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In pursuit of higher education: external and internal factors influencing the decision to attend college among Cambodian-American students
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In pursuit of higher education: external and internal factors influencing the decision to attend college among Cambodian-American students
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Content
IN PURSUIT OF HIGHER EDUCATION:
EXTERNAL AND INTERNAL FACTORS INFLUENCING THE DECISION
TO ATTEND COLLEGE AMONG CAMBODIAN AMERICAN STUDENTS
by
Julienne Jose
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF EDUCATION
December 2009
Copyright 2009 Julienne Jose
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Figures iii
Abstract iv
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
History and Background 4
Chapter 2: Literature Review 8
Theoretical Framework 8
Importance of Community 15
Academic Environment 19
Social Networks 22
Chapter 3: Methods 26
Description of Participants 27
Table 1: Description of Participants 27
Recruitment of Participants 29
Triangulation and Validity 30
Limitations 31
Chapter 4: Findings 34
Importance of Community 34
Academic Environment 38
Social Networks 42
Analysis 47
Chapter 5: Discussion 56
Implications 57
Partnerships 59
Suggestions for Further Research 61
References 63
Appendices 65
Appendix A: Questionnaire 65
Appendix B: Interview Protocol: Students 66
Appendix C: Interview Protocol: Administrators 68
iii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Ogbu’s Cultural-Ecological Theory 10
Figure 2: Influences of Academic Achievement 11
and Decision to Attend College
iv
ABSTRACT
My study revolves around the motivators and influences of Cambodian American
students, with regards to their academic performance and decision to apply to college.
Using John Ogbu’s cultural-ecological theory (1998), I use a conceptual framework that
focuses on three areas of influence: the academic environment, the importance of
community, and social networks. I propose that these factors influence the students’
academic performance and hence impact their decision to pursue higher education. I use a
qualitative approach within my research and interview six Cambodian American students
currently attending a four-year university in southern California. In addition, I interview
administrators such as the club advisor of The Cambodian Club as well as the youth
program coordinator at a non-profit organization called The Cambodian Group. My
findings show that the involvement of family members, the resources available to
students, and the types of relationships with peers influence the Cambodian American
students’ decisions to attend college.
1
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
“I joined [the club] to meet other Cambodians cuz I don’t see a lot of
Cambodians,” states Chhom, a fourth-year student majoring in Computer Engineering.
The voices of students like Chhom often go unheard. Their responses speak volumes of
college life on campuses in southern California. Cambodian American students in
particular are not coming to institutions of higher education in large numbers. Being a
Cambodian American and a college student is quite a feat. The United States Census
Bureau reports that 84.5% of Cambodian Americans over the age of 25 have graduated
from high school. Yet only 17.4% of Cambodian Americans over the age of 25 possessed
a Bachelors degree in 2007 (2008). With a small percentage of Cambodian Americans
completing college and only a few students represented on their campuses, these students
have come a long way with very little resources to achieve their goals of obtaining a
college education. With such ambition and drive, the cause behind the lack of
representation remains an important issue regarding Asian Americans and higher
education.
In a study released in June of 2008, the College Board collaborated with the
National Commission on Asian American and Pacific Islander Research in Education to
produce the report titled “Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, Facts not Fiction: The
Setting the Record Straight” (2008). The report dispels the Model Minority Myth, which
is the belief that all Asian American students are actually successful when compared to
other minority groups, such as African American students and Latino students (Lee,
1994). The report also brings to light that subgroups of Asian American students, such as
2
Laotian, Vietnamese, and Cambodian American students, fall through the cracks and
receive no assistance because of their supposed high-achieving identity (Lee, 1994).
Laotian American, Vietnamese American, and Cambodian American students are often
overlooked because they are often clumped with their Asian ethnic counterparts, such as
Japanese American and Chinese American students. Thus, the stereotype creates a pan-
ethnic identity, one identity for multiple groups (Okamoto, 2003), which acts as an
obstacle because it fails to highlight the specific plights each group faces. Most Southeast
Asian students are sometimes also first-generation college students, meaning that they are
the first in their family to go to college (Ishitani, 2006). Like first-generation students,
they experience similar struggles, such as insufficient preparation in their high schools,
lack of support from parents who did not attend college, and inability to pay for tuition
(Ishitani, 2006). Amidst these struggles, Southeast Asian American students are further
restricted within the Model Minority myth and are not seen as candidates in need of
further assistance.
Being hidden under the Model Minority stereotype is only one struggle Southeast
Asian American students face in terms of educational equity. The difficulties of the
college application process are the common issues facing first-generation Southeast
Asian American students when applying to college. SAT preparation, language
proficiency, and academic standing pose as obstacles for these students. Being first-
generation students, the lack of support at home or at school only adds to the difficulty of
getting admitted into colleges and universities and further discourages students to apply.
What sets first-generation Southeast Asian American students apart from other first-
3
generation students is that they are expected to succeed rather than fail, being that they
are high-achieving Asian American students. Because Southeast Asian and Pacific
Islander students are often misconstrued as being associated with the Model Minority
identity, many outreach programs overlook the needs of this student population (Yeh,
2004). As a result, scholarship opportunities and outreach efforts provided for the
Cambodian American student population is few and far between.
My research will ask the question:
What are the external and internal factors that influence Cambodian American
students to pursue higher education?
More specifically, what pushes these students within their social, academic and
community realms to apply to college? The external factors are comprised of influences
found in their environments in their communities and social networks, and internal
factors relating to influences found in their personal lives, such as their familial
relationships within their immediate communities. By examining the factors that
influence Cambodian American students’ decisions to pursue higher education, we can
utilize these influences to implement strategies that can increase representation of
Cambodian Americans in higher education. In order to understand this student
population, we must examine the beginning of their journey. By examining the roots of
Cambodian American history, we can have a better understanding of the obstacles
Cambodian American youth face within the educational system.
4
History and Background
Within the larger group of Southeast Asian students, the Cambodian American
student has often been overlooked. Their history and culture has been lost within Asian
American rhetoric. In order to understand the lives of Cambodian American students,
their history needs to be examined. Cambodian immigrants came to the United States
(U.S.) fleeing the dangerous climate of their country, escaping death and destruction
caused by the Khmer Rouge during the years 1975-1979 (Smith-Hefner, 1999). Most of
the Cambodian American community immigrated to the U.S. during the third wave of
migration in 1980, thanks to the passage of the Refugee Act (Smith-Hefner, 1999).
Cambodian immigrants were then resettled into different cities across the country, with
California carrying the largest concentration of Cambodian residents (Smith-Hefner,
1999). Being one of the last groups of Asian immigrants arriving in the U.S., their
transition was a difficult one (Rumbaut, 1994). Cambodian immigrants in the first and
second migratory waves came from an urban background and were better equipped with
education from previous positions working in the U.S. government. The majority of
Cambodians entered during the third wave of immigration and tended to come from rural
and less-educated backgrounds, since they received little or no education in their home
country (Smith-Hefner, 1999). Some students set foot in the classroom in the U.S. with
little or no education from their home country, and their English-speaking skills were
very limited. Depending on the age that they arrived in the U.S., some Cambodian
American students received little or no formal education in Cambodia (Smith-Hefner,
1999). In addition, their ability to speak English acted as an obstacle in their schooling.
5
Despite efforts to provide bilingual education, the subject material in most bilingual
programs vary, and students were pulled out of regular classes in order take English
language courses (Smith-Hefner, 1999). Cambodian students are burdened with having to
quickly adapt to their new lives in the U.S. and to the American educational system.
Coming from a history of such strife and being from immigrant families, these
students are working under the pressure of the American dream – to make something out
of nothing. Despite obstacles such as language barriers or cultural adjustments,
Cambodian Americans have the choice to pursue education beyond high school and go to
college. Yet few students choose to do so. But there needs to be a differentiation of
choice and ability. Do these students choose to pursue higher education, or are they more
able to access higher education? If students do not feel that they are equipped with the
knowledge required to be accepted into college or if they do not receive the sufficient
support to help develop them academically, then that leaves them with very few choices
when it comes to a future beyond secondary education. When creating programs to help
underrepresented students like Cambodian Americans access higher education, questions
regarding motivation and influences arise. What are the environments within the school
and within the households of these students? In such environments, what are the key
components in facilitating their progress towards higher education? What allows these
students to be prepared enough to want to go to college? Their communities, their
interactions with peers, their educational environment can serve as determinants in
whether they choose to apply to college.
6
As noted, the research question I seek to answer is what are the external and
internal factors that drive Cambodian American students to pursue higher education? My
research focuses on the influences among Cambodian American students in terms of their
decision to apply to college. Through interviews with current college students, I explore
the Southeast Asian American student perspective and the resources available to them.
My goal is to reveal perspectives of Cambodian American students who are currently
enrolled in college with regards to the transition into the university. Aside from studying
the disparities in the college application process as experienced by these students, I
examine the factors that influence a student preparing to apply to college. To gain a better
understanding of the agents behind issues regarding the struggles Cambodian American
students face when entering college, my studies focus on the social and personal
influences of these students and what drives these students to pursue education beyond
high school. As college administrators, such research is crucial to better serve this student
population and ensure that the pathways to educational attainment among all incoming
students are more leveled.
In my paper, I refer to past research and mainly discuss Ogbu’s cultural-
ecological theory in relation to my study. I discuss how his theory is either reinforced by
the data from my research or requires revisions when applied to different communities. I
then supplement the theory using supporting literature related to my studies. Studies
performed by researchers such as Chhuon and Hudley provide groundwork for my
research. Themes from previous literature are present within my research methods, as I
focus on the academic environment, social networks and communities of the Cambodian
7
American students. I discuss my qualitative research methods as I gather data through
interviews with current Cambodian American students attending Upland State
University
1
. The data collected from the interviews are divided according to the themes
mentioned: community, academic environments, and social networks. I then relate the
data to implications to student affairs in higher education as a whole, and suggest
recommendations for further research.
1
Upland State University is a pseudonym for a four-year public institution of higher education located in
southern California.
8
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
Previous articles and studies regarding Cambodian American students touch upon
multiple themes, such as community support, academics and social networks. Using these
themes as support, I plan to use John U. Ogbu's cultural-ecological theory as the
framework to perform my studies. I expand on his theory and how it plays a role in my
research. From his theory, I incorporate the themes of community support, academic
environments and social networks and how they tie in with the cultural-ecological theory.
In this chapter, I review John Ogbu’s cultural-ecological theory in depth and explain its
relevance to my study. I then connect his theory to past research, showing how previous
articles support the theoretical framework and structure the research methods.
Theoretical Framework
Ogbu’s cultural-ecological theory explains that the treatment of minority students
results in the differences in the education of minority students and non-minority students
(Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Ogbu theorizes that the environment of minority students and
the perceptions of their role within this environment affect their academic performance.
Ogbu defines ecology as “‘the setting,’ ‘environment,’ or ‘world’ of people (minorities),”
(Ogbu & Simons, 1998) and “cultural, broadly, refers to the way people (in this case the
minorities) see their world and behave in it” (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Ogbu and Simons
(1998) then apply this theory to voluntary and involuntary minorities and study how the
treatment of minorities within systems of education affects their academic performance.
From their research, they discover patterns among immigrant and nonimmigrant minority
students and theorize that each group responds differently to the academic systems and
9
the treatment they receive. Within the theory, he divides the two sets of external factors
into “the system,” the academic environment such as policies and organization, and
“community forces,” the social background and culture surrounding each minority group
(Ogbu & Simons, 1998). He then continues to explain the classification for different
minority groups, and how each group operates within the system and their communities.
Ogbu’s study has been considered controversial, and his findings are focused
more on the inequities among education of minority and non-minority students. For the
sake of the research, I use Ogbu’s theory in a broader sense and create a conceptual
framework, in which I use the concepts from his research and apply it to my study.
Ogbu’s research is geared towards revealing the power constructs surrounding social and
educational systems and its negative impact on minority students. I aim to show how
these social and educational systems influence Cambodian American students. My study
aims to show that the environment of the student plays a part in their academic
performance and hence their decision to attend college, with no assumption that its
impact is either positive or negative.
The following graph details the dichotomous influences of Ogbu’s theory with
regards to the schooling of minority students. He identifies “the system” into three
different components: societal education policies, societal rewards and educational
accomplishments, and treatment of minority students. He then explains what the
“community forces” consist of within his theory: dual-state frame of reference,
instrumental beliefs about schooling, relational beliefs about schooling, and symbolic
beliefs about schooling. These two areas and the ideas that they are comprised of
10
influence the student’s attitude and ultimate academic achievement within educational
institutions. I use Ogbu’s theory to focus on the student’s academic environment (“the
system”) and the influences in the community (“community forces”) to determine if these
factors do indeed affect the student’s progress in school and thus their decision to attend
college.
Figure 1. Ogbu’s Cultural Ecological Theory. He details the two main components that
influence academic achievement among minorities.
11
Figure 2. Influences of academic achievement and decision to attend college. Academic
environment, community forces and social networks affect academic performance among
Cambodian American students and their decision to pursue higher education.
Similar to Ogbu’s two-part cultural-ecological theory, I have created a chart representing
three areas of influence on Cambodian American students. The system, which in my
research is seen in the academic environment, encompasses topics such as availability of
resources, level of motivation within the institutions, and educational plans. Community
forces in the study are represented by the importance of community—the student’s
relationship with the family, amount of support provided by the family, and the family’s
expectations of the student. A third component has been created to address the social
networks of the students, which is comprised of the relationships with their peers in high
school and college, and how these peer networks also pose as a connection to their
identity development. All three areas affect the academic performance of Cambodian
American students, which in turn influence their decision to pursue higher education.
The system. As mentioned earlier, Ogbu describes the system in three parts:
educational policies, societal rewards, and treatment of minority students. Ogbu argues
that policies such as school segregation, treatment of minorities by their teachers the
The System – Academic
Environment
Community Forces – Importance
of Community
Social Networks
Availability of resources; level
of motivation; educational
plans
Familial relationships; support
systems, family academic
expectations
Connections with peers
within high school and
college, cultural identity
Cambodian American Student Academic Achievement
Student’s Decision to Pursue Higher Education
12
expectations placed upon them, and rewards, or lack thereof, given to students for school
credentials all make up the system which continues to discriminate against students of
color. His research of different minority groups and their behavior within pedagogical
systems such as educational institutions shows his theory of how minority students are
able, or unable, to succeed when discrimination from the dominant group is present.
Ogbu implies that “the system” is a combination of external forces, such as society and
educational systems, which continue to impede minority students to progress
academically. In turn, they must develop strategies to adapt to such systems of
oppression. The system that, according to Ogbu, consists of institutional and societal
policies and treatment of students within the school are used as an example of
environmental factors that influence the student’s performance.
Community forces. He theorizes that community forces play a hand in the
academic success of minority students. His definition of community forces relates more
to the student’s perception of school. Ogbu defines “community forces” as the frame of
reference for students, beliefs about schooling and its value, and whether schooling is a
threat to their cultural identity. He explains that the frame of reference deals with
comparisons between schools back home and schools in white suburbs, and the value of
schooling as the role of school in getting ahead. He then adds that the relational
interpretations of schooling are seen in the student’s trust of schools and administrators,
and symbolic schooling as the student’s belief of whether or not school is a threat to their
cultural identity (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). His theoretical framework attempts to explain
13
the beliefs of each group, how those beliefs are instilled, and its relation to the dominant
group.
He uses cultural models as a means to show how minority students view their
world, in this case, their surroundings at school as well as at home. He defines cultural
models as the students’ perspectives of the world and how they guide their actions
according to those perspectives (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). These cultural models are
learned from elders within their immediate communities, which are usually their families
and people within their neighborhood. The cultural models he employs focus more on
the power dynamics of students with relation to members from the dominant group. The
data he gathered shows the students’ perceptions of role models, ideas of success, and
trust in white persons and institutions. My research uses cultural models as well, but not
to explore the power relations between dominant and minority group members. Rather, I
aim to use cultural models to see if their ideas of role models and beliefs about success
play a big part in terms of their decisions to go to college.
Ogbu focuses on certain aspects of community forces within his research, such as
the idea of role models, collective identity, and attitudes about schooling. He explains
that the perceptions of minority students are shaped by their treatment within the school
and within their communities. Their ideas regarding educational and professional success,
importance of cultural identity, are tied with how the students view their potential within
secondary, and perhaps postsecondary, education. Communities such as their families
and parents often have perceptions of success and importance of education, which in turn
influence the student’s ideas of education and the value of a degree. I plan to use these
14
themes within my study by showing how influences, such as familial relationships,
perspectives of their culture, and ideas regarding academic and professional success
impact the students’ progression in school as well as their plans after graduation.
Ogbu’s research reveals how their sociocultural adaptation taught to them and the
exclusion of minority students affect the student’s performance. I use Ogbu's theory by
applying the core of his research to my study – their surroundings (academic
environments) and their culture (their community and social networks) affect the
students’ academic progress. His themes carry over to my research as I study which
factors within the environment of Cambodian American students affect their academic
performance and how these students view themselves within these environments.
Although Ogbu focuses more on the students’ perceptions of schooling as being the
cultural component of his cultural-ecological theory, I study mainly the students’
upbringing, their familial backgrounds, and their ideas of community as means to define
the cultural influence on the students’ motivations to obtain a college education. I argue
that these same factors of influence—culture and environment—are the factors that also
influence their choice to go to college. I aim to focus on the influences within the
students’ culture as well as within the school that push this student population to succeed
academically and ultimately guide their decision to apply to college.
Expanding on Ogbu’s theory, previous research has shown that the generational
status of a student is strongly linked with their academic performance. Ishitani's study
shows that first-generation students are most likely to drop out of college and not
graduate with a degree in comparison to non-immigrant students. Pike and Kuh (2005)
15
conducted a study to compare first-generation and second-generation students. Their
findings show that second-generation students are most likely to excel academically,
further demonstrating the relationship between generational status and academic success.
My research pinpoints what factors influence academic success and motivation among
first-generation and second-generation Cambodian American students. One factor is their
perspectives on their communities.
The Importance of Community
Common themes within past literature show how various factors, such as
community, influence the academic performance of both first-generation and second-
generation students (Chhuon & Hudley, 2008). For instance, different studies have shown
that support from family members and parent expectations are strongly connected to the
academic performance and educational aspirations of students. Vichet Chhuon and
Cynthia Hudley’s (2008) study reveals support from community members positively
impacted Cambodian American college student persistence within a university. In their
study, Chhuon and Hudley studied members from a Cambodian club at a university.
Different components of college life were touched upon, such as interaction with faculty
and transition into the campus culture. One noteworthy theme was their focus on the
importance of community. Lack of familial communication often led to academic
struggles, as seen in cases of students who live far from home (Chhuon & Hudley, 2008).
One student felt that his inability to remain in contact with his family on a regular basis
affected his academic performance (Chhuon & Hudley, 2008). Students mentioned that
family and friends from back home played an important role in their lives, even during
16
college, because of the lack of support from peers at the university. These familiar
networks also helped them succeed academically as they acted as a means of moral
support, further encouraging students to persist in college in fear of consequences
associated with dropping out (Chhuon & Hudley, 2008).
Ishitani’s research (2006) shows how family support and parental expectations are
connected to the continuing success of first-generation students. Students whose parents
did not expect them to graduate from college were most likely to drop out from college
(Ishitani, 2006). Ishitani studied persistence and dropout rates among first-generation
and second-generation students. He focused on different aspects, such as race, gender,
high school rank and educational attainment of parents. Another aspect he studied was
the parents’ educational expectations of their children. His studies show that students
expected not to complete college were more likely to drop out of college than other first
and second-generation students (Ishitani, 2006). In addition, students with parents with
little or no college education were also more prone to leave college. Thus, his studies
show that the educational background of parents and their expectations placed upon
children play prominent roles in affecting the student’s ability to complete college.
The emphasis on parental interaction does not only pertain to the frequency, but
also on the lack of involvement as well. In the article “Southeast Asian American
children: Not the ‘model minority,’” KaYing Yang (2004) explains that most parents of
Southeast Asian American students, such as Cambodian American students, are not
consistently involved in the schooling of their children, which could be a possible reason
for the students’ declining academic performance. Yet their lack of participation could
17
be due to language and cultural barriers. Moreover, students are hesitant to seek counsel
from parents, because of their ideas of what constitutes a normal relationship between
parent and child. Because both sides are not working together to close the gap of
communication, Yang concludes that the absence of parental support is a factor to the
academic well-being of the students.
In her article about the multiple faces of Asian Americans titled “Additional
complexities: Social class, ethnicity, generation, and gender in Asian American student
experiences” (2006), Stacey J. Lee speaks mainly of the immigrant stories that are lost in
the Asian American discourse. She describes the many facets of the Asian American
immigrant experience that go unspoken, for example, the lives of Cambodian immigrant
families. She speaks of the intersection of class and ethnicity, and the relevance of the
student’s environment to his/her potential to attend a prestigious college. The community
and neighborhood of that particular student can either increase or decrease the student’s
chances of being admitted into the school of their choice, as seen in the example of 370
students from Arcadia attending UC Berkeley, in contrast to no students from Fresno
being able to attend (Lee, 2006). She continues to describe how common it is for Khmer
families to relocate in search of safer neighborhoods with better jobs and cheaper housing
(Lee, 2006). Immigrant families are keen on the effect the neighborhood has on the
upbringing on their children. Cambodian families wish to raise their children in good
neighborhoods that have better schools with the intention of providing more opportunities
for their children. The community of family then extends to the physical community of
18
the student, showing that the household—family involvement, educational background of
the members and socioeconomic status—is directly related to the success of the student.
Researchers have studied similar effects of community on other Southeast Asian
groups, such as Hmong American students, showing that these influences are applicable
to many Southeast Asian ethnic groups. Lee speaks of the Hmong American experience
in her article “Learning ‘America’: Hmong American High School Students ” (2002).
One of her findings was that educators at the particular high school in her study attributed
the failing performance among Hmong students to their living situations and their
circumstances at home (Lee, 2002). Coming from low-income families who were not
being supported at home was what drove these students to negative behaviors. Educators
claimed that since the source of the problem lied in the home, that change was only
possible if families initiated it (Lee, 2002).
Past research has proven that communities affect the student’s ability to succeed
academically. I incorporate previous studies within my own research to show whether or
not students’ decisions to go to college are dependent on the communities that surround
them. For my study, I focus mainly on their families and how they affect the students’
academic performance in high school and ultimately their decisions to go to college.
Similar to Chhuon and Hudley’s study, I examine how types of communities like family
play a big role in the student’s academics. Although Chhuon and Hudley focus on
adjustment to college, I propose that community is a factor in academics as well as their
motivation to pursue higher education. My research shows how familial relationships and
perspectives help shape the students’ educational experiences and decisions to go to
19
college. Ishitani focuses on educational expectations of the parents, whereas Yang
focuses on the lack of parental involvement. Lee then shows that the family’s intention to
relocate is directly connected to their desire to provide more opportunities, thus
increasing the likelihood of students attending college. My study refers to the concepts in
past research and touches upon the educational expectations and aspirations from their
family members, the level of interaction between the student and family members, and
the overall upbringing of the students. In this paper I discuss how the idea of community
is fused within the responses of the students, showing that families are an integral part of
their development as students not only within high school but after high school as well.
Ogbu explains that experiences from parents and adults in their communities
often form a frame of reference for minorities (1998). Moreover, the idea of success is
related to the student’s idea of role models, in which celebrities or parental figures serve
as role models (Ogbu, 1998). Community plays a significant role in the student’s
performance in school and their objective to pursue higher education. Although their
families are their initial source of community, the communities of these students are not
restricted to family members and friends alone. The students are affected by the social
and academic environments of their schools as well.
Academic Environment
The involvement of the staff and counselors and the student’s academic objectives
reveal the likeliness of these students to choose higher education and succeed at a campus
once they arrive. Cambodian American college students find support from college
administrators such as the Education Opportunity Program counselors, and students that
20
interact with faculty on a regular basis feel more confident about their performance
(Chhuon & Hudley, 2008). Students involved in their study attribute a large part of their
success to resources such as the Educational Opportunity Program, and the counselors
who went above and beyond to assist students who were struggling with classes. Faculty
interaction also determined the student’s success at an institution. Faculty members who
were more involved made a positive impact on their schooling, whereas professors who
were unconcerned with the needs of their students were one of many reasons for students
performing poorly in those particular classes (Chhuon & Hudley, 2008). In their study,
Chhuon and Hudley show how assistance from counselors and faculty members is vital to
the academic success of Cambodian American college students.
Lee speaks of the importance of faculty interaction within her study of Hmong
American students, who share similar experiences in transitioning with Cambodian
American students. She reports “students who did not trust their teachers to treat their
identities with respect were less likely to approach teachers for academic assistance”
(Lee, 2002). Moreover, in her observations, she noted that many students were less likely
to participate in class, with teachers assuming that they were shy or afraid to speak
English. Yet many students in question were fluent in English, and were hesitant to
participate because of their belief that their ideas would not be valued (Lee, 2002).
Similar to Cambodian American students, Hmong American students encounter struggles
when transitioning into a new academic environment. Unlike the students mentioned in
Chhuon and Hudley’s research, Hmong American students felt more distant from their
teachers, due to misleading assumptions on both sides. Teachers failed to intervene and
21
recognize the actual problem, which is the student’s hesitation to participate, and not their
inability to speak English. The students in turn devalue their own opinions because they
believe their points of view are insignificant in comparison to the “American kids” (Lee,
2002). Such experiences are common among Southeast Asian students, and therefore are
integral when understanding the potential struggles of Cambodian American students in
the classroom. Theresa Ling Yeh studies the challenges in college persistence among
Asian Pacific American and Southeast Asian students, and focuses on the obstacles that
groups like Cambodian Americans face academically. She states that Southeast Asian
immigrants are academically underprepared due to the lack of schooling in their home
country, or poor educational systems in their impoverished neighborhoods in the U.S.
(Yeh, 2004). Because of the quality of education Southeast Asian students receive in
high school, they are deprived the skills needed to be competitive applicants for college.
Gary R. Pike and George D. Kuh (2005) focus on first and second-generation
students and their academic objectives. Their research tool revolves around topics such
as educational aspirations, academic engagement and student’s gains in learning. Pike
and Kuh’s findings have revealed that the main difference between the two is educational
aspirations, with second-generation students having stronger intentions to go to college.
Their research is mainly comparing students from different generations, testing whether
first and second-generation students vary in their backgrounds, levels of engagement, and
gains in learning. My research is based on similar questions, such as educational
standing before and during college, their interaction with faculty and counselors, and
their viewpoints on course grades.
22
Ogbu’s work focuses on the school environment and how it is either conducive or
harmful towards the academic progress of minority students. In addition, he studies how
these students respond to the treatment received in school. He states that the overall
educational policies and practices and level of teacher expectations and interaction
constitute one set of factors that influence school achievement among minority students
(Ogbu & Simons, 1998). In order to understand their relationships with their family
members and counselors, I take into account how these students form valuable networks
with their peers that in turn develop their identities.
Social Networks
Connections with members in their communities as well as peers in high school
and college affect the student’s performance and their motivation to go to college. Once
Cambodian American students attend college, they attribute their success at the university
to a strong peer network, as seen in organizations such as the Cambodian club (Chhuon &
Hudley, 2008). Students involved in their study commented on the club offering a social
outlet, a tool to help with their adjustment into college life. Social anxieties in college
further hinder the student’s development in their academics as well, therefore making
community an important factor of their academic success. Yeh (2004) further explains
the necessity to have a space for Southeast Asian students on campus. She comments
that “since the numbers of Pacific Islanders, Cambodians, Hmong, and Laotians are so
small on most college campuses, the few students who do attend feel quite alienated from
the rest of the students on campus” (Yeh, 2004). Representation of their culture is not
strong enough to allow them to feel welcomed at environments such as college, which
23
makes the presence of cultural clubs more vital to their development as a student as well
as their continued success at college. Lee (2006) also comments on how social networks
prove to be beneficial to Asian communities. Her example of Vietnamese families who
maintain strong ties with the extended Vietnamese community tend to succeed. In this
case, the academic success of students then becomes dependent on social networks as
seen through college organizations such as the Cambodian club.
Relationships with their peers and their personal experiences help shape the
students' identities and ultimately their decisions to attend college. Theresa McGinnis
(2007) delves into the culture of Cambodian American youth, and researches how their
experiences and interests shape the identity of Khmer youth. Her extensive study has
shown that the Cambodian youth in her community have strong ties to their culture and to
their individual identities (McGinnis, 2007). McGinnis examines how Cambodian youth
use their collective identity and their “Khmer pride” (McGinnis, 2007) to create a sense
of unity among their peers in the community. They turn to each other not only for a
source of social networking, but also as a means to ground their pride in their culture, and
ultimately pride in being a member of that group. In a similar fashion, Min Zhou and Carl
L. Bankston III study Vietnamese youth and their adjustment in New Orleans. Like
Cambodian American students, the families of Vietnamese American students arrived in
the U.S. during the later migratory waves in the 1970s (Zhou & Bankston, 1994).
Vietnamese American students come from low socioeconomic backgrounds, with less
than a third having completed high school (Zhou & Bankston, 1994). In their study,
Zhou and Bankston discover that cultural identity and connections are valuable for
24
Vietnamese Americans. Having friendships with members from the same ethnic group
continue to further validate and encourage attitudes and allow youth to share common
perspectives, with their studies showing that strong social connections are tied with high
academic performance and plans to attend college (Zhou & Bankston, 1994).
Past research has shown that community is used as a form of support within the
college environment (Chhuon & Hudley, 2008) and as a mode of identification
(McGinnis, 2007). I examine how Cambodian American students form social networks
among peers, and if these social networks influence the formation of their individual
identities. Ogbu discusses how minority students use their collective identity as one
reason to oppose mainstream culture, showing how their association to a larger group can
play an important role in the development of the student’s identity as well as their ability
to succeed in educational systems. For my research, I study how social networks are
connected to academic achievement and aspirations to attend college.
Findings from past studies provide a strong foundation for my study. Under the
framework of Ogbu’s cultural-ecological theory, I plan to use themes that have emerged
from the aforementioned studies and show how the cultural, social and academic
environments of Cambodian American students influence them to apply to college. The
discussion of first-generation and second-generation students rarely includes Asian
American students, let alone Cambodian American students. Although past research has
focused on factors that influence persistence and retention, the aforementioned studies
also fail to focus on what drives this student population towards higher education. I use
these themes to guide my methods and determine the type of approach to take when
25
studying the Cambodian American student population. The personal relationships with
family members, social networks with peers, academic institution and its
administrators—all fall under the category of environment within my research.
I organize my interview protocol according to these themes, to see if these factors
continue to influence the Cambodian American youth. Through my interviews with the
students, I aim to see if their perceptions of themselves within these different types of
environments are also factors that push or pull them from applying to college. Both the
environment and the student’s self-perception within the environment are examined
under different themes—personal, social, and academic. These same factors are also
responsible for the continued success of Cambodian American college students at the
institutions of higher education that they currently attend.
After having discussed findings in previous studies, the next chapter describes the
methods of my research. I explain the different research tools and the interview model
used in my research. I then discuss the recruitment of research subjects and the
description of participants. I conclude by describing efforts to ensure the validity and
accuracy of the information, followed by the limitations I encountered when collecting
data.
26
CHAPTER 3: METHODS
In order to examine what pushes these students to pursue higher education, I
conduct a qualitative research and use interviews as my primary research tool. Through
interviews, I review the common themes that arise from the responses of the students and
determine what social and environmental factors contribute to their decision to attend
college. Through the student’s responses, readers can see that the reasoning behind
student’s decision to pursue higher education is varied and much more complex than it
appears. For my interviews, I develop protocols that have been structured around the
themes that have been mentioned in the previous chapter. I interviewed students and
inquired about their community, their academic environments, and their social networks.
Similar to the interview protocol Patricia Gándara (1996), I created questions
revolving around the aforementioned themes, in order to narrow down their broader
experiences into organized themes. Gándara used the retrospective research method
(Gándara, 1996), in which subjects were asked about events in the past. In a similar
fashion, I asked student participants about previous experiences in high school and the
college application process. Gándara divided questions according to different areas of
interest, in order to see if past theories in previous research are still present in the sample
she was studying. I have organized my interview questions based on the past literature, in
order to see if the previous themes resurface in the responses of the students. I have
organized the questions in three realms: community, academic environment, and social
networks. Some questions overlap, as the themes are all interconnected with each other.
By focusing on these themes, I refer to past literature and determine if previous findings
27
are parallel to the data I gathered in my research, showing whether or not past theories
continue to be valid or require revisions when studying Cambodian students.
Description of Participants
The students within my sample are current college students at Upland State
University. Upland State University is a four-year public university located in southern
California. In fall of 2008, the university reported a total enrollment of 21,190 students,
with 5,740 students identifying themselves as Asian/Pacific Islander (Institutional
Research, Assessment and Planning, 2008). There were no additional resources
publicized by the university that further identifies the ethnicities within the Asian/Pacific
Islander population. I interviewed members from a Cambodian organization and for the
sake of this report, they will be referred to as the Cambodian Club. The Cambodian Club
was originally created in the 1990s, and membership of the club has fluctuated over the
years. On average, six to eight members attend meetings. Most events sponsored by the
Cambodian Club are done in conjunction with other Cambodian student organizations at
neighboring campuses. Six members from the club were interviewed for my study. All
students ranged in year, undergraduate major and hometown. The participant breakdown
is represented in the following graph.
Table 1
Description of Students
Name Gender Year Major High School Hometown
Van Male 2
nd
Computer Engineering Mayfair High School Bellflower, CA
Souphea Female 4
th
Psychology Ganesha High School Pomona, CA
Chhom Female 4
th
Computer Information Systems Downey High School Bellflower, CA
Sokhem Male 3
rd
Computer Information
Systems
Kennedy High School Buena Park, CA
Chanthou Female 2
nd
Psychology Lincoln High School Van Nuys, CA
Kith Male 4
th
Computer Engineering N/A Santa Ana, CA
28
As means of protecting study participants’ identities, pseudonyms have been used in
replacement of actual names. The gender distribution among the group was equal, with
three female students and three male students. All varied in year in college, with the
youngest being in their second year in college, and the oldest being a fourth-year student.
The students’ majors were not as varied, with two students majoring in psychology, two
in computer sciences, and two in computer engineering. The hometowns of all students
are relatively close to the campus, with each student reporting that they are about within
an hour’s drive from their families. Three of the six students were officers of the club,
and the remaining three students were club members.
In addition to student interviews, I have interviewed two administrators as means
to compliment the student interviews. One of the administrators, Sorina, is the faculty
advisor for the student organization at Upland State University. She is an academic
advisor for the Educational Opportunities Program (EOP) on campus in addition to her
duties as a club advisor. She has worked at the campus for about 10 years, and has
advised the club for about five to six years. The second administrator, Chantou, is a
youth program coordinator at a non-profit organization that assists low-income
Cambodian families. I refer to the non-profit organization as The Cambodian Group. The
Cambodian Group has been in existence since the 1980s as a way to assist Cambodian
refugees in their transition to life in the U.S. She not only received the organization’s
services as a child, but she now currently works at the organization as the youth program
coordinator. The two administrators can shed light on the experiences of Cambodian
29
students from a detached point of view, and comment on the influences they see from
their end.
Recruitment of Participants
Recruitment of students and administrators was based on location. Because large
populations of Cambodian Americans reside in the Long Beach and Santa Ana areas, I
focused my efforts in recruiting students from those counties. I first contacted various
schools and organizations. The youth program coordinator at the Cambodian Group in
Santa Ana seemed to be very interested in assisting with the project. From there, she put
me in touch with potential campuses to focus on. One of them was Upland State
University. I proceeded to contact the club members at the Cambodian Student Club
based at Upland State University. The president of the club was very enthusiastic in
helping with the project and invited me to a club meeting.
I conducted interviews with six students at the end of the club meeting. One
interview was conducted separately, whereas the interviews with the other five members
were conducted in a group setting. Several students had expressed their preference of a
group setting versus individual interviews. As the researcher, I felt it wise to comply
with the students’ requests in order to gain their trust and ensure that the students are
comfortable when speaking about their experiences. In this case, I followed the method
of self-contained focus groups, in which I used the interview protocol as the outline for
the group interview, but allowed the responses of the participants to guide the direction of
the interview (Morgan, 1997). Conducting group interviews also allowed for participants
to compare opinions and perspectives, and interact with each other on certain topics
30
(Morgan, 1997). It also allowed the students to provide more information in a given
amount of time.
I distributed information sheets to all participants that detailed the purpose my
study, the procedures of my study, the rights of the subjects, and the risks and benefits to
them as research subjects. I recorded all interviews using a digital audio recorder.
Interviews varied in duration, and on average each interview lasted about 30-45 minutes.
In addition to audio-taped interviews, I used another research tool and distributed a
questionnaire to the student participants. The questionnaire requested demographic
information, such as their high school, grade point averages (GPAs) in high school and
college, current occupations and educational attainment of parents and/or legal guardians.
For the sake of saving time from the interviews, I used the questionnaire as means of
gathering objective information from the students. The questionnaires also provide a way
for students to confidentially answer questions about their educational and financial
background, without divulging personal information in front of peers.
Triangulation and Validity
In order to ensure that information provided by the students was accurate and
representative of Cambodian American college students, I have included interviews with
administrators who have experience interacting with Cambodian American college
students over a span of several years and in different contexts. They have provided
information from their vantage point as to what are common issues Cambodian American
students relay to them, and what they witness being an administrator working closely
with this particular student population.
31
To gather additional information as well as clarification on previous responses, I
maintained communication with participants via email. Such cases ranged from
additional questions about their hometowns to their current academic performance in
college. In order to ensure the accuracy of the included statements of the students and
administrators, I have submitted the transcripts to all participants and had them reviewed.
All participants have returned them and confirmed that the transcripts were accurate.
Limitations
The interview tools, such as the interview protocol and questionnaire, have been
effective in gathering data. Yet not enough information could be collected using the
questionnaire, perhaps due to the type of questioning or incomplete responses by some
students. The lack of information on the questionnaire, for example, could have impacted
the representation of the students’ academic, social and familial backgrounds.
Although the sample was a good representation of the club and their perspectives,
it was not representative of the remaining Cambodian community on campus, or at other
college campuses at that. Because the interviews were with Cambodian American
students already enrolled in college, it only represents the perspectives of students that
chose to attend college. The sample did not include students who were in the process of
applying to college, for instance, current high school students. It also did not include
students who chose other options besides college after graduating from high school.
Because of time constraints, I was only able to conduct a single one-hour
interview with an individual member and one group interview with the five members.
The group interview, albeit organized at the request of the members, may have influenced
32
some students’ responses, leaving some possibility of skewed answers or statements that
are more dependent on the opinions of other students. Group interviews are also not as in-
depth as individual interviews and I was not able to receive further information from each
participant, which is another limitation to the study. Due to the limited time frame of my
study, the length of each interview was restricted to an hour at most. The frequency of
interviews was also affected by the time frame, only allowing for one interview rather
than multiple interviews. The time length and frequency of interviews did not allow me
to delve deeper into particular subjects brought up by the students. Interviews with
different types of participants, such as students and administrators, may also steer the
study in different directions. Although the main focus of the study is on the Cambodian
American college student experience, the input provided by administrators may alter the
ideas behind the student responses.
As the primary researcher, my connection to the study also poses as a limitation.
Because the purpose of the research is tied closely to my personal background and
interests as an Asian American student with experience working with first-generation
students, my biases may affect the direction of the study and interpretation of the
findings. Being an Asian American student, I can identify with similar experiences of the
study participants. Yet being a Filipina American student, I cannot speak firsthand of the
history and cultural identity of Cambodian American students. The goal of my research is
to uncover the stories of Cambodian American students, not only to expand my
knowledge as a researcher, but to expose the information to readers as well. As a result,
33
the findings within my research can begin discussions of Asian Americans in higher
education that include all students, including Cambodian American students.
The next chapter discusses the data that was gathered during the interviews with
the students and administrators. Through the use of interviews, I am able to receive a
more holistic perspective of what the students experience in their transition from high
school to college. The responses reflect the themes represented in past literature. In
reference to the conceptual framework of Ogbu’s cultural-ecological theory, I discuss the
findings according to the themes mentioned in the previous chapter—academic
environment, importance of community, and social networks.
34
CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS
The following chapter discusses the information gathered from the interviews
with the study participants. The findings have been divided into different areas according
to past literature—importance of community, academic environment, and social
networks. Within the responses, common themes arise, revealing the students’ thoughts
on their relationships with their families, their progress in school and transition from high
school to college, and connections with peers.
Importance of Community
Ogbu defines community more in terms of community forces. In my study, I have
expanded the description of community to their direct associations with people closest to
them, in this case, their families. Most students reported having large amount of members
in their families, with some students stating that they had six siblings. One student also
mentioned that her choice of college was due to her desire to be within close proximity to
her family. Souphea is the youngest in her family and has three brothers and two sisters.
She stated that she “did pretty well in high school, but [she] wanted to come to [Upland
State University] to be close to home.” This may be a result of growing up in a large,
tight-knit family. She goes on to describe her family and how close she is to her siblings:
I consider myself very close with my siblings. We’ve always had support for
each other. Cuz my parents, they were loving, but they more strict, so we never
got that emotional attention that we needed. It was more encouraging us for our
career and our lives. So me and my brothers and sisters are very close.
Souphea’s experiences with her family are similar with the other study participants’
accounts. Due to the large number in their family, most of them felt more close than
distant to their siblings.
35
Support. Many students commented on the role of their family in providing
support. Some students stated that they provided counsel and encouragement. Others
stated that they were unable to provide the appropriate support, with regards to college
counseling. In either case, their responses show that their community, the family, impacts
the student’s idea of support and ultimately their perceptions of how well-equipped they
are to succeed academically and enter college.
Van, a second-year computer engineering student, stated that for college
counseling, he turned to his cousin. “I actually have a cousin that graduated from here,”
he states. “So I call him for everything, in terms of like, college processes like, so I had
him to help me out.” Chhom similarly received help from a relative in her extended
family. Her in-law’s sister “always said if you ever have any questions about the college
application, what to do, just go to her. Cuz she said she went through a lot” when she
went to college.
But support from family was not regularly provided for most of the students.
Souphea expressed her struggles with the college application process. “I was kind of my
own. My parents gave me support, but they didn’t have the means for me to go to college
economically, you know money, everything.” Sokhem, who found the most difficult part
of the college process to be the Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA), stated
that “[his] sister helped [him] but she didn’t even know either. So [he] had to go onto
google to find it.” Their frustration with the college application process is not due to their
families’ hesitation to help, but more so their inability to assist them with questions
regarding topics such as financial aid.
36
To compound the problem, the educational attainment of most parents do not
exceed high school level, meaning that many parents are unable to provide insight on the
college experience, let alone the college application process. Souphea’s parents were not
educated, and the only education her father received was when he was a monk and went
to school briefly in Cambodia. Sokhom’s mother did not complete high school, and his
father may have completed some high school education. Chhom is unaware of how
much schooling her parents received in Cambodia, but when they arrived in the U.S.,
they took English classes. Their lack of postsecondary education may prohibit parents
from providing relevant advice with regards to the technicalities of the college
admissions process. Yet parents still want the best for the children and promote higher
education to the students nonetheless.
Educational expectations. When students asked what their main reasons for going
to college were, many responded their family was a big determinant in choosing to go to
college:
I would say my parents. I mean, the American Dream, isn’t that what everyone
wants? The house, the car, not having to worry about bills, and everything. And
my main thing was cuz my parents struggled so much, I kind of wanna do better
for them so I can support them before I can support myself. So my parents were,
they still are the main factor. – Souphea
Parents. You know, you see other families, their kids go to college. You don’t
want to be that loner kid that stays at home, you go to work. You wanna make a
name for yourself. My parents wouldn’t probably approve if I went to a junior
college, so I had to take [Upland State University] or nothing. Either way they
would’ve been pissed off. – Sokhom
The students were raised with ideas of success bestowed upon them by their parents.
Success was the equivalent of achieving “the American Dream.” Success means proving
37
that the struggles were well worth it. College then became a way for the students to show
their appreciation to their parents, and to make their families proud.
In order to ensure their children maintained their academic performance, parents
tried to keep their children accountable. Parents attempted to influence their children to
do well by giving them advice and emphasize the importance of being a good student.
Souphea’s parents told their children “you have to be over-achievers, you have to be
better.” Sokhom’s parents told him “school first, play later.” Kith, a fourth-year computer
engineering student, also mentioned that his academic performance in college is affected
by the lack of parent involvement. “Actually for me I feel like I’m getting lazier coming
to college, because there’s no one forcing me to go to school anymore, like my parents
are not here.” Due to the parents’ inability to finish college, they want different for their
children. Family members then become a form of accountability for the students.
Chantou, the youth program coordinator at The Cambodian Group in Santa Ana,
believes that “giving back to the community” should be the main goal. Being a refugee
immigrant herself, The Cambodian Group was instrumental in her transition into the U.S.
because they “made [her] feel at home.” Although she has moved since then, she returned
to work as a volunteer and later as a youth program coordinator. As a coordinator, she is
a first-hand witness to the struggles of the Cambodian youth and states:
I think their struggles are the lack of support from both the school setting and
home environments, and a lack of role models at home and among their own
ethnic group. Although we have more and more Cambodians educated, I think
quite too many of them remove themselves from the community, and not reaching
back and give a hand to the students who have not made it. That’s why I’m a firm
believer in giving back to the community.
38
She reiterates the same theme found in the student responses by acknowledging the
importance of family involvement and the need for role models. Many educated
Cambodian Americans leave their communities, creating an absence of role models for
youth in the community. Through The Cambodian Group and the youth programs she
administers, Chantou hopes to bridge the gap between academics and the community.
Through mentoring programs and after-school classes, she hopes to create a partnership
between the student’s school systems and the members in the community.
Academic Environment
As their immediate source of community, the family members attempt to keep
Cambodian American students accountable for their academic performance through their
involvement. But what determines their success in the institution itself? The following
section takes a look into different aspects of the academic environment, at the high school
and college level, to see what areas in particular influence their performance as well as
their decisions to pursue higher education.
Resources. The academic performance of Cambodian American students in high
school and college is dependent on the availability of resources and guidance at the
institution. Kith shared that his counselor in high school played a part in his college
admission. “For me it was my career counselor. She only talked to me about, forcing me
to get a good job. She said if I don’t go to college I won’t get a good job that’s really
well-paid, and that I’ll just live paycheck to paycheck. She kind of motivated me to apply
to any college, and I did that.” For these students, interaction with counselors was vital.
Career counselors such as Kith’s counselor push students to pursue higher education and
39
make sure that they apply to at least one institution of higher education. Once they arrive
in college, different academic success programs are needed to ensure that Cambodian
American students continue to succeed at the college level. Souphea commented how the
Educational Opportunities Program (EOP) has helped her. “EOP at [Upland State
University] helped me out the most with everything, so I have a lot to thank to them cuz
they helped me with the FAFSA and everything.”
Although some students receive assistance from counselors, other students
expressed that they felt there was little intervention from the institution, such as the lack
of interaction with faculty members. Across the board, the students stated that they found
their professors to be intimidating and only spoke with them if they are fighting for their
grades. Van had mentioned that his communication was very limited as he emailed
professors, “but that’s like only once or twice a year.” Students receive assistance
through staff members such as career counselors and advisors. Yet such assistance is that
much more required due to the absence of communication and relationship with faculty
members who can potentially be valuable resources for Cambodian American students.
Outside the institution, some of the interviewed students had the opportunity to
receive additional assistance. Kith attended an after-school program which helped him
with the transition from high school to college and explains:
For me, it’s like, I went to a youth program, like an after-school program. And
those people they helped with my, you know, follow8- with what I should do after
I graduate, and stuff like that. Try to put me into a program that help me prepare
to enter college, and they help me with paperwork and stuff. That’s why I think
the college transition is pretty much easy for me, cuz they helped.
40
His response reveals that after-school programs specializing in college preparation
positively impact the student’s perspective of the college transition, showing students like
Kith that applying to college does not have to be as difficult as one would think.
Crossing the finish line. Once students arrive at college, the differences between
their high school and college experiences become more apparent, as their academic
performance and level of motivation change drastically. An unanticipated yet notable
finding in my study was the shift in motivation and academic performance in college.
Students who normally received above average GPAs in high school were now receiving
C’s in their classes. After having already accomplished their goal of entering college, the
motivation to perform well in school drops. Souphea once made honor roll in high
school, but now her current work ethic in college has changed. “I think I actually got
lazier just for the fact that it’s like once I got in, ya I’m going to get my bachelor’s degree
some way somehow.” The level of her diligence was at its peak in high school, and is
now dropping due to the fact that completion of college seems more doable in
comparison to getting into college. Van, who received a 3.9 GPA as a high school
student, believes that the change in environment and institution is one of the reasons for
his lack of motivation as he comments:
Well it was different from high school. Cuz in high school you strive to get to
higher education. But now, I’m here trying to pass and stuff. I mean I guess
GPA’s the thing on transcripts for job interviews. But pretty much I’m just trying
to pass.
Chhom echoes that comment as she aims for passing grades, instead of performing above
average in her schoolwork. Chhom states “I just do average. I just make the mark now.
I’m not an A+ student now or anything, I just make it now.” Making the mark has
41
become a common ideal for these students. Since they have already accomplished their
goal of entering college, their next goal is to complete college. But more emphasis has
been placed on passing classes, rather than receiving high GPAs. The shift from high-
achieving students to students barely making the mark is notable, showing that the
motivation that once pushed them through high school is no longer a strong force in their
college lives. It is obvious that the current Cambodian American college students
involved in the study were highly motivated to attend college, especially since some of
the subjects received additional assistance with regards to college preparation. Yet what
happens once they cross that high school finish line and get into college? The motivation
level drops, showing that those resources that did help them get into college are still not
enough to make sure that their level of ambition is maintained at a high level. The
message becomes clear: get in, and get out. Do your best to get into college, but just do
the bare minimum to finish. In addition to seeing what factors influence students to apply
to college, the change in motivation after being admitted into a four-year university is a
significant finding, one that has possible implications for student affairs.
Yet two students in particular have shown interest to continue their education by
applying to graduate school. All students agree that education is not only necessary, but it
is the future as well. Souphea recognizes that higher education does not end with an
undergraduate degree, but her opportunities can extend into graduate school by
explaining:
Well for psychology, I can’t really even do much with a Bachelors. But I actually
want a Ph.D., so I can show that to my kids or you know, what I wanna do is I
wanna be a therapist. And then I wanna go back to all the poverty, you know, all
the Cambodian students, and tell them I made it. It was hard, I was in school for
42
years, but it’s worth it…Cuz I don’t think a Bachelors secures you anymore, it’s
like not even just high school education, but a Bachelors as well.
She understands that in order to be competitive, a Masters degree can ensure her success
in the future. She hopes to use her success for the good of the community and act as a
role model for those in need of guidance. Kith also sees graduate school as a means to
help out his community, using his knowledge and skills received in college to build
much-needed housing in Cambodia as he states:
For me, to get my masters, cuz I need to get my license, cuz I’m in civil
engineering…For me to get that it’s like [for] the future job. I want to go back to
Cambodia and start building housing, so that’s why I’m looking forward to doing
that.
He intends to use his education not only to benefit himself, but others as well, mainly
those in Cambodia. Not only does graduate school pose as an extension of their college
education, but it also means more opportunities. It acts as a signifier of success to their
children and their community and enables students to contribute back to the community
by using their skills and education to benefit their Cambodian peers. Either by acting as a
role model, or by providing housing, a Masters degree means more than just better jobs
but as a way to ensure that others can succeed as well.
Social Networks
Their academic accomplishments show their ability to succeed in school. That
success in turn is reliant on the types of networks they create with their peers. Whether it
is their peer networks in high school or in college, the responses given by the students
reveal that their social lives closely affect their academic progress at that institution as
well.
43
Peers in high school. Because the interviewed students were generally high-
achieving and ambitious, they chose to surround themselves with like-minded peers in
high school. Sokhom recalls that his group in high school consisted of highly motivated
students. “Well I didn’t really associate with people who didn’t graduate, my group was
like, I guess you can say the smart group…they all went to pretty good schools.” He
made a conscious decision to interact with students who had the potential to graduate and
attend prestigious schools. His association with these students has directly impacted his
decision to apply to college as well. Kith shares a similar experience in which his friends
influenced his choice to pursue higher education as he responds:
To me, it’s my high school friends, when I hit senior year, I made a bunch of
friends in AP classes, and guess what? They all go to college, and I have to go,
too…Actually your peers motivate you to do certain things, force you to study
more, force you to make it with them.
He comments on the strong influence of his peer network, how they pushed him to do
well in his classes, to apply to college simply by their choice to attend college. For
Sokhom and Kith, they were fortunate enough to have been included in groups that were
just as driven and motivated as they were. Because Kith’s friends attended Ivy League
schools such as Harvard, he viewed college as the next logical step after high school,
showing that his relationships with his friends had a hand in his decision to apply to
college. For these students to identify their groups of friends as being a particular type,
such as “the smart group,” they are showing their pride in that association as well as the
reasoning behind their motivation to go to college.
Other students agree that social networks do in fact influence your performance,
but not in such a positive manner. Souphea believes that in order for high school students
44
to succeed, they need to avoid negative peer influences. “Don’t let your peers influence
you. Cuz back in high school a lot of peers that went to my high school were kinda bad.”
Regardless of the good or bad, students like Sokhom, Kith and Souphea show how social
networks and peers play a significant role in the potential success of the student. High
school students who decide to associate with high-achieving peers tend to do well and
pursue higher education. Yet the students acknowledge the opposite end of the spectrum,
and understand that being involved with students who are considered “bad” in their terms
would derail the student from succeeding. In either case, students show that who you
interact with in high school on a regularly basis does indeed impact the student’s
performance and ultimately their decision to go to college.
Peers in college. Once they arrive in college, the level of involvement varies from
each student. Souphea states that she was not as involved as she was in high school. “I
was actually more involved than I am now in college…I think cuz I didn’t have a job, I
didn’t have a boyfriend. I have so many things going on in my life right now. To me,
college is way more harder than high school. High school wasn’t that challenging for
me.” For Souphea, her involvements in high school had dwindled down after starting
school in college, because of the level of difficulty of the classes and struggles with time
management. Other students became more involved as a result of the campus culture.
Kith admits being lazier after coming to college, “especially after [he] joined the frat,
everything just goes down hill from there.” Despite his previous social network of friends
who eventually attended Ivy League schools, he has joined another social network which
causes him to be less motivated than he was in high school.
45
Social networks, the students believe, are necessary to succeeding academically.
Souphea states that her involvement in clubs such as The Cambodian Club “makes school
more pleasant, to have support, with people and friends, and not feel alone…[the club] is
like…we’ve made it our own family now.” Sokhom agrees, adding that “we help each
other, through thick and thin. There are some days you need to tell someone, but you
don’t want to talk to your roommate. You kinda wanna go to someone close, and these
people are close.” Social networks have helped students get into college, but how about
helping the students stay there? Organizations like The Cambodian Club have become a
second family at their home away from home, offering support in an environment that
may have otherwise been lonely or full of anxieties.
Cultural identity. The social network and peer support that the students found in
The Cambodian Club ensures success at the college level not only with regards to their
academics but also with their development in their cultural identity as well. Because
Chhom was unable to interact with Cambodian students growing up, The Cambodian
Club’s presence on campus was crucial for her and her identity development, as she
states:
Me coming to this club, is like getting reconnected again. Plus I joined it to meet
other Cambodians cuz I don’t see a lot of Cambodians. I grew up only meeting
only 1 or 2 Cambodians at my school, and it’s like wow there’s a club on campus
for us, and that’s why I joined this club, just to get reconnected again.
She was not exposed to Cambodian American students in her schools, and therefore did
not receive the chance to learn more about students like herself. To see a club on campus
with other Cambodian American students, she is reassured that her presence at the
institution is welcomed and that she has the opportunity to rediscover her cultural roots.
46
Sokhom, who is the current president of the club, tries to do his part and relay whatever
information he has learned about his culture to his fellow members as he explains:
I am trying to influence the members. I’m trying to bring the culture back. I really
don’t know much about my culture. So I’m trying to read up on it, and from my
understanding and let them know the information.
Within this social network, Sokhom is in a position of influence, where he can impact the
students with his knowledge of Cambodian culture. He believes that his role as the
president is to continue to foster the mission of the club, which is to preserve the culture
and to pass it forward. Membership to this social network allows for opportunities to
influence others, as he expressed in his desire to impact the club members. For these
students, the club acts as a means for members to relearn their culture. They are taking
active steps to get reconnected to the cultural identity they thought they lost. The
presence of the club is that much more valued by students like Chhom who desire to meet
other students like themselves, to know that Cambodian students have a presence on a
campus like Upland State University.
Sorina, the faculty advisor for The Cambodian Club, talks about the creation of
the club. Originally her older brother who attended Upland State University had started
the club in the late 1990s. At the time, the members were very active and engaged. “10-
15 students… were able to come together to find this common ground being that they’re
Khmer, and they’re sharing the same culture.” But after the years, participation dropped
and slowly the club no longer existed. It took the efforts of another incoming student to
reinstate the club. Sorina recalls:
I was then contacted by a student who had transferred from UC Davis and he was
very, very involved in their club up there, the Khmer club up there…he came to
47
see me, and we talked about it, and you know we went through the process. And I
was able to refer some students that I was working at the time who I knew were
Cambodian. And he was able to contact them and get a core going.
Sorina’s involvement as an advisor who had connections as well as insight on the former
organization was crucial in the renewed inception of the club. Her retelling of the
encounter with the student shows that it took student initiative to restart the club. “It takes
the student’s work, I can’t do the work. It has to take their part.” Social networks are
created not only with the help of faculty and staff members, but primarily through the
workings of students themselves. Because of the enthusiasm expressed by students, the
club was restored, showing that the club is a necessary part of college life for the
Cambodian American students.
Analysis
Through the interviews, I had the opportunity to listen to the student perspectives
on their connection to their communities, their academic struggles, and the valuable
relationships with their peers. After reviewing their responses, I recognized various
patterns with regards to the direct influences in their lives and how these factors impact
their academic performance and shape their motivation to pursue a college degree.
Importance of community. Most of the interviewed students come from fairly
large families, with an average of five siblings. Students from those larger families tend
to stay closely connected to their familial roots. To these students, their communities
most important to them are their families. They serve as sources of support, and the
members within their families serve as role models. Despite the parents or siblings’ lack
of educational background or inability to provide sufficient advice during the college
48
application process, their families were the driving forces behind these students to do
well in high school, as well as being their primary reason to continue that education
through college.
Similar to Chhuon and Hudley’s study, the students within my research have
shown their inclination to stay connected to family members back home. The subjects
within Chhuon and Hudley’s article mentioned their declining academic performance due
to their inability to remain in touch with family members (Chhuon & Hudley, 2008).
However, the students I interviewed intentionally stay close to home as to avoid the loss
of communication with family members. The students highly value their relationships
with their family members, and some students admit that their choice of institution was
heavily reliant on its proximity to home. It shows that the students put their family in
high regard and base their decisions, including the decision to attend college, on the
perspectives of their family members. Siblings and parents, in turn, value their
relationships to the study participants as well, and try to stay involved and push the
students to continue to succeed in college.
Family expectation was a prominent theme among the students’ responses.
Parents want their children to achieve well beyond the average student. The students
comment on wanting to make their parents proud and repay their parents for their
struggles and sacrifices by getting a college education. Through these responses, the
students are expressing what has been communicated to them by parents, that by
obtaining a college education is a signifier of success, being one step closer to the
“American Dream,” as Souphea puts it. Many students mention that their parents
49
continuously urge their children to study first, showing that school is placed as a top
priority. Because their parents were unable to access the same type of education, they do
not want the same barriers to restrict their children.
The theme of high expectations from parents and siblings reinforces Ishitani’s
findings, in the sense that educational expectations of family members are tied to the
persistence of college students (Ishitani, 2006). His research shows that students with
parents that do not expect their children to complete college are more likely to drop out.
My findings show that the Cambodian Club members believe that their family members
are not only one of the main reasons for choosing to go to college, but also one of the
motivators to continue to do well in their coursework.
The importance of their community, in this case their family, becomes one major
influence in these students to push themselves to perform well in school and to obtain a
college degree. The type of communities that these students are exposed to now becomes
a crucial component in the preparedness and motivation of Cambodian American
students towards higher education. When related back to Ogbu’s theory, the community
forces within my study are seen through the familial support and expectations, and the
cultural models are more represented by the student’s ideals of success and their role
models. Ogbu states that community forces are comprised of the students’ perceptions of
schooling and the value of education, interaction with personnel, and the effects of
schooling on their cultural identities. I focus more on the community’s influence as a
whole, in this case, the family’s beliefs and perceptions on the student’s performance in
school. Most students report that despite their family’s lack of educational attainment,
50
siblings and parents are able to serve as positive reinforcement by continuously urging
students to do well in school and pursue higher education. These siblings and parents in
turn become role models for the Cambodian Club members, with the students stating that
they hope to become like their brothers, sisters, cousins, and parents. Their ideals of
success are represented in their family members and further push these students to do
well, proving that their close relationships result in continued success in college.
Academic environment. The types of institutions as well as the assistance they
receive are important in the development of the student. The students within this study
described what resources were available to them within the school as well as outside
school. Students who received assistance from counselors or after-school youth programs
with regards to academics and college preparation found the transition into college fairly
easy and doable. Additional assistance such as increased involvement of counselors at the
high schools as well as after-school programs that focus on the college application
process are needed in order to ensure that students like the study participants stay
motivated and complete the college application successfully.
Once arriving at college, Cambodian American first-generation students still
require continued assistance. Many of the subjects mentioned that their motivation
decreased and their performance declined during college. Students, who were once high
achieving and ambitious in high school, found little reason to stay driven in their
postsecondary classes. They believed that receiving average grades and “passing” classes
were sufficient enough to receive a Bachelors degree. Regardless of how well they did in
their courses, their main goal was to graduate. One of the six students interviewed
51
mentioned the Educational Opportunities Program as a form of assistance she received in
college, which shows that some students are tapping into the campus resources. Similar
to Chhuon and Hudley’s study, the participants benefited from their interaction with EOP
counselors because they felt more confident in performing well in their classes (Chhuon
& Hudley, 2008). Additional support from counselors and faculty members are more
likely to positively impact the academic performance of the students.
Yet not all students within my study receive the opportunity to work with such
programs, and they do not interact regularly with counselors or faculty. All students
stated that they felt hesitant in approaching faculty members, adding that they only speak
with professors once or twice throughout the quarter. Their declining performance and
lack of motivation can be connected to students not accessing programs such as EOP or
lack of interaction with faculty members. Once they have crossed the finish line of being
accepted into college, their motivation drops and they feel no urgency to perform well in
classes as they had once done in high school. The next goal in sight is to graduate with a
degree. Yet with little or no assistance from faculty members or counselors and students
aiming for passing grades, students may continue to struggle in their academics and
potentially be unable to graduate.
Two students out of the six interviewed subjects did however express their desire
to pursue graduate school. In such cases, these students understand the importance of
relationships with faculty members and improving their performance in their college
courses in order to become accepted into a Masters program. For them, graduate school is
a means to ensure professional success as well as the possibility to pass on that success to
52
their communities. One student wants to build houses in Cambodia, whereas the other
student wants to go back to her community and show aspiring students that they too can
“make it.”
Ogbu defines “making it” as the group’s ideas that hard work and a good
education will lead to employment and success (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Ogbu states that
“the system,” including the school’s policies and interaction and expectations of teachers,
impacts the student’s ability to succeed. My findings show that teacher and counselor
interaction do indeed have an impact on the student’s performance, revealing students
who do receive assistance from such sources as EOP counselors or college counselors
tend to find the college transition easier.
Social networks. Relationships with peers, particularly in high school, are very
influential, as described by the students. Sokhom and Kith talk about how their
associations with high-achieving students pushed them to perform well in their academics
and apply for college. The students create connections with like-minded peers who have
the similar goal of going to college, showing that surrounding themselves with highly
driven students can help them stay motivated. Thus, the student’s relationships with their
friends in high school show how social networks have a strong influence on a student’s
academic performance and hence their decision to go to college.
The students continue to create peer networks in college, which in turn continue
to influence their academic performance as well. Students are not as involved as they had
been in high school because of their added responsibilities, such as part-time jobs, and the
difficulty level of college coursework. Some students increase their participation in
53
organizations, whereas other students are unable to become as involved as they had once
been in high school. Their level of participation is directly linked to their academic
performance, showing that too many involvements may cause declining grades, whereas
difficult courses may result in little time for additional commitments. Although the
number and types of peer connections have altered since high school, it still shows that
regardless of the type of institution, social networks continue to impact the academic
priorities of the student, including their decision to go to college.
All interviewed students were members of The Cambodian Club, and their main
reason for joining the club was to reconnect with their culture. In Chhuon and Hudley’s
study, organizations like the Cambodian Club serve as a social outlet and help ease the
transition into college (Chhuon & Hudley, 2008). During the interviews for my research,
Souphea had mentioned that the club has become a “family now,” showing that the club
is not only a way to learn about their culture, but a home away from home as well. The
club is a way for students to feel comfortable within the new surroundings of college, an
environment that may have been unfamiliar and difficult to maneuver for some students.
Ogbu also talks about how students develop a collective identity in opposition to
mainstream culture, particularly in the educational systems. I propose that desire to form
a collective identity is also present in The Cambodian Club, as a means of preservation of
their own culture. Students like Sokhom want to restore the culture that they are losing,
and he sees the club and his position in the club as a way that he can proactively keep the
culture alive among the Cambodian American students in the college community. The
social network found in the club serves multiple purposes: to be a place of comfort and
54
familiarity, and to remind students of their cultural roots. These purposes are crucial in
the continued success of the students at the college level, showing that social networks
have a significant impact on the performance of Cambodian American students.
The student’s value of cultural identity was another unanticipated finding within
my research, showing that Jean Kim’s Asian American identity development theory
(2001) proves to be relevant within this study as well. Kim states that Asian American
youth and their perspectives of themselves are influenced by what others think of them
and their association to their cultural group (Kim, 2001). Asian American students go
through various stages to hopefully achieve the final stage of incorporation, in which they
feel confident in their identity (Kim, 2001). The Cambodian Club facilitates with the
cultural identity development of Cambodian American students. Organizations such as
The Cambodian Club allow students to be more confident in their identity, with such
confidence being strongly linked to their success at that institution.
Through conducting and analyzing the interviews, I have had the opportunity to
see the different perspectives of the students. Undoubtedly, these hard-working students
have the intellect and drive to push themselves to achieve their goals. Yet they credit
most of their success to multiple sources, whether it is their families, their counselors, or
their friends. Themes within past research re-emerge in the responses of the students,
showing that factors such as community, academic environment, and social networks,
impact student learning and their choice to pursue a college education. The conceptual
framework based on Ogbu’s theory is also present in the data, as students are affected by
community forces, the educational system, and the peer networks that they create.
55
The findings within my research prove that past studies continue to stay relevant,
even when applied to Cambodian American students today. After having gathered
information about what affects the academic performance and eventually their decision to
apply to college, we as administrators can have an improved perspective on how to better
serve these students, before they enter college and during their college careers. The
following chapter discusses the study’s implications as well as suggestions for further
research.
56
CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION
The purpose of my research is to focus on the factors that push Cambodian
American students to excel academically and choose to apply to college. More
importantly, I ask the question: what directly influences students in their personal, social
and educational environments to pursue higher education? I based my research question
on the need to increase representation of South East Asian students on college campuses,
and how we as student affairs professionals can ensure that enough efforts are being
focused on the appropriate areas. After reviewing my findings, I discovered that students
are impacted by the influences in their communities, in their schools, and in their peer
networks.
Ogbu’s cultural-ecological theory focuses on the broader societal and school
factors as well as the factors within the communities of the minority students (Ogbu &
Simons, 1998). I have applied my findings to a conceptual framework based on Ogbu’s
theory, which focuses on the academic environment and resources available at their
schools, the community and familial relationships, and the social network with peers in
high school and college. I use Ogbu’s theory within my study to show that Cambodian
American students are affected by the surrounding environments, such as their
interactions with counselors and faculty, and their communities, as seen in their
relationships with their families and friends. I expand the theory to cover more areas of
influence within the student experiences of the study participants. The findings are
similar to Ogbu’s, in that the relationships with school officials such as teachers and
counselors, determine the academic progress of the student. In addition, the findings in
my research also show that the importance of role models and ideals of success play a
57
significant part in whether or not the students excel in school. Because of the parallels
between both studies, the responses of the Cambodian American students show that the
environment and culture of the student are integral to the student’s academic
performance, as Ogbu proposes in his cultural-ecological theory.
To improve outreach efforts for the Cambodian student population, we can utilize
the data gathered in this study to create strategies on increasing access for these students.
From these findings, we can develop programs to ensure that Cambodian American
students receive the attention and resources they need by examining the influences and
motivators of these students. This final chapter examines the study’s implications to
student affairs in general. It discusses recommendations for administrators, as well as
suggestions for further research.
Implications
Student responses show that they are affected by their personal, social and
academic environments. The data has also shown that there is a widening gap between
students and the institution. With regards to the administrator role, the students have
expressed that although they feel comfortable approaching some counselors, they do not
regularly seek assistance from administrators, at the high school level and college level.
Moreover, they are very hesitant to interact with faculty members, either due to the fact
that they are “intimidating” or there is no real necessity to communicate with professors.
Increased interaction and improved relationships between the students and administrators
as well as with faculty members are needed in order to ensure the academic success of
these students. Being the first students in their families to attend college, they require
58
additional attention that is specifically structured around the needs of the Cambodian
American community. Another implication that my research reveals is the drop of
motivation of current Cambodian American college students. Once they are admitted into
college, they see no need to continue to achieve high grades or perform well in their
classes. Their families and high school teachers have always encouraged college as being
the ultimate educational goal. After having accomplished college admission, there seems
to be little incentive for students to continue to do well in postsecondary education. This
unexpected finding is critical to student affairs because it reveals the issue of retention
among Cambodian American students. Although access was one of the primary focuses
of the study, the data shows that Cambodian American students are subject to declining
academic performance in college as well, perhaps due to the lack of support at home or at
the institution. Because most parents and siblings of Cambodian American students have
not attended college, they cannot provide the students with any perspectives of potential
struggles they may face in college. In addition, university administrators and student
affairs professionals need to acknowledge the drop in motivation among Cambodian
American college students, and that efforts need to be made in order to ensure that the
motivation continues to stay high among Cambodian American students.
Through my research, the themes that emerge present possible solutions to close
the widening gap between Cambodian American students and the resources they need.
The data collected shows that influences in the community, in the school, and in their
social networks all impact the students. I suggest that partnerships should be created
among these spheres of influence in order to maintain motivation among these students
59
through their high school as well as college careers. Partnerships between communities
and schools, between schools and social networks, and between peers and communities
are ways to provide solutions at all angles, showing that all factors are equally important
and need to work together so that the Cambodian American student community can
succeed.
Partnerships
Between communities and schools. It is important to recognize that although
families are good support systems, they need to be fully aware of the student’s progress
in school. One way is to improve communication between teachers and parents.
Administrators such as Chantou and Sorina see that increased parent involvement leads to
motivated and high achieving students who then pursue a college degree. Students have
communicated how big of a role their families have played in their decisions to go to
college. The families need to be included in the academic lives of the students,
particularly the college application process. By offering educational resources, family
members feel better equipped to assist the students. The students in turn feel supported
during a process that would normally be daunting and hard to maneuver without any
assistance at home. Programs such as information sessions for family members are
effective ways to provide valuable tips and advice regarding the college application
process, and constant communication between administrators and family members allow
parents to check the student’s academic progress.
Between schools and social networks. Schools recognize the importance of
student involvement in campus life. Through organizations such as The Cambodian Club,
60
the institution can utilize such social networks to ensure that students access higher
education, as well as successfully complete their college careers. Faculty and staff
members can create beneficial relationships with student organizations like The
Cambodian Club. As the faculty advisor, Sorina has helped tremendously with the
continued success of the club. Yet she also recognizes the need for more interaction
between students and faculty members. They need continued support at the college level,
not only from peers but from academic instructors as well. Through organizing more
programs and events where the club members and faculty members can meet and
communicate with each other, students will feel a stronger connection with faculty
members that once were intimidating. They will also feel empowered to approach faculty
members throughout their college careers and build upon these valuable relationships,
which can result in letters of recommendations or potential internships in the near future.
Between peers and communities. Although students like Souphea mention that
the Cambodian Club as their “family,” peer networks and communities, which normally
work closely together, are sometimes disconnected, as seen in the interviews with
administrators. Chantou has mentioned that although more Cambodian youth are
becoming educated, far more are removing themselves from the community. By creating
mentorship programs, Chantou hopes to draw back successful members of the
community and have them give back to students who may follow in their footsteps one
day. Some students have expressed desires to reach out to people within their community,
whether it is in their hometown or in Cambodia. By pursuing careers such as engineering
or psychology, students hope to provide contributions to the community who are in need
61
of housing and additional educational resources. Yet through mentorship programs or
alumni networks, students can have the opportunity to give back without having to wait
to be fully established in their careers. By mentoring other students through the college
application process or other issues regarding high school academics and social life,
college students can help with efforts to increase access to higher education among other
Cambodian American students as well.
Suggestions for Further Research
Although the findings in my research have revealed significant themes and
provided methods to better serve the Cambodian student community, further research can
benefit Cambodian students in reaching the goal of higher education. Study participants
can include Cambodian college students who are not involved in student organizations,
such as The Cambodian Club, to see if the findings remain constant with other students
who are not active members of the club. In addition, a comparative study of Cambodian
college students at various types of institutions, such as private schools and community
colleges, in different areas can be conducted to see if types of institution or location are
other factors in motivation. The study sample can be expanded to include current high
school students, particularly senior college students who are in the process of applying to
college. Moreover, students who chose not to attend college after high school graduation
would be a valuable addition to the study sample.
Research focusing primarily on college applications and college admission of
Cambodian American students is also essential to further discovering ways to increase
representation of Cambodian students in college communities. I would also suggest
62
interviewing faculty members, to examine their perspectives of working with Cambodian
American students. In addition, gathering data from their families and interviewing
parents and siblings to see their responses regarding the educational attainment of
Cambodian American students would also be another suggestion. Another topic that
needs to be studied is the cultural identity development of Cambodian American college
students and its effects on their academic performance. Within my findings, the theme of
cultural identity among Cambodian Students is significant enough that further research
needs to be developed to focus on their identity development, and its role in their college
careers.
Although there are many aspects that this study can be improved upon, this
research is truly valuable not only to the Cambodian American community, but to the
Asian American community as well. Cambodian students need their voices to be heard
within the discussions of Asian Americans in higher education. The students interviewed
within this study are highly motivated and extremely driven individuals. Yet in their
humility they attribute their successes to parents, counselors, and friends. As
administrators, it is our responsibility to tap into those resources that the students
themselves mentioned, and find innovative ways to incorporate those factors in the
efforts to increase access not only for high achieving Cambodian American students, but
also for the entire community of southeast Asian students who are often hidden under the
Asian American blanket identity, thus preventing them from receiving the appropriate
assistance.
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Gibson, M.A. (1997). Complicating the immigrant/involuntary minority typology.
Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 28(3), 431-454.
Goyette, K., & Xie, Y. (1999). Education expectations of Asian American youths:
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65
APPENDIX A
QUESTIONNAIRE
Name: ________________
Date of Birth: ________________
Place of Birth: ________________
Current Residence (city): ________________
Elementary School: ________________________________
High School: ________________________________
GPA: __________
Hobbies:
________________________________________________________________
Extracurricular Activities, Involvements:
________________________________________________________________
Honors, Awards:
________________________________________________________________
Volunteer Experience:
________________________________________________________________
Employment:
________________________________________________________________
Future Goals:
________________________________________________________________
Have you applied to college? Yes No
If yes, please list colleges:
________________________________________________________________
Number of Siblings: ______________
Age of Siblings: ________________
Father’s/Legal Guardian 1 Occupation: ________________
Mother’s/Legal Guardian 2 Occupation: ________________
Father’s/Legal Guardian 1 highest level of education: ________________
Mother’s/Legal Guardian 2 highest level of education: ________________
Family Income (estimate): ________________
Additional Comments:
Anything you’d like me to know?
66
APPENDIX B
INTERVIEW PROTOCOL: STUDENTS
Background information
• Tell me about yourself. (interests, hobbies)
• Walk me through a typical day.
• Tell me about your family.
• Are you close with your parents? With your siblings?
• What do you do with your family for fun? Do you have any traditions?
Community
• How was it like growing up? Tell me about your childhood.
• Tell me about your culture. What are some traditions, types of food?
• When people ask you what your cultural background is, what do you tell them?
• What do you think are other people's ideas or beliefs about your culture? Are
these ideas or beliefs right or wrong?
Academics
• How is school? What types of classes are you taking?
• What are your favorite classes?
• What kinds of students go there? What is the makeup of the student population
• How are you doing in those classes?
• How long do you spend studying per day? Per week?
• What do you usually get on your tests?
• What are your goals for the end of the school year? By graduation?
• What do you plan to do after high school?
• What do you want to be when you grow up?
• Who are your favorite teachers? Why?
• How often do you talk to your teachers?
• Do you meet with any of the college counselors, club advisors, etc.? What do you
talk about?
Social Networks
• Who do you hang out? How did you create these friendships?
• What types of clubs and organizations are you involved in? What made you
interested in joining?
• What are your hobbies and interests? How are you able to pursue those at school
or through school?
• What do you usually do after school? On the weekends?
67
• Do you volunteer or help out at school/home? Anywhere else besides
school/home?
Community II - Expectations, Support
• Did your parents/siblings attend and/or complete college?
• What do they hope for you in terms of your future?
• What are pieces of advice they have given to you in terms of your future goals?
• Who are your role models? Why?
• What are your friends' plans after graduation?
• What are some similar interests you share with your friends?
• What are your friends involved in, in terms of clubs, etc.?
68
APPENDIX C
INTERVIEW PROTOCOL: ADMINISTRATORS
Background information
• Tell me about your office/school/organization.
• About your position? How many years at this particular position and/or
institution?
• What is the mission of your school/organization? What is your role in
accomplishing that mission?
Personal/Work
• Why do you choose to work at this institution? What is important about the work
that you do?
• Do you work outside office hours (ie. Additional hours in the evenings?
Weekends)? In what respect?
• What goals do you have in mind for the future of your position or institution?
• In a perfect world, what resources and programs would you implement?
Academic
• After working with Cambodian American students, what do you see are the
struggles they face in terms of academics?
• What are the opinions and comments reported back to you about school life in
terms of classes and grades?
• Do they turn to you for counseling in terms of grades or college? If so, what
questions would they ask? Are there additional resources available to them?
• What are their interactions like with teachers? What do teachers normally report
about their behavior in the classroom?
• Do they feel comfortable approaching teachers or administrators for additional
assistance?
College/Professional goals
• How have you been involved in terms of the students’ college application
process?
• Do they ask questions about college frequently? Who would they turn to normally
to get questions about college answered (counselors, teachers, friends)?
• From your vantage point, how many Cambodian American students that you
interact with pursue higher education? Are there particular influences or factors
that might affect this number?
69
• Besides college, what professional goals have these students expressed to you?
Have you helped these students achieve these goals, and if so, in what ways?
• Is it common for students to openly express their personal/professional goals to
administrators? Why or why not?
• As an administrator, what do you think would help these students achieve these
goals?
Social Networks
• What are their social networks and activities that they are involved in?
• Have they revealed any stories about difficulties with relationships, friends, or
family?
• Have you had to approach a student who has had failing grades due to these social
networks (friends, family obligations, work)?
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
My study revolves around the motivators and influences of Cambodian American students, with regards to their academic performance and decision to apply to college. Using John Ogbu’s cultural-ecological theory (1998), I use a conceptual framework that focuses on three areas of influence: the academic environment, the importance of community, and social networks. I propose that these factors influence the students’ academic performance and hence impact their decision to pursue higher education. I use a qualitative approach within my research and interview six Cambodian American students currently attending a four-year university in southern California. In addition, I interview administrators such as the club advisor of The Cambodian Club as well as the youth program coordinator at a non-profit organization called The Cambodian Group. My findings show that the involvement of family members, the resources available to students, and the types of relationships with peers influence the Cambodian American students’ decisions to attend college.
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Jose, Julienne
(author)
Core Title
In pursuit of higher education: external and internal factors influencing the decision to attend college among Cambodian-American students
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Master of Education
Degree Program
Postsecondary Administration
Publication Date
09/29/2009
Defense Date
07/28/2009
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
academic environment,academic performance,Cambodian-American students,college,college attendance,college decision,Community,cultural club,factors,High School,Higher education,influences,Motivation,OAI-PMH Harvest,social networks,Southern California,University
Place Name
California
(states)
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Venegas, Kristan M. (
committee chair
), Chung, Rhea (
committee member
), Tambascia, Tracy Poon (
committee member
)
Creator Email
juliennejose@gmail.com,juliennj@usc.edu
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m2625
Unique identifier
UC1503005
Identifier
etd-Jose-3242 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-251448 (legacy record id),usctheses-m2625 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
etd-Jose-3242.pdf
Dmrecord
251448
Document Type
Thesis
Rights
Jose, Julienne
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Repository Name
Libraries, University of Southern California
Repository Location
Los Angeles, California
Repository Email
cisadmin@lib.usc.edu
Tags
academic environment
academic performance
Cambodian-American students
college attendance
college decision
cultural club
factors
influences
social networks