited
to participate in this accountability driven action research project. Those who
accepted the invitation appointed evidence teams on their campuses charged with
looking at existing institutional data on diversity in innovative ways, e.g. looking at
data disaggregated by ethnicity. Teams then used the Scorecard tool^, a visual chart,
adapted from the balance scorecard in an unconventional way, to depict their states
of equity as well as their desired equity targets or benchmarks which they hoped to
achieve. Teams had autonomy over the methods they selected to look at their
institutional data. After analyzing the data disaggregated by ethnicity, the teams
were responsible for writing and presenting a report to their Presidents on their
findings about the status of diversity and educational equity at their respective
campuses.
The Process
The Diversity Scorecard Project laid a foundation for institutional transformation
through the establishment o f teams charged with analyzing data and discussing
issues of institutional equity and diversity on their campuses. The goal was to have
institutional data to serve as a source o f institutional dissonance for the groups and
institutions to respond to. The Diversity Scorecard process which took place at the
individual level and transformed and empowered institutional actors closely relates
’ T he institutions invited w ere all in Southern C alifornia and inclu ded both public and private
institutions as w ell as 2 -year com m u nity c o lle g e s and 4 -year universities.
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23
closely relates to the notion o f problem posing education or Conscientizacion, a
notion developed by Paolo Freire (1970). Freire described Conscientizacion as
“learning to perceive social, political, and economic contradictions,” and to take
action against the oppressive elements of reality” (p. 81). The DSP process is one of
Conscientizacion, since individuals are confronted with dissonance about
educational equity and diversity through the use of institutional data and the
dialogues they engage in to analyze the data. Once pushed out of their comfort zones
by the data, individuals are compelled and empowered to take action within their
own institutional capacities.
4 T he four areas o f the D iv ersity Scorecard are A c c e ss, R etention, Institutional R eceptivity,
and E x cellen ce.
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CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
For this paper I use interview excerpts from a pilot study of the DSP to
illustrate the various theoretical elements described as empowering individuals to
produce change within organizations. The interview data are drawn from the
Diversity Scorecard Project.
Eight individuals were selected to participate in one hour long in-depth
interviews conducted by the same principal investigator. An effort was made to
select individuals who were representative of the diversity o f institutions that are part
of the project. The institutional types involved in the project include 14, 2- and
4-year, public and private colleges and universities. The individuals interviewed
represent various administrative positions including: (a) mid-level student affairs
administrators, (b) institutional researchers, (c) deans o f students, and (d) tenured
faculty. These individuals include: Dean Sanchez, Dean of Undergraduate Studies,
Director Smith, Director of Institutional Research, Professor Wilson, Institutional
Researcher, Professor Jackson, Professor o f English, Associate Dean Le, Dean of
Student Services, Director Gutierrez, Director of Student Affairs, Dean of Research,
Dean Yamaguchi, and Dean Gold, Dean o f Institutional Effectiveness3.
Underpinning these interviews is the notion that change has already occurred.
As a result, individuals were asked to reflect upon the elements that supported their
5 P seudon ym s w ere used for the participants m entioned in this study.
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25
empowerment. Data from these institutional actors will be used to provide examples
of their own empowerment and transformative experiences. Quotes from these
individuals will be useful in explicating ways that change occurs through
individuals. Because individual transformation does not occur in a vacuum, it is
important to provide context and background about these individuals and their
institutions. Next, I will briefly introduce the eight interviewees and their
institutional contexts.
Dean Sanchez is Dean of Undergraduate Studies at a public 4-year state
university. While he has been in administration for years, he prides him self in his
close connection to students and his campus community. In his interview Dean
Sanchez mentions that he was the first in his Latino family to attend college and thus
has always had an appreciation for issues of educational access and equity. He also
described him self as being a big proponent of social change and looks to behave as a
change agent.
Director Smith is the Director of Institutional Research at a public 4-year
university that is situated in a multiethnic working community. Mr. Smith admits to
initially not being enthusiastic about his involvement in the DSP. He had concerns
because in his estimation there is often not much that can be done to help certain
student populations. Director Smith was also hesitant about the DSP because of his
extensive experience in the field of institutional research which he felt did not need
changing.
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26
Another Institutional Researcher interviewed is Professor Wilson. She works
in two capacities, as both an instructor in the math department as well as in the office
of institutional research at a public community college. Professor Wilson served as
the leader o f her DSP team and often expressed her frustration of being overworked.
She did however appreciate the innovative reliance on institutional data as an
intervention.
Professor Jackson is a tenured professor of English at a private 4-year
university. He is one of the more enthusiastic interviewees because he was initially
skeptical about the DSP project and particularly about issues of inequity on his
campus. Since his involvement in the project he experienced a great transformation
and now extols the virtues of the DSP on the various committees he is a member of.
Associate Dean Le, Dean of Student Services is a member of one o f the
smaller teams in the project at a small private four year college with a rich local
history. She along with two other colleagues form what is one of the most successful
DSP teams. Aside from being committed and enthusiastic about issues of
educational equity, Associate Dean Le has the advantage of knowing most of the
student body by name. Thus she has unique circumstances which assist her in
executing her DSP team duties.
Also from the field of Student Affairs is Director Gutierrez, the Director of
Student Affairs at a large public two year community college. He explains that his
campus was involved in the DSP as an exercise and to help prepare for the
accreditation process. Director Gutierrez is very clear about the fact that the DSP is
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27
not appropriate for his institution because they are not plagued by institutional
inequity. In fact he is quite proud to recount their institution’s success in the DSP
and that they are overall an exemplary institution.
Dean Yamaguchi is the Director of Institutional Research at a well known
private four year institution. Initially he did not know what the project was about but
cooperated because he was told he would be contacted by one o f the principal
investigators of the DSP. When he heard it was primarily a data based project he got
excited at the notion that all of the data he collected might actually get used. Dean
Yamaguchi definitely enjoys the new attention directed toward institutional research.
Finally there is Dean Gold, the Dean of Institutional Effectiveness at large
successful public community college. Her institution is known for its impressive
transfer rates to four year universities. Dean Gold is clear about the fact that her team
has little time and limited resources to direct toward issues o f inequity. Furthermore,
her institution has experimented with a number of interventions aimed at increasing
access and thus is hesitant to engage in another one. In spite o f her concerns, Dean
Gold participates in the DSP project along with her teammates who together are
inconsistent in their participation.
Below is a matrix of institutional actors, their titles, and whether or not
they experienced empowerment as a result o f their involvement with the DSP.
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Table 1. Interview Participants
1 Participant Position Participant
pseudonym
Experienced
empowerment
2 Dean o f Undergraduate
Studies
Dean Sanchez Yes
3 Director o f Institutional
Research
Director Smith No
4 Institutional Researcher/
Professor
Professor
Wilson
Yes
5
Dean o f Research
Dean
Yamaguchi
Yes
6
Professor of English
Professor
Jackson
Yes
The Institutional Context
Individual transformation does not occur in a vacuum; individuals are
influenced by the work environments in which they find themselves. Through these
interviews, I explore how institutions and their cultures play a central role in creating
environments that either support or obstruct change. In some cases, the data reflect
what Spreitzer (1996) described as participative work environments. Although this
section does not speak to the models mentioned in Kezar’s theoretical taxonomy, it
aligns the institutions with elements that empower individuals within their
organizational contexts. The focus here is not on process but rather ways in which
institutions are settings for change.
The degree to which an institution encourages individual empowerment
depends on a number o f factors. One of these is the appropriateness of interventions
and strategies as they relate to institutional contexts. Often described as institutional
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fit, the compatibility o f a determined institutional approach hinges on whether or not
it compliments the nature of an organization. One example is provided by Dean Gold
who refers to the DS project on his campus. She notes, “As we learned more about
the [DS project], it seemed poorly suited for this campus.” This quote is useful for
two reasons. First this illustrates the importance o f compatibility o f institutional
actors with interventions. Thus, some projects that are more likely to fit with or
better suited for Dean Gold and her institution. Second, this quotes serves as an
example of the resistance that occurred in this project.
O f the eight participants who were interviewed in the pilot study, there were
three individuals who were resistant to the DSP. In some cases the resistance was
more obvious than in others, however it is important to acknowledge some examples
of this in this section.
These individuals are Director Smith, Director Gutierrez, and Dean Gold.
Each of them has concerns about the compatibility of the DSP project and their
institution. As noted Dean Gold suspected the project did not fit her institutional
type. Similarly, Director Smith noted his thought that goals could have been
accomplished differently at his institution. “I w ould’ve a long time ago abandoned
this project because right now we have no stake in this because the things that we
could achieve from this . . . we could have done it another way.” Another example of
resistance to the DSP from Director Smith is when he explains, “the problems w e’ve
got here are very different than imagined by the project.” In this statement the
director explained why their team would not benefit from participating in the inquiry
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30
process other campuses are engaged in. Thus the project is not appropriate for his
campus.
Individuals
As previously noted, institutional culture and environment are where
transformation takes place. The emphasis of this paper, however, is on the individual
level. As a result, the data used in this section illustrate the empowerment and
transformational abilities of individuals. There are four primary ways individuals are
empowered to transform their institutions. These are through communication,
understanding, values, and motivation. When these variables are present they
contribute to the participative nature of organizations and encourage individual
empowerment as is demonstrated in the data. It is important to discuss these
elements individually while remembering that they are in some ways interrelated. In
this section I will provide examples of each element as it empowers the individual as
well as elements which prohibit institutional actors from producing transformation.
Communication
Communication is one of the most prevalent themes in the data. It directly
serves as a method o f empowerment and does so in a number o f ways. First it serves
as a vehicle for individuals to share their issues within their institutional setting. For
example, the DS was described by Director Gutierrez as being, “a mechanism, or a
focus or a way of communication, of communicating that we have problems.” Here
it seems individuals appreciate having methods by which they can communicate
their concerns and issues. Communicating also assists in building relationships
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among colleagues. Associate Director Le explained, “I think it [communicating] has
begun to spread. We operate very much on a relationship basis. We have been very
vocal about sharing with our colleagues about the data, about the evidence, about
what this all means.” By “sharing,” Associate Dean Le explained how she and her
colleagues are able to make meaning of their institutional issues together.
In some ways communicating is regarded as a duty and responsibility. When
asked about his experiences sharing data at his institution, Professor Wilson replied,
“I think the math and English departments here learned a lot from it because we
presented to those two departments. And then we also presented it to our team of
administrators on campus. So, w e’ve done presentations on campus so far with the
data.” An unintended yet significant byproduct noted in the previous example is
learning. Learning can be empowering and is useful in promoting transformation.
Professor Jackson also described his experiences in terms of communicating
information: “The project was so much displaying or distributing or getting this
information out.” Here Professor Jackson conveys a sense o f duty or ability to
communicate unknown information to his peers. He finds him self in a new position
which might serve to empower at the individual or institutional level. Another
example from Professor Jackson shows how he is uses his expertise to start
conversations: “It’s a role that you take on. It might be an occasional conversation
somewhere. It might be a meeting where I had some expertise that other people
didn’t. So sometimes in those committee meetings, I would find a reason to use the
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numbers to make an argument.” Again, communication is connected to some form of
empowerment.
Communication was particularly empowering for Associate Dean Le who
claims to be a naturally reserved person not prone to communicating. For her the
value of the project was in being allowed to communicate her concerns. She noted
her appreciation for: “someone to talk to about these things, both on our own campus
and also with the scorecard team [itjmade a big difference, someone you can call to
say you know ‘I have this thought and this question’ and have someone to talk to
about it.” At another point, Associate Dean Le acknowledges: “We [the team
members] had been talking with them [my colleagues] all along and sharing findings
as we went along .... Especially the ones that were particularly thought provoking.”
In sharing with her colleagues, she expresses a sense o f intellectual stimulation about
her work, which could be a byproduct of her empowerment through communication.
Understanding
Another theme in the data is individual empowerment as the result of
understanding. Specifically, when individuals have new or deeper understandings of
issues or challenges they are not aware o f they are moved to behave differently. Just
learning new information alone can be empowering. Dean Sanchez remarks on the
“impact” o f having a new understanding of his institution’s issues: “It had a
tremendous impact. I don’t know if it was seeing it so comprehensively for the first
time or the use o f the color printer to show those students who are below the average
pass rate.” Llere he comments on his reaction to the unexpected new understanding
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about his students. Director Gutierrez reacts similarly to new information: “Boy this
is stuff I didn’t know before and suddenly there were things that we hadn’t looked at
before that you know, now I looked at them broken down by ethnicity.” Again, this
is an example where information serves as a source of empowering knowledge.
There are a number of examples in which understanding issues more fully
serves to empower institutional actors to behave differently. One instance of taking
action based on new understandings comes from Associate Dean Le. In this instance,
she comments on the impact of new understandings on her team: [Another member
of the team] said: you know I have learned to ask different questions of the data than
I previously would have. It really changed the way he saw things because o f the fact
that he really didn’t know these things. He didn’t know that there were these
inequities and disparities.
It is awareness like this example the DSP is intended to create. Associate
Dean Le notes: “We had assumptions about who is failing and succeeding and, you
know, we debunked many of the myths through this deeper questioning of who our
students really are.”
Professor Jackson was another example of an institutional actor empowered
to act by new information. Like Associate Dean Le, his new understanding served to
uncover layers o f institutional issues: Now there were some questions that these
numbers brought up, but [the numbers]not only [served] to think about those
questions but to realize that the numbers can start toward giving you answers to
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them, And in some cases, watching the numbers get closer and closer to the causes.
[It’s] Not just pointing out the problem but digging into the causes for the problem.
Both of the previous experiences are instances o f consciousness-raising.
Professor W ilson describes her experiences with new understanding in the following
way: “I think it raised the institution’s awareness . . . My awareness definitely.”
These examples are useful in illustrating the transformational results that occur from
individuals deepening their understandings of institutional issues and concerns.
Values
One of the elements underpinning individual empowerment within
organizations is values. Whether or not an individual has their values reflected in
their organizational culture and environment is extremely important. These
determine how individuals respond to transformational strategies and interventions.
One way values can be understood is through buy-in. If individuals value a particular
concept or idea they may be more likely to buy into organizational efforts. I suggest
it is through buy-in and values that individuals might find sufficient empowerment to
champion causes and make changes within organizations.
Professor Wilson expresses values that are more congruent with the DSP
which suggests he may be more likely to engage in the recommended data practices
that could benefit his institution. He states, “I really like the project. I think it’s
different. I think it’s good that it’s data driven, there have been a lot of things that
aren’t. It’s more evidence.” In another instance he notes that he appreciates the
projects inclusionary nature: “I really like that [our project] had counselors on the
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team because they bring in the student experience and we have the numbers but they
talk about what students are saying.”
Another example of how values might be manifested institutionally and
empower individuals comes from Director Gutierrez who notes: “ [It was] really a
positive team building kind of thing [the DSP],” his apparent value for teams is
being put into practice by his organization. Professor Jackson provides another
instance: “You figure if it [the data] changed my attitude, I might be able to change
somebody else’s attitude.” In this example he personalizes his experience and relates
it to the potential of the intervention. He figures if it worked for him it might work
for others, thus validating his own experience.
Motivation
Individual motivation to produce change is closely linked to empowerment.
Within organizations institutional actors are motivated to take action for a variety of
reasons. Some are motivated by personal or professional gain while others are
motivated by more social or collective reasons. Dean Sanchez provides an example
of being motivated for professional reasons: I think having the data . . . gives more
credibility to everything. It gives it more backing here for something to actually get
done. What the scorecard did was it validated what was intuitively and anecdotally
thought. . . The data was presented in such a way that it was overwhelming. I mean I
think everybody who saw the data said “Wow, we have a serious problem.”
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In this example Dean Sanchez communicates his appreciation for the resulting s of
the DSP. He appeared to have more credibility and professional validation since his
involvement in the DSP.
Like Dean Sanchez, Associate Dean Le notes that she derives personal and
professional motivation from her experiences in the DSP. She seems to be especially
empowered by her role in advising the College President. “The president will often
call on me or my colleague on the scorecard project to brief her prior to meeting with
an outside agency or grant or about certain diversity issues. I was prepping the
president.” Here Associate Dean Le is not only privy to significant institutional
meetings, she is a valued source of institutional information. In another more
ideological example, Associate Dean Le describes her personal motivation to pursue
institutional change, “We don’t have the solutions, but many more of us are now
invested and worrying about this issue [inequity] and that’s the way it should be.”
Realizing the impact of potential change is also empowering to other
individuals who were interviewed. Professor Jackson explains how faculty are
motivated to take action when they learn the effect of certain trends on their own
students. “The scorecard has gotten [faculty] involved in realizing exactly what the
migration [of students] means to them . . . . ” Consequently, it is useful to emphasize
how individuals are often motivated to take action when they are affected in personal
or professional ways. A final example of this is from Associate Dean Le: “Personally
it has opened my eyes. This process has really given me new energy, a new life in
my professional work. It made me excited again about my work and motivated me to
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37
pursue further studies for myself.” Not only was she motivated to act within her
professional capacity, her involvement in the project also caused Associate Dean Le
to take action in transforming her own personal trajectory.
Dean Gold, provides a number of examples of how change might not occur
within organizations. In her interview data she communicates reasons that inhibit
motivation for her to take action within her institution. The following examples are
directly linked to not having the elements previously noted as stimulating change.
For example, she explains the institutional lack of motivation as being related to a
conflict in values: “It was frustrating to be spending a lot o f time on this which
appeared to have no value to us at all.” In this example she clearly states that her
team does not hold the DS project as a value. Another example o f Dean Gold’s non-
participative attitude and environment further explains their lack of motivation,
“This was research we were doing here ten or twelve years ago . . . and we know
very well what the issues are .... ” Thus as an institution they feel they understand
the issues and are still not compelled to move toward transformation. This institution
also exhibits a low value for the overall DS project, which perhaps was not
compatible with the institution. “We felt we were way past the “look at the existing
research, see where these discrepancies are and make the President aware o f them.”
We felt we were starting where your project was ending.”
Director Smith explained a similar reaction at his campus. Because they felt
the project was not producing new knowledge for them, they experienced it simply
as “a lot of imposed work without any payoff. It was one more task added to an
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38
already too busy workload and was not worth the time put into it. What initially was
some enthusiasm became a great deal of effort.”
Summary and Analysis
An analysis of the pilot study excerpts indicate that five of the individuals
interviewed experienced some form of empowerment during the duration of the DSP
project on their campus while three did not. It is important to note that it is not my
intention, nor its it possible, to arrive at causation, but rather merely to reflect the
experiences of participants’ as related in their interviews. To reiterate, in this paper,
individual empowerment and transformation may be influenced by a number of
elements including: institutional context, communication, understanding, values, and
motivation. The institutional level of organizations is the context and environment
that serves as the venue for empowerment and transformation.
At the individual level within organizations there exist communication,
understanding, values, and motivation which serve as variables that equip
individuals with the potential to produce change. As I suggested previously, all of
these elements are interrelated. Communication produces new or enhanced
understandings. These understandings can lead individuals to transform their values
thus empowering them to produce institutional transformation. Both the research
literature and data support the notion that these elements might play a significant
role in empowering individuals to create change. Although each o f the elements
discussed impacts the transformational process, I argue these elements are most
effective when combined.
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39
On a theoretical level, organizational change as described in this paper is
complex and multilayered. By using existing research I made an effort to unravel the
different variables that influence successful transformation in colleges and
universities. Through Kezar’s (2001) work it is evident that much has been learned
about how organizational change happens. Research like that of Schein (1985) is
important in that it identifies the multiple organizational levels where change takes
place. Safarick (2003) is useful in reminding us that organizations are ultimately
comprised of individuals who Conger and Kanungo (1988) argue can be empowered
by their organizations. And finally all of these elements exist in venues that either
support or obstruct change. These are the elements that have been the focus of this
paper.
I contend the intersection between institutions and individuals is of major
importance. While there exists somewhat of a conundrum in determining which
variable drives change, the individual or the organizational context, my point is to
look at both and move beyond this question. I suggest too much attention has been
paid to placing blame and not enough to sharing the burden of transformation,
particularly in relation to educational equity. Both the literature and data suggest
where change occurs and support the importance o f individuals in producing
organizational transformation. The institutional actors interviewed also helped shed
light on methods o f empowerment through their experiences.
Institutional actors like Dean Sanchez and Associate Dean Le were more
open about their desire to produce change and their appreciation for opportunities to
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make a difference within their organizations. Others like Director Smith and Dean
Gold seemed less enthusiastic about the process related to institutional transfor
mation. The goal o f these examples was to redirect the focus o f conversations about
educational change. These quotes help locate the responsibility for transformation to
a new place situated somewhere between organizations and their institutional actors.
It is here I argue that deep-rooted educational transformation begins.
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41
CHAPTER 4
CONCLUSION
Future research in higher education should continue to explore the
intersection between individuals and organizations. I argue the types of change
required of colleges and universities will be born out o f collective efforts led by
individuals. These individuals must not only be transformational leaders, they should
also be organizational actors at all levels. Supporting this notion Peter Ewell (1998)
notes the significant role of institutional constituents and stakeholders who, “must be
fully engaged in the process of transformation or it will not succeed” (p. 121). Rather
than continue current policy practices of designing and implementing temporary and
short term interventions, I propose a collective effort toward educational
transformation intended to ensure equitable educational outcomes for all student
populations. The task at hand is not an easy one and cannot happen without the
commitment and courage o f the individuals who make up organizations. Although
leadership is always a critical variable in change efforts, it clearly has not been
sufficient to ensure the types o f transformation required of educational institutions.
As individuals become motivated and empowered to act in the name of social
and educational justice, it will be necessary for individuals to do their daily jobs in
different and more conscious ways. By having difficult conversations, or identifying
inequitable outcomes, ultimately individuals committed to equity have the duty to
work within their organizational contexts to produce the changes they value as being
necessary. The implications of this study are useful in transforming colleges and
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necessary. The implications of this study are useful in transforming colleges and
universities to serve all populations equitably. After half a century o f interventions
and policies, higher education is still in need o f effective transformative processes.
Based on the literature and data I have put forth, I suggest that change begins by
locating where it is most likely to occur in a durable and lasting way. I contend this
place is the intersection between organizations and empowered institutional actors.
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REFERENCES
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Creator Contreras-McGavin, Melissa (author)

Core Title Changing colleges and universities through individual empowerment: Exploring the intersection between institutional actors and their organizations

School Graduate School

Degree Master of Engineering / Master of Education

Degree Program Postsecondary Administration and Student Affairs

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Education, administration,Education, higher,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-321279

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Legacy Identifier 1424240.pdf

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Rights Contreras-McGavin, Melissa

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

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