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Program content in a men-only sexual assault prevention program: the relationship between factual knowledge, familiarity with a victim, and self-reported behavior

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Program content in a men-only sexual assault prevention program: the relationship between factual knowledge, familiarity with a victim, and self-reported behavior

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PROGRAM CONTENT IN A MEN-ONLY SEXUAL ASSAULT PREVENTION
PROGRAM: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN FACTUAL KNOWLEDGE,
FAMILIARITY WITH A VICTIM, AND SELF-REPORTED BEHAVIOR
by
Dailyn Yukimi Yanagida-Ishii
____________________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

August 2009

Copyright 2009 Dailyn Yanagida-Ishii

ii

DEDICATION

At the risk of being long winded, I dedicate this paper to my two sons, Wyatt
and Warner, and to my parents, Derrick and Chloris Yanagida. My hope is for my
sons to know that they can achieve whatever they set their minds to, no matter how
impossible it may seem- and to know that if mommy can, they certainly can too!
And to my parents, for their endless love and support and never giving up on me
even when completion seemed a very distant possibility. To the rest of my family
and dear friends (Norene, Annie, Stace) I am truly blessed to have had their support
over the years.

iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This paper would not have been possible without the guidance and support of
my dissertation committee. I would first like to acknowledge my committee chair
Dr. Melora Sundt, who did not give up on me during the 8 years that I was her
student. Through the countless emails and revisions, she did not once show her
frustration. Her belief in my ability to complete a dissertation goes above and
beyond what any student could ask of a chair. To Dr. Linda Fischer, who
persistently reminded me that I would finish this dissertation. She gave up countless
hours pushing me to “write on and fight on”, tears, text messages, laughter, and to
work through my (as well as her own) frustration. Last but not least, Dr. Reynaldo
Baca, who very willingly accepted me as a student and provided much needed
guidance. His incredible knowledge and understanding proved to be an invaluable
and necessary element to my project.
I also could not have arrived at a finishing point without the support of my
peers from the Hawaii Cohort, Pua Higa and Haunani Matsumoto. The late nights
and endless conversations helped to bring clarity to what seemed at times to be an
insurmountable endeavor.
Finally, after getting married and having two beautiful children, I would like
to acknowledge and thank my husband, Wade for allowing me the time and support
in order for me to reach this goal.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Dedication ii
Acknowledgements iii
List of Tables vi
Abstract vii
Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION
Background 5
Statement of the Problem 9
Purpose of the Study 11
Research Questions 11
Significance 12
Definition 12
Limitations 12
Outline of Dissertation 13
Chapter 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
The Male Perpetrator 16
Fraternity and Collegiate Athletic Team Membership 17
Alcohol, Men, and Their Proclivity to Rape 20
Program Design 21
Intervention Programs for Men 29
The Men’s Program 32
Rape Prevention Program for Men 35
Figure 1: Logic of Social Norms Interventions 37
MVP: Mentors in Violence Prevention 38
Discussion 39
Men CARE 40
Chapter 3: METHODOLOGY
Introduction 42
Research Design 42
Population and Sample 45
Instrumentation 45
Data Analysis 47
Chapter 4: RESULTS
Treatment of the Data 49
Findings 51
v

Conclusions Research Question 1 56
Conclusion Research Question 2 61
Chapter 5: DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS
Discussion 63
Implications for Future Practice 67
Implications for Future Research 70
References 75
Appendix 83
vi

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Three Model Male-Only Sexual Assault Prevention Programs 31
Table 2: Cronbach’s Alpha Reliability Coefficients for the Two 47
Composite Scales
Table 3: Factual Knowledge Questions 52
Table 4: Mean Scores to Behavior Q15 by Correct/Incorrect Responses 53
To Fact Q10
Table 5: Mean Scores to Behavior Q18 by Correct/Incorrect Responses 54
To Fact Q9 and Q11
Table 6: Mean Scores to Attitude Composite by Correct/Incorrect 56
Responses to Fact Q11

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ABSTRACT

Sexual assault prevention programs are ever-present on college and
university campuses today. More recently all-male prevention programs have been
empirically evaluated. However, one area that has not been extensively evaluated in
design is program content. Research has yet to isolate which content items are
relevantly related to participants’ attitudes and behaviors.
This study is a secondary data analysis that looked at data collected from an
all-male sexual assault prevention program, USC Men CARE, actively being used at
a private research university. This analysis examined the relationship between
factual knowledge and attitudes supportive of rape myths and behaviors associated
with perpetration of participants in the all-male sexual assault prevention program.
The survey of 701 male participants asked for student affiliation (i.e., fraternity,
athletic teams, both, or none) and self-reported behaviors. The findings indicated
that having the correct factual information about sexual assaults matter to those who
are not affiliated with a particular student group (fraternities or athletic teams).
Interestingly, compared to any other affiliation group the participants who claim to
be athletes showed they know the correct factual information about sexual assaults,
but behave in manners that are more indicative of perpetration. The results are
further discussed with reference to previous studies and implications for future
practice and research relevant to program administrators.
1

CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Young men and women heading to college, most view this life event as an
exciting time to explore the gateway to their future. It is a time of new beginnings,
hope for the future, and building new experiences. Many of these college bound
young women will discover all of these things and so much more. However, young
women entering college face the challenges of selecting a major and deciding what
career their future will hold. Research suggests that by the time they graduate, one in
five women in college will become part of a very disturbing statistic (Fisher, Cullen,
& Turner, 2000). In a college of 10,000 students, approximately 350 female students
could experience rape in any given year. One would assume that one of these
challenges would not include how to avoid becoming a victim of sexual assault.
A study of the level and sources of student victimization by Fisher, Cullen,
Sloan, and Lu (1998) looked at crime in the ivory tower, found that in looking at
crime on college campuses as a whole, sexual assaults were “comparatively
prevalent” (Fisher et al., p. 20). From November 1995 to May 1996, the National
Violence Against Women (NVAW) Survey was jointly sponsored by the Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the National Institute of Justice (NIJ).
The survey was conducted with both men and women via telephone interviews in
households in the 50 states and the District of Columbia. The survey collected data
not only about rape, but also about physical assault, stalking, victim-perpetrator
relationships, and the characteristics and consequences of violence.
2

The NVAW survey defined rape as:
an event that occurred without the victim’s consent, that involved the use or
threat of force to penetrate the victim’s vagina or anus by penis, tongue,
fingers, or object, or the victim’s mouth by penis. The definition included
both attempted and completed rape. (NVAW, p. 4)

The survey revealed that 17.6% of women said they experienced a completed or
attempted rape in their lifetime. Ten percent of the women reported being raped
after the age of 18 years. Interestingly, the survey also found that 61.9% of those
women were raped by a current or former intimate and another 21.3% by an
acquaintance (NVAW, p. 43).
From this data we know that a number of completed and attempted rapes
involve adult women 18 years and older. The National College Women Sexual
Victimization study (NCWSV, 2000), funded by the National Institute of Justice
(NIJ) and the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) studied incident rates of sexual
assaults as they pertain to college women who fall into this age category. This study
involved telephone interviews of randomly selected women who attended 2- or 4-
year colleges and universities in Fall 1996. The interviews were conducted in
February and May 1997. The report concluded that 35.3 per 1000 female students
had experienced either a completed or attempted rape during their college careers
(Fisher, Cullen & Turner, 2000). Furthermore, the report concluded that college
women are at greater risk for becoming victims of sexual assault than any other
group. Fisher (2000) posits that the percentage of women victimized by a completed
or attempted rape could potentially be between one-fifth and one-quarter of the
3

institution’s female population (p. 17). This NCWSV study also showed that in most
cases, the perpetrator was a current or former intimate, acquaintance, or classmate.
Important to note from the NCWSV study is the percentage of sexual assaults
(completed, attempted, or threat of rape) that were reported to law enforcement.
Only 5 % of incidents were reported to a law enforcement agency (p. 30). The
reasons given for a victim choosing not to report their sexual assault experience
ranged from being embarrassed, not clearly understanding the legal definition of
rape, and not wanting to name a perpetrator as a rapist, to fearing other people
knowing about the victimization (pp. 5 and 31).
Colleges and Universities are attempting to address sexual assault against
women via intervention and prevention programs. Most colleges and universities
today have rape (sexual assault) education or prevention programs (Katz, 1995). In
the past decade, schools focused on prevention programs designed for women to
educate them on strategies to reduce their risk of being sexually assaulted
(Lonsaway, 1996). Many programs of this nature were focused on self-defense or
awareness raising techniques for women to protect themselves from sexual violence.
More recent efforts have moved from programming for women to programming for
men. Alan Berkowitz (2001) states that statistically, most sexual assaults are
committed by men. With this in mind, Berkowitz suggests that a shift from
providing only self-defense for women to programming for men is necessary to
address the perpetrator population.
4

Men must take responsibility for preventing sexual violence, because a
vast majority of assaults are perpetrated by men against women, children,
and other men. Although only a small number of men commit sexual
assault, all men can influence the culture and environment that allows
other men to be violent (Berkowitz, p. 1).

Research about the effects of sexual assault programming for men is limited
(Heppner, Humphrey, DeBord & Hillendrand-Gunn, 1995). Little research is
available on behavioral changes over time as a result of such programming
(Breitenbecher, 2000). Studies show a change in attitude toward sexual assault
against women immediately following and up to 9 months following such
programming (Berkowitz, 1994; Foubert, 2000). Alternatively, Gidycz, Layman,
Rich, Crothers, Gilds, Matorin, and Jacobs (2001) revisited a study by Pinzone-
Glover, Gidycz, and Jacobs (1998) and found the opposite to be true. As an
extension of the original study, further research found that the program did not
change the sexually aggressive behavior of men (p. 1131). The study involved
approximately 1100 students from a large Ohio university that attended two hour
long sessions on acquaintance rape prevention. A pre-test (attitude toward women
scale and the sexual experiences survey) was administered prior to the participation
in the program. In the actual program, participants were given factual information
on the pervasiveness of sexual assault on college campuses and legal definitions of
rape. Following the informational portion of the program participants were given a
survey that included statements about rape and questioned respondents if the
statements were myths or fact. The program concluded with a case study and
techniques to promote personal safety (Gidycz et al., 2001) Nine weeks following
5

the program the participants were asked to complete (post-test) the same survey as in
the pre-test. The goal of this particular study was to determine if the initial results
of the Pinzone-Glover et al. (1998) study held true over time. Contrary to the results
of the original study, Gidyz et al. study found that men, after a 9-month post-
program, displayed sexually aggressive behaviors (p.13). The authors of this study
suggest that the program could be improved by providing information that is more
salient to the participants by personalizing the content.
Background
As a result of legislators’ role in the prevention of violence on college
campuses, most colleges and universities have implemented some form of violence
prevention programs on their campuses (Katz, 1996). One legislative action that
aided in the promotion of these programs was the The Jeanne Clery Disclosure of
Campus Security Policy and Campus Crime Statistics Act. The Act was created to
provide timely warnings of crimes to students or employees that may pose a threat to
their safety (Handbook, 2005, p. 3). The Clery Act, formerly the Crime Awareness
and Campus Security Act (1990), was named after a female college student who was
raped and murdered in her college dorm room in 1986. In addition to providing
information to the general population, colleges and universities participating in Title
IV student financial aid programs are required to report annual crime statistics to
various federal agencies including the U.S. Department of Education and the FBI.
The Clery Act aims to provide crime statistics on college campuses for multiple
reasons. A major goal of the Act was to allow prospective students, their parents,
6

and employees to make informed decisions about selecting an educational institution
to attend or become employed. The second was to heighten awareness about crime
on college campuses. Finally, the Clery Act pushes colleges and universities to
further address sexual assault policy (Fisher, Hartman, Cullen & Turner, 2002). The
Clery Act most recent amendment in 2003 required campuses to disclose where
information may be obtained about registered sex offenders who are on campus
(Handbook, p. 150). The requirement of the act alone, do not prevent sexual assaults
from occurring. What it does accomplish is to push institutions to think about acts of
violence (including sexual assault against women) that occur on their campus and
what they can do about it.
The Violence Against Women Act of 1994 was authored by then Senator Joe
Biden. The Act aimed at providing opportunities for communities to develop
programs for victims of assault and also provided a hotline for victims to receive
information for assistance (VAWA). More importantly to institutions of higher
education, VAWA was amended in 2005 to include the Grants to Reduce Violent
Crimes Against Women on Campus Program. Through this grant program, the Act
provides for major funding (approximately $15 million) in 2008-2011 to both private
and public institutions of higher education. The goal of the Campus Program is to
create and improve prevention, services, and collaboration between institutions of
higher education and federal and state agencies where violence against women could
be improved. The Campus Program between July 2003 and June 2005 has provided
funding for staff, training, mandatory prevention and education programs for all
7

incoming students, and victim services (DOJ, 2006). Federal funding provides
opportunities for colleges to explore in depth, differing approaches to programming
for sexual assault prevention.
The prevalence of sexual assault in educational institutions is quite apparent
as noted by the various federal agencies that have taken interest in prevention and
assistance for victims. Either individually or jointly the National Institute of Justice
(NIJ), the Department of Justice (DOJ), the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), and
the Center for Disease Control (CDC) have each taken part of vast research and
development of programs that specifically address issues of sexual assault on college
campuses. In addition to the previously mentioned studies, NCWSV (2000) and
NVAW (2000), other federally sponsored studies have provided researchers with
valuable information that aids in the design of prevention programs. An example of
such studies include the study by Rana Sampson (2002) titled, “Acquaintance rape of
college students;” Karjane, Fisher, and Cullen’s (2005) report, “Sexual assault on
campus: what colleges and universities are doing about it;” and Baum and Klaus’s
(2005) the “Violent victimization of college students, 1995-2005.”
Sampson’s study produced a report as part of a guide series for law
enforcement officials on issues of sexual assault. Primarily the work serves to guide
law enforcement officials on how to detect, investigate, and treat incidences of
acquaintance rape as it pertains to college students (p. 2). Information in the report
was drawn from research findings and police practice not only in the United States,
but the UK, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the Netherlands, and Scandinavia as
8

well (p. iii). The report emphasizes the prevalence of acquaintance rape of college
students, specifically women. While the report serves as general information on the
issue, the report lends itself as a guide for administrators to detect and address
acquaintance rape on their campuses.
“Six in 10 colleges offered programs that address assault” (Karjane, Fisher, &
Cullen, 2005). This study was an analysis of the findings from a 1999 investigation
mandated from Congress on issues revolving around college and university response
to sexual assault on their campuses (p. 4). The study included samples from
approximately 2500 schools that were required to comply with the Clery Act. The
study design included review of sexual assault policies, survey of the administrators,
and those schools that were found to use promising practices in addressing sexual
assault on campus (p. 4). The value of this study provides an overview of programs
that are deemed “promising” and how other colleges and universities can learn from
their design.
Baum and Klaus (2005) analyzed data that was collected from the NCVS.
From this report we know that rate of female victimization (6%) is greater than that
of men (1.6%) (p. 3). The report addresses the misconception that perpetrators of
sexual assault against women are strangers. Rather findings show that 78.5% of
offenders were acquaintances of the victims (p. 4). The information gathered from
such reports is important to the design of prevention programs on campuses today.
Current research (Berkowitz, 1987; Koss, 1996; Foubert, 1996; Gidycz,
Layman, Rich, Crotheres, Gylys, Matorin, & Jacobs, 2001; Katz, 1996) reverberates
9

to the college and university community that the sexual assault of college women is a
very prevalent issue. However, analytical research on the existing prevention
programs lack evaluation on various levels. Yeater and O’Donohue (1999) describe
the methodological and conceptual problems with existing programming. Paramount
to their evaluation is the implications that prevention programs lack follow-up data
that prove actual decrease in sexual assaults (p. 750). Secondly, researchers have
little information on the length of time changes in attitudes or behaviors can be
expected to last (p. 754). Berkowitz (1987) and Foubert (1996) both conducted post-
tests, but the maximum duration from the time of participation in a prevention
program to the time of the post-test was 9 months. The impact, appropriate content
element, and content usefulness that programming has on outcomes, such as
changing attitudes and behaviors that lead to sexual violence, is one of the issues that
this study poses. Yeater and O’Donohue (1999) suggested that the type of
information that has been presented in prevention programs overlooks the simplest of
concepts in prevention. The authors imply that a one-size fits all approach to the
type of information that has been included in prevention need to be tailored more
closely to specific situations in order to arrive at appropriate response strategies (p.
758).
Statement of the Problem
Today, there exists a plethora of sexual assault prevention programs on college
campuses across the United States. Recently, there have been programs developed
that focus on engaging men in the prevention of sexual violence against women.
10

Some of these programs involve building victim empathy (Foubert, 1996); others
utilize bystander interventions (Katz, 1995), and models of consent and social
norming (Berkowitz, 1987).
While prevention and intervention programs are plentiful on college
campuses, few have been empirically evaluated (Yeater & O’Donohue, 1999). Some
research has been done on program delivery and format, but little has been
completed on program content. Studies often measure the overall effectiveness of
the programs or more specifically, the impact that programs have on specific sets of
outcomes such as attitude (Anderson & Whiston, 2005).
The sexual assault programs that appear in Chapter 2 each target different
groups of men on campus. The Rape Prevention Program for Men was mandatory
for all first year students, The Men’s Program was primarily administered to
fraternity men, and Mentors in Violence Prevention focused on male athletes. These
program models show varying changes in attitudes toward sexual assault and
marginal change in behaviors following participation in the program. Consistent
with the argument of Yeater and O’Donohue (1999), prevention programs need to
offer valid proof that decrease in sexual assault on campus has taken place as a result
of programming. If a decrease in sexual assaults on campus is the desired result of
programming and we are only observing marginal behavior change, then research
should further explore program design (delivery, format, and content). With the
numerous prevention programs that have been implemented at colleges and
universities today, researchers are given the opportunity to study programs in hope of
11

arriving at the magic equation of the “perfect” program elements. College
administrators that are eager to create new or amend current programs can benefit
from such results that reflect fully on the issues that surround programming inside
and out.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this particular study is to evaluate college men’s factual
knowledge and knowledge of a victim in prevention programs and its relationship to
participants’ attitude and behavior toward the sexual assault of college women.
Furthermore, this study attempts to evaluate two common assumptions that underlie
sexual assault prevention programming. These two assumptions propose that in
designing prevention programs that (a) knowing the facts matter and (b) knowing a
victim matter. To take this study one step further, it looks to determine if the
program content elements of factual knowledge and knowing a victim varies based
on student affiliation (specifically fraternities, athletic teams, or no affiliation).
Subsequently, the study also asks if attitudes and behaviors (independent of one
another) that are supportive of rape myth vary between those same groups.
Research Questions
Using self-reported attitudes and responses to fact-based questions about
sexual assault, this study asks more specifically:
1. Is there a significant difference in attitudes and behaviors between those
participants who get the facts correct about sexual assault and those who do
not?
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2. Does factual knowledge, knowing a victim, and rape-supportive attitudes and
behavior (independent of each other) vary based on the community in which
students are affiliated?
Significance
The results of this study intend to provide college administrators with
additional information on the structuring of their sexual assault prevention programs.
On a program design level practitioners will be able to determine the role that
providing factual information and playing on victim empathy may affect the program
outcomes. Additionally administrators may be able to determine which, if any,
specific group of college males should be the target of such programming. On a
theoretical level, researchers may be influenced to structure models that move closer
to the result of actual behavior change.
Definitions
Rape myths are the incorrect perceptions (stereotypes or false beliefs) one
may hold about rape or its victims (Burt, 1980). Rape myth tend to influence people
to qualify a rape as having certain characteristics (i.e., perpetrator was a stranger,
victim characteristics lead to assault, victim was taken by surprise, a weapon was
used, injuries are obvious and medical evidence collected).
Limitations
(1) The validity of this study is limited to the reliability of the instruments used,
and
13

(2) The characteristics of the sample group may not be representative of all
college students in other geographical college settings.
Outline of Dissertation
This paper aims to address the issue of the specific program elements (factual
knowledge and knowing victim) in sexual assault programming and its positive or
negative relationship on attitudes and behaviors that support rape myths.
This paper is formatted into five chapters. Chapter 1 begins with a
foundation for the study with an overview of sexual assault against women and how
it has become a problem of increasing interest on our college campuses. This is
followed by a briefing of existing research and support from federal agencies that
have participated in research specifically aimed at statistically reporting sexual
assault against women on college campuses and what is being done about the issue.
Lastly, Chapter 1 defines the laws and legislation that has been established in order
to provide support and prevention of the sexual assault of women.
Chapter 2 will offer a review of research that has been done on sexual assault
perpetration, prevention programming, and include a summary of three separate
programs geared toward male intervention on college campuses. The review will
also examine the role of factual information in these programs and the results as they
affect change in attitudes and/or behaviors.
Chapter 3 will describe the sample taken from a program that is currently
being implemented at the University of Southern California (MenCARE). Using
14

data collected from the program survey, chapter 3 will define the methods used to
analyze the data in order to answer the research questions.
Chapter 4 will provide the results of the data analysis as it is described in
Chapter 3. As an extension of those results, chapter 5 will discuss the findings and
suggest implications for future practice in the design of sexual assault prevention
programming.
15

CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
The World Health Organization (Oct. 2002) published the World Report on
Violence and Health. Chapter 6 of this report was dedicated to Sexual Assault. The
report states that there are several factors that increase a woman’s vulnerability to
sexual assault. Some of those factors may include being young, consuming drugs or
alcohol, having many sexual partners, and becoming more educated or economically
empowered (where sexual violence perpetrated by an intimate partner is concerned)
(WHO, 2002). Given these facts, women in college may fall victim to sexual assault
just having been more commonly exposed to several of these factors or high risk
(Koss et al., 1987).
The nation has taken note of the prevalence of sexual assault of women in
college settings. As such, federal laws have been established to protect the interests
of perspective students, employees, and victims of sexual assault via legislation (i.e.,
The Clery Act, Campus Sexual Assault Victims’ Bill of Rights of 1992). While
legislation addresses the rights of students, employees, and victims, these laws are
peripheral in the prevention of sexual assault. Numerous studies (Berkowitz, 2004;
Katz, 2003; Foubert, 1996; Parrot, 1990) have proposed that IHEs need to take a
more proactive approach in prevention of sexual assault of women on college
campuses. Early prevention programs were designed to target women and educating
them on how to be safe and the things not to do that would increase their chances of
becoming a victim of sexual assault (Parrot, 1990). In 2003, the DOJ published the
16

statistic that 99% of perpetrators are male. Therefore, researchers such as Parrot
were justified when they proposed that colleges must develop prevention programs
geared toward men. Parrot (1990) went on to say that, “until men stop raping, rape
will not stop.”
This chapter is a discussion of what is known about sexual assault prevention
programming. Prior to the discussion about programming and program design, we
begin by looking at perpetrator characteristics and specific populations. The main
purpose of his chapter is to review the ways in which program design has been
approached and what we know to work in sexual assault prevention programming.
Three current sexual assault prevention programs will serve as models to illustrate
specific program design elements.
The Male Perpetrator
One in 12 college men reported that they met the legal definition of
committed to a rape. Interestingly, 84% of those men did not consider their actions
to be illegal and 8.4% admit to completed or attempted rape (Ouimette & Riggs,
1998). Men make up the majority of perpetrators when it comes to sexual violence.
Sexual aggression and violent behavior in males are learned behaviors (Carr &
VanDeusen, 2004; Kilmartin, 2000). Male college students may enter college
believing that they need to prove their masculinity, maintain a masculine reputation,
or fit in to peer groups via sexual aggressive behaviors (Sanday, 2007). In situations
where this may hold true for the male college student, potential victims including
college women may be at greater risk for victimization. In fact, Malamuth (1981)
17

found that 21% to 35% of males would rape if they knew they would not be caught.
Blended with a lack of understanding of what behaviors actual rape constitutes and
statistics such as that found by Malamuth, the need for prevention programming for
men becomes that much more urgent to the collegiate community at large.
Malamuth’s study specifically evaluated men’s proclivity to rape via self-reported
likelihood of raping.
A 2004 study revealed that male fraternity members and/or athletes believed
that sexually violent behavior is commonplace in fraternity life (Foubert & Cowell,
2004). These men in the context of participating in the previously mentioned study
said that they frequently see sexual violent behaviors in the fraternity houses or rape
jokes in the locker rooms. Foubert and Cowell argue that the pressure to conform
to a “reputation” (i.e., fraternity members known to party or male athletes’ high
profile lifestyle) has made some members of these groups numb to the prevalence of
sexual violence. Male college students may have a skewed vision of masculinity
based on the gender roles that are portrayed in college settings.
Fraternity and Collegiate Athletic Team Membership
A full discussion involving the sexual assault of college women cannot be
comprehensive without examining the cultural implications of college athletic groups
and fraternities. Current research (Murne & Kolhman, 2007, Brown, Sumner, &
Nocera, 2002) has indicated that male involvement in athletics and fraternities leaves
the perception that there are greater perpetrators within these groups. Other research
(Humphrey & Kahn, 2000; Schwartz & Nogrady, 1996) has indicated that the
18

membership alone is not the defining factor that links these two groups to a higher
propensity to rape supportive attitudes and behaviors. Rather, it may be the
perception that members in these groups assume the public reputation of some
fraternities and athletic groups. The group dynamics that occur in all- male groups
such as college athletic participation and fraternity membership create a bond that
may foster cultures that are supportive of aggressive behavior toward women
(Murnen & Kolhman, 2007). In fact, some researchers propose that some men
enter college with supportive attitudes toward sexual assault and seek membership in
these types of groups to reinforce their attitudes (Bleeker & Murnen, 2005). It has
been implied that men who already have rape supportive attitudes and behaviors seek
membership to be in familiar opinions.
In 2007, Murnen and Kohlman conducted a meta-analysis of 29 studies,
looking at data relating college athletic participation and/or fraternity membership to
attitudes and behaviors associated with sexual aggression. The studies included
displayed elements that evaluated fraternity and/or athletic status and variables
related to prediction of sexual aggression. Common factors in the 29 studies were
the use of rape myth acceptance, self-report of past sexually aggressive behavior, and
scales to measure “hyper-masculinity.” In order to validate the comparison of the
grouping the authors selected only studies that included the use of a control group.
The meta-analysis found that, compared to the control group, both athletic and
fraternity membership provided significant evidence of stronger attitudes of sexual
aggression and to a lesser extent (while still significant) self-reported sexual
19

aggression (Murnen & Kohlman, 2007). The authors conclude that these results are
highly indicative of hyper-masculinity. “Hyper-masculinity involves attitudes of
sexual callousness, male dominance, and acceptance of aggression. These attitudes
can combine to” legitimize the use of violence against women” (Murnen &
Kohlman, p. 153). Important to note in this meta-analysis is the finding that athletic
membership scores were slightly higher than those of fraternity membership.
Peggy Sanday in “Fraternity Gang Rape: Sex, Brotherhood, and Privilege on
Campus,” (2007) wrote that “brothers” seek gender, social and sexual identity as
well as establishing social power. Male members of fraternities are viewed to
possess a privileged social position on college campuses that encourages new
students to seek membership. Once becoming a member of a fraternity, some
believe that sexual abuse of women is acceptable behavior in that environment.
Moreover, the privileged reputation tends to transfer the responsibility of such sexual
behavior to on to the woman, who is looking for a good time. Sanday asserts that
when associated with a large group of men who hold the same beliefs, fraternity
members foster a bond among each other that enables hyper-masculine behaviors.
Convincing or forcing a woman into sex by talking her into it or by coercion with
alcohol in the fraternity environment is coined by Sanday as “working out a yes”
(p.131). Working out a yes is, she argues is common practice in fraternities.
Members may actually coach one another in practices to convince or coerce women
into having sex.
20

Research suggests (Koss & Gaines, 1993) that the level of male participation
in sports has a direct link to their level of sexual aggression. Katz (2006) reports that
“there is a widespread public perception that male college student athletes are
disproportionately responsible for acts of sexual aggression against women, although
to date no full-scale national studies have conclusively proven this point” (p. 207).
Alcohol, Men, and Their Proclivity to Rape
Substances that alter a person’s ability to make good decisions play a role in
looking at how to best address male perpetrators of sexual assault. Under the
influence of alcohol, normal high-order cognitive processes such as the concern
about consequences or empathy for a victim are overshadowed by feelings (i.e.,
anger, frustration, sexual arousal) that on may act on (Abbey, Zawacki, Buck,
Clinton, & McAuslan, 2004). The authors go on to say, “that alcohol often acts in a
synergistic manner with other variables.”(p. 27). An example of a variable that may
inflate sexual assault situations are if the victim is also under the influence of
alcohol.
Carrm and VanDeussen (2004) determined in their study that 15% men
reported being sexually forceful or aggressive when drinking, 35% say their friends
approve of getting a woman drunk to have sex with her and 20% reported having
friends who have gotten a woman drunk or high to have sex with her. Female
victims of sexual assault on college campuses say that 43% of them were under the
influence of alcohol at the time of the assault as were 53.4 % of the assailants in
these cases (Ullman et al., 1999). An example of a classic rape-myth is that sexual
21

assault cannot occur because either victim and/or perpetrator were under the
influence of alcohol or other substances. Alcohol consumption has been linked to
males believing that intoxication encourages sexual behaviors (Mohler-Kuo, 2004).
It is not uncommon for college men and women to perceive instances of sexual
assault as consensual if both people were intoxicated at the time (Abbey et al., 2004)
Alcohol use in social situations such as a date or party may increase the occurrence
of sexual assault between acquaintances and strangers alike, says Ullman et al. (p.
604).
Program Design
Sandler’s (2001) work in the area of child development and psychology
primarily focused on building effective intervention programs for children. In his
work, he describes elements in intervention programming that are necessary to
produce effective and lasting results. He proposes four characteristics that successful
intervention programs should be built on, they are:
1. Successful interventions promote multiple resources to reduce the
negative effects of exposure to adversity.
2. Successful interventions deliver the level of resources that match the need
of the population.
3. Successful interventions are implemented at multiple levels to promote
development of resources.
22

4. Successful interventions do not simply build skills, they promote a sense
of efficacy, support, and self-worth, and they prevent future adversities
(p. 48).
The author suggests that most intervention programs are designed with
emphasis on the promotion of information and coping skills. More than information
and skills, Sander asserts that programs should increase efficacy or effect beneficial
change on the long-term. It is important for intervention programs to take a
community approach to build a comprehensive support system to deter further
incidences. Durlak (1997) who researches in the same discipline as Sandler,
emphasizes that programs should be careful of focusing too heavily on information,
knowledge, or group discussion as the major change mechanisms.
Over the years, colleges and universities have created and implemented a
number of “intervention” programs to reduce the likelihood that sexual assault will
occur. Whether in design and delivery or content, effective prevention (or
intervention) programs have been found to require certain crucial elements.
Researchers (Bond & Carmola-Hauf, 2004; Nation, Crusto, Wandersman, Kumpfer,
Seybolt, & Morrisey-Kane, Davino, 2003; Berkowitz, 2001; Sandler, 2001) from
various disciplines have stated that crucial program elements include: (1)
comprehensive content, (2) theoretical basis, (3) audience appropriate materials
(relevance), (4) sufficient dosage, (5) outcome evaluation, and (6) well-trained staff.
The characteristics of these collegiate prevention programs range from co-ed,
single gendered, small or large group presentations, interactive, and informative only
23

scrape the surface of the many program structures that have been implemented
(Brecklin & Forde, 2001). While most have had one common goal in mind, to
decrease rape-myth acceptance and prevent sexual violence, the effectiveness in
reaching this desired outcome is dependent on the approach (Schewe & O’Donohue,
1993). To that end, the following section is a review of the literature on program
delivery/format and program content.
Program Format
Mixed gendered programs may deter male participation if men see
themselves as targets of criticism as opposed to equal program participants.
Programs need to be tailored for each gender (Ullman, 2007; Berkowitz, 2001;
Foubert, 1994; Katz, 1996; Sanday, 2007). With that in mind, studies have shown
that single gendered programs are more effective in decreasing attitudes that are
supportive of rape-myths (Earle, 1996; Brecklin & Forde, 2001). Traditionally,
programs for men were constructed on the premise of treating male participants as
perpetrators. Programs for women tended to focus on methods to reduce risk of
sexual victimization (Earle, 1996). While administrators currently design programs
specifically for men, they do so without putting male participants on the defensive by
treating them as allies in the fight against violence against women (Fabiano, Perkins,
Berkowitz, Linkenbach, & Stark, 2003). The benefit of an all male audience is that
it increases the opportunity for men to comfortably communicate their opinions
among one another (Berkowitz, 1994).
24

Program length has been a topic of interest to researchers (Flores & Hartlaub,
1998; Brecklin & Forde, 2001; Anderson & Whiston, 2005) examining program
design effectiveness. Flores and Hartlaub and Brecklin and Forde both found that
program length, whether short or long, did not have a significant impact on changes
in attitudes and behaviors. On the other hand, Anderson and Whiston, in their meta-
analysis, found that longer programs were more effective in changing rape related
attitudes. Programs evaluated by these authors ranged anywhere from one 7-minute
session to semester long courses in or around the topic of sexual assault. Anderson
and Whiston propose based on their findings, that programs that are semester long
courses or multi-session workshops may produce greater change in rape supportive
attitudes. The authors posit that their findings were more accurate in making this
assumption because it included a larger number of studies than the study by Brecklin
and Forde (N=69 versus N=45).
Program participants tend to be comfortable interacting with those that share
common interests. Heppner and Humphrey (1995), Earle (1996), and Lonsway
(1996) found that students learn best from their peers. The authors suggests that
program format that is interactive and peer lead produces the best results because the
format invokes deeper levels of processing (Heppner & Humphrey, 1995). Anderson
et al. (1998) and Flores et al. (1998) looked at multiple rape awareness programs and
discovered interesting evidence on the impact the format of intervention programs
has on changing attitudes toward sexual assault. Most of the studies they looked at
were working under the premise that an interactive format would be most successful.
25

Frazier (as cited by Anderson et al., 1998) urges that programming that is engaging
for college students will have a better effect on changing attitudes and behaviors.
Both authors looked at programs that used a combination of interactive (workshop
and talk show), information (detailed video), and course formats. While all three
formats resulted in significant attitude change, they found no significant difference
between the formats (Anderson et al., 1998). Anderson et al. also found that
engaging, interactive program formats alone do not produce permanent reduction in
rape supportive beliefs (p. 140).
Attitude and Behavior
“Attitude is defined as a response to an antecedent stimulus or attitude
object…behavior includes overt actions, behavioral intentions, and verbal statements
regarding behavior” (Breckler, 1984). Breckler’s study found that Attitude,
behavior, and cognition are interrelated components that affect the initial attitude
object. The author goes on to determine that his findings address the relationship of
the three components and does not address the social psychological issue of
causation. The causal relationship between attitude and behavior was examined by
Zanna, Olson and Fazio (1980). The research showed that attitudes are often shaped
by previous behavior. Instead, the result of the attitude-behavior consistency was
shown to be a behavior-attitude-behavior relationship.
One common outcome goal of prevention programs is to change the attitude
and/or behaviors of program participants. The central route attitude change model
(Petty & Cacioppo, 1986) says that when participants thoughtfully evaluate the
26

message, judge the quality to be good and the level to be appropriate, feel motivated
to listen to the message, and engage in issue relevant thinking they are able to
demonstrate more stable attitude change. This approach is also thought to be more
able to influence actual behaviors. In the evaluation of sexual assault prevention
programs, researchers (Koss & Dinero, 1989; Schewe & O’Donohue, 1993;
Lonsway, 1996; Earle, 1996; Heppner, 1995; Sochting, Fairbrother, & Koch, 2004),
have criticized those using attitude change as the outcome variable. Two reasons for
their criticisms include few are empirically evaluated and there is lack proof that
attitude change results in behavior change. However, to date many sexual assault
prevention programs still use attitude change as an outcome measure.
Content: The Case of Factual Knowledge and Knowing a Victim
Programs that involve mixed-gendered audiences need to be careful of
program content because the content may accentuate the differences in male/female
roles (Schewe & O’Donohue, 1993). Other research suggests that regardless of
format or duration of an intervention program, students walk away with better
understanding of sexual assault (Anderson et al., 1998; Breitenbecher, 1999; Flores,
1998). As evidenced earlier in this review, much research has been done on what
works in prevention program design or format. However, little empirical research
has been done on the content in prevention programs that has been shown to be
effective.
As a result of having factual knowledge, post-tests show that positive
changes in attitudes toward rape myth acceptance occurred (Berkowitz, 2000). In
27

the study conducted by Flores and Hartlaub (1998), researchers found that not only
were programs that were longer in length (as referenced in the previous program
format section) but also included more factual information would lead to greater
change in rape-myth acceptance (p. 439). In a meta-analysis done on existing studies
(both published and unpublished), Anderson and Whiston determined that program
effectiveness was dependent on the type of outcome desired (p. 381). Perhaps more
relevant to this study was the results produced from their meta-analysis on program
content. The analysis found that programs that focus on gender-role socialization,
provide factual information about rape, discuss rape myths, and offer risk reduction
practices are more effective than those that focus on rape empathy (p. 383). The
authors note that these findings focused on affecting attitudinal factors, not behavior.
One of the content pieces that Anderson and Whiston’s study found to
produce attitudinal effects was programs that offered factual information as a major
theme. This is not to say other program content pieces are not effective, but rather
those that include the factual knowledge piece has been proven to produce results
positive in attitude change. In fact, the findings of this study determined that
programs that cover more than one topic to be less effective (p. 323). Berkowitz’s
(1987) Rape Prevention Program for Men, Foubert’s (1996) The Men’s Program and
Katz’s (1995) Mentors in Violence Prevention program all utilized factual
information along with interactive group discussion formats. For example, all three
programs begin with the delivery of sexual assault statistics (campus specific and/or
in general) and define terminology such as rape and consent.
28

In contrast to evidence in support of factual knowledge as a content piece,
other studies have found that sexual assault prevention programs that focused on the
presentation of factual information alone have been unsuccessful (Schewe, 2002).
In instances where follow up tests were administered often times there were rebound
effects in decrease of rape-myth acceptance. Some authors also report these
programs have not been successful in producing permanent or long-lasting reduction
in rape myth acceptance attitudes or behaviors (Brecklin & Forde, 2001).
In the following section, this review includes three model sexual assault
prevention programs. These programs include the content piece of knowing a victim
of sexual assault. Knowing a victim of sexual assault is commonly referenced to as
victim empathy in prevention programming. Research that has been done on male
sexual abusers made the assumption that the presence of empathy toward a victim’s
experiences may deter abusive behavior (Briggs, 2006). The goal of creating victim
empathy is one approach the authors utilize in making program content relevant to
the personal situations of participants.
Knowing a victim of sexual assault is thought to invoke victim empathy in
perpetrators. In his book titled, Managing Men Who Sexually Abuse, Briggs (2006)
says empathy is the ability to “recognize another person’s emotional state, to see the
world as another person does, experience without effort, the same emotional state as
the observed person, and feel impelled to act accordingly” (p. 149). Building victim
empathy has become an increasingly common component of sexual assault
prevention programming (O’Donohue, Yeater, & Fanetti, 2003; Schewe, 2002;
29

Foubert, 1997). Dean and Malamuth (1997) found that empathy for a victim in men
who are high-risk for perpetration did not influence their thoughts about sexual
assault. Low empathy in high-risk male perpetrators increased the likelihood of
sexual assault compared to those perpetrators with high empathy (p. 453).
An example of a victim empathy driven program is The Men’s Program by
John Foubert (described in detail later in this chapter). Foubert’s program attempts
to create male empathy for female victims of sexual assault by showing a video that
depicts a male-on-male rape. Berkowitz (as cited in Schewe, 2002) says that
approaches in empathy induction may not change men’s identity as men, but rather
encourages men to consider the seriousness of rape. In a qualitative review of The
Men’s Program, Foubert and Kerry (2007) reported that participants, specifically
fraternity members and male student athletes, felt that they have an increased
“understanding of what rape would feel like” following the empathy based program
(p. 7). This “understanding,” even if participants do not know a victim personally,
may cause men to change their attitude and behavior toward the sexual victimization
of women.
Intervention Programs for Men

Berkowitz (1994) says that creating an environment in which men are able to
feel comfortable in discussing their true feelings about rape myths is crucial to
reducing their participation in sexual assault of women. In doing so, sexual assault
prevention programs on college campuses have shifted their approach to include
single gendered programs for men (Berkowitz, 1994; Foubert & Marriot, 1997; Katz,
30

1995; Hong, 2000; Kilmartin, 2001; Sanday, 2001). As a pioneer in the field of
sexual assault prevention, Berkowitz has established two major philosophies in
programming for men. Encouraging men to become “social justice allies” to women
is one approach to put an end to their sexual victimization. An ally is “a person who
is a member of the dominant group or majority group who works to end oppression
in his or her personal and professional life through the support of, and as an advocate
with and for, the oppressed population” (as cited in Fabiano et al., 2003, p. 5). This
theory is commonly worked into programs and may be used in reframing the point of
programs from stopping men as perpetrators to engaging men when they are
bystanders or encouraging men toward victim empathy. Another approach to
programming Berkowitz proposes is through a social norms campaign. The
approach is based on the philosophy that a disparity exists between the actual and
perceived attitudinal or behavioral norms among college students (Fabiano et al.,
2003). Prevention programming may approach correcting students’ misperception
by discussing student beliefs and through providing factual information.
Three major men only sexual assault programs are Foubert’s The Men’s
Program (1997) and Berkowitz’s Rape Prevention Program for Men (1994) and
Katz’s Mentors in Violence Prevention (1995). These programs described in this
section, aim to decrease rape myth supportive attitudes and behaviors. More
important to this study is how these programs implement both, victim empathy (to
create social justice allies) and the use of factual knowledge (to address issues in
31

social norms) as valuable program content elements. Table 1 is a brief overview of
these programs, followed by full descriptions of each individually.
Table 1: Three Model Male-Only Sexual Assault Prevention Program

PROGRAM
ELEMENTS
BERKOWITZ FOUBERT KATZ
YEAR 1994 1997 1995
NAME Rape Prevention Program
for Men
The Men’s Program Mentors in Violence
Prevention
FORMAT One –time, Peer
facilitated, interactive,
discussion-oriented
One-time workshop on
how to help a victim of
sexual assault recover,
peer-facilitated,
interactive, lecture-
oriented
Three 90-minute highly
interactive, discussion-
oriented
PROGRAM GOALS Educate on rape and rape
myths, consent, victim
empathy, bystander
behavior
Build victim empathy by
putting men in the victims
shoes, survivor support,
consent, bystander
intervention
Bystander behavior,
gender issues and
changing masculine
norms,
PROGRAM
CONTENT
1. Discussion
about rape
prevention
2. Factual
information and
discussion
about campus
rape scenarios
3. Defining
consent
4. Discussion of
relevant
campus policies
5. Evaluation

1. Overview and
factual
information on
rape related
topics
2. Video of male-
on-male
perpetration
3. Confront
homophobic
assumptions
that male-on-
male rape
perpetrators are
not always gay
4. Discussion
connecting
male-on-male
assaults to
male-on-female
assault
5. Imagery of
scenario where
bystander is
witness to
assault and does
not intervene
6. Discussion
1. Factual
information
about rape
related issues
2. Discussion and
role play of
bystander
intervention
3. Playbook
scenarios and
discussion

32

Table 1: Continued
SPECIFIC PROG
ELEMENTS:

FACTUAL INFO YES YES YES
KNOWING A VICTIM YES YES YES

The Men’s Program
John Foubert and Kenneth Marriott (1997) authored The Men’s Program.
This program is the platform for the project, “One in Four,” that serves to address the
statistic that one in four women are victims of sexual assault. Foubert’s and
Marriott’s program is a peer lead sexual assault intervention program that is designed
for all male audiences. The program’s unique approach is in the marketing of the
intervention titled, “How to Help a Sexual Assault Survivor.” The purpose of this
approach is to imply that participants will gain knowledge to better help a survivor of
sexual assault.
Program Format and Content
The format of The Men’s Program is an interactive, peer-lead presentation
focused around a video depicting a male-on-male rape scenario. As mentioned
above, the program was marketed by being titled as, “How to help a sexual assault
survivor.” Foubert intentionally marketed the program as such to avoid treating male
participants as potential perpetrators. This one-hour program features key content
pieces that include providing factual information about rape, sex assault, mental
33

incapacity, physical helplessness, and bystander intervention techniques. After
watching the video, participants are involved in a focus group (approximately 60-90
minutes in length) discussion of women’s common rape experiences, how to help a
survivor, how men can improve their communication in sexual encounters, and
encourage men to confront situations that display the degradation of women in social
interactions. Additionally, participants are given information about how to define
consent in order to address social norms that are supportive of rape myths. This
format was chosen by the authors to create empathy for victims by engaging
participants in a scenario to which they can relate and correlate those feelings with
those that would be felt by a female victim. Male participants are assumed to be
more open to the idea of understanding the feelings of a female victim by hearing
personal experiences of a female victim, thus increasing the likelihood of lasting
attitude change.
Participation was open to men only and subject to pre- and post-tests. The
pre- and post-test format was the completion of the Burt (1980) Rape Myth
Acceptance Scale. Post-test were given immediately following the program and up
to 7 months following. In two program experiments, The Men’s Program was given
to fraternity groups at two different universities. The two experiments were not
related to one another. The first experiment used post-test (immediately after the
program and 2 months later) for all groups including the control. The second
experiment used posttests (immediately after the program and 7 months later) on half
of participant groups and posttest only on the remaining half. This approach was
34

taken because in the first experiment, both experimental and control groups showed
similar results. Foubert speculated that RMAS alone heightened participant
awareness in both experimental and control groups. In the two experiments,
substantial evidence of decrease in rape myth attitudes appeared in both groups. The
second experiment went one step further to hypothesize that levels of sexually
coercive behaviors would be lower in the experimental group than in the control
group at follow up. The hypothesis was not proven.
Qualitative research (Foubert & Lavoy, 2000) has found that the video was
the most effective part of the program and produced lasting changes in attitude
toward rape and female victims. In this particular study, the intervention was
delivered in the same format, but only provided for a posttest (7 months following
the program) using responses to two open-ended questions. The two questions were:
1. During the last year, did the program impact your attitudes and/or behavior?
If so, how?
2. If your attitudes and/or behavior changed, what about the program led to this
change?
The authors assert that after a 7-month period, the program did have an impact on
attitudes and/or behavior. Of those participants who answered question 2, they noted
that the program’s video segment had the most impact on change of their attitudes
and/or behaviors.
While Foubert and Lavoy presented data showing a change in rape attitudes,
the methodology is weak. First, Foubert fails to emphasize that in one of his studies,
35

the posttest results between experimental and control groups produced very similar
(non-significant) outcomes (Berkowitz, 2001). Second, researchers have questioned,
the choice not to include female perspective on sexual assault and rape experiences
was not included in Foubert’s program design. The program is focused on building
victim empathy by relating to men via a male-on-male rape video. Furthermore, in
depicting only a stranger, male-on-male assault, The Men’s Program emphasizes
stranger rape, and may reinforce homophobic attitudes instead of focusing on
egalitarian views of women and where true intervention needs to take place. Finally
while typical of these types of studies, Foubert relies on self-reported behaviors in
posttest. The real problem in reliance on self-reported behaviors is that it does not
take into consideration statistically sound change in real behaviors.
Rape Prevention Program for Men
The Rape Prevention Program for Men (RPPM) developed at Hobart College
in 1987 was the catalyst for Berkowitz’s program focused on correcting
misperceptions about sexual assault on college campuses or social norming. The
workshop has been offered to all first year male students at the college.
Program Format and Content
RPPM is a male, peer lead intervention program, conducted in small group sessions.
The program format begins with a discussion about “What’s difficult about being a
first year male on the college,” campus factual information such as definitions of
rape, sexual assault and harassment, and assault and harassment statistics
(Berkowitz, 1994). The participants then watch a video (more recently, the video
36

format has been replace by scenarios) that depicts various male-to-male interactions
about sexual conquests, male female sex assault, and bystander confrontations. The
highlight of the program is the discussion that focuses on guidelines of a consent
model for sexual behavior. Berkowitz (1994) defines consent as:
Consent is present when both parties are fully conscious, both parties are
equally free to act (the woman is not coerced or constrained), and both parties
have positively and clearly communicated their intent (p. 36).
Issues of consent are important in the discussion because “rape is more than
miscommunication and that abuse of power is involved” (Berkowitz, 1994, p. 37).
The program concludes with a summary of the issues and an evaluation.
Berkowitz’s program assumes that social norms contribute to male college
student’s accepting assault-supportive attitudes and/or behaviors. The social norms
approach states that, “disparity exists between the actual and perceived attitudinal or
behavioral norms among college students and their peers” (Fabiano et al., 2003).
The social norms approach assumes that many college students build a belief system
based on what they believe the majority of other college students are thinking.
Students may over-estimate the negative actions, under-estimate the positive and
adjust their behavior to move closer to what they believe the norms to be of their
peers. The social norms approach aims to correct these belief systems by surfacing
what other college students are really doing and thinking. The resulting data creates
disequilibrium for students, causing them to rethink their beliefs about what is
normal behavior. The logic is described in a social norms intervention flow chart as
it pertains to alcohol related actions.
37

Figure 1: Logic of Social Norms Interventions

Flow chart by Keller, Bauerle, & Turner, 2008
Research (Schewe et al., 1996; Yeater et al., 1999; Brecklin et al., 2001;
Earle, 1996) shows that the approaches employed in RPPM have been found to be
effective in sexual assault intervention programs. First, Earle (1996) examined
program effectiveness in changing attitudes of first year college men. In his study,
one of three treatment groups (n=347) employed RPPM and found that it was the
38

only group that showed evidence of attitude change. Schewe and O’Donohue (1996)
evaluated two intervention programs and found that a social norms approach (i.e.,
RPPM) produced attitude changes over an empathy-based model (i.e., Foubert).
Yeater and O’Donohue (1999) examined sexual assault prevention programs and
found in looking at the type and length of programming that there was not enough
research to reach a conclusion on effects on attitude or behavior changes. However,
Brecklin and Ford (2001) in “A meta-analysis of rape education programs” found
that the type and length of programming did not significantly change attitudes of
participants.
MVP: Mentors in Violence Prevention
The Mentors in Violence Prevention program developed by Jackson Katz
(1995) employs change in the socio-cultural construction of masculinity and
bystander modeling. The program was initially created for to use with athletic
groups both single-sex and mix gender. Katz intend for the program to be applicable
not only to sports culture, but to other college and high school settings as well.
Program Format and Content
The format is outlined in the MVP Playbook that involves three 1.5 hour
sessions (with a fourth session for those student athletes who are interested training
to work younger students in middle and high schools) lead by trainers that are a little
older than the target audience and usually a respected member of their community.
The sessions that are geared toward athletes are usually held in a locker room. The
playbook is a series of scenarios that portray thirteen actual and potential sexual
39

assaults. Athletes are then engaged in a highly interactive discussion that encourages
male athletes to confront perceptions of male dominance over women and become
active bystanders through skill building to help them intervene in potential assault
situations. More importantly, MVP aims to encourage leadership in men to publicly
voice their dissent in the sexual victimization of women.
Participants are involved in an imagery scenario to heighten their sensitivity
to the sexual assault of women and their thoughts about a bystander who did not help
the victim. The imagery asks participants to think about women in their lives in an
actual sexual assault situation. This leads the participants to build a sense of victim
empathy and is followed by a full discussion of factual information on consent and
bystander approaches.
Results of the MVP program were compiled by an independent consultant.
Over a three-year period, Katz’s MVP program was shown to increase the level of
knowledge and awareness that students have regarding gender violence (Katz,
Draft). Students reported being more aware of how to deal with potentially
threatening situations in various social settings.
Discussion
All three approaches (Berkowitz, Foubert and Katz) to prevention
programming are geared toward detracting from addressing all male student groups
as potential perpetrators. The intent is to foster healthy bystander interventions
where men are able to intervene in potential sexual assault situations where women
are victims, or become allies in support of female victims or potential victims.
40

Factual information provided in these programs lend to the seriousness of
sexual assaults on college campuses and how they affect women who, often are
acquaintances of the male participants. As described in the three model programs,
factual information is provided as a content piece to not only define terms of
violence, but to correct misconceptions (social norm) of what they believe their peers
see as appropriate behaviors.
The other commonality that the programs share is the building of victim
empathy. All three programs encourage men to consider women in violent
situations. In real-life or imagery format participants are encouraged to visualize
how it would feel to be in these types of situations followed by a discussion on
deterrence methods.
Men CARE
Men Creating Attitudes for Rape-free Environments (Men CARE) was
created in August 2005 to (1) reduce violent behaviors, (2) significantly reduce
targeted male students’ support for rape myths, (3) significantly increase targeted
male students’ anti-violence behaviors. The structure of this program is male peer
educators delivering sexual assault education to other college men in a workshop
format. Men CARE is represented in leadership by carefully selected male faculty
and staff to mentor a cohort of 20 male student leaders. The student leaders
represented a diverse group of male peer educators selected to represent the diversity
of the diversity among the student population. They are coached by a team of
volunteer male faculty and staff members from offices around the campus. As
41

workshop facilitators they are trained in the delivery of workshops to be presented to
male student communities such as athletic teams, fraternities and residence hall
floors. The concept of peer based, single-gendered workshops is borrowed from
research that shows this type of programming produces greater gains in attitude
change than do mixed groups (Brecklin & Forde, 2001).

42

CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
Introduction
USC Men CARE is a program aimed at preventing college men’s violence
towards women. The program started in 2005, is an active intervention program on
the University of Southern California campus. Peer educators facilitate workshops
for male students to heighten their awareness in the role that men on campus play in
preventing violence against women. The purpose of this study was to look at the
relationship between two key content pieces in men’s programming to reduce sexual
violence against women; knowledge of a victim and factual knowledge about sexual
assault to see if having that knowledge is related to less supportive rape-myth
attitudes as self-reported by men participating in the Men CARE program. Two
research questions were constructed to serve the purpose of this study. They are:
1. Is there a significant difference in attitudes and behaviors between those
participants who get the facts correct about sexual assault against women
and those who do not?
2. Does having factual knowledge, knowing a victim, and displaying rape
supportive attitudes and/or behaviors vary based on the community in
which the students are affiliated?
Research Design
This study was a secondary data analysis using the results taken from a
survey conducted on an all male, undergraduate sexual assault prevention program at
43

a private research university. A secondary data analysis is, “the re-analysis of data
for the purpose of answering new questions with previously collected data” (Glass,
1976). A highly descriptive non-experimental analysis is used when the important
variables cannot be manipulated (Johnson, 2001).
This was a quantitative study that used a descriptive survey that lent itself to
the measurement of independent and dependent variables. Researchers (Smith &
Heshusius, 1986; Howe & Eisenhart, 1990; Creswell, 1997) on the debate of
quantitative versus qualitative inquiry do not deem one method more valid than the
other. Rather, the selection of one approach over the other is that of how one would
like to interpret the collected data. Smith and Heshusius (1986) state that the
difference between the two inquiries is one of objectivism versus relativism. Howe
and Eisenhart (1990) say the difference may be viewed as fact versus values or static
reality versus fluid reality. Creswell (1997) quotes Ragin (1987) as defining
quantitative inquiry as involving few variables and in many cases as opposed to
qualitative inquiry as relying on a few cases with many variables. Quantitative
inquiry often poses a why question and looks to compare groups (Creswell, 1997).
Given what we do know about educational research, the research questions
were best addressed via quantitative inquiry. Due to the collected survey data, we
were able to look at specific variables (i.e., attitude and behavior) as they pertained
to different groups of individuals (i.e., male college students, those who answer
correctly versus those who do not). Based on the statistical analysis of the survey
data, we are able to conclude certainty. This is not to imply that in later evaluation
44

of this data a qualitative inquiry would not prove useful, but for the immediate
purpose of this study it remained important to determine what we could deem as
statistical truth.
The independent variables in this study included student affiliation, those
who got the facts correct about sexual assault and those who did not, and those who
know a victim of sexual assault and those who did not. The dependent variables
were scores on attitude and behavior measures.
The first independent variable, student affiliation was described as survey
participants who reported to be fraternity members, athletes, and those who were not
affiliated with a student organization. The instrument included three questions that
assessed participants’ factual knowledge on sexual assault. The questions numbered
9, 10, and 11 were multiple-choice with one correct answer and three incorrect
answers. The second independent variable was comprised of survey participants
who got the facts correct on survey questions 9, 10, or 11, recoded as “yes.” Any
other response to questions 9, 10, or 11 were coded “no,” or did not get the facts
correct. The third independent variable was recoded as “yes, I know a victim of
sexual assault” or “no, I do not know or am unsure if I know a victim of sexual
assault.”
To arrive at the dependent variables of scores on attitudes and behavior, two
composites were created. The attitude composite included scores from questions 22-
35. The behavior composite initially consisted of questions 15-18. The composite
45

was later found to be of questionable reliability (discussed later in Chapter 3), and as
such, were treated as individual variables.
Population and Sample
The Men CARE data was collected from surveys administered (pre-test) to
approximately 1000 undergraduate male college students at a private research
university. The purpose of the USC Men CARE study was to determine the
effectiveness of the workshop in preventing male college student violence against
women and its affect on male students’ beliefs about violence against women and
self-reported behaviors (Sundt, 2008). In Spring 2005 through the Spring of 2007
the pre-test was administered prior to their attending a workshop on preventing
sexual violence. Participation in the workshop was both voluntary for some and
mandatory for others. Mandatory participants were members in fraternities and
athletic teams. Voluntary participants came from residence halls. The pre-test were
given by student facilitators who report that virtually all participated (Sundt, 2008).

Instrumentation
The original survey was based on three previously published tools: (1) the
College Date Rape Attitude and Behavior Survey-Modified (CDRABS-M) (Lanier &
Elliot, 1997); (2) the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMAS) (Burt, 1980); (3) The
Attitudes Towards Women Scale (ATWS) (Spence & Helmreich, 1972). This
specific study was a secondary data analysis and the original authors (Sundt et al.,
46

2008) modified the number of items per scale on the final survey to shorten the
overall survey so that it could be completed in 30 minutes.
CDRABS-M, which measures students’ attitudes about sexual violence and
current behaviors, contains 27 items answered on a 5-point Likert scale. The research
of Shultz, Sherman, and Marshall (as cited in Sundt et al., 2008), has shown this
measure to be highly reliable (Cronbach’s alpha for attitudes and behavior are 0.94
and 0.89, respectively). The RMAS consists of 16 items, answered on a 5-point
Likert scale, with a Cronbach’s alpha for the scale of 0.88 (Shultz et al., as cited in
Sundt et al., 2008). Finally, the ATWS, which measures agreement with statements
about traditional sex roles for women, was assessed by Earle and Harris (as cited in
Sundt et al., 2008) and has been validated in numerous studies of college men’s
violence against women.
Reliability
As noted, the original survey with all scale items intact was pilot tested. Few
participants completed the survey because it took too much time. Several items were
removed to increase the likelihood of completion. The resulting Cronbach’s alphas
suggest that we decrease the reliability of one of the composite variables, behavior.
The Cronbach’s alpha test for the internal reliability of the survey instrument
was conducted on the 4 items comprising the behavior subscale and 14 items
comprising the attitude subscale. Cronbach’s alpha measures the ability of the
composite subscale to measure the variable of interest. George and Mallery (2003)
suggest the following rules of thumb for evaluating alpha coefficients, > 0.9 –
47

Excellent, >0.8 – Good, > 0.7 – Acceptable, > 0.6 – Questionable, > 0.5 – Poor, <
0.5 – Unacceptable. Cronbach’s alpha coefficient for the composite of the 4 items of
the subscale Behavior was 0.66, making this a questionable measure. Cronbach’s
alpha coefficient for the composite of the 14 items of the Attitude subscale was 0.81,
making this a good measure. Table 2 shows the results of the Cronbach’s Alpha
analyses.
Table 2: Cronbach’s Alpha Reliability Coefficients for the Two Composite Scales
Scales Cronbach’s Alpha Coefficient N
Behavior 0.66 4
Attitude 0.81 14

Data Analysis
The research questions were answered by analyzing the data in multiple
parts. Prior to the analysis, participants were divided into four groups fraternity
membership, athletic membership, fraternity and athletic membership, and a group
that were non-affiliates. A descriptive frequency analysis was conducted to
determine average age, race, and affiliation. Responses to factual knowledge,
questions 9-11 were recoded to (1) those who got all the answers correct and (2)
those who got all the answers wrong. Responses to knowledge of a victim question
will be recoded as “Yes” or “No”.
First an exploratory data analysis was conducted in order to arrive at
descriptive statistics about the sample size of subgroups and demographics which
included means, standard deviations, and frequencies. Second, a chi-square analysis
48

was conducted on responses to (1) factual knowledge questions disaggregated by
affiliation and (2) knowing a victim disaggregated by affiliation. The chi-square
analysis was conducted to determine if there was a relationship between the
categorical groups of participants and whether they got the answers correct (as in the
three factual knowledge questions) and if they knew a victim of sexual assault (as in
the single knowing a victim question). Third, t-tests were conducted on responses to
(1) behavior questions disaggregated by affiliation and factual knowledge questions,
(2) attitude composite disaggregated by affiliation and factual knowledge questions,
and (3) behavior questions and attitude composite disaggregated by affiliation and
knowing a victim. The t-test was conducted to determine if the mean scores in each
group of questions were statistically different from one another.

49

CHAPTER 4
RESULTS
The purpose of this study was to evaluate two common assumptions that
underlie sexual assault prevention programming on college campuses. Those factors
for evaluation are if (1) knowing the facts about sexual assault and (2) knowing a
victim of sexual assault matter in programming geared toward preventing the sexual
assault of women on college campuses. Additionally, the study sought to determine
if there was a relationship between students’ affiliation with specific community
groups and having correct factual knowledge and knowing victims of sexual assault.
This chapter represents the results of the analysis of the data. Participant
characteristics including mean age, ethnicity, and affiliation are presented in the first
section of this chapter. The next section will present results on two distributions.
The first distribution shows mean comparison for participants who got factual
knowledge questions correct and incorrect by behavior questions and the attitude
composite. The second distribution will present the mean comparison of attitude and
behavior responses, factual knowledge questions, and knowing a victim question
disaggregated by affiliation. Discussion of the results will be presented in Chapter 5.
Treatment of the Data
The original study lends itself to be analyzed in many different independent
studies. As a result of this particular study, only questions that pertain to the
research questions were utilized. The survey questions 1-8 were used to determine
demographic make-up of the sample. Questions 9-11 were used in this study as
50

those that determine factual knowledge of the participants. Questions 15-18 were
treated as behavior questions. In an initial attempt to create a behavior composite, it
was determined that the reliability of the composite resulted in a Cronbach’s Alpha
of .66 which is deemed as not reliable. As such the variable behavior was analyzed
by the four behavior questions individually. The attitude composite was created
using questions 22-35 and resulted in a Cronbach’s Alpha score of .81. Therefore,
the variable attitude was represented as the reliable composite. Of the fourteen
attitude questions that make up the composite, three (32, 33, and 35) were reverse
coded for analysis purposes. A single question (#36) represented whether or not the
participant knows a victim of sexual assault. Possible answers to this question
included, “Yes, No, and Unsure.” Answers of “unsure” were recoded as “no (I do
not know a victim)” responses.
Participant Demographics
As noted in Chapter 3 (Methodology), the original survey was distributed to
approximately 1000 male college students. The mean age of respondents was 20.90
(SD=1.70). All 701 completed surveys were returned, which resulted in an
approximate 70% response rate. The race/ethnicity composition of the sample was
73% Caucasian, 4.1% African American, 6.5% Asian/Asian American, 5.4% Latino,
and 9.6% other. Comparatively, the university student body at the time was 47%
Caucasian, 8% African American, 9% International, 21% Asian/Pacific Islander, and
13% Hispanic/Latino (University of Southern California, 2005), suggesting that this
51

sample over-represented whites and under-represented African Americans, Asian
Americans and Latinos.
This study was extremely interested in looking at student affiliation and the
following results define the participant make up by affiliation. Affiliation was
broken into four groups which were fraternity only, fraternity and athletes, athletes
only, and those who were not affiliated with a student organization. Only 66.2%
identified themselves as only fraternity members, 8.1% fraternity and athletes, 14.7%
athletes only, and 10.9% no affiliation. A substantial portion of the data collection
was conducted in the fraternity system which explains the overrepresentation of
fraternity members which in turn, explains an over-representation of White men as
the fraternities are predominantly White.
Findings
Findings Related to Research Question 1
The purpose of research question 1 was to determine if there were significant
differences in attitude and behavior between those participants who got the answers
to the factual knowledge questions correct and those who did not. Factual
knowledge questions 9, 10, and 11 were worded as, “approximately what percent of
sexual assaults reported to police do you think involve acquaintances?” “How often
do you think drugs and/or alcohol are involved in sexual assaults involving
acquaintances?,” and “How often do you think weapons (guns, knives, etc.) are
involved in sexual assaults?,” respectively. Whole sample results (Table 3)
determined that for the question of reported sexual assaults that involve
52

acquaintances (question 9), 13.4% answered correctly and 86.6% answered
incorrectly. Responses to question 10, drugs and/or alcohol in sexual assaults
involving acquaintances, revealed that 48.3% got the answer correct, while 51.8%
did not. Responses to question 11, weapons involved in sexual assaults, resulted in
54.7% of participants answering correctly and 45.3% answering incorrectly.
Table 3: Factual Knowledge Questions
FACTUAL
KNOWLEDGE
QUESTIONS
% CORRECT % INCORRECT
SAs reported to police
that involve
acquaintances
13.4 86.6
Drugs and/or alcohol
involved in SAs that
involve acquaintances
48.3 51.8
Weapons used in SAs 54.7 45.3

Behavior. (Table 3). For each of the three factual knowledge questions,
respondents were separated into two groups, those who got the answers to the
questions correct and those who did not. The participants’ mean responses were
compared for the following behavior question: “If/when you do engage in sexual
activity, how often do you drink alcohol before engaging in the activity?” Possible
responses to this question were 1 (never), 2 (once), 3 (more than once), and “N/A –
no sexual activity.” The N/A responses were recoded as missing data due to small
corresponding responses to that particular answer. The correct (M = 2.40, SD =
0.85) and incorrect respondents (M = 2.26, SD = 0.86) to the following factual
question, “How often do you think drugs and/or alcohol are involved in sexual
53

assaults involving acquaintances?” had significantly different means on the behavior
question. The means indicate that both groups reported drinking alcohol between
“once” and “more than once” before engaging in sexual activity. An independent
samples t-test revealed that the difference between the two groups was statistically
significant, t(642) = -1.0, p = .046. The findings revealed a reverse relationship
between those who knew the correct answers and the behavior that would be deemed
appropriate of those who are knowledgeable on the issue of drug and/or alcohol
involvement in sexual assault involving acquaintances. More specifically, those
participants who know that drugs and/or alcohol are almost always involved in
sexual assaults involving an acquaintance more frequently drink before having sex
than those who did not know the correct answer.
Table 4: Mean Scores to Behavior Q15 by Correct/Incorrect Responses to Fact Q10
Behavioral questions Answered fact Q10
correct
Answered fact Q10
incorrect
M M
Q15 -drink before sex 2.40 2.26
Note. The item was rated on a scale from 1 (never) to 3 (more than once).

(Table 5) For each of the three factual knowledge questions, the
participants’ mean responses were compared for the behavior question: “I stop
sexual activity when asked, even if I am already sexually aroused?” Possible
responses to this question were 1 (strongly agree), 2 (agree), 3 (agree somewhat), 4
(neutral), 5 (disagree somewhat), 6 (disagree), and 7 (strongly disagree). The
correct (M = 2.25, SD = 1.65) and incorrect respondents (M = 1.85, SD = 1.40) to the
following factual question, “Approximately what percent of sexual assaults reported
54

to police do you think involve acquaintances?” had significantly different means on
the behavior question. The means indicate that both groups reported where asking
about stopping sexual activity even when aroused between “agree” and “strongly
agree” with the statement. An independent samples t-test revealed that the difference
between the two groups was statistically significant, t(630) = -2.27, p = .023. Once
again, the results indicated a reversed relationship between knowing the facts and
desired behaviors. The participants who knew that less than 25% of sexual assaults
reported to police involve acquaintances, tend to agree less to stopping sex when
asked than those who did not know the correct answer.

Table 5: Mean Scores to Behavior Q18 by Correct/Incorrect Responses to Facts Q9
and Q11.
Behavioral questions Answered fact Q9
correct
Answered fact Q9
Incorrect
M M
Q18 – stop sex when
asked
2.25 1.85

Answered fact Q11
correct
Answered fact Q11
Incorrect
1.76 2.05
Note. The items comprising the attitude composite were rated on a scale from 1
(strongly agree) to 7 (strongly disagree).

On the factual knowledge question, “How often do you think weapons (guns,
knives, etc.) are involved in sexual assaults?” the correct responses (M=1.76, SD=
1.3) and incorrect (M=2.05, SD= 1.55) had significantly different means on the
behavior question. The means indicate that both groups reported where asking
stopping sexual activity even when aroused between “strongly agree” and “agree
55

somewhat” with the statement. Independent samples t-test determined the difference
between the two groups was statistically significant, t(628) = 2.5, p = .013. As
shown in Table 5, participants who knew the correct answer to the factual knowledge
question regarding weapons agree to stop sex when asked more than those who did
not know the correct information. These results would be an example of the desired
social behavior of those who know the correct facts.
Attitude. (Table 6) For each of the three factual knowledge questions,
respondents were separated into six groups, those who got the answers to the
questions correct and those who did not. The participants’ mean responses were
compared for the rape myth attitude composite. The composite was comprised of
average scores to attitude questions 22-35. Possible responses to this question were 1
(strongly agree), 2 (agree), 3 (agree somewhat), 4 (neutral), 5 (disagree somewhat),
6 (disagree), and 7 (strongly disagree). The correct (M = 5.23, SD = 0.84) and
incorrect respondents (M = 4.94, SD = 0.91) to the following factual question, “How
often do you think weapons (guns, knives, etc.)?” had significantly different means
on the attitude composite. The means indicate that both groups reported being
between “disagree somewhat” and “neutral” with attitudes that are supportive of rape
myths. An independent samples t-test revealed that the difference between the two
groups was statistically significant, t(376) = -3.24, p = .001. The results indicated
that those who know that weapons are seldom used in sexual assault also have less
supportive rape attitudes. Here, knowing the facts does appear to have a positive
influence on attitudes.
56

Table 6: Mean Scores to Attitude Composite by Correct/Incorrect Responses to Fact
Q11.
Answered fact Q11
Correct
Answered fact Q11
Incorrect
M M
Attitude composite 5.23 4.94
Note. The items comprising the attitude composite were rated on a scale from 1
(strongly agree) to 7 (strongly disagree).

Conclusions Research Question 1
Analysis completed to answer research question 1 showed significant results
in four areas. First, the results imply that participants who know the correct
information regarding drug and/or alcohol use in acquaintance assaults, report using
alcohol before engaging in sexual activity more often compared to those participants
who have the incorrect information. Second, participants who know the correct
information regarding percent of sexual assaults that involve acquaintances, agree
less to stopping sex when asked even if they are already aroused compared to those
who did not know the correct answer. Third, a more desirable behavior result
occurred for participants who know the correct information regarding the frequency
of weapons involved in sexual assaults compared to those who did not know the
correct answer about weapon use. Finally, in regard to attitudes, participants who
know the frequency with which weapons are used in sexual assaults compared to
those who do not report having less supportive rape myth attitudes.
Findings Related to Research Question 2
The purpose of research question two was to determine if there were
differences in response, specifically by group affiliation, among those who get the
57

answers correct and incorrect to factual knowledge questions and who know a victim
and do not know a victim of sexual assault. The chi-square analysis used to
determine the degree of deviation between these student affiliation status proved to
be significant (p = .000) when respondents answered two of the three factual
knowledge questions (acquaintance sexual assaults reported to police and drugs
and/or alcohol in acquaintance sexual assault). Chi-square value (p = .002) of
whether or not respondents by affiliation know a victim of sexual assault was
significant as well. The research question further sought to determine if there were
significant differences, by group affiliation, of those who have attitudes and
behaviors that are supportive of rape myths, independent of one another. The
findings for fraternity members, athletes, those who belong to both fraternity and
athletic team, and no affiliation are as follows.
Fraternities
For the behavior question, “I stop sexual activity when asked, even if I am
sexually aroused,” the fraternity participants’ mean responses were compared for
each of the three factual knowledge questions. An independent samples t-test
revealed that the difference between those who got the answers correct and those
who got the answers wrong to the factual knowledge question, “How often do you
think weapons (guns, knives, etc.) are involved in sexual assaults?,” was statistically
significant, t(430) = -2.36, p = .018. Other significance was determined with
fraternity respondents where means were compared for the attitude composite and
the same factual knowledge question where, t(256) = 2.82, p = .005. Between
58

fraternity members who get the answers correct and those who do not, were
significant differences to fact question about weapons use in sexual assaults and
when it came to stopping sex when asked. The results indicate that fraternity
members know that weapons are not commonly used in sexual assaults, but would
more likely to stop sex when asked than those participants who do not know the
correct facts about weapons use in sexual assaults. The analysis that revealed the
relationship between having the correct information and socially desirable behaviors
was consistent with the attitude composite. Fraternity members who know the
correct information about weapons use in sexual assaults disagree more with rape
supportive attitudes than those who do not know the facts. The statistically
significant results are in line with the assumption that knowing the correct facts
matter.
Athletes
For three out of four behavior questions, “If/when you do engage in sexual
activity, how often do you drink alcohol before engaging in the activity?,” “If/when
you do engage in sexual activity, how often do you engage in sexual activity with
someone who has been drinking?,” and “I stop sexual activity when asked, even if I
am already sexually aroused,” athletes mean responses were compared for the factual
knowledge question, “Approximately what percent of sexual assaults reported to
police do you think involve acquaintances?.” An independent samples t-test
revealed the difference between those who got the answer to the single factual
knowledge question correct and those who got them wrong were statistically
59

significant. The results for the behavior question that asks how often participants
drink before sex was t(94) = 2.57, p = .012. For the behavior question that asks how
often participants have sex with someone who has been drinking, the result was
t(92) = 2.40, p = .019. And the reported results for the behavior question about
stopping sex when asked was t(76) = 3.11, p = .003. These results indicate that
between athletic team members who get the answers correct and incorrect to the fact
question regarding acquaintance sexual assaults that are reported to police were
statistically significant differences in behaviors that involved drinking before sex,
engaging in sex with someone who has been drinking, and stopping sex when asked.
Compared to the athletes who do not know the facts about acquaintance sexual
assaults, those who did know the facts show a reverse behavior pattern. For
example, the results suggest that those who know the facts (compared to those who
do not know the correct facts) report that they would more often drink before having
sex, choose to have sex with someone who had been drinking, and choose to
participate in non-consensual sex. This behavior would not be indicative of someone
having knowledge to know what are acceptable and unacceptable behaviors.
Fraternities and Athletes (where respondents were both fraternity members and
athletes)
For behavior questions, “If/when you do engage in sexual activity, how often
do you drink alcohol before engaging in the activity?,” respondents who were both
fraternity members and athletes, mean responses were compared for the factual
knowledge question, “Approximately what percent of sexual assaults reported to
60

police do you think involve acquaintances?” An independent samples t-test revealed
the difference between those who got the answers to the factual knowledge question
correct and those who got them wrong were statistically significant, t(48) = -2.12, p
= .040. Statistical significance was demonstrated between those who answer
correctly and incorrectly to the factual knowledge question regarding sexual assaults
reported to police that involve acquaintances and behaviors related to drinking before
sex. Mean scores indicate that those who represent both student groups who know
the answers disagree more to having sex with someone who has been drinking than
those who do not know the correct answer to acquaintance assaults that are reported
to police.
No Affiliation
For the behavior question, “I stop sexual activity when asked, even if I am
sexually aroused” the participants’ who are not affiliated with a student groups’
mean responses were compared for each of the three factual knowledge questions.
An independent samples t-test revealed that the difference between those who got the
answers correct and those who got the answers wrong to the factual knowledge
question, “How often do you think weapons (guns, knives, etc.) are involved in
sexual assaults?,” was statistically significant, t(66) = -2.04, p = .046. Other
significance was determined with non-affiliated respondents where means were
compared for the attitude composite and the factual knowledge question, “What
percent of sexual assaults reported to police do you think involve acquaintances?,”
where t(55) = -2.01, p =.049. Non-affiliated participant results indicate that for those
61

who get the answers correct and incorrect to fact question about weapons use in
sexual assaults were statistically significant differences when it came to stopping sex
when asked. This group indicated that when they know the correct facts, they are
more likely to stop sex when asked, even if already aroused. Additionally,
significant differences occurred with correct and incorrect responses to the fact
question about acquaintance sexual assaults reported to police and rape myth
attitudes of this group. The attitudes of those participants who know the correct
answer to the question were less supportive of rape myths than those who got the fact
question incorrect.
Conclusions Research Question 2
The noteworthy results in response to research question 2 showed significant
trends when examining significant differences between group affiliations. In the
fraternity-only group statistically significant results occurred between knowing the
correct answer to knowing the frequency of the use of weapons in sexual assaults
and being able to stop sex when asked and the attitude composite (that demonstrates
support level of rape myths). Where the athlete-only group was concerned,
significance occurred only when knowing the information about acquaintance
assaults that are reported to the police and three out of four behavior questions. The
athlete group is the only group that showed a reverse relationship between knowing
the facts and socially desirable (undesirable, in this case) behaviors. All results that
measured the differences between affiliated groups and knowing a victim were not
significant.
62

CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS
Sexual assault prevention programs have evolved since the Clery Act guided
colleges and universities to publicly provide crime statistics and improve their
policies. A plethora of research exists on the evaluation of prevention programs
whether in format, approach, outcome measures, or strategy (Berkowitz, 1994;
Lonsway, 1996). “Program evaluation that is replete with individual studies with no
follow up makes it impossible to identify essential program components,” says
Schewe and O’Donohue (1993). Meta-analysis studies that looked at successful
program measures of numerous prevention programs tell us that single-gendered,
small group, interactive programs show some success. The success is dependent on
outcome measures, which commonly are change in attitudes that support rape myths
(Yeater & O’Donohue, p. 750). Still, while this information is extremely valuable,
very few studies exist that evaluate what constitutes effective program content. The
use of factual knowledge and knowledge of a victim are widely used as
programming platforms. Factual knowledge is often used in educational approaches
and marketing campaigns on campuses. Likewise, victim empathy is currently the
focus intervention programs in hopes of encouraging bystanders to intervene.
To that end, the purpose of this study sought to determine if factual
knowledge and/or knowing a victim of sexual assault matters in participants’
attitudes and behaviors. This is important because if factual knowledge about sexual
assault matters, then program administrators may choose more emphasis on this
63

content piece. Research on victim empathy/induction as a program format does exist
and this study sought to determine if knowing a victim really matters when it comes
to male students making the better behavioral decisions and having increasingly
more positive rape supportive attitudes in situations that involve sexual assault
against women.
Discussion
The statistical analysis revealed four statistically significant areas for
discussion. The first relates to getting the answers correct or incorrect to factual
knowledge questions and differences in attitudes and behaviors. Interesting points to
note from the results of research question one, is the reversed relationship between
factual knowledge questions that relate to acquaintance assaults and behaviors. In
response to research question two and as an extension of this discussion based on
factual knowledge is a dialogue about significant differences between those
participants who answer fact questions correct and incorrectly by affiliation to either
fraternities, athletic teams, or those who are not affiliated with either fraternities or
athletic teams. The second significant area for discussion is regarding student
athletes and (1) their lack of knowledge in the area of acquaintance assaults, and (2)
the intriguing reversed relationship between those who are knowledgeable and their
behaviors. Third, fraternity affiliation results tell us that correct factual information
may have an influence on desirable behaviors for this group. And finally, we can
determine from these results that for students who are not affiliated to a student
group, having the correct facts do have a positive influence on their behaviors.
64

This analysis of the data on having the correct factual knowledge and
behaviors that indicate potential perpetration of sexual assault produced interesting
results. Findings indicate that when it came to knowing the facts about acquaintance
assaults, those that involve drugs and/or alcohol and those which are reported to
police, most respondents do not have the correct facts (Table 3). For those who did
get the answers correct about acquaintance sexual assaults, they tend to behave in
ways that are more indicative of perpetration than those who do not know the correct
answers. This was the first indicator of the reversed relationship between knowing
the facts and behaviors that are not socially desirable. Respondents appear to know
the correct facts with regard to the use of weapons in sexual assaults and tend to stop
sexual activity when asked. This is an example of the outcome that would be
assumed of persons knowing the facts about sexual assault. Similarly, when it comes
to attitudes that are supportive of rape myths, most know that the use of weapons is
not common in sexual assault and report attitudes that disagree with rape myths.
Results further indicate that having the correct facts about sexual assault, in general,
does matter when it comes to attitudes and behaviors that are socially desirable, may
not be as tightly linked to behavior as might have been initially assumed.
Students were asked to state their affiliation to student groups in college.
Respondents were either members of an athletic team, fraternity, both fraternity and
athletic team, or not affiliated at all. Knowing the correct facts about sexual assault
and knowing a victim of sexual assault does vary based on the community in which
students claim affiliation. While having factual knowledge and knowledge of a
65

victim may differ from group to group, it did not always matter in influencing
desirable attitudes or behaviors.
For athletes it can be implied from the results that of the four affiliation
groups, that athletes do not know the correct information about acquaintance sexual
assault/rape. Moreover, their behaviors are more characteristic of perpetration than
not. This is indicated by the athletes who did have the correct information still
acting in manners that were less desirable than their counterparts who did not have
the correct answers. Current research (Koss & Gaines, 1993; Katz, 1996; Murnen &
Kolhman, 2007) on sexual assault of women and college athletes says that all-male
groups such as college athletic teams and fraternities foster cultures that are
supportive of aggressive behaviors toward women. Katz (1996) goes on to say that
the public perception of athletes and their propensity to perpetration adds to
perpetuating those cultures.
Fraternity members know that weapons are not commonly used in sexual
assaults of women. Respondents’ behavior, when it comes to consent is consistent
with their knowledge of weapons and sexual assaults. In simpler terms, for fraternity
members who know the facts they would more often choose to stop sex when asked
than those fraternity members who did not know the correct answer. Additionally,
fraternity members who know the facts did demonstrate attitudes that are less
supportive of rape myths than those attitudes of the fraternity members who did not
know the correct answer. These findings were contradictory to some of the
research that exists on all male Greek membership and their propensity to rape. For
66

example, Sanday (2007) asserts that fraternity members’ behavior is a direct result of
the hypermasculine culture that this group promotes. Sanday specifically illustrates
how fraternity members frequently manipulate women into sex (“working out a yes”)
using alcohol.
Those respondents who claimed membership in both fraternity and athlete
student groups comprised only 8.1% of the entire sample. Of those respondents,
results indicate that they do not have the correct information about acquaintance
assaults that are reported to police. They overestimate that their acquainted victims
would report sexual assaults to the authorities. At the same time, those who do know
that fewer than 25% of acquaintance sexual assaults are reported to police, tend to
choose to drink less often before sexual activity than those who over estimate
reporting acquaintance assault. This is a good example where knowing the facts
may actually matter.
Students who report not being a member of an affiliated group indicate that
they are able to make better choices and have attitudes that are neutral. Those who
know the facts about the use of weapons in sexual assaults report more socially
desirable behaviors. They also tend to have attitudes that are less supportive of rape
myths than those who do not know the correct information about reporting rates of
acquaintance assaults.
While there tend to be significant differences based on the community by
which students are affiliated, all four groups do show some commonalities when it
comes to factual information about acquaintance rape and sexual assaults involving
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the use of weapons. All three groups know that the use of weapons in completing
sexual assaults is not commonplace. However, they seem to lack the correct
information about acquaintance rape. Athletic respondents also show a reverse
relationship between knowing the correct answers and acting or believing in a way
that would be indicative of that knowledge. In summation, this study showed that in
instances where participants claim an affiliation to a group (specifically athletic
affiliation) knowing the facts does not matter when it comes to sexually aggressive
behaviors and attitudes. For those participants who do not claim affiliation to a
group, knowing the facts has a positive relationship on their behaviors and attitudes
about sexual aggression toward women.
Implications for Future Practice
Perhaps the value of this study on effective prevention programming content
is best used by program administrators who bear the daunting task of deciding what
approaches to implement in future program design. First, the use of factual
knowledge is useful in programs that do not target specific student groups such as
athletic teams. Second, athletic groups’ issues of acquaintance assaults and consent
seem to raise behavioral concerns. Third, in specific response to acquaintance and
consent issues, current programs that use case studies or video to demonstrate these
scenarios may if fact were counterproductive to a potential perpetrator group.
Finally, program design that focuses on victim empathy as a program approach did
not produce statistically significant results in affecting attitudes and behaviors.
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The use of factual knowledge may be relevant for programs whose
participants do not claim an affiliation to a specific community (i.e., athletic teams).
An example of this type of program is the USC Men CARE program where the
intervention was applied to random residence halls. However, when the target
population is men in highly structured organizations such as athletic teams, perhaps a
different method is in order. This is supported by the findings in this study that
assert that these groups do have the correct factual knowledge about sexual assaults,
but do not demonstrate the socially desirable behaviors that one would assume is
indicative of someone who knows what is appropriate behavior and what is not.
Based on the findings of this study on factual knowledge and behaviors and
attitudes that are supportive of rape myths, future practice should include the
continuation of programs that are not only gender specific, but affiliation specific as
well. Katz (1991) recognized the importance of the culture of athletic teams. While
the author found no significant differences in athletes versus non-athletes in sexual
assault behaviors, the media perception of athletes causes people to believe that
athletes are commonly perpetrators of sexual assault. The behavior results of athletic
team participants in this dissertation pointed to negative behaviors in the area that
involved acquaintance assaults. The behavioral results strongly indicate that athletes
do not have the correct facts about acquaintance rape/abuse and, when they do, tend
to behave in a manner that is indicative of potential perpetrator characteristics.
Research (Sanday, 2007) on fraternity membership also emphasizes the strong bond
of Greek membership and posits that breaking through the fraternity culture is
69

necessary to decrease sexual assaults against college women. This type of bond
may not only occur in Greek membership, but may be used as an example in other
tightly knit student groups.
The use of video, case studies, and role play are commonly used in program
design to provide examples and further define acquaintance assault and issues related
to consent. Research (Bernat, Calhoun, & Adams, 1999) has shown that the
depiction of acquaintance and non-consensual rape may be counterproductive in
reaching a potential perpetration population. Bernat’s et al. study involved
participants from a large southeastern university being exposed to audio scenarios of
acquaintance rape and consensual sex. Researchers determined that in self-reported
sexual aggressive participants compared to nonaggressive participants, the depiction
actually encouraged the aggression of the already aggressive group. The non-
aggressive males reported no change in their self-reported aggressive attitudes.
From the research of Bernat et al., future practice that intends to reach the potential
perpetrator population, may consider eliminating the use of scenarios in trying to
define what constitutes acquaintance rape and/or consensual sex.
Finally, the results of this study did not find statistical significance when it
came to knowing a victim of sexual assault implying that knowing a victim does not
have an influence on affecting attitudes and behaviors. Research by Malamuth
(1988) has stated that empathy inhibits a non-perpetrator to victimize, but a
perpetrator lacks empathy and therefore tends to victimize. Furthermore, in a study
conducted by Chng and Burke (1999) that assessed college students’ attitudes and
70

empathy toward rape, the authors concluded that males (more than females) had
lower empathy for rape survivors. The model prevention programs described in this
study all employed the use of victim empathy strategies. However, all three did so
by depicting hypothetical women (or men, in the case of Foubert) in hypothetical
assault situations. In contrast, the survey used in this dissertation specifically asked
if the participant actually knew someone who was sexually assaulted. The model
programs did not pursue the participants’ knowledge of a victim as a personal
experience.
Implications for Future Research
Prevention programming is necessary (Parrot, 1990). Colleges and
universities have taken these efforts very seriously. The evaluation of prevention
programs is extensive. Model prevention programs that have been evaluated include
those targeting both genders (co-ed and single sex), format (interactive, discussion,
course format, and length of workshops), facilitator perspectives (peer, faculty, staff,
mentor lead), and those by desired outcome measures (attitude change, behavior
change).
The most interesting finding of this study was the reverse relationship
between those who know the facts about sexual assault and their behaviors. As
illustrated in the findings with regard to athletic team participants, when they know
the correct information about sexual assault their self-reported behaviors and
attitudes are not in line with those that one would expect from people who know the
correct information. In order to further explore this phenomenon, future research
71

should expand studies on program outcome measures, organizationalized peer
groups, and the use of focus groups to better understand the dynamics at work in
student community groups.
While this study did not examine program outcome, future research may
consider how the use of content items such as the use of factual knowledge is able to
drive more desirable program outcomes. Previous research (Anderson & Whiston,
2005) on program outcome, stated that future studies should lean toward examining
programs where the outcome variable is a change in behavior. “Previous reviews
have not explored in detail the degree to which content influences program
effectiveness,” says Anderson and Whiston (p. 376). Their study found that when
studies evaluated differing program content, they looked only at attitudinal data. As
such, the effectiveness of program content on influencing behaviors has yet to be
isolated. Attitudes alone do not change incident rates, perhaps changes in behavior
(actions), and may be more successful. Attitudes may influence positive behavior,
but only action itself can affect the sexual assault against women. There may never
be a single element in prevention programming that result in positive effects on
behavior. However, researchers and administrators in the pursuit further examining
programming design may look to seeking behavior change as an outcome variable.
Understandably using behavior as an outcome variable becomes difficult because
programming data does not commonly look at affecting incident rates.
The social norms approach where the goal is to correct misperceptions of
peer behaviors is a widely used approach in intervention programs today. This
72

approach has been found to be effective when the goal is to correct general norms of
larger, non-segregated groups. People are able to look at perceived behaviors of
their peers, but may not be able to reflect on their own behaviors or those of close
friends. The difference between personal and perceived peer attitudes supportive of
rape myths shows that the later tends to be the stronger influence (Brown &
Messmen-Moore, 2009). For example, Thombs and Hamilton (2002) found in a
social norms feedback campaign on drinking norms and behavior of division one
student-athletes, that the campaign was able to alter most perceptions of campus
drinking norms but not those of close friends or self. Similarly the findings by Stein
(2007), emphasizes the relationship of “close friends” in influencing rape prevention
as opposed to that of peer educators. This dissertation results demonstrated
resounding recurrence of the negative trends associated with acquaintance assault
and issues of consent in affiliated groups suggest future research should explore the
strength of organizationalized peer groups as opposed to studying individual
behaviors and attitudes.
The power of group affiliations cannot be overlooked. As a result of the
powerful influence of closely knit peer groups, future practice should consider
breaking out these groups into focus groups. Focus groups have been shown to draw
out observable attitudes, feelings, beliefs, experiences, and reactions within the
group based on the topic (Gibbs, 1997). More important to this study, Gibbs says
that focus groups often offer participants empowerment on the subject area. Harper
(2007) conducted a study of factors that affect engagement among African American
73

sorority and fraternity members in overwhelmingly White college classrooms. The
results of the study emphasized the collective responsibility that occurred for the
African American Greek members to represent their entire race. The African
American participants were motivated to represent their minority status even in
situations where they were not being queried to support their minority status.
Harper’s study is an example of how strongly intertwined peer groups tend to act
and/or behave based on the perceived characteristics they are prescribed by the
community at large. Hence, the strong peer association within a specific group works
well in focus groups because trust develops and they may feel that collaboratively,
they are able to make a difference and quickly dispel exaggerations and uncommon
experiences. Discussion that may occur in these focus groups may allow researchers
to deduce the frame student members are using to guide their actions. The focus
group becomes even more effective when the moderator is someone whom the
affiliated group views as a leader. In contrast, interviews whether group or one-on-
one may not produce results that a focus group would because participant(s) may be
inclined to respond in ways that are politically correct or what they perceive the
group to think the appropriate response to be. Katz (1991) successfully utilized
iconic leaders from various groups to facilitate his prevention programs. The idea
behind the approach was for the leader of the program to gain the trust of the
participants through common experiences and beliefs. Furthermore, students in
Katz’ program participated with the notion that the facilitator understood the group
characteristics and spoke more freely about their experiences and beliefs. The USC
74

Men Care program also employs the use of peer leaders from organizationalized peer
groups.
Sexual assault prevention programs may benefit from future research that
takes an empirical approach to peer group interactions and cultural implications. As
mentioned previously, the results of this study has significantly shown that
participants who claim affiliation to athletic teams behave in ways that are
supportive of sexual assault. The degree to which a sport is aggressive in nature has
not been shown to influence stronger attitudes and behaviors to sexual assault than
non-aggressive (non-contact) sports (Smith & Stewart, 2003). From this, it can only
be implied that factors other than the sport itself is at work when influencing
affiliates to make decisions or have beliefs toward sexual assault.
75

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APPENDIX
SURVEY INSTRUMENT ONE
Information for your informed consent : USC Men Care Violence Prevention Project

You are asked to participate in a research study conducted by Melora Sundt, PhD,
from the Rossier School of Education at the University of Southern California. You
were selected as a possible participant in this study because you are a male student at
USC. A total of 1500 subjects will be selected from among USC male students to
participate. Your participation is voluntary.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY: We are asking you to take part in a research study
because we are trying to learn more about the impact of a comprehensive program
preventing college men’s violence towards women. Specifically, we are interested in
knowing how participating in the workshop impacts male students’ beliefs about
violence against women, and their self-reported behavior, both immediately after the
workshop and 12 months later. The survey consists of approximately 35 questions that
ask you to indicate your level of agreement on a scale from 1-4 or as indicated.
POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS: This study poses no more than
minimal risk to you as a participant. You may feel some discomfort in answering some
items on the questionnaire. The information you might disclose on the questionnaire
will ask about self-reported behavior. As the topic of the study is violence against
women, it is possible that you might disclose what would be considered illegal or
criminal conduct. No one other than Dr. Sundt and the Project Manager will have
access to the questionnaires. When we write about the findings of this study, we will
not be identifying any individuals. We will be reporting data only in the aggregate.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION: You will not be paid for
participating in this research study.
CONFIDENTIALITY: Any information that is obtained in connection with this
study and that can be identified with you will remain confidential and will be
disclosed only with your permission or as required by law.

We have obtained a Confidentiality Certificate from the U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services (DHHS) to protect the researchers from being forced, even by
84

court order or subpoena, to identify you. (The Certificate does not imply approval or
disapproval of the project by the Secretary of DHHS. It adds special protection for the
research information about you.) You should know, however, that researchers may
provide information to appropriate individuals or agencies if harm to you, harm to
others, or child abuse or child neglect becomes a concern. In addition, the federal
agency funding this research may see your information if it audits us.

You should understand that a Confidentiality Certificate (CC) does not prevent you
or a member of your family from voluntarily releasing information about yourself or
your involvement in this research. Note however, that if an insurer or employer learns
about your participation, and obtains your consent to receive research information,
then the investigator may not use the CC to withhold the information. This means that
you and your family must also actively protect your own privacy.

The questionnaires you complete will be stored in Dr. Sundt’s locked filing room
once the answers have been entered into a database on her computer. That database is
password protected and will not be accessible to anyone other than the research team.
The data will be stored for a minimum of three years from the acceptance of our final
report to the U.S. Department of Education. When the results of the research are
published or discussed in conferences, no information will be included that would
reveal your identity.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL: You can choose whether to be in this
study or not. If you volunteer to be in this study, you may withdraw at any time
without consequences of any kind. You may also refuse to answer any questions you
don’t want to answer and still remain in the study. The investigator may withdraw you
from this research if circumstances arise which warrant doing so. By completing this
survey, you are indicating your consent to participate in this study. If you do not wish
to give your consent, do not complete the survey.

IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS: If you have any questions or concerns about
the research, please feel free to contact Dr. Melora Sundt, Principal Investigator
at (213) 740-2157.

Demographic Data
2. Please indicate the year you were born: __________________.
3. What year did you begin your studies at USC?
______ Prior to 2000 ______2001 ______2002 ______2003
______2004 ______2005 ______Other (please
specify) __________
85

4. Please indicate your racial/ethnic identification (please mark only one)
o White/Caucasian
o African American
o Asian/Asian American
o Latino/Other Spanish-speaking
o Native American
o Filipino American
o Multi-racial
o Other (please specify) __________

5. Please indicate if you are a member of the following groups on campus (check all that
apply)
o Fraternity
o Intercollegiate athletic team
o Intramural athletic team
o Registered student organization other than a fraternity

6. Please indicate the number of siblings in your family. If you have none,
put “0” in each category:
Number of Brothers _____ Number of Sisters _____

7. Please provide us with your current email address (to be used only for
sending you either an invitation to participate in the focus group, or for an
invitation to complete the 12 month follow-up survey)
____________________________________________________ (PLEASE
PRINT CLEARLY)

8. Please create a confidential code name for yourself for this survey.
You will need to use it if/when you complete the follow-up survey. We use
it to link your responses to this survey with your responses to later surveys
so that we do not need to know your name. The code name can take any
form, but it needs to uniquely identify you – your initials and birth date
could work, for example.

86

Your code name:_______________________________________ (PLEASE
PRINT CLEARLY)

9. Approximately what percent of sexual assaults reported to the police do you think
involve acquaintances (two people who know each other)?
o Less than 25%
o 25 – 50%
o 51 – 75%
o More than 75%

10. How often do you think drugs and/or alcohol are involved in sexual assaults
involving acquaintances?
o Never
o Sometimes, but not very often
o Often
o Almost always

11. How often do you think weapons (guns, knives, etc.) are involved in sexual
assaults?
o Less than 25%
o 25 – 50%
o 51 – 75%
o More than 75%

12. How many times in the last 30 days have you had intimate sexual contact or
sexual intercourse (oral, anal, and/or vaginal)?
o None
o One time
o 2 – 5 times
o 6 – 10 times
o 11 or more times

87

13. Within the LAST SCHOOL YEAR, how often have you had sexual activity
when you were unsure whether or not your partner was willing?
o Never
o Once
o More than once
o N/A – no sexual activity

14. Within the LAST SCHOOL YEAR, how often have you attempted to
convince someone to have sexual activity when he or she was unwilling?
o Never
o Once
o More than once
o N/A – no sexual activity

15. If/When you do engage in sexual activity, how often do you drink alcohol
before engaging in the activity?
o Never
o Once
o More than once
o N/A – no sexual activity

16. If/When you do engage in sexual activity, how often do you engage in sexual
activity with someone who has been drinking?
o Never
o Once
o More than once
o N/A – no sexual activity

Please give your opinion about the following comments using the following scale:
1 – strongly agree, 2 –agree, 3 – agree somewhat, 4 – neutral, 5 –disagree somewhat
6 – disagree, 7—strongly disagree

17. I need to ask for my partner’s consent for sex every time I want it.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
88

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

18. I stop sexual activity when asked, even if I am already sexually aroused.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
19. When I hear a negative sexual comment about women, I speak up and object.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

20. When I witness a male “hitting on” a woman and I know she doesn’t want it, I
intervene.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

21. When I witness a situation in which a female may end up being taken advantage
of, I intervene.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

22. If a woman wears a sexy dress she is asking for sex.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

23. If a woman asks a man out on a date then she is definitely interested in having
sex.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
89

24. The degree of a woman’s resistance should be a major force in determining if
rape has occurred.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

25. If a woman lets a man buy her dinner or pay for a movie or drinks, she owes him
sex.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

26. It is ok to pressure a date to drink alcohol in order to improve one’s chances of
having sex with that date.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

27. Women often lie about being raped to get back at their dates.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

28. In most cases when a woman was raped she was asking for it.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

29. If it is a “real” rape, a victim will report it to the police
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
90

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

30. Any healthy woman can successfully resist a rapist if she really wants to
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
31. A man is entitled to sexual intercourse if his partner first agreed to it, but at the
last moment says “no”.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

32. A man can control his behavior no matter how sexually aroused he feels.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

33. A woman can control her behavior no matter how sexually aroused she feels.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

34. It looks worse for a woman to be drunk than for a man to be drunk.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

35. A husband is never justified in hitting his wife.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
91

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

36. Have you ever known someone who was a victim of a sexual assault, that is,
someone who was forced to engage in sex against his or her will?
o Yes
o No
o Unsure

37. How much of a problem is sexual assault on the USC campus?
o Not a problem at all
o Of concern, but a relatively minor problem
o A moderate problem
o A very large problem

Thank you!

92

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Sexual assault prevention programs are ever-present on college and university campuses today. More recently all-male prevention programs have been empirically evaluated. However, one area that has not been extensively evaluated in design is program content. Research has yet to isolate which content items are relevantly related to participants’ attitudes and behaviors.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Yanagida-Ishii, Dailyn Yukimi (author)

Core Title Program content in a men-only sexual assault prevention program: the relationship between factual knowledge, familiarity with a victim, and self-reported behavior

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education

Publication Date 08/08/2009

Defense Date 06/13/2009

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag continents,factual knowledge,OAI-PMH Harvest,prevention programs

Place Name University of Southern California (geographic subject)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Sundt, Melora A. (committee chair), Baca, Reynaldo R. (committee member), Fischer, Linda A. (committee member)

Creator Email dyanagida@gmail.com,dyanagida@waikikitrader.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m2550

Unique identifier UC1502289

Identifier etd-Ishii-3167 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-175627 (legacy record id),usctheses-m2550 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Ishii-3167.pdf

Dmrecord 175627

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Yanagida-Ishii, Dailyn Yukimi

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu