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Undocumented college students: pursuing academic goals against the odds

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Undocumented college students: pursuing academic goals against the odds

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UNDOCUMENTED COLLEGE STUDENTS:

PURSUING ACADEMIC GOALS AGAINST THE ODDS

by

Lisa DeAnn Garcia

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(EDUCATION)

August 2011

Copyright 2011 Lisa DeAnn Garcia

ii
Epigraph
―Most of the American public … they have stereotypes [about undocumented
immigrants]. We are criminals, we don‘t speak the language, we are illegal aliens. They
probably don‘t think that undocumented students can actually go to college and get a
master‘s degree or a BA …. I think that is what the media portrays about undocumented
immigrants. When there are marches, they always show the Mexican flags and the old people
or the people on the corners. They never show a student going to class.‖ –Luz, Metro U.
junior
iii
Dedication
To my partner, Valentin Stoilov
iv
Acknowledgements
First, I want to acknowledge the 40 students who participated in this study. Thank
you for your time and your support. I appreciate your honesty and admire your hard work. I
look forward to your continued success as responsible, caring, and productive adults.
I wish to thank my academic advisor and dissertation chair, William Tierney, for his
guidance these past five years. I also want to thank my other dissertation committee
members—Darnell Cole and George Sanchez—for their assistance and advice.
I want to acknowledge my family—my parents, Christina and George Garcia, my
sister, Sara Garcia, my nephew, Isaiah Garcia, and members of the Consiglio, Galbero, and
Reynaga families. Thank you for your patience and understanding over the years. I would
not have achieved any of my academic goals without your love and continued support.
Next, I want to thank my best friend, Linda Bahrami, for her friendship these past 17
years. You were there when I fell apart and when I triumphed. You are a true friend.
I would like to thank a few strong, independent women who have lifted me in spirit
and kept me in check over the years. Thank you LaWanda Bains, Leslie Catlett, Gloria
Nathanson, and Erengo Suto.
I want to acknowledge some of the current and past staff members, researchers, and
faculty at the USC Center for Higher Education and Policy Analysis (CHEPA) for their
advice, encouragement, and support over the years. Thank you Douglas Burleson, Zoe
Corwin, Araceli Espinoza, Diane Flores, Victor Garcia, Jarrett Gupton, Ronald Hallett,
Adrianna Kezar, Jonathan Mathis, Monica Raad, Margaret Sallee, Cecile Sam, Kristan
Venegas, and Diane Yoon.
v
Lastly, I want to thank my partner, Valentin Stoilov. That Warsaw Pact song I
learned was an omen. You are a godsend. Merci.
vi
Table of Contents

Epigraph

ii
Dedication

iii
Acknowledgements

iv
List of Tables

vii
Abstract

viii
Chapter 1: Introduction: Undocumented College Students

1
Chapter 2: Conceptual Framework

13
Chapter 3: Research Design and Method

43
Chapter 4: Going to College

71
Chapter 5: Conclusion: Making Sense of the Data

155
References

199
Appendices
Appendix A: Student Recruitment Flyer
Appendix B: Study Information Sheet
Appendix C: Protocol for Student Interviews
209
209
210
213

vii
List of Tables

Table 1: Metropolitan University Student Characteristics

52
Table 2: UC and CSU Student Characteristics 53

Table 3: Observation Details

56
Table 4: Research Methods Used

62
Table 5: Profiled Metropolitan University Student Characteristics

72
Table 6: Students‘ Immigration Details

93
Table 7: Students‘ Key Supporters

104
Table 8: Key Institutional Agents

112
viii
Abstract
Undocumented immigrant postsecondary students face myriad challenges while
pursuing a college education. These overwhelmingly first-generation, low-income students
lose their guarantee to a public education ensured by the 1982 Plyler v. Doe decision when
they complete secondary school. They are foreclosed from traditional financial resources
including federal, state, and institutional financial aid, scholarships, and employment
opportunities. Students also are often under-prepared for the rigors of college-level
coursework and may question the feasibility of pursuing a postsecondary degree with no
legal protections. For those students who do manage to matriculate, few studies have been
conducted to describe and better understand their experiences.
Framed by social capital theory, this qualitative dissertation study focused on the
experiences of nine students attending a public comprehensive postsecondary institution in
California. The study relied on data collected via interviews, observations, and document
analysis throughout the 2009–2010 academic year to assess how different types of social
capital helped students pursue a college education. This study demonstrated how students
were wholly or partly reliant on various types of social capital accessed before and during
matriculation. Three of the major findings included: (a) institutional agents were instrumental
in developing students‘ social capital, (b) family- and peer-based social capital was important
to students‘ matriculation, and (c) perceptions about immigration status affected students‘
matriculation and social capital development.
1
Chapter 1
Introduction:
Undocumented College Students
The Monday before Veteran‘s Day 2009, 17 students assembled in a Metropolitan
University (Metro U.)
1
classroom for a workshop on reinventing the undocumented
immigrant story. Abel, former president of IMAGINE, the campus‘s undocumented student
group, was leading the workshop. While he set up his laptop and projector, students
excitedly talked about the upcoming school holiday. Jackie, the current IMAGINE
president, explained, ―With the furloughs, I haven‘t had a week where all of my classes meet.
Next week they all meet … so the extra day off is good for me.‖ Across from Jackie, a recent
transfer student confided in a friend sitting next to her. ―I am not at that place where I am
comfortable sharing my story. I hope we don‘t have to share our stories today.‖ Jackie
changed subjects to the undocumented immigrant symposium the group was co-hosting
with a local non-profit organization later that week. ―It‘ll be good. A local congresswoman
may talk at the event. We won‘t know until the day before.‖ A couple of students in the
corner checked their e-mail and Facebook accounts.
Abel called the meeting to order. Not all of the attendees were ready to start the
meeting. ―I think we should wait another 10 minutes,‖ exclaimed Luz, the current
IMAGINE vice president. ―Yeah, you moved the meeting, so we should wait for students to
get over here,‖ suggested another student. Five minutes later, Abel called the group to

1
All of the names and other identifiable information that appear in this dissertation are
pseudonyms.
2
attention and started his presentation. Several students quietly wrapped up the food they
were eating and the room settled down.
Abel worked with a statewide community-based political organization focused on
developing a greater voice for working-class and immigrant communities in California. He
made this presentation to community-based groups interested in re-conceptualizing the
national immigration debate. IMAGINE invited him to speak so as to give its membership
some new ideas about how to talk about students‘ individual immigration situations. Abel
posed a question to the room, ―Anyone have any ideas why we haven‘t had immigration
reform since 1986?‖ One girl muttered under her breath, ―They hate us.‖ Another student
offered, ―It‘s not a priority.‖ One of the students working on his laptop exclaimed, ―They‘d
rather build a wall then deal with it.‖ Abel smiled and offered another reason. ―We use the
same tactics that they used in the 1960s to demand their rights. I don‘t relate to it. You don‘t
relate to it …. We have to relate to citizens. We can do that with our stories.‖
There were puzzled looks from half of the students while the other students nodded
in agreement. Abel continued, ―What do you say to a person who calls you [as an
undocumented immigrant] a lawbreaking, uneducated, lazy, welfare recipient who doesn‘t
speak English?‖ Luz sarcastically interrupted, ―You forgot the word ‗alien‘ cause you know
we‘re all like E.T.‖ The students laughed. Abel changed his tone. ―You say to these people
that we are loyal, hardworking, family-oriented, honest, and hopeful people who are
pursuing our dreams. We want to be part of this country. We want to make America great
and strong.‖
The audience was silent for a few moments. A recent transfer student raised his hand
to speak. ―It‘s different but I think this can work. I am not undocumented but I can use this
3
type of thing when I tell people about you guys. It‘s positive, not whiny.‖ Another student
posed the question, ―Do you really think someone like Lou Dobbs would listen to that
story?‖ Luz‘s hand quickly shot up. ―But how do we do this if we have been trained by other
organizations to demand our rights? You know, go picket, and yell and tell people you
demand to be made legal.‖ Attendees quickly started to agree with Luz. Abel motioned for
the group to come back together. ―That‘s what we are going to talk about today—how do
we tell America that we are students and not aliens. We‘re talking about how we tell our
stories.‖
Undocumented immigrants enroll in postsecondary institutions around the country.
Like Metro U., a handful of these institutions have a sizeable undocumented immigrant
population. On these campuses, undocumented students gather to form student support
groups and raise awareness about undocumented issues that directly affect their ability to
pursue a postsecondary education. With or without these groups, many undocumented
students take on advocacy roles in their communities and on their campuses. Students access
and enact social capital within their peer groups, on campus, and in their larger communities
in order to fulfill their postsecondary goals. In the remainder of this chapter, I outline this
study‘s purpose and significance as well as the research questions I address. I then provide
an overview of undocumented students pursuing a college education before presenting the
theoretical framework that guides this study. Finally, I give a brief description of the study
location and participants.
Purpose and Significance of the Study
Purpose. Undocumented immigrants are a legally-banned category of immigrants as
they lack the required documentation to reside lawfully in the United States (De Genova,
4
2002, 2004). Passel and Cohn (2009) define undocumented immigrants as ―[consisting] of
residents of the United States who are not U.S. citizens, who do not hold current permanent
resident visas, or who have not been granted permission under a set of specific authorized
temporary statuses for longer-term residence and work‖ (p. vi). Most undocumented
immigrants enter the US without valid documents or arrive with valid visas but remain in the
US after their visas expire and/or violate the terms of their visas. Some undocumented
immigrants later obtain temporary authorization to live and work in the country. As many as
10% of undocumented immigrants hold temporary protected status (TPS) or have filed for
asylum status. Many of these quasi-legal individuals could revert to undocumented status at
any point. As of March 2010, there are approximately 11.2 million undocumented
immigrants residing in the US. Of this total, approximately one million are children (Passel &
Cohn, 2011).
While the academic literature focusing on documented immigrant postsecondary
students‘ experiences in college is limited (Bailey & Weininger, 2002; Conway, 2009; Zhou,
1997), research on the unique situation of undocumented students is even sparser (Abrego,
2008; Perez, 2009; Perez, Espinoza, Ramos, Coronado, & Cortes, 2009). Current research on
undocumented students primarily focuses on basic demographic information and statistics
(e.g., Batalova & Fix, 2006; Gonzales, 2007, 2009; Passel, 2003, 2005; Passel & Cohn, 2008,
2009). Researchers are still orienting themselves with the population by chronicling where
students attend and how they finance college. Other recent scholarly work employs
quantitative methods to measure college students‘ resilience and persistence (Flores, 2010;
Flores & Horn, 2009; Perez et al., 2009).
5
Scholars know that completing a college education is a challenge for undocumented
students since they lack the legal residency or citizenship required for federal and state
financial aid and most scholarships (Abrego, 2008; Perez et al., 2009; Rincon, 2008).
Previous research also details how undocumented students living underground develop
political, legal, and social consciousness that fosters college attendance and political activism
(Abrego, 2006, 2008; Negron-Gonzalez, 2009; Orner, 2008; Seif, 2004). Researchers know
less about how exactly students pursue postsecondary degrees at four-year institutions. They
do not know how students overcome academic, financial, and personal issues in pursuing
their academic goals.
Thus, the purpose of this study is to understand how undocumented students create
personal and communal identities that foster the development of social capital that in turn
helps them attend four-year institutions. I explore how students overcome personal and
societal challenges to their sense of belonging and inclusion in American society. The study
also examines how students are similar and different to their low-income and first-generation
college student peers. The reality of being undocumented while attending K–12 schools and
preparing for four-year university admission influences how a student perceives one‘s future
academic and career goals. Undocumented immigration status shapes the types of support
and encouragement—personal, state, and federal—students receive in pursuing
postsecondary goals. The study expands the current understanding about how these
students: (a) conceptualize themselves within the undocumented immigration debate, (b)
identify themselves among other low-income and first-generation students, (c) and shape
their educational goals working within a current system that does not guarantee or fully
support their access to a postsecondary education.
6
Significance. Researchers have only recently begun to generate detailed data for
school age undocumented immigrants (Passel & Cohn, 2009). Passel (2003) estimates that
approximately 65,000 undocumented immigrants who have lived in the US for five or more
years graduate from high school each year. The children of undocumented immigrants—
both those who are undocumented and those who are U.S. citizens—make up 6.8% of the
students enrolled in the nation‘s K–12 schools. About one-third of these children live in
poverty, nearly double the rate for children of U.S.-born parents. Further, approximately
40% of the undocumented ages 18 to 24 have not completed secondary school, compared to
15% of legal immigrants and 8% of U.S.-born residents. This data supports the adult
undocumented data—undocumented students are more prone to poverty and lower levels of
education.
Most undocumented immigrants are optimistic about attaining a higher level of
education in the US than in their homelands (Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001).
Within this under-educated and impoverished group, there are students who pursue a college
education. Of the undocumented ages 18 to 24 who completed high school, 49% are in
college or have attended college; those who arrived in the US at ages 14 or older have a 42%
college-going rate whereas those who arrived before age 14 have a 61% rate. According to
the National Immigration Law Center (2009), the college-going rate is between 5% and 10%
for all undocumented students who graduate from high school. In California, the state with
the largest undocumented population, policymakers and politicians estimate that as many as
20,000 students enroll on a part- or full-time basis in the state‘s public postsecondary
institutions each year (Batalova & Fix, 2006; Passel, 2005; Passel & Cohn, 2009). Recent
7
estimates of undocumented beneficiaries of California Assembly Bill 540 (AB 540)
2
total
approximately 1% or less of all students enrolled in California‘s three public postsecondary
systems (Ferriss, 2010). Since 2001, nine other states have enacted reduced in-state academic
fee policies that assist undocumented postsecondary students (Olivas, 2009; Rincon, 2008).
Batalova and Fix (2006) state that there may be as many as 50,000 college students
nationwide. All of these figures are estimates since most institutions do not require
immigration documentation for enrollment purposes (Abrego, 2008; Hermes, 2008).
The Plyler v. Doe (1982) decision ensures that undocumented children receive a K–12
education but stops short of declaring public education a fundamental right (Olivas, 2005;
Seif, 2004). School districts nationwide enroll K–12 students without questioning
immigration status; hence, the majority of undocumented students receive a primary and
secondary education (Olivas, 2009). They enroll in the same courses, engage in the same
activities, and compete for the same awards, distinctions, and grades as their documented
and U.S.-born peers (Madera et al., 2008; Orner, 2008). Like their peers, some
undocumented students aspire to continue their education past high school and prepare for
college admission (Gonzales, 2007, 2009; Madera et al., 2008). However, there is no federal
legislation or court ruling that ensures these same students receive a postsecondary
education.
This dissertation provides a more detailed account of what undocumented students
face when they reach a four-year institution. Focusing on one campus with a significant
undocumented population, I describe the reality of undocumented postsecondary students in

2
California Assembly Bill 540 (AB 540) grants some undocumented students in-state
academic fees based on long-term residency and high school completion.
8
one geographic area. Examining undocumented students‘ college preparation and
matriculation may better inform the academic literature devoted to increasing college access
and completion for the one million undocumented children residing in the US (Passel &
Cohn, 2011).
Research Questions
To understand the intersection between undocumented students‘ experiences of
exclusion and illegality and their pursuit of an unguaranteed higher education within the
context of a social capital theoretical framework, I am guided by four research questions:
1. How do undocumented college students develop, maintain, and exchange social
capital?
2. Do the social support networks of undocumented college students factor into
educational outcomes?
3. How do experiences of exclusion shape the educational identity and
consciousness of undocumented students?
4. How do the contours of an undocumented student‘s identity enable or disable
academic performance?
Social Capital Theory
As I elaborate in Chapter 2, undocumented students encounter numerous obstacles
en route to earning a postsecondary degree. Their immigration status poses particular
financial, academic, and personal problems that for the majority of undocumented students
are insurmountable. When coupled with the reality that they have little if no formal support
from the national, state, and institutional levels to cope with these issues, undocumented
college students‘ postsecondary trajectories are complicated matters. Most students do not
9
attend college without significant and continued support of peers, relatives, and institutional
agents. These individuals and groups provide students with the necessary social capital in
which to complete a college degree.
Social capital theory is a multidisciplinary concept useful in explaining why particular
individuals are more successful in accessing educational resources and achieving academic
goals. The theory helps account for how social relationships and the resources connected to
students directly affect them as they navigate educational and social institutions. Social
capital refers to the connections and resources within and between social networks that
allow individuals and groups to achieve goals. Investment in social networks as well as in
mutual recognition and acknowledgment fosters goal achievement. The underlying
assumption in social capital theory is that networks and group affiliations are likely to
positively influence the acquisition of relevant social capital resources.
For this dissertation project, I focus on two distinct versions of social capital
theory—bridging and bonding. The ―bridging‖ variety proposed by sociologist Pierre
Bourdieu (1986) stresses the importance of individuals accessing social capital normally held
outside of the close relationships and networks found within families and peer groups. This
heterogeneous type of social capital fosters a broader network of group affiliations by which
an individual can access resources. The ―bonding‖ variety of social capital proposed by
another sociologist, James Coleman (1988, 1990), focuses on the importance of individuals
accessing social capital held inside of the close relationships formed in familial and kin
groups. This homogenous type of social capital develops norms and social control that
individual members follow yet does not facilitate accessing resources held outside of the
group. Both Bourdieu‘s and Coleman‘s versions of social capital theory are useful in
10
examining how undocumented immigrants successfully attend four-year postsecondary
institutions.
This theoretical approach allows for an understanding of individual undocumented
students‘ circumstances, experiences, and actions when pursuing a college education. Social
capital theory helps delineate which types of social capital—bridging or bonding—help
students at different periods during their academic trajectories. Further, the theory highlights
how factors such as weak and strong social ties with different actors provide students with
diverse and malleable resources that ultimately help them reach their academic goals.
Understanding how students procure and activate such resources is important in
understanding how they attend college.
Site Selection and Research Participants
Chapter 3 discusses the site selection and research participants in detail. Here, I
provide a brief summary of the primary site and the research participants. This serves as an
introduction, but more importantly provides context for the discussion of undocumented
students in the following chapters.
Site selection. The University of California (UC) and the California State University
(CSU) are California‘s two four-year public universities. Under the California Master Plan,
the UC selects from among the top one-eighth (12.5%) and the CSU selects from the top
one-third (33.3%) of the state‘s high school graduating class (University of California, 2007).
The UC is the state‘s primary research university, conferring bachelor‘s, master‘s, and
doctoral degrees across disciplines. The CSU primarily focuses on undergraduate education,
granting both bachelor‘s and master‘s degrees in technical and academic subjects.
11
I collected data from a total of 40 UC and CSU undocumented students. While data
collected from all of the 40 study participants informed the results of the study, this
dissertation primarily focuses on the lives of nine undocumented students attending
Metropolitan University (Metro U.), a single CSU campus. Their stories are presented later in
Chapter 4. Metro U. is located in a metropolitan area in California. The university enrolls
over 15,000 undergraduates and 5,000 graduate students; approximately 25% and 55% of
student enrollees attend part-time respectively. The majority—approximately 85% of Metro
U. matriculants—are California residents. Qualified Metro U. students—both documented
and undocumented—may take advantage of reduced in-state academic fees via AB 540
legislation. The annual 2009–2010 in-state academic fees for Metro U. were $4,893.
Metro U. enrolls undocumented students as evidenced by the campus‘s
undocumented student support group as well as published undocumented enrollee estimates
(Ferriss, 2010). Also, the metropolitan area where Metro U. is located is home to the largest
undocumented immigrant population in the nation—approximately one million residents
(Pastor & Ortiz, 2009). Considering that Metro U. is less academically competitive and costs
less money to attend than other area four-year postsecondary institutions, the actual Metro
U. population of undocumented students is assumed to be larger than the sample of Metro
U. students interviewed for this dissertation.
Participant selection. Study participants included self-identified UC, CSU, and
Metro U. undocumented immigrant students. I located and identified 40 student
participants—12 UC, three CSU, and 25 Metro U. students—using ―snowball sampling‖
(Salganik & Heckathorn, 2004; Watters & Biernacki, 1989). The study included students who
started their postsecondary academic careers as freshmen or transfer students. Students were
12
not chosen based on area of study, gender, or racial/ethnic/national background. Rather,
students were chosen based on their interest in the study and ability to participate. Study
participants received no compensation for their participation.
Organization of Dissertation
In the following chapter, I provide a more detailed examination of the literature on
undocumented college students and social capital theory. In Chapter 3, I discuss the
methodological framework of this study. Chapter 4 contains an exploration of
undocumented students‘ experiences as they relate to social capital theory discussed in
Chapter 2. In the final chapter, I offer discussion and analysis of the data and consider the
ways in which a focus on social capital informs the literature on undocumented students.
13
Chapter 2
Conceptual Framework
Dusk was fast approaching on an unusually balmy evening in late November.
Alejandra and I sat on the arts patio discussing her experiences in college. She explained in
detail how she paid for her postsecondary education without access to state and federal
financial aid programs.
I pay for college with scholarships and my own earnings. Actually, the first three
years I‘ve had scholarships …. People have helped me, too. My best friend was
coming here in the beginning and now he is in the Navy. He was very supportive of
my situation. I will never forget what he did. Every time he would get extra financial
aid, he would give it to me. I would get like $300 or he would pay for my school
books. I was just like … I never expected a friend my own age paying for my books.
He was like, ―I understand your situation and I want to help you out.‖

Alejandra elaborated that this friend likely enrolled at Metropolitan University (Metro U.)
because she enrolled. ―He wasn‘t that much into school. I think he wanted to help me out
more than go to college.‖ She also paid for school with the help of a family friend.
My sponsor, you know this family friend of ours… so his proposal … we wrote a
contract, too …. My senior year, I have two options. He will either pay for my full
senior academic year—tuition, books, graduation. If I have a scholarship to cover
that, he will get me a student apartment and cover my living expenses.

Alejandra was already working on scholarship applications for the next fall term since she
wanted to take advantage of his offer to pay for her living expenses. She explained that if he
pays for her living expenses the following year, ―it will help [her] focus on [her] studies and
not be distracted [like she is] at home.‖
As Alejandra and I continued to talk, she told me that she is confident that her
undocumented status has not prevented her from pursuing her educational and career goals.
Though, she did recognize that if she was not resourceful and persistent in pursuing her
14
goals, she likely would not be enrolled at Metro U. She reflected on her journey leading up to
her attendance at Metro U. In high school, she transferred to a new public high school at the
beginning of her junior year in search of educational opportunities that would better prepare
her for a postsecondary education. She graduated as valedictorian of her class and had been
involved in school, community, and political awareness campaigns and projects since middle
school. During her secondary and postsecondary careers, she has relied on the teachings of
Paulo Freire and Karl Marx for inspiration and direction in pursuing her goals.
As I elaborate in Chapter 4, Alejandra is typical of many students at Metro U.—she
is Latina, grew up in the surrounding community, and was identified as college-bound early
in her academic career. Alejandra is also the first in her immediate family to attend college
and comes from a low socioeconomic background. She has consistently earned top grades in
college and has made steady progress towards her degree in social work. She wants to earn
an advanced degree and pursue a career as a social worker. Although most of her college
peers would never assume that Alejandra is an undocumented immigrant, her immigration
status has affected much of her college career. In response to the obstacles and limitations
that Alejandra has encountered due to her immigration status, she has procured and
activated sources of social capital in order to find alternative means to attend college.
This dissertation study focuses on how undocumented immigrants actively pursue a
postsecondary education at a four-year institution. I have designed a study that analyzes the
ways undocumented students successfully pursue their academic goals without any legal
guarantees or formal support from the federal and state governments. I seek to understand
how students gather the resources necessary to complete their degrees. This study is framed
by four primary research questions:
15
1. How do undocumented college students develop, maintain, and exchange social
capital?
2. Do the social support networks of undocumented college students factor into
educational outcomes?
3. How do experiences of exclusion shape the educational identity and
consciousness of undocumented students?
4. How do the contours of an undocumented student‘s identity enable or disable
academic performance?
In this chapter, I discuss the challenges that undocumented immigrants face as they
pursue a postsecondary degree. I also include specific contextual information as it applies to
Metro U. students. In response to these challenges, I apply social capital theory in addressing
the study‘s four primary research questions. I review the basic tenets of social capital theory
and the views of the theory‘s primary architects. Next, I discuss how the strength of social
ties as well as how internal and external factors shape students‘ acquisition of social capital. I
then present the shortcomings of this theoretical approach and place the theory within the
context of a study of undocumented postsecondary students. Finally, I elaborate on the
study‘s primary research questions and how applying social capital theory helps answer the
questions.
Undocumented Students’ College-Going Challenges
While most undocumented immigrants are optimistic about attaining a higher level
of education in the US than in their homelands (Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001),
many find it difficult to finish a postsecondary degree. Given that they are not guaranteed
access to a college education, the route to college is conditional and uncertain for many of
16
these students (Abrego, 2006, 2008; Gonzales, 2007, 2009). Academic literature focusing on
documented immigrant students‘ experiences in college is limited (Bailey & Weininger, 2002;
Conway, 2009; Zhou, 1997); research on the unique situation of undocumented students is
even sparser (Abrego, 2008; Perez et al., 2009). Research documenting the challenges low-
income and first-generation college students encounter along with the available
undocumented literature provides some insight about how these students engage in the
college-going process. Scholars present three main challenges undocumented college
students experience in pursuing a college education: financial obstacles, academic
preparation, and perceptions of belonging.
Financial obstacles. Education scholars cite financial obstacles as a primary reason
why undocumented immigrants find it challenging, if not impossible to pursue a
postsecondary education (Abrego, 2006, 2008; Flores, 2010; Garcia & Tierney, in press;
Gonzales, 2007, 2009; Oliverez, 2006; Perez, 2009). The majority of undocumented students
hail from low-income, working-class families that are not in the position to solely finance a
college education. Low-income students are particularly conscious of the human, economic,
and social costs involved in the decision to go to college (Perna, 2005). They consider the
total cost of a college education including foregone earnings and leisure time as well as direct
college expenses. As a result, low-income students are less likely to apply to college
(Gladieux & Swail, 1999).
Undocumented students find themselves in the same general predicament as other
low-income students. Conscious of the human and financial costs of attending college, they
often forego college enrollment so that they can better help support their families. Since the
majority of their older relatives are constrained to low-paying jobs in the service sector
17
where immigration status is not scrutinized (Chavez, 1998), students generally choose to
work on a full-time basis so that they can contribute to household expenses. Students also
frequently take on more significant responsibilities in caring for younger siblings and
managing daily household duties as older relatives may be forced to work longer hours at
non-traditional times. For many undocumented students and their families, pursuing a
postsecondary education is considered a luxury that is neither necessary nor economically
viable. This said, there are a handful of undocumented immigrants that do transition to
college. Those who do matriculate confront three primary financial obstacles—exclusion
from traditional financial aid programs, limited employment opportunities, and restricted
alternative funding sources.
Undocumented students are ineligible for state and federal financial aid and most
scholarships since legal residency or citizenship is a prerequisite for qualification (Perez et al.,
2009). Unlike their citizen and documented immigrant peers, undocumented immigrants
cannot rely on federal and state grant, scholarship, loan, and work study programs to
partially or fully pay their academic costs. Instead, they and their families must pay out of
pocket the full costs of their postsecondary education. Researchers argue that higher levels
of financial aid generally correlate with higher college enrollment rates for low-income
students (Heller, 1997, 1999; Kane, 1999; St. John, 2003, 2006). Without access to financial
aid, many undocumented immigrants do not consider a higher education a realistic goal and
instead pursue low-paying jobs where immigration status is not closely monitored (Hermes,
2008). Financing a postsecondary education without traditional financial aid resources is a
significant undertaking for undocumented college students (Gonzales, 2007, 2009).
18
In response to undocumented students being foreclosed from traditional state and
federal financial aid programs, pro-immigrant activists have advocated for two primary
forms of financial assistance for students—reduced in-state academic fees and legislation
allowing undocumented immigrants access to financial aid and a path to citizenship. Ten
states have successfully passed legislation that offer reduced in-state academic fees at public
postsecondary institutions to certain undocumented immigrants. These lower-fee policies
meet the criteria outlined in the 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant
Responsibility Act (IIRIRA). IIRIRA maintains that states cannot offer higher education
benefits to undocumented students without offering the same benefits to U.S. citizens and
legal residents. IIRIRA does not constitute a federal ban on undocumented students
attending college, but does restrict what individual states can do to make higher education
more accessible to undocumented students.
California offers certain undocumented immigrant students access to lower in-state
academic fees via California Assembly Bill 540 (AB 540). AB 540 went into effect in January
2002 and provides in-state fees to select citizens, legal residents, and undocumented
immigrants based on their length of state residence, graduation from an in-state high school,
and age at time of immigration. As presented in Chapter 4 of this dissertation, the majority
of undocumented Metro U. students pay in-state fees. AB 540 has had a significant impact
on undocumented immigrants enrolled at California public postsecondary institutions
(Abrego, 2008). However, even with access to in-state fees, a higher education is still an
overwhelming monetary expense for most undocumented students and their families
(Gonzales, 2009).
19
The second form of assistance pro-immigrant activists have advocated for is both
federal and state legislation allowing undocumented immigrants access to federal and state
financial aid. The federal Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM)
Act is proposed federal legislation that would provide some undocumented immigrants a
path to permanent residency and open access to federal financial aid given they fulfill certain
education or military commitments. The United States Congress has considered various
forms of the legislation since 2001. The federal DREAM Act most recently failed to gain the
support of both chambers of Congress in December 2010. Several states have also
attempted to pass similar state legislation that would allow undocumented students access to
various state and institutional financial aid programs. The proposed California Dream Act
would allow undocumented students to apply for institutional aid at all state public
postsecondary institutions, including Metro U. This state legislation has been vetoed three
times by the governor since 2006.
Another financial obstacle undocumented students experience concerns employment
restrictions. Most undocumented college students do not have legal permission to work in
the US. Even if students do secure employment to help finance their education before
and/or during college, jobs are usually off campus, low paying, and concentrated in the
service industry (Hermes, 2008; Perez et al., 2009; Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001).
These jobs often require long commutes and inconsistent, non-traditional working hours
that make attending college difficult (Garcia & Tierney, in press). Students‘ limited
employment opportunities affect how much money they can apply to their education-related
expenses. Saving enough money to pay full academic fees at four-year institutions as well as
20
paying for books, transportation, and living expenses is an overwhelming task for many
college-bound undocumented students.
The third financial obstacle concerns undocumented students‘ access to alternative
funding sources such as undocumented-friendly scholarships, stipends, and sponsors. Many
of these funding sources require students to provide proof of citizenship or legal residency
for eligibility. Since many undocumented students discover their legal status during the
college application process, they are unable to find alternative funding sources that provide
money to undocumented immigrants before transitioning to college (National Immigration
Law Center, 2009). Even those students who are aware of their status are disadvantaged
since alternative funding sources are limited and usually highly competitive (Madera et al.,
2008). Few students can rely on these funding sources to pay for all of their college-related
expenses.
Funding a college education is burdensome for the majority of undocumented
immigrants. Even a student who is able to pay reduced in-state academic fees, save money,
and secure scholarships finds it challenging to pursue a college education. As a result, most
undocumented students originally bound for four-year institutions usually opt for enrollment
at two-year institutions because of reduced costs (Hermes, 2008). Enrolling at a two-year
college creates another hurdle since some education scholars believe that beginning a
postsecondary education at a two-year institution decreases a student‘s chances of obtaining
a bachelor‘s degree (Dougherty, 1987; Grubb, 1991; Shaw, 1997). As a result, only a fraction
of academically-eligible students can financially afford to attend college (Gonzales, 2009).
Even fewer successfully graduate with a degree from a four-year institution.
21
Academic preparation. The academic preparation of undocumented college
students is another substantial obstacle in the journey towards a postsecondary degree.
Competing with better-prepared and -informed students is challenging to undocumented
students already burdened with paying out of pocket for college. Attending low-performing
schools, being a first-generation student, and facing personal obstacles are three hurdles
many undocumented students have to overcome in order to continue their education.
Undocumented students, like other low-income students, often attend low-
performing, ethnically-isolated schools located in concentrated pockets of urban, inner-city
communities (Gandara, 1995; Gonzales, 2009; Teranishi & Briscoe, 2006). Violence is more
prevalent in the schools and neighborhoods, distracting students from their academic studies
and limiting extracurricular activities due to safety concerns (Perez et al., 2009). These
schools have less-qualified teachers, offer fewer college preparation courses, and receive less
funding (Abrego, 2006).
Attending low-performing and less-rigorous schools has a negative impact on overall
college readiness. Adelman (2006) points to the rigor of high school coursework as a leading
indicator of college readiness at high school graduation. Students who lack strong English
language skills are at a significant disadvantage in college compared to their well-prepared
peers (Adelman, 1996, 1998). This disadvantage is especially relevant for immigrant students
who are more likely to face a language barrier and enroll in English as a Second Language
(ESL) courses in college (Casas-Frier & Hansen, 2006; Keller, 2001). Scholars also found
that when students require significant remediation when they transition to college, they may
be less inclined to spend the extra time preparing for college-level courses (Melguizo,
22
Hagedorn, & Cypers, 2008). For undocumented students, this situation is compounded by
the fact that they do not receive financial assistance to take these extra remedial courses.
Undocumented college students are also frequently the first in their families to attend
college (Gonzales, 2009; Perez et al., 2009). First-generation college students rely on
institutional actors more for comprehensive college information, since their families are less
likely to provide college-preparation information at home (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Moreover,
inner-city and low-performing high schools generally have fewer college-going networks
among the student body. Staff and faculty at these schools typically focus more on
graduation rates, standardized testing, and truancy issues than college attendance (Teranishi
& Briscoe, 2006; Tierney & Venegas, 2006). Focusing on these issues rather than college
access contributes to low-income and first-generation students not receiving academic
information about college in a timely manner. This situation is even more severe for
undocumented students since they are unable to participate in some college preparation and
mentoring programs due to their immigration status (Gonzales, 2009). First-generation
undocumented college students thus are more prone to arrive at postsecondary institutions
with less experience, knowledge, and resources about how to successfully matriculate.
Academic preparation during high school or even earlier is not always a linear
trajectory for undocumented students. Some students experience a sense of despair during
their educational careers and withdraw from school activities (Gonzalez, Plata, Garcia,
Torres, & Urrieta, 2003; Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001); students no longer strive
for academic and extracurricular distinctions, letting their grades fall and discontinuing their
extracurricular activities. This despair usually occurs during high school when students begin
to realize the limitations they will encounter in society as undocumented adults. Even as
23
college students, they will encounter many of the same barriers that undocumented family
members and friends encounter in securing employment. These lapses in motivation have
deleterious effects on students‘ abilities to prepare for and attend college. The students who
make it to college indicate that they are not as competitive and prepared for admission or
funding opportunities due to their past withdrawal from academics (Suarez-Orozco &
Suarez-Orozco, 2001). Preparing to transition to college as an undocumented immigrant can
be challenging without the purposeful help and intervention of key institutional agents who
can help remedy academic deficiencies.
Perceptions of belonging. A third challenge undocumented college students suffer
concerns their perceptions of belonging within U.S. society. Much of the legitimacy and
sense of belonging in the US that undocumented students lose over time is directly related to
their transition from K–12 schooling to college. The formal K–12 system that defines
undocumented immigrants as students also facilitates their inclusion and indoctrination into
U.S. society (Abrego, 2006; Lopez, 2003). Students learn the history, culture, and language of
the US through their formal education. The transition to college and adulthood can
dismantle perceptions of personal, institutional, and societal inclusion that are important to
successful matriculation.
Feeling ―included‖ as an undocumented student amid constant academic, personal,
and financial obstacles is important to student success (Perez Huber, 2009). Individual
feelings of inclusion are diminished as undocumented students transition from a childhood
with a guaranteed K–12 education to an adulthood with no educational guarantees. The
coping mechanisms they develop in order to feel normal and legitimate are essential to their
success as college students (Perez et al., 2009). For example, periodic questioning of
24
inclusion can begin when undocumented college students are not able to drive a car or
attend a school-sponsored trip that requires long-distance or international travel. Students
may also have to answer questions from peers about why they attend a community college
instead of a four-year institution, why they cannot go to a nightclub that requires
identification for entry, or why they took a term off from school to work on a full-time basis.
Constant questions about perceived ―abnormal‖ social or college-going behaviors hinder
personal feelings of inclusion in a society that at times intentionally and unintentionally
excludes undocumented students from age-appropriate social and academic activities (Perez
et al., 2009; Perez Huber, 2009).
Scholars also highlight the importance of ethnic and racial minority students feeling
included and welcomed in educational institutions as a prerequisite for student success
(Allen & Solorzano, 2001; Blackwell, 1981; Contreras, 2009; Hurtado, Milem, Clayton-
Pedersen & Allen, 1999; Solorzano, Allen, & Carroll, 2002). For undocumented students
who are mostly ethnic and racial minorities, inclusion goes beyond diversity at the
institutional level. Abrego (2008) explains that undocumented students‘ feelings of inclusion
on college campuses are constantly under threat since their immigration status is equivalent
to illegality. Contreras (2009) describes how some undocumented students have negative
experiences with institutional staff members. For many students their illegality translates into
a vulnerable, inferior status within the larger society and among their college peers (Abrego,
2008; Olivas, 2009); even if they have a record of academic excellence, they still may feel that
they do not have the same rights as U.S.-born residents and documented immigrants to
attend college. Believing that one deserves a higher education is important for
undocumented students‘ success in achieving their postsecondary goals.
25
Finally, undocumented college students question whether they are a part of the larger
society. Undocumented immigrants frequently live in the shadows of society due to the legal
issues that accompany their immigration status (Chavez, 1998). Abrego (2008) explains that
―their status is a constant reminder that they [are] different, vulnerable, and considered
suspect‖ (p. 723) within their local and national communities. Even though they are long-
standing members of the community, they are still considered outsiders by a national legal
system that assigns different rights to citizens and aliens (Marshall, 1998). Their status as
undocumented immigrants amounts to a life of official exclusion from the political and
social environments they inhabit (Abrego, 2008; Olivas, 2009; Seif, 2004).
Perceptions of feeling unwelcome in society overwhelm many undocumented
immigrants (Perez Huber, 2009; Perry, 2006). Feelings of difference and being an outsider
accompany immigrants‘ fears of deportation, isolation, and depression (Contreras, 2009;
Dozier, 1993; Hart, 1997; Perez, 2009; Perez et al., 2009; Perry, 2006). Isolation from the
larger community limits contact with individuals and organizations in a position to assist
undocumented students with accomplishing their goals. In the case of low-income and first-
generation students, relationships with peers are pivotal since they lack other social
relationships and resources that foster successful college matriculation (Dennis, Phinney, &
Chuateco, 2005; Hurtado, Carter, & Spuler, 1996; Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995).
Many undocumented college students modify their academic and social activities in order to
minimize the possibility of being identified as undocumented by school officials or law
enforcement (Perez, 2009). Refraining from communal social activities limits the
opportunities when these students can make friends and meet contacts who can possibly
assist with educational plans. Feelings of inclusion in the community facilitate
26
undocumented students bridging networks of people and resources that may assist with their
educational goals.
Undocumented immigrants endure significant challenges while pursuing a college
education. The economic, academic, and personal issues they must overcome before and
during matriculation leaves many students unable to finish their degree programs. This
dissertation study explores how undocumented students overcome such obstacles and
successfully pursue their college goals. In particular, students procure sources of social
capital during their secondary and postsecondary educations that enable them to attend and
remain in college. What follows is a discussion of social capital theory. I discuss the basic
tenets of the theory and provide insight about how students benefit from using social capital
in pursuing their academic goals.
Social Capital
The notion of capital is often constrained to economic discussions of surplus value
and resources. Social scientists offer their own definitions of capital in concordance with
their specific area of capital-related research. Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (1986) defines
capital as the
accumulated labor (in its materialized form or its ‗incorporated,‘ embodied form)
which, when appropriated on a private, i.e., exclusive, basis by agents or groups of
agents, enables them to appropriate social energy in the form of reified or living
labor. (p. 241)

Capital takes time to accumulate and can be spent, exchanged, expanded, contracted, lost, or
recaptured within groups and societies (Tierney, 2006).
Classic economic theories state that capital remains a surplus value and represents an
investment with expected returns (Lin, 1999). Further, capital benefits an actor within a
27
group as an individual cannot acquire or exchange capital with oneself. Karl Marx
(1849/1978) believed that the examination of capital was mostly limited to the structural or
class level and was intimately associated with the exploitation of classes within a capitalist
system. As social scientists appropriated the classical definition of capital and expanded on
its concepts to better fit their own work, three primary ―neo-capital‖ theories emerged—
human, cultural, and social (Lin, 1999).
Human capital theory conceives capital as an investment. Human capital is a means
of production in which additional investment yields additional output (Becker, 1993). For
instance, an individual can invest in human capital via education or specialized training in
hopes of negotiating with those in control of the production process (an employer) for an
economic payment. Human capital is similar to the means of production such as factories or
equipment as the individual accumulates one‘s own surplus value that can be exchanged for
a wage. Human capital‘s level of analysis is limited to the individual.
Cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986) represents the investments of the dominant class in
reproducing a set of symbols and meanings that give members a higher status in society. For
example, dominant class parents provide their children with cultural capital by transmitting
the attitudes and knowledge needed to succeed in the educational system. These symbols
and attitudes are mostly transmitted inter-generationally within the dominant class but also
can be acquired by the masses to a lesser degree. Cultural capital‘s level of analysis is
extended to both the individual and class levels.
Along with classic, human, and cultural capital, social capital theory provides
researchers with another lens through which to examine individuals‘ varying success in
obtaining surplus value and returns. Social capital theory is increasingly a multidisciplinary
28
concept, influential in the academic fields of economics, education, political science, public
health, and organization studies. The theory‘s application to social, economic, and political
problems generally yields a resounding conclusion: relationships matter. Adler and Kwon
(2002) offer a general definition of social capital that resonates with how social capital is
conceptualized across fields. They define social capital as the ―goodwill that is engendered by
the fabric of social relations and that can be mobilized to facilitate action‖ (p. 17).
Social capital is the investment in social networks as well as in mutual recognition
and acknowledgment. Generally the more people one knows and the more one shares a
common outlook with those acquaintances, the richer one is in social capital (Field, 2008).
Implicit in these networks of social relations is the overall value to a network member.
Knowing many people does not create quality social capital. Rather, quality social capital is
dependent on the strength and quantity of human, cultural, economic, and social capital that
individuals within a network possess and access over a lifetime (Kim & Schneider, 2005).
Social capital theory is one way to understand how individuals and networks interact
within a specific social structure. The theory explores how individuals access resources
through social relationships, and which types of relationships and resources are most
conducive to building social capital. Therefore, the unit of analysis can be at both the
individual and group levels. For the purposes of this study, I focus on the application of
social capital theory to educational research and inquiry. Educational researchers are
interested in applying the theory to understanding how individual students‘ social
relationships and resources affect their academic trajectories within educational institutions.
Educational scholars have long documented how important quality sources of social
capital are in students‘ academic success (Kao, 2004; Ream, 2005; Stanton-Salazar &
29
Dornbusch, 1995; Teranishi & Briscoe, 2006). Reliable sources of social capital are
particularly important to the academic success of those students who attend under-
performing urban high schools (Tierney & Venegas, 2006). Students transitioning from
secondary to postsecondary education often draw on different sources of social capital
available at their schools and among their relatives and friends to successfully complete a
college degree. For instance, a first-generation, low-income high school student wants to
enroll at a four-year college immediately after high school. To accomplish this goal, the
student needs to prepare for college admission while still in secondary school. The student
cannot rely on relatives to provide timely and accurate college preparation information.
Therefore, the student will rely on others—namely teachers, academic counselors, peers, and
college preparation program personnel—for assistance in applying for college admission and
financial aid. Each of these individuals represents a potential source of social capital that the
student accesses while preparing for college enrollment. If the student cannot procure the
necessary college preparation information from these individuals, the student will likely not
be able to attend a four-year institution immediately after high school.
Accessing similar types of social capital is especially important for undocumented
students. Undocumented students‘ unique financial, academic, and personal challenges to
pursuing a postsecondary education require them to access even more specialized
information for college preparation. They require long-lasting and reliable access to scarce
and often clandestine information about in-state academic fee policies and undocumented-
friendly scholarships and employment opportunities. Most undocumented students, as
described in Chapter 4, rely on a variety of institutional agents, relatives, and peers for
assistance in attending college. These sources of social capital are invaluable to their success
30
in pursuing a postsecondary education, as the majority of undocumented students cannot
attend college without others‘ continued support. Social capital theory is useful in
chronicling how undocumented college students overcome recurring and significant
obstacles in pursuing a postsecondary education. I now describe two distinct views of social
capital as presented by Pierre Bourdieu and James Coleman. These two views dominate the
social capital literature in the field of education and are pertinent to answering the study‘s
research questions.
Pierre Bourdieu’s “bridging” social capital. Pierre Bourdieu became involved in
social capital theory by way of his interest in the foundations of social order. As an extension
of social order, Bourdieu found that economic, cultural, and social capital were grounded in
the larger theories of social reproduction, and symbolic power and goods previously outlined
by Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim, and Max Weber (Brubaker, 1985). Bourdieu (1986) defines
social capital as ―the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to
possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual
acquaintance and recognition‖ (p. 248). Membership in a particular network allows an
individual to claim resources that are held collectively by the group. Bourdieu (1986) also
explains that the size of the network determines the volume of social capital possessed by an
individual. Further, the social obligations and connections contained within networks are at
times convertible into economic capital.
According to Portes (1998), Bourdieu‘s concept of social capital can be reduced to
two primary elements: (a) the social relationship that allows an individual to claim the
resources of one‘s network associates, and (b) the quantity and quality of those network
resources. It is through social capital that individuals have access to other types of capital—
31
namely economic and cultural capital. These forms of capital aid the dominant class by
maintaining and reproducing group solidarity, as well as exclusionary practices. In
minimizing access to capital, the dominant class secures its commanding position within
society (Lin, 1999; Portes, 1998).
Bourdieu (1986) describes three forms of cultural capital: embodied (long-lasting
dispositions of the mind), objectified (cultural goods), and institutionalized (educational
qualifications). Particular forms of cultural capital are more highly valued than others with
each person bringing a particular habitus—a system of durable dispositions inculcated by
objective structural conditions—to the field of interaction (Nash, 1999). Horvat (2001)
explains that an individual‘s habitus reflects the internalization of structural boundaries and
constraints, largely driving what an individual believes is possible and deserved. Hence, the
powerful nature of cultural capital lies in the transmission, accumulation, and internalization
of norms and expectations over one‘s entire socialization. Social capital, marked by its
unspecified obligations and undetermined time horizons, fosters the transmission of cultural
and economic capital resulting in access to powerful and enduring resources over a lifetime.
Bourdieu‘s (1986) concept of social capital requires a constant stream of interactions
and exchanges on the part of network members. Further, he believes that social capital is an
asset of the privileged classes in society (Field, 2008). Horvat (2001) explains that Bourdieu‘s
sociology ―aims at bridging the gap between individual action and social structure in shaping
human interaction‖ (p. 200). In other words, social capital is just another apparatus of a
larger social system of accessing resources and the reproduction of social class and
stratification. This ―bridging‖ view helps explain the varying levels of success among
individuals as their actions can be facilitated by their direct and indirect links to others in
32
their respective social networks (Adler & Kwon, 2002). The role of institutions of higher
education facilitating the exchange and reproduction of social capital is of value in shaping
policies and practices that provide opportunities for more diverse individuals to cultivate
social capital.
The ―bridging‖ version of social capital is useful in examining education-related
issues as it provides a lens by which to explain differences in educational progress and
attainment. Researchers can in part substantiate individual or group educational outcomes by
looking at the quantity, quality, and frequency of their relationships and resources that foster
academic goals inside and outside of school. Further, Bourdieu‘s version of social capital
places the relationships and resources within a larger structural framework where individuals
and groups have a relatively static place in society. This view is particularly helpful in
studying the experiences of undocumented college students, as they are members of a larger
hidden underclass in U.S. society. Navigating a postsecondary education without the formal
and widespread recognition of institutional agents affects the quality and quantity of social
capital available to undocumented students. I now turn to a description of another
interpretation of social capital theory by James Coleman.
James Coleman’s “bonding” social capital. James Coleman, an American
sociologist, came to contribute to social capital theory by way of his research on educational
attainment in American communities. Unlike Bourdieu, Coleman strongly believes that social
capital is not limited to the powerful in society (Field, 2008). Rather, individuals of all
socioeconomic backgrounds access and build social capital during the course of their lives.
Coleman (1990) states that social capital:
33
constitutes a particular kind of resource available to an actor. Social capital is defined
by its function. It is not a single entity but a variety of different entities, with two
elements in common: they all consist of some aspect of social structures, and they
facilitate certain actions of actors—whether persons or corporate actors—within the
structure. (p. S98)

Coleman (1988) believes that social capital consists of norms and social control. Thus, social
capital is intangible, embodied in the relations among people, and takes three primary forms:
levels of trust as evidenced by obligations, expectations, and trustworthiness of structures;
information channels; and norms and sanctions that promote the common good over self-
interest (Coleman, 1988, 1990; Dika & Singh, 2002).
Coleman, like Bourdieu, emphasizes the importance of social networks in his version
of social capital theory. An area of departure for Coleman (1988, 1990) is his particular
attention to what he labels ―intergenerational closure‖—parents knowing the parents of their
children's friends. Scholars believe that social closure is particularly important to social
capital building in educational settings. For instance, the networks connecting the parents of
adolescent classmates and friends facilitate effective norms like high school completion and
college attendance (Dika & Singh, 2002; Horvat, Weininger, & Lareau, 2003). These effective
norms facilitate or inhibit certain behaviors and actions, restricting an individual‘s actions for
the sake of the public, communal good (Coleman, 1990). Putnam (1995) believes that
organizations like the Parent Teacher Association (PTA) help build and sustain social capital
in school settings. This type of organization ultimately contributes to the maintenance of
civil engagement that benefits an entire society.
In comparison to Bourdieu‘s ―bridging‖ social capital, Coleman‘s social capital is
conceptualized as ―bonding‖ (Adler & Kwon, 2002). Bonding focuses on the collectivity‘s
characteristics and internal structure—the ―linkages among individuals or groups within the
34
collectivity and, specifically, in those features that give the collectivity cohesiveness and
thereby facilitate the pursuit of collective goals‖ (Adler & Kwon, 2002, p. 21). Coleman
(1990) also argues that structures, like voluntary organizations, produce both intentional and
unintentional social capital. However, he is wary of what he sees as artificial social structures
like government and corporate actors replacing primordial forms of social capital, since he
believes the personal incentives to remain faithful to the unit disappear with individuals who
are essentially ―free riding‖ (p. 654). The forms of social capital that provide reciprocal
benefits for a lifetime generally fall within family, clan, and community relationships. Hence
it is the family‘s primary responsibility to adopt certain norms conducive to advancing their
children‘s quality of life (Lareau, 2001).
Comparing bridging and bonding versions of social capital partly relies on
contrasting the different types of relationships individuals and groups cultivate. Bridging
social capital focuses on the external factors that constitute interpersonal relationships while
bonding social capital focuses on the internal factors (Adler & Kwon, 2002; Tierney, 2006).
On the one hand, external ties focusing on the bridging functions of social capital help
explain the differential success of individuals and groups; success can be greatly facilitated by
one‘s direct and indirect links to other actors in social networks. This perspective helps
explain the benefits and opportunities an individual or group obtains as a result of
membership in a reciprocal network. On the other hand, internal ties focusing on the
bonding functions of social capital highlight the collective actors' internal characteristics;
those internal features that give the network cohesiveness facilitate the pursuit of collective
goals.
35
Another component of social capital that is useful in answering the study‘s research
questions is the strength of social ties. The strength of these ties within an individual‘s or
group‘s network dictates the type of resources accessed. Lin (1999), following the lead of
Granovetter (1973, 1982), argues that the strength of ties—either strong or weak—serves
different purposes. Strong ties are those relationships with family members and close friends
with whom an individual shares high levels of intimacy and trust. In contract, weak ties are
those relationships with acquaintances from different social and cultural backgrounds; these
ties are found in low-density networks where individuals are less connected with each other.
Lin argues that strong ties bring together individuals and groups with similar resources in
order to pursue expressive purposes—normative and identity-based goals (Field, 2008).
Weak ties serve instrumental goals since they provide access to new types of people and
resources that rely less on strongly-shared values. Thus, strong and weak ties provide distinct
advantages in accomplishing different goals.
Relating social capital to undocumented student experiences. As I discuss in
Chapters 4 and 5, informants did not always exclusively develop bridging or bonding social
capital. For instance, a student may have participated in a campus undocumented support
group that provided access to an entire network of undocumented-friendly advocates and
organizations that assisted her in securing financing for college (bridging social capital). That
same student‘s parents may have purposively moved to a school district with a higher college
attendance record, thus creating an environment and expectation of postsecondary
attendance (bonding social capital). In this case, the student benefited from both bridging
and bonding social capital. Also, individual students relied on internal and external factors
during their social capital building. At times students benefitted from strong ties while at
36
other times they were better served by transitory weak ties. In this study, I consider various
manifestations of social capital to be beneficial to an undocumented student‘s postsecondary
academic success.
No known studies have explicitly employed the social capital theoretical framework
to understand the experiences of undocumented students. Research with students has
primarily focused on their academic resiliency (Perez et al., 2009), the community cultural
wealth students bring with them to educational settings (Perez Huber, 2009), or the impact
of undocumented-friendly legislation on students‘ college attendance (Abrego, 2006, 2008;
Flores, 2010; Flores & Horn, 2009; Flores & Oseguera, 2009). Other studies have focused
on the impact of being undocumented on students‘ academic trajectories (Gonzales, 2009;
Perez, 2009) or how the media portrays undocumented student issues (Jefferies, 2009). As
the literature on undocumented college students has grown, researchers have pursued the
subject from various angles following no single research agenda or theme. This study
attempts to take another angle—how students access social capital in lieu of traditional
forms of economic, human, and cultural capital in completing a postsecondary education.
This study utilizes elements of both Bourdieu‘s and Coleman‘s visions of social
capital. An examination of undocumented student experiences benefits from both theorists
since Bourdieu focuses on class agency while Coleman focuses on individual agency
(Musoba & Baez, 2009). Both types of agency are pertinent to the experiences of an
individual undocumented college student who inhabits a distinct social underclass. This
structure/agency dichotomy may manifest in the creation of a communal and/or personal
college-going identity contrary to the dominant social and political influences that discourage
and invalidate such actions. On the one hand, an undocumented college student makes a
37
conscious decision to pursue a postsecondary education even though most social, economic,
and cultural indicators suggest it is a poor decision riddled with opportunities to be exposed
by immigration authorities (Negron-Gonzalez, 2009). On the other hand, an undocumented
college student who keeps his immigration status secret out of fear of legal repercussions
maintains a sense of social respect and legitimacy by pursuing a postsecondary education.
This study chronicles such realities and how they impact students‘ abilities to successfully
earn a bachelor‘s degree.
Bourdieu‘s and Coleman‘s views of social capital are also useful to this study since
they respectively focus on external and internal ties (Adler & Kwon, 2002; Tierney, 2006).
The external perspective highlights the importance of institutional agents knowing about
undocumented students‘ needs. If agents are aware of students‘ realities, they can positively
influence policy that affects this largely invisible group of students. The internal perspective
helps explain the benefits and opportunities undocumented students obtain when they join
an on-campus student support group that provides them with a forum to discuss their
educational goals and a pool of resources to help realize those goals. Undocumented college
students‘ academic trajectories are driven by the external and internal ties that they have with
institutional agents, benefactors, undocumented-friendly support groups, and friends and
family.
Considerations when applying social capital theory. While social capital theory
has been widely used in educational studies as a means to explain differences in educational
attainment, there are also some noteworthy criticisms to keep in mind when it is applied to
an investigation of undocumented college students. One serious weakness is the original
conceptualization of social capital by Coleman in 1990 (Morrow, 1999; Portes, 1998, 2000).
38
Critics point to the fact that his conceptualization is much too vague to develop testable
hypotheses. Further, Coleman‘s social capital relies on a top-down view of the parent-child
relationship leaving little to no opportunity for the agency of adolescents in accessing social
capital on their own; all social capital is accessed via a parent in an intact, traditional family
structure. This scenario is not always present in the case of the nine students profiled in this
study.
The same vagueness that applies to Coleman‘s conceptualization can be found in
Bourdieu‘s (1986) theoretical version. Musoba and Baez (2009) point to the fact that social
capital is often over-simplified. In particular, the uncritical use of Bourdieu‘s bridging social
capital can result in a masking of class struggles. Further, Coleman‘s version of social capital
largely ignores the oppressive aspect of social relations on which bonding social capital is
centered. Coleman speaks to the individual mobility associated with social capital but fails to
―account for the roles it plays in the social processes which will continue to demand that
individuals own this or that kind of capital in order to be deemed worthy of the social
resources invested in them‖ (Musoba & Baez, p. 168). These criticisms are relevant to this
study as undocumented immigrants are members of a distinct underclass that is illegally
present in the US. Applying social capital theory to a study of undocumented students
without considering the practical ramifications of their belonging to a largely disenfranchised
underclass could lead to a further simplification of their educational experiences.
Another weakness of social capital theory is its reliance on the resources inherent in
the structure of relationships. According to Portes and Landolt (1996), this reliance leads to
two conceptual issues. First, the sources of social capital—namely relationships—are
confused with the benefits derived from it, leading to a circular reasoning because the
39
presence of social capital is often inferred from the assets that an individual or group
acquires. For example, a student who secures the money necessary to pay for college from
one‘s relatives is thought to have social capital, whereas a student who does not secure the
money has no social capital. Such an inference does not take into account the possibility that
the unsuccessful student also may have highly supportive social networks that simply lack
the economic means to meet such an expense. The second issue is that the disentanglement
of the possession of social capital from its activation becomes nearly impossible (Dika &
Singh, 2002). It becomes difficult to distinguish between the ability to access social capital
and the ability to activate it resulting in a desirable outcome. As described in Chapter 4,
issues of benefits and disentanglement are constantly present in students‘ lives.
Distinguishing between genuine sources of social capital and unintentional circumstances is
important to keep in mind throughout the study.
Academics most critical of social capital theory also focus on its shortcomings in
explaining how race, ethnicity, and class affect its development and application (Dika &
Singh, 2002; Lareau & Horvat, 1999; Stanton-Salazar, 1997; Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch,
1995). Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch (1995) argue that supportive ties with institutional
agents vary between solid middle-class students and Mexican-origin high school students.
Therefore, they advocate for an alternative social reproduction theory that is inclusive of the
realities of ethnic minorities. Stanton-Salazar (1997) outlines the specific institutional and
ideological forces that make access to social capital and institutional support within
educational settings so difficult for working-class minority students. These studies question
social capital as a catchall for the positive effects of sociability, without consideration of
evidence that shows how race, ethnicity, and class have a negative influence on traditional
40
social capital acquisition. Again an examination of racial and ethnic minorities, such as this
study attempts, needs to regularly account for these negative influences.
There are other specific drawbacks of applying social capital theory to studying
undocumented college students. Prolonged engagement with these students in order to
identify and understand the available forms of social capital within their networks is
challenging given the economic, educational, and social circumstances caused by their
immigration status. Further, because there are so many limitations placed on undocumented
college students‘ access to financial aid and college services, distinguishing the difference
between the possession of social capital from its activation becomes challenging. For
instance, there is no way to know if students could activate certain types of social capital
since they may be barred from accessing a counseling or tutoring program due to lack of
residency or official financial aid eligibility. There are also ethical considerations for the
application of social capital theory to studying undocumented students. As social networks
are difficult to navigate as an outsider, adding another layer—undocumented immigration
status—to an already complex composition of racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic factors may
be too overwhelming to identify and document in the course of a research project.
Tying Social Capital to the Research Questions
Before moving on to the methodological framework for this study, I want to revisit
the four research questions that guide this dissertation:
1. How do undocumented college students develop, maintain, and exchange social
capital?
2. Do the social support networks of undocumented college students factor into
educational outcomes?
41
3. How do experiences of exclusion shape the educational identity and
consciousness of undocumented students?
4. How do the contours of an undocumented student‘s identity enable or disable
academic performance?
These four questions are a starting point from which I can understand how the acquisition
and application of social capital affects undocumented students‘ postsecondary goals. I aim
to describe how individuals learn about the limitations posed by their immigration status and
how they react to the obstacles. Using social capital theory, I want to chronicle who helps
students prepare for and transition to college. I also want to explain how individuals and
social support networks may or may not be successful in procuring relevant and useful
sources of social capital. I intend to describe how individual agency helps students overcome
structural barriers to a postsecondary education. Finally, I want to understand how different
types of social capital revealed in networks and relationships best serve students‘ interests at
various times in their educational careers.
Undocumented students make sense of their immigration status and its respective
limitations by observing relatives, friends, and peers that share the same circumstances.
Students look to institutional agents such as instructors, counselors, and mentors for
direction and support in navigating their postsecondary education goals. They also rely on
their individual abilities to attend college while fulfilling their other familial and personal
responsibilities. Social capital theory provides a tool by which to respond to these realities
and experiences. By employing the theory as my interpretive lens for analyzing the
experiences of undocumented students, I may come to better understand the distinct factors
42
that allow students to pursue a postsecondary education. I now turn to a discussion of
method.
43
Chapter 3
Research Design and Method
I walked up to the table in the breezeway. The Metropolitan University (Metro U.)
undocumented student club—IMAGINE—was hosting a fundraiser bake sale that day.
They had set out a table in their usual spot to sell coffee, soft drinks, candy, baked goods,
and tamales. The students working the table smiled at me while I surveyed my options. One
of the younger students approached and asked me what I wanted. She addressed me by my
name. ―I‘ll have a coffee and sweet tamale, please.‖ She was putting together my order when
I introduced myself to her. ―We haven‘t met but I‘m Lisa. What‘s your name?‖ She
responded shyly, ―It‘s Alba.‖ I asked Alba how she knew my name. I had seen her before at
a few of the IMAGINE meetings but I had never talked to her. She explained, ―I‘ve seen
you at the meetings. You sort of stick out so I remembered your name.‖ I chuckled. ―What
do you mean I stick out?‖ Alba blushed. ―Well, you know … you look different than us. It‘s
hard not to notice you.‖ I smiled and nodded my head. She handed me the tamale and
coffee and I thanked her.
I found a seat in the courtyard and enjoyed my food and drink. I had a clear view of
the bake sale and I took inventory of the students working the table. Alba was right—I did
look different than the club members. Not only was I about 10 years older than most of the
students, I was also taller than them and I was the only one with blonde hair. As a
nonimmigrant studying undocumented immigrants, my appearance, attitudes and beliefs, and
objectives as a researcher were of concern to the research informants. Many students
assumed that I was married since my surname is Garcia. Some students asked me why I did
not speak fluent Spanish since my father‘s family is from Mexico. Others questioned why I
44
was interested in the topic of undocumented immigration since I was not an immigrant
myself. A few shared with me that I was the first Caucasian-looking person with whom they
had ever shared their status. Students questioned me about my motives before we started
interviews or observations. Others inquired about my personal life and experiences when I
spent the day with them or mingled with them at events.
The researcher/informant dynamic as well as the study population required me to
constantly reflect on both the nature of this study and its effects on the informants. Given
the sensitive nature of navigating life as an adult undocumented immigrant, it was important
for me to think carefully about how to approach this research project from beginning to end.
In the discussion that follows, I review how I conducted research on undocumented college
students. I begin by restating the research questions that guided this study. Next, I provide
an overview of my research design as well as describe the process of identifying and
recruiting students. I explain the three methods used to collect data: observations, interviews,
and document analysis. I then detail the procedures used for data analysis and discuss how I
ensured trustworthiness throughout the research process. Finally, I end with a brief
discussion about the theoretical perspective that influenced my position as a researcher.
Research Design
As previously stated, four primary research questions guided this study:
1. How do undocumented college students develop, maintain, and exchange social
capital?
2. Do the social support networks of undocumented college students factor into
educational outcomes?
45
3. How do experiences of exclusion shape the educational identity and
consciousness of undocumented students?
4. How do the contours of an undocumented student‘s identity enable or disable
academic performance?
Undocumented college students and their educational experiences have been
minimally studied using both quantitative and qualitative studies. Quantitative studies of
undocumented students highlight the persistence and academic resilience of students (e.g.,
Flores, 2010; Flores & Chapa, 2009; Flores & Horn, 2009; Perez et al., 2009). While such
studies are useful in painting broad strokes of undocumented college student experiences,
they do not provide the details about how matriculation actually occurs. Other scholars (e.g.,
Abrego, 2006, 2008; Gildersleeve, 2010; Gonzales, 2007, 2009; Perez, 2009; Perez Huber,
2009) have conducted qualitative interviews and observations, seeking to understand
students‘ experiences living in the shadows of society while simultaneously pursuing
postsecondary education goals. These accounts provide a more nuanced description of
undocumented students‘ experiences.
Answering my research questions required utilizing a methodological approach to
inquiry that provided the ability to not only look at my subjects‘ experiences during the time
I spent with them, but also gain insight about their previous life and educational experiences.
I also wanted a methodological approach that allowed for insight into students‘ future
employment and educational prospects. For undocumented students, matriculating to a
four-year institution was not simply a matter of meeting admission eligibility requirements,
applying to college, and then enrolling in classes. Rather, these students followed a trajectory
infused with limitations and experiences unique only to undocumented immigrants. They
46
drew from both their past and present experiences of exclusion and inclusion as well as their
anticipation of being college educated for motivation and direction. Thus, their college-going
experiences were always rooted in the past, present, and future.
Given this study‘s research questions and the challenges undocumented
postsecondary students encounter, I chose to employ qualitative methods as quantitative
methods would not provide me with the answers I sought. Denzin and Lincoln (2000)
explain that qualitative researchers emphasize the value-laden nature of inquiry; researchers
seek answers to questions that explain how social experience is created and given meaning.
This qualitative study focused on the educational experiences and perceptions of
undocumented college students currently attending Metro. U. Further, it focused on how
these students construct and enact their identities as college students in complex learning
and living environments that simultaneously discourage and encourage their presence and
participation.
The Case for Qualitative Methodology
A qualitative researcher‘s primary goal is to create and bring psychological and
emotional unity to an interpretive experience (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). This is
accomplished by employing those methods that are conducive to fostering an interactive
research process. To understand the experiences of undocumented college students and the
way in which they make meaning of their past and present interactions, I took a qualitative
approach to this study.
In this study, I was interested in learning how undocumented college students
develop college-going identities as well as how they persisted in pursuing their postsecondary
goals. As a nonimmigrant outsider observing these students, I felt that I might be more able
47
to identify how the students successfully navigated the college-going process. Understanding
meaning necessitates that the researcher interact with participants, preferably on an in-depth
basis over a period of time. Qualitative researchers draw upon multiple methods, including
observations and interviews, to conduct their research. They spend adequate time with the
subjects to gain a fuller understanding of the subjects and collected data (Creswell, 2007).
Spending time with subjects requires the researcher to acknowledge one‘s own positions,
perceptions, and biases (Fine & Weis, 1996).
Important in this qualitative study was also the vulnerable nature of undocumented
students. The students‘ vulnerability was a constant issue in the planning and execution of
the study‘s data collection. For instance, I acknowledged early on that campus and
community gatekeepers would be instrumental in both identifying study participants and
establishing credibility as a legitimate researcher among undocumented students (Fine &
Weis, 1996; Fine, Weis, Weseen, & Wong, 2000; Weis & Fine, 2000). I also had to be
sensitive to the research limitations set by the Institutional Review Boards (IRB) at both my
institution and Metro U. I was mindful of the limited time I had to collect data, as many of
the students would either finish their degrees by the end of the year or take anticipated
breaks in enrollment due to financial issues. Thus, I conducted intense and repeated
observations and individual interviews over the course of the 2009–2010 academic year at
Metro U. and select University of California (UC) and California State University (CSU)
campuses.
Entry and site selection. This study drew upon various qualitative research
methods to investigate the experiences of undocumented postsecondary students attending
four-year institutions. Identifying undocumented students posed a significant obstacle during
48
all stages of data collection. Many institutions as well as large postsecondary systems and
states do not track the size of their undocumented student populations (Batalova & Fix,
2006; Passel, 2003). Some universities publish annual reports estimating the numbers of their
potential undocumented students while others are just beginning to collect undocumented
student data (Blackburn, 2009; University of California, 2010).
My primary data collection location—Metro U.—neither collected nor published an
official report on the exact number of undocumented immigrants matriculating on campus.
Therefore, I could not approach the administration for a roster of enrolled undocumented
students. Further, due to confidentiality issues related to the study population, approaching
individual institutional agents regarding the whereabouts of students was also not an option.
Site selection had to be strategic so as to maximize both the number of matriculating
undocumented students and the probability of securing the participation of informants
through snowball sampling (Salganik & Heckathorn, 2004; Watters & Biernacki, 1989). My
goal was to recruit approximately 25 current undocumented Metro U. students for the study.
Metro U. is a large, public, comprehensive university situated at the heart of a vast
metropolitan area. It is one of the 23 campuses that constitute the CSU. The university
enrolls approximately 20,000 students; 75% of the students are undergraduates and 60% are
women. Approximately 37% of the students attend Metro U. on a part-time basis. Metro U.
is a Hispanic-Serving Institution (HSI) with 55% of the student body being Latino, 22%
Asian, 15% White, and 8% African American. Almost 80% of Metro U.‘s student body hails
from the surrounding metropolitan area. The university‘s academic fees totaled
approximately $4,893 for academic year 2009–2010.
49
Metro U.‘s demographics, location, and academic fees provided a sound justification
for its selection as a primary study location. The university‘s overwhelming Latino majority
made it a more desirable place to locate undocumented students since 76% of the nation‘s
undocumented population is Hispanic (Passel & Cohn, 2009). Further, Metro U. is located in
the same metropolitan area that is home to the largest undocumented immigrant population
in the nation. It is assumed that because of the sizeable undocumented population, area
postsecondary institutions will likely enroll relatively significant numbers of undocumented
students since they will be able to save money by commuting from home. Since
undocumented students are not eligible for state and federal financial aid, Metro U.‘s
relatively low academic fees also makes it a more desirable institution for enrollment.
Finally, I chose Metro U. as the primary research location since I had longstanding
connections with Metro U. students due to previous research conducted at the location
(Garcia & Tierney, in press). Establishing relationships with vulnerable and hidden
populations requires negotiating with gatekeepers whom informants know and trust (Tierney
& Hallett, 2010). As with most research concerning hidden or vulnerable populations, access
to sites often begins with gatekeepers who hold insider status within the population
(Creswell, 2007). My relationship with recent Metro U. graduates facilitated introductions to
current Metro U. undocumented students. I then used these new relationships with current
Metro U. students to meet more undocumented students on campus. This snowball
sampling technique (Salganik & Heckathorn, 2004) facilitated introductions to campus
undocumented students throughout the academic year. I was also able to gain access to the
weekly meetings of the campus undocumented student group—IMAGINE. At these
meetings, I interacted with students and established my status as a legitimate, trustworthy
50
researcher. Subsequent group fundraisers, activities, and events further allowed me to
introduce myself to undocumented students.
Participant selection. The first step in participant selection was to secure
permission from the Institutional Review Board (IRB) at both my institution and Metro U.
Once I received permission from both campus IRB offices, I began recruiting study
participants. There were three criteria used to determine eligibility for the study. All student
informants had to be: (a) currently undocumented immigrants, (b) age 18 or older, and (c)
currently attending Metro U. I provided students with the IRB-approved study recruitment
flyer (see Appendix A) as well as my professional business card containing both my mobile
phone number and university e-mail address. The flyer included information about what
participation in the study would entail and asked the students to contact me if they were
interested in participating. I met the majority of Metro U. participants through
undocumented student acquaintances and at weekly IMAGINE meetings and events.
Most students that I approached were receptive to participating in the study. This
was largely due to my existing relationships with Metro U. undocumented student leaders. I
also benefitted from using snowball sampling—a process by which I routinely asked study
participants to refer me to other undocumented students who may want to participate in the
study. Once a student agreed to participate, we then scheduled an interview at a convenient
time and place. All student interviews were individually scheduled due to IRB-established
guidelines regarding confidentiality. Before interviews began, I reviewed with the informants
all of the detailed information on the IRB-approved study information sheet (see Appendix
B). I answered all of the participants‘ questions and encouraged them to contact me at any
point after the interview if they had any further questions or concerns. Due to the nature of
51
the subject population, both campus IRB offices determined that written consent was
optional. Students could consent by way of answering the interview questions. I used an
IRB-approved interview protocol (see Appendix C) for all formal interviews. As expected in
any qualitative study, additional questions arose during the course of the research. For
secondary interviews and/or observations, I did not use a protocol.
A total of 25 Metro U. students participated in semi-structured in-depth interviews
during the 2009–2010 academic year. Participants in this study included undergraduates of
every level from a variety of academic disciplines (see Table 1). Among the 25 students, two
students were working on post-baccalaureate teaching credentials and one was completing a
master‘s degree. Although the university serves a large population of non-Latino students, all
of the Metro U. undocumented student participants were Mexican nationals. Participants
included 16 women and nine men, all between the age of 18 and 30. Of the 25 participants,
nine students were asked to participate in follow-up interviews and observations based on
their availability. Detailed summaries of the nine students are provided in Chapter 4.
52
Table 1: Metropolitan University Student Characteristics
Name Age Gender Country
of Origin
Age of
Arrival
Level Major
Abel 24 Male Mexico 6 Senior Criminal Justice
Alba 18 Female Mexico 7 Frosh Undecided
Alberto 21 Male Mexico 12 Junior Mathematics
Alejandra 20 Female Mexico 8 mos. Junior Social work
Alex 23 Male Mexico 4 Senior Business Admin.
Blanca 20 Female Mexico 9 Junior Political Science
Cristina 20 Female Mexico 3 mos. Junior Spanish
Jackie 23 Female Mexico 3 Senior Political Science
Janelle 24 Female Mexico 5 Junior Political Science
Julia 18 Female Mexico 13 Frosh Undecided
Luis 20 Male Mexico 4 Junior Biology
Luz 20 Female Mexico 13 Junior Sociology
Manny 19 Male Mexico 6 Soph. Computer Science
Marcos 26 Male Mexico 15 Senior Marketing
Marina 24 Female Mexico 2 Senior Psychology
Marissa 25 Female Mexico 6 Graduate Social Work
Monica 22 Female Mexico 11 Junior Sociology
Paloma 21 Female Mexico 11 mos. Soph. Undecided
Ramona 19 Female Mexico 6 mos. Soph. Special Education
Ricky 22 Male Mexico 7 Senior Comp Animation
Roberto 24 Male Mexico 14 Senior Latin American
Studies
Romero 30 Male Mexico 11 Post-Bac Teaching
Credential
Sara 23 Female Mexico 14 Post-Bac Teaching
Credential
Stephanie 20 Female Mexico 2 Junior Political Science
Tesla 22 Female Mexico 11 Senior Sociology

In addition to interviewing and observing Metro U. students, I also conducted
supplementary interviews with 15 undocumented students attending UC and CSU campuses
throughout California (see Table 2). These students were also contacted for their
participation in the study via snowball sampling using pre-existing contacts in the
undocumented student community. All 15 students were undergraduates ranging from age
53
18 to 24; eleven were female, three were male, and one was transgender. Again, all
participating students were Latino, originating from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Mexico. I
used the same IRB-approved recruitment flyer, study information sheet, and interview
protocol when recruiting and interviewing this smaller group of research informants (see
Appendices A, B, and C).
Table 2: UC and CSU Student Characteristics

Name Age Gender Country
of Origin
Age of
Arrival
Campus Level Major
Abigail 20 Female Mexico 10 UC Junior Development
Studies
Belen 19 Female Mexico 8 mos. UC Frosh Aerospace
Engineering
Benito 20 Male Mexico 16 UC Frosh Undecided
Betty 19 Female El
Salvador
16 UC Soph. Ethnic Studies
Camila 21 Female Mexico 6 CSU Junior Human Services
Chavela 20 Female El
Salvador
3 UC Soph. Political Science
Daniela 22 Female Mexico 5 UC Senior Mathematics
Fabian 21 Male Mexico 6 UC Junior Anthropology
Fidel 19 Male Mexico 9 UC Soph. Mathematics
Juana 19 Female Mexico 7 UC Frosh Biochemistry
Linda 20 Female Mexico 2 CSU Senior Ethnic Studies
Pia 20 Female Guatemala 15 UC Frosh Biology
Rosita 19 Female Mexico 9 mos. UC Frosh Undecided
Sol 24 Trans. Mexico 3 UC Senior Community
Studies
Tamar 20 Female Mexico 2 CSU Junior Gender Studies

Research Method
This study draws upon three methods—participant observations, interviews, and
document analysis—to understand how undocumented students create personal and
54
communal identities that foster the development of class-based social capital that in turn
helps them attend four-year institutions.
Observations. Observations of the students and related campus and community
activities were conducted throughout the project. Observation research typically occurs in a
natural context. Adler and Adler (1994) explain that during observation, ―behavior and
interaction continue as they would without the presence of a researcher‖ (p. 378).
Observation requires that researchers enter the field for a prolonged period of time to
observe and occasionally interact with study participants (Bogdan & Taylor, 1975).
Observers may take on a variety of roles, ranging from passive observer to active participant.
Angrosino and Mays de Perez (2000) argue that researchers do not step into defined
positions. Rather, they negotiate with participants to determine the type of role they might
assume during the research project. Observation was a particularly useful tool for studying
undocumented students since it allowed me to experience the ways in which students‘
immigration statuses influenced their academic behavior and actions.
Atkinson and Hammersley (1994) explain that participant observation ―rests on the
principle of interaction and the ‗reciprocity of perspectives‘ between social actors‖ (p. 256).
This egalitarian position is based on the notion that both the observer and the observed are
different but equal. Acknowledging both my privilege as an observer and as a U.S. citizen
was key to building trust with student informants. I discussed with students that my
observations of them were to be treated as a dialogue between two strangers getting
acquainted with one another (Tyler, 1986). This open dialogue provoked both questions and
requests from informants. They often inquired about what I thought about the classes they
attended or the quality of their neighborhood schools. Some asked me about why I chose to
55
enroll in graduate school. On occasion I was asked to elaborate on education-related issues
during IMAGINE meetings. One student even asked me if I could borrow a book from my
own university library so she did not have to purchase it herself. Their inquiries about my
own perspectives and resources solidified our relationship as co-observers; they observed me
as much as I observed them.
Observations provided me the opportunity to view undocumented students‘
experiences as both insider and outsider simultaneously (Spradley, 1980). Researchers often
balance two very different tasks as both an insider and outsider; they have to adopt the
perspectives of participants while simultaneously trying to remain detached in order to
facilitate data collection and analysis (Bogdan & Biklen, 1992; Bogdan & Taylor, 1975). I
gained the trust of the informants by consistently attending the weekly IMAGINE meetings
as well as selected campus and community events sponsored by other immigrant rights
groups and IMAGINE. I attended IMAGINE fundraisers, a campus and statewide budget
cuts protest in which IMAGINE students participated, as well as immigrant messaging
training sessions and community informational sessions. I also accompanied individual
students to their places of employment, spent time with them in their homes, and interacted
with their parents and siblings. I met students‘ significant others and was invited to birthday
parties, holiday gatherings, and graduation celebrations.
For this study, I engaged in two types of participant observations—group and
individual (see Table 3). Group observations started in September 2009 and continued
through June 2010. These observations included meetings or gatherings where Metro U.
undocumented students congregated. I attended weekly IMAGINE meetings including most
of their fundraisers, community outreach events, and campus information sessions. These
56
observations provided detailed insight into how the students as a group went about
attending college as undocumented immigrants. I witnessed how they fundraised for their
operating and scholarship funds as well as how they used the proceeds to design outreach
programs targeting the greater campus community and local high schools. Group
observations also allowed me to document how Metro U. undocumented students gathered
information beneficial to college attendance such as scholarship, employment, and campus
leadership opportunities.
Table 3: Observation Details

Observed Type Duration Location Frequency
IMAGINE meetings Group 1–1.5 hours On-campus
locations
17
IMAGINE-
sponsored events
(e.g., high school
presentations,
fundraisers, open
houses, outreach
events, social
gatherings)
Group 1–4 hours On- and off-
campus
locations
14
Education budget
cuts action day
protest
Group Full day On- and off-
campus
locations
1
Immigrant rights
community events
Group 1–3 hours On- and off-
campus
locations
3
Metro U. students Individual 1–1.5 hours On- and off-
campus
locations
25
Metro U. profiled
students
Individual Full day On- and off-
campus
locations
9

I also engaged in individual observations throughout the study. As I discuss in
Chapter 4, I observed nine individual Metro U. students for a day at a time. Depending on
57
the availability of the individual students, I usually met students at the beginning of the day
and followed them for as long as possible. I accompanied them on their commutes to
campus as well as attended classes with them. I went to two students‘ places of employment
for a day. I even visited some students‘ homes, enabling me to interact with their parents,
siblings, and other relatives. These types of individual observations provided insight into the
day-to-day activities of undocumented students. I was able to gain a deeper understanding of
just how typical and atypical their days could be as undocumented immigrants. For example,
by riding public transportation with students to and from school, I was able to understand
how a 30-minute one-way commute by car could take three or four times longer due to a
student not being able to secure a driver‘s license because of one‘s immigration status.
Following each observation, I wrote a summary of the day‘s events, including
location and time, persons present, events observed, and emergent themes. I kept a diary on
hand during all observations so as to take notes. During club meetings or class observations,
I was able to take more complete notes. In those circumstances when taking copious notes
was inappropriate, I jotted down key words in my diary or left notes on my digital voice
recorder during breaks. This was more common when I was mingling with students,
attending fundraisers, or visiting them at their homes. I completed my summaries
immediately after leaving the field to maximize the amount of information I was able to
recall.
Interviews. Throughout the project I conducted formal and informal qualitative
interviews. Kvale (2007) explains that an interview is part of the common culture of the age.
The interview is ―a conversation that has a structure and a purpose determined by … the
interviewer‖ (p. 7). An interview is usually semi-structured, with a particular sequence of
58
themes to be covered as well as some prepared questions. Qualitative interviews are not
wholly spontaneous but are purposeful in their planning and execution. Researchers are
required to carefully listen and strategically respond so as to evoke both meaningful
questions and answers from informants (Spradley, 1979).
Interviews allowed me to probe students about their individual and group
circumstances and experiences. As with observations, interviews can be significantly
influenced by the relationship between the interviewer and participants. Fontana and Frey
(2000) suggest that ―interviews are interactional encounters and … the nature of the social
dynamic of the interview can shape the nature of the knowledge generated‖ (p. 647). Each
participant responds to an interviewer differently; some may feel more comfortable and will
share more information whereas others may feel intimidated and give abbreviated responses.
Building rapport—a harmonious relationship between researcher and informant (Creswell,
2007; Spradley, 1979)—is necessary in facilitating an interview that best describes
informants‘ experiences. Rapport facilitates and enhances a researcher‘s ability to elicit
information from a culture-sharing group that is useful in later description and analysis
(Spradley, 1979). For instance, some of the informants in this study were excited to
participate in further interviews and observations since the primary interview had uncovered
truths and experiences they had not previously considered important to their development as
undocumented students. In these cases, students were eager to help me document the life-
altering experiences that they did not previously recognize or value.
I conducted two types of interviews—formal and informal—throughout the course
of the study. I conducted formal interviews with 25 Metro U. students using a formal semi-
structured interview protocol—a set of questions to guide the interview but allowing the
59
participant more of a role in shaping the interview‘s direction (see Appendix C). I formally
interviewed each study informant one time during data collection. These interviews took
place between November 2009 and June 2010. On average, interviews lasted approximately
one hour and took place at the convenience of participants either on or off campus. Most
interviewees chose to be interviewed on the Metro U. campus, as it was the most convenient
place for them to meet. There were some students that asked to be interviewed at locations
in their own neighborhoods since it was more convenient or because they preferred to not
run into classmates or campus acquaintances during the interview.
Informal interviews were also conducted from September 2009 through June 2010.
These interviews mostly took place during group and individual observations and did not
follow any structured interview protocol. Informal interviews allowed for follow-up and
clarification of data collected during observations and formal interviews. I also used informal
interviews as a means by which to stay up-to-date on current campus and community events.
During both types of interviews, student informants were encouraged to engage in a
dialogue with me, including asking me questions and sharing concerns about the research
project and its objectives.
All interviewees agreed to be digitally recorded during their formal interviews. I
personally transcribed all interviews. During each formal interview, I took brief notes about
the interview setting as well as the interviewee. During informal interviews, I jotted down
notes or recorded notes using a digital tape recorder. I produced a one-page interview
summary for each interview including emerging themes and possible follow-up questions
and topics for future meetings and observations. Since I had weekly contact with many of
60
the research informants, I could relatively quickly clarify questions or concerns after
transcription. This process facilitated the final data analysis of the project.
Supplementary interviews. Throughout the course of the study, I conducted
supplemental interviews with an additional 15 undocumented students attending UC and
CSU campuses. These students were selected via snowball sampling using preexisting
contacts in the undocumented student community. Supplemental interviews were used in
two primary ways. First, the majority of these interviews provided more information about
how undocumented students pursued their postsecondary goals in different educational
settings. This was particularly relevant to those students attending the UC. For instance, UC
undocumented students attended a significantly more competitive and selective institution
than Metro U. Also students paid higher academic fees in the amount of $9,311—almost
double the amount paid by Metro U. students. Finally, another significant difference
between UC and Metro U. students was that the majority of UC students lived far from
home. As a result, most of them did not live with their families and often incurred much
higher living expenses associated with residing in on- or off-campus housing.
The second way in which these interviews were useful was that the conversations
provided more insight about the general awareness undocumented students had about
policies, practices, and opportunities that enabled them to pursue a postsecondary education.
For the supplemental interviews, campus gatekeepers were contacted in advance of my visit.
I then made individual arrangements with those students who expressed interest in
participating in the study. Participants felt comfortable to discuss their ideas freely in a
confidential atmosphere. Each interview lasted approximately one hour and was recorded
61
and transcribed for analysis. Supplemental interviews were an additional way to obtain
trustworthy contextual data that was useful in final data analysis.
Document analysis. Although observations and interviews composed the majority
of data I collected, I also engaged in document analysis. I started collecting and reviewing
documents in January 2009. I joined the mailing lists of research centers such as the
Migration Policy Institute, the Pew Hispanic Center, and the Center for the Study of
Immigrant Integration so as to stay current with policies and research on the subject. I also
regularly reviewed news outlets such as the Los Angeles Times, New York Times, The Sacramento
Bee, and San Francisco Chronicle for immigration-related stories. I paid particular attention to
those issues concerning undocumented immigrants and their intersection with K–12
education, higher education, and employment issues. I also reviewed relevant academic news
outlets—The Chronicle of Higher Education, Inside Higher Ed, and the Education Commission of the
States E-Clips—for undocumented immigrant-related stories, especially the most recent state
and national challenges and amendments to legislation that impact college students.
Another source of document analysis available to me during this study was the
IMAGINE discussion board. I relied on the board to stay current with all of Metro U.‘s
undocumented student activities, events, fundraisers, and scholarships. Members of the
discussion group regularly posted employment, volunteer, and political organizing
opportunities available to undocumented immigrants. I reviewed all of these posts, including
IMAGINE‘s printed and video recruitment materials, during data analysis.
Finally, I joined available undocumented student groups and forums on social
networking sites like Facebook to stay current with issues and activities. Analysis of
Facebook and group posts was used to frame the study and identify issues within Metro U.‘s
62
undocumented community. I was able to track the planning and development of several
fundraising and political action projects students participated in by reviewing e-mails and
Facebook messages. I was also able to keep in touch with students who were unable to
enroll for a term due to financial hardships. Table 4 summarizes the methods used, the
frequency in which they were employed, and the timeline for data collection.
Table 4: Research Methods Used

Method Targeted Group Duration Frequency Timeline
Observation
(group and
individual)
Metro U. students Varied Averaged several
group and
individual
observations per
week
September 2009–
June 2010
Interviews
(formal)
Metro U. students 1–1.5 hours 25 November 2009–
June 2010
Interviews
(formal)
UC and CSU
students
1–1.5 hours 15 November 2009–
June 2010
Interviews
(informal)
Metro U. students Varied Averaged several
per week
September 2009–
June 2010
Document
analysis
News outlets;
IMAGINE
discussion board;
social networking
sites; e-mails
Varied Averaged several
per week
January 2009–June
2010

Exiting the research process. Primary data collection for this study began in
September 2009 and ended in June 2010. The relationships that developed between a few of
the study participants and me continued past the end of data collection and analysis. I
remained in contact with some of the students through social networking websites and e-
mail. Some students continued to invite me to undocumented immigrant events and
fundraisers. I also remained a member of the IMAGINE discussion board so that I could
stay current on events and issues. As some of the students were graduating from Metro U.
during the 2009–2010 academic year, I was also invited to the IMAGINE graduation
63
celebration for family and friends. Students would periodically contact me for current
information about undocumented students for class projects and assignments. They also
contacted me to see how my dissertation was progressing and ask for general advice about
enrolling in graduate school.
Data analysis. Throughout data analysis, my primary goal was to find connections
between the environments undocumented immigrant students inhabited and how individual
and group experiences shaped students‘ college-going attitudes and actions. By comparing
common themes found in the collected observations, interviews, and documents, an image
of students‘ college-going experiences emerged. So as to familiarize myself with the data as
best I could, I personally transcribed all of the recorded interviews. I also re-wrote all of my
observation and field notes. I utilized Atlas.ti, a qualitative data analysis software, to organize
and code all of the data in one location on my computer. Atlas.ti provides the tools to help
the researcher concisely analyze the data; the program does not analyze the data according to
a preconceived script or program.
I relied on the constant comparative method (CCM) for all data analysis. CCM
enables the researcher to collect and analyze data simultaneously (Boeije, 2002; Glaser &
Strauss, 1967). After the collection of an initial set of data, I identified codes and themes that
emerged. At this stage, I had identified approximately 20 preliminary codes. These codes
included both descriptive and explanatory categories that allowed me to think more critically
of the data (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). I set these preliminary codes aside and continued
collecting data.
After I collected more data, I repeated the coding process. This time, I coded data in
relation to previously collected data. I collapsed and re-worked most of the codes so as to
64
better organize the data. This continual redefining of categories and criteria rendered the
original codes as general and contingent, far from final themes I anticipated producing at the
end of the project (Dye, Schatz, Rosenberg, & Coleman, 2000). I continued this process
several times throughout the study. The goal was to reach theoretical saturation—the point
at which all new data fits into existing categories. This method assured that I collected
enough data to gain a thorough understanding of the questions I sought to answer. CCM
also allowed for constant reflection on the study‘s culminating three themes presented later
in Chapter 5.
Trustworthiness. Ensuring trustworthiness in qualitative research is a holistic
process incorporating all stages of research—construction of research questions, data
collection, data interpretation, and presentation of findings (Harrison, MacGibbon, &
Morton, 2001). It is the process through which researchers meet the criteria of validity,
credibility, and believability that will be assessed by peer researchers, study participants, and
the reader. Researchers must provide ample evidence that their findings and conclusions are
sound (Rolfe, 2006). In this section, I briefly discuss how trustworthiness differs from
reliability and validity in quantitative research. I then discuss three primary means by which I
established trustworthiness: (a) prolonged engagement in the field, (b) triangulation, and (c)
member checks.
Trustworthiness in qualitative research is similar to reliability and validity in
quantitative research, though their meanings are quite nuanced and should be used with care
and purpose. According to Golafshani (2003), the primary goal of quantitative research is to
construct valid, standardized instruments that ensure replicability or repeatability of results
across multiple administrations. Reliability ensures the replicability of results through a high
65
degree of stability in the instrument. Validity determines whether the research has truly
measured what it was intended to measure and directly relates to the accuracy of the
developed instrument.
Unlike quantitative research, qualitative research does not have as its end goal a
reliable and valid standardized instrument. Instead, qualitative research is a situated activity
that locates the researcher in the world with a set of interpretive, material practices that make
the world visible (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). Qualitative research yields a set of
representations that makes the world better. According to Lincoln and Guba (1985),
establishing the trustworthiness of research is at the crux of issues conventionally discussed
as validity and reliability in quantitative research. They also discuss how researchers have
traditionally posed four factors—truth value, applicability, consistency, and neutrality—in
order to ensure trustworthiness within the conventional positivist paradigm. Trustworthiness
is always negotiable and open-ended, and does not require the reader to accept the account
without further questions or concerns. For this study, I engaged in three primary activities—
prolonged engagement, triangulation, and member checks—in order to establish
trustworthiness.
Prolonged engagement. Prolonged engagement requires that a researcher spend
ample time with research subjects, materials, and contexts to collect enough data to
reproduce a thorough and convincing portrait of the issue under study. Lincoln and Guba
(1985) suggest that prolonged engagement requires that the researcher ―be involved with a
site sufficiently long to detect and take account of distortions that might creep into the data‖
(p. 302). The period of prolonged engagement is also meant to help the researcher build
66
trust with the respondents, check for misinformation, and clear up any misunderstandings
about data meaning and interpretation (Glesne & Peshkin, 1992; Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
I spent the entire 2009–2010 academic year researching Metro U. students in person.
I was on campus on a weekly basis throughout the 10-month period. In addition to the time
I spent with students at the Metro U. campus, I spent time visiting with students off campus
in their neighborhoods. I visited their homes and they sometimes visited me at my office at
the University of Southern California. During the winter and spring academic breaks, I
attended scheduled IMAGINE events. I also regularly reviewed available Metro U.
participants‘ Facebook posts and IMAGINE discussion board items. This prolonged period
of time increased the likelihood that inaccuracies during the initial data collection were
identified and addressed as the project continued. I was able to address issues or questions
with students on a regular and informal basis during our regular interactions ensuring data
veracity.
Triangulation. Trustworthiness can also be established by triangulation—the
process of employing multiple methods, sources, and researchers (Glesne & Peshkin, 1992;
Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Merriam, 1988). Mathison (1988) explains that in order for a study to
withstand the critique of colleagues and peers, multiple methods and data sources need to be
executed within a research study. Triangulation reduces the possibility of chance
associations, as well as systematic biases prevailing due to repeatedly using the same method,
data source, or investigator in an inquiry (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007). Further,
triangulation provides more opportunities for the researcher to gather an adequate
representation of the underlying phenomenon being researched (Newman & Benz, 1998).
As I will elaborate in the next chapter, for example, Alejandra, a Metro U. junior, mentioned
67
that she was involved in several community grassroots organizations. This casual reference
was later confirmed when she repeatedly advertised various organizations‘ events and
fundraisers on her Facebook page and the IMAGINE discussion board. The type of analysis
I undertook to triangulate the data provided me with greater certainty that what I have
written is factual and relevant.
This study satisfied the demands of methodological triangulation by means of
collecting data via observations, individual interviews, and document analysis. Utilizing
multiple methods allowed me to collect data in a variety of ways as well as corroborate my
research findings. That is, when I collected data through formal and informal observations
and interviews and the data all pointed to the same conclusion, I could be confident in the
accuracy of my results.
Triangulation was also particularly important in the context of this study since
researching undocumented immigrants has its own distinct confidentiality issues and
concerns due to their illegal immigration status within the US. For example, I was not able to
observe the majority of Metro U. students at their places of employment since doing so
would have required permission from their supervisors. Some of the employers were not
aware of the students‘ immigration statuses. However, I overcame this limitation by
observing Metro U. students participating in IMAGINE meetings and other activities where
I could blend in as a graduate student. I substantiated these observational findings with
information collected during individual interviews and document analysis.
Member checks. Finally, I engaged in member checks or informant feedback that
involved sharing information with study respondents. Lincoln and Guba (1985) believe that
member checks can be a ―critical technique for establishing credibility‖ (p. 314). Member
68
checking is intended to allow study participants the opportunity to correct errors or
challenge incorrect interpretations on the part of the researcher. Maxwell (1996) also argues
that member checking is the single most effective method by which to eliminate
misrepresentation and misinterpretation of the ―voice‖ of the research. Over the course of
the research project, I sought feedback from select study group participants about the
credibility of the data collection, analysis, and conclusions. I focused on participants
checking the veracity of the data and not my interpretations of the data. I sent drafts of
Chapter 4 to a few of the Metro U. participants for review. I received feedback and minor
changes from a couple of the students but most did not request any changes.
Checking in with my participants for their impressions and opinions about collected
data helped me present participants‘ genuine experiences as undocumented college students.
As I point out in Chapter 4, pursuing a college education caused tension in some students‘
relationships with their parents. By member checking, I provided students with the
opportunity to review the often-conflicting information they shared about their relationships
with their families. For instance, Manny, a Metro U. sophomore, confirmed that while his
family was a traditional Mexican family that stuck together during life‘s challenges, he
simultaneously resented his parents. This resentment intensified as he pursued a college
education and began to critically question his parents‘ decision to have a large family with
limited financial means. Checking collected data with study participants helped ensure that I
accurately represented these types of data. I was able to check that students‘ personal
accounts were accurately portrayed in the collected observations, interviews, and documents.

69
An Advocacy/Participatory Perspective
Relevant to my own analysis and interpretation of the students‘ stories were my own
beliefs and biases with regard to the population studied. I struggled to maintain a balance
between my sympathetic bias toward this group of students and ensuring the integrity of the
research project. My personal and professional experiences with this group of students were
the impetus for my choice of dissertation topic. I did not try to rid myself of my previous
experiences and values. Rather, I accepted the role of an interpretive researcher, one that
―understands that research is an interactive process shaped by [one‘s] personal history,
biography, gender, social class, race, and ethnicity, and by those of the people in the setting‖
(Denzin & Lincoln, 2000, p. 6). I made a regular and concerted effort to keep separate my
personal feelings from the actual data collection, analysis, and interpretation. As a researcher,
I strove for a balanced perspective and presentation of data throughout this dissertation
project.
My personal perspective coupled with a documented history of how educational
institutions and individual experiences affect education and its social outcomes led me to
approach this research from an advocacy/participatory perspective. Creswell (2007) and
Reason (1994) argue that the advocacy/participatory perspective is particularly useful for the
study of marginalized individuals and groups. Creswell (2007) explains ―the basic tenet of
this worldview is that research should contain an action agenda for reform that may change
the lives of participants, the institutions in which they live and work, or even the researchers‘
lives‖ (p. 21). In this study, the issues facing undocumented students were of the utmost
importance when considering students‘ individual paths to matriculation.
70
Approaching research from this perspective influenced my study in three ways.
Creswell (2007) explains that one of the primary reasons for employing an
advocacy/participatory perspective is to identify and expose the oppression, domination,
suppression, alienation, and hegemony experienced by marginalized peoples. By exposing
these sources of oppression, I was in a position to lend a voice to participants‘ silenced
experiences. Second, advocacy/participatory research aims to raise consciousness not only
about the existence of these students but also improve their realities (Reason, 1994). The
knowledge and experiences of undocumented college students is thus honored and valued
throughout the research process. Research participants were empowered through the
process of constructing their own knowledge through self-reflection and awareness. Third,
this perspective allowed me to genuinely connect and collaborate with research participants.
Participants had a voice in the evolving research design and data analysis of the project.
Conclusion
Researching undocumented college students may have been challenging as an
outsider. Gaining access and securing the trust of research participants took time and
persistence. However, I felt it was important to conduct qualitative research on a group of
students that is simultaneously encouraged and discouraged from participating in
postsecondary education. In this study, I seek to highlight the ways in which students
construct and enact their identities as college students in such an environment. I now turn to
the stories of the nine Metro U. undocumented students themselves.
71
Chapter 4
Going to College
In this chapter, I focus on the experiences of nine undocumented Metropolitan
University (Metro U.) students. Connecting the tenets of both bridging and bonding social
capital to the lives of undocumented college students is best exemplified by students‘
ordinary experiences both inside and outside of the classroom. I provide details about these
students‘ academic, familial, extracurricular, and social experiences. Like other
undocumented college students, these nine Metro U. students do not qualify for some of the
programs—namely financial aid and academic support programs—that assist first-generation
and low-income students in meeting their postsecondary goals. These students navigate the
college-going process without formal institutional and governmental support.
I have organized this chapter into three sections. In the first section, I provide
background information regarding the 2009–2010 academic year at Metro U. The context in
which these students pursued a postsecondary education is relevant given the unprecedented
state budget cuts. Next, I describe each of the nine Metro U. students (see Table 5). I focus
on their individual backgrounds including their living situation, socioeconomic standing, and
immigration status. I also provide a brief sketch of their academic, familial, and social
experiences. In the third section, I describe three scenarios involving the Metro U. students
so as to provide additional context of the Metro U. campus. I now turn to a discussion of
the 2009–2010 academic year at Metro U.
72
Table 5: Profiled Metropolitan University Student Characteristics
Name Age Gender
Country
of Origin
Age of
Arrival Transfer Level Major
Cristina 20 Female Mexico 3 mos. Yes Junior Spanish
Monica 22 Female Mexico 11 Yes Junior Sociology
Julia 18 Female Mexico 13 No Frosh Undecided
Stephanie 20 Female Mexico 2 Yes Junior
Political
Science
Alba 18 Female Mexico 7 No Frosh Undecided
Luz 20 Female Mexico 13 No Junior Sociology
Alejandra 20 Female Mexico 8 mos. No Junior
Social
Work
Jackie 23 Female Mexico 3 Yes Senior
Political
Science
Manny 19 Male Mexico 6 No Soph.
Computer
Science

The 2009–2010 Academic Year
As described in Chapter 3, Metro U. was a desirable location to collect data for
myriad reasons—it is a public comprehensive Hispanic-Serving Institution (HSI) located in
California, home to the nation‘s largest undocumented immigrant population. The university
also had relatively low in-state academic fees—approximately $4,900 for the 2009–2010
academic year. All of the nine Metro U. study participants qualified for in-state fees via
California Assembly Bill 540 (AB 540). The 2009–2010 academic year was significantly
affected by California‘s unprecedented budget situation. Metro U. faced a reduction of $29.5
million in state funding. Thus, Metro U. implemented measures in order to remain
operational. The campus reduced its operating budget with mandatory furloughs. The faculty
and staff received a 10% reduction in salary. Further, Metro U. increased student fees by
27% for the 2009–2010 academic year.
All of the Metro U. study participants were keenly aware of how the state budget
cuts were affecting their postsecondary education goals. In particular, students felt the
73
economic impact of increased academic fees. Some students could not afford the higher fees
and did not enroll in one or more terms during the academic year. A handful reluctantly paid
the more expensive per-unit part-time fee just to stay enrolled or graduate that year. Students
were also impacted by the reduced course offerings on campuses. Starting fall 2009, course
offerings were cut a minimum of 7% in each department. Students regularly complained that
they could not enroll in courses that satisfied degree or major requirements. They also
complained about being unable to enroll in their first-choice courses. One student arrived on
the first day of spring classes to find all three of her major classes cancelled.
Besides the effects on student fees and course offerings, study participants also
expressed how the budget situation impacted other facets of their education. For those
students who were able to enroll in courses during the year, many had to work more hours
to pay the rising costs of their education. As a result, they had less time to devote to
extracurricular activities and less time to spend on campus. Metro U. students experienced
reductions in their respective campus library operating hours, leaving them less time to
utilize library resources and dedicated study spaces. Mandatory staff furloughs left students
unable to access student services like admissions and enrollment at scheduled times during
the week. Faculty furloughs forced instructors to decrease the number of course meetings
during the term. Instructors also reduced their office hours as well as the time they devoted
to answering students‘ electronic correspondence. Some teaching assistants and instructors
explained to students that they could not provide comprehensive remarks and feedback on
assignments due to the furloughs.
The entire campus community—students, staff, and faculty—were overwhelmingly
dissatisfied with the budget situation. Education scholars and commentators questioned the
74
feasibility of the 1960 California Master Plan‘s promise of free tuition with fees for auxiliary
costs like dormitories and recreational facilities (Heller, 2009; Stripling, 2009). Students, staff,
and faculty participated in campus demonstrations and walkouts throughout the year.
Campus, university-wide, and statewide coalitions also led demonstrations protesting the
budget cuts and increases in student fees at local state office buildings in Los Angeles,
Sacramento, and San Francisco. Many UC, CSU, and Metro U. undocumented students
joined these coalitions to protest the budget cutbacks directed at public education.
In summary, the 2009–2010 academic year was an extraordinary time to be a student
at Metro U. All students were aware of exactly how the budget affected campus course
offerings, class size, instructional time, programming, and campus facility maintenance.
Undocumented matriculants disproportionately felt the effects of the budget cuts, as they
could not access the traditional financial programs designed to assist low-income students
meet the rising costs of attending college. For instance, they did not receive increased
federal, state, or institutional financial aid monies to counter the increased academic fees. As
a result of paying their fees towards the end of the preceding term if not early in the current
term, they were also usually some of the last students to enroll in already limited courses.
These realities made pursuing a college education even more challenging. In sum, a number
of undocumented students took leaves of absence during the 2009–2010 academic year;
most focused on saving money for when they returned to campus. I now turn to a
discussion of the students themselves. I start with the nine students I spent the year with at
Metro U.

75
Nine Metro U. Students
Cristina. A petite yet athletic woman, Cristina appeared to be a young high school
student instead of a college junior about to turn 21 at the end of the school year. She usually
wore trendy, form-fitting clothes with her long dark brown wavy hair pulled back in a
ponytail. Cristina had a serious, quiet demeanor. During our first interview, she joked that
she would make a great soldier. ―I am sort of serious … people think that I am mad all of
the time … [or] too serious for my age.‖ She assured me that she was not angry and did like
to socialize. Cristina also took great pleasure in getting good grades as well as maintaining
her karate skills. She had recently started a new relationship with an Army reservist. ―I think
we are starting to get serious.‖
Family life. Cristina lived with her younger brother, her older sister, and her parents
in a suburban neighborhood about 13 miles distance from the Metro U. campus. ―We live in
a two-bedroom apartment. It‘s small. The three of us live in one room and my parents live in
the other room. It‘s very difficult since I don‘t talk to my sister.‖ Cristina had a close
relationship with her brother. ―He was born here [and is] a citizen …. He‘s in high school. I
have helped him prepare for college …. He‘s the one who wants to go to military school. He
can do it. Maybe like West Point.‖ Cristina shared an affinity for the military with her
younger brother as she had planned to join the Army before she learned of her immigration
status. Her older sister attended a local community college and planned to transfer to a four-
year institution. Cristina explained, ―The thing is my sister and I don‘t really get along. We
don‘t talk at all … never really have conversations with each other. We keep to ourselves.‖
Cristina‘s parents were both born in Mexico. Cristina‘s father completed college and
worked as a primary and secondary teacher before moving to the United States. Her father
76
had always planned to move to the US since he frequently accompanied his own father on
business trips north. Since moving to the US 20 years ago, he had held several professional
jobs, most recently working as a biochemist manager at an automotive company. He was
able to have a professional job because he had a work permit and a driver‘s license. Cristina‘s
mother completed middle school in Mexico and was a homemaker. She had recently started
cleaning homes to earn some extra money to help pay for her daughters‘ postsecondary
education. Cristina and her parents had a ―normal‖ relationship. ―We talk but they don‘t
know everything about me.‖ Cristina thought that her parents were peculiar in that her
mother and father often interacted with the three children separately. ―My parents tell us
things separately, never together. It‘s sort of ridiculous … but that‘s how it works with us.‖
Socioeconomic standing. Cristina‘s family‘s socioeconomic standing was both
beneficial and problematic for the 20-year-old. Cristina was the only Metro U. study
participant whose parents paid for her entire education out of pocket. She did not work,
receiving money from her parents as needed. Her father received regular payments from
family members back in Mexico, proceeds from an inherited business and two rental
properties. Cristina‘s family was doing well economically. ―I know that we are doing better
than a lot of other people.‖ She also pointed out that where she lived was different than
where Metro U. was located. ―The feedback I get from people—they say that it‘s a pretty
good neighborhood. Now that I have seen other areas, it‘s a pretty decent area. It‘s very low
on crime.‖ Cristina was aware that the primary and secondary schools she attended in her
neighborhood were better than most of the schools her Metro U. peers had attended. ―I
know that the schools are better where I live …. I was better prepared for college.‖
77
While Cristina expressed relief that she grew up in a more affluent neighborhood and
attended higher-performing schools, she also frequently discussed how she felt out of place
growing up there.
I have lived there my whole life [and I noticed that] it‘s different [around Metro U.]
…. There was always discrimination because I was Hispanic when I was a kid. It was
tough where I grew up. There were not that many Hispanics. It was [all] Armenian
or Asian or White …. I have always had Asian and Armenian friends.

Cristina explained that Latinos lived in her community but the majority resided on the other
side of town where housing was more affordable. The Latinos that did attend her schools
never accepted her.
I remember that the Hispanic students didn‘t want me around them because they
always questioned why I spoke English to them. I always said that my Spanish is not
that great. I can‘t speak to [them] the way [they] can. I just can‘t. I didn‘t know how
kids my age spoke. I didn‘t know like … the … you know … how people speak. I
just didn‘t know what they were saying. I was used to speaking to my parents and my
family. You speak a certain way around adults … with respect. I spoke Spanish with
my mom and I spoke English with my father. The kids spoke another way. It made it
difficult because there were not a lot of them. There were not a lot of Hispanics
when I was growing up. There was like one group. If that group of Hispanic students
didn‘t like me, they were the only ones there. It was very hard for me to find people
like me.

Cristina would have been more accepted by these co-ethnics if she had lived in a different
area of her suburb and spoke better colloquial Spanish. She made a concerted effort to
befriend Latinos attending her high school. ―I wanted to get to know my people [emphasis
added] during that sophomore year … even though they always thought I was different
because I was in [honors] classes and they weren‘t.‖ Her friendships with these Latino
students quickly ceased as their differences in academic goals became more apparent.
Once in college, Cristina decided to embrace her Mexican heritage from an academic
perspective. She pursued a degree in Spanish literature so as to more thoroughly learn her
78
native language and culture. Cristina joined the Latino student club at her community
college. She led the club as president during her second year. She transferred to Metro U.
since it was an HSI and was located in a predominately Latino area of the city. ―I am
studying Spanish so it makes sense that I go to school with Spanish speakers in a Spanish-
speaking neighborhood.‖ Cristina confided that she had another reason for attending Metro
U. Many of her friends, including her new boyfriend, thought that she was rich. She made a
statement about her actual socioeconomic standing by attending Metro U. ―I am not
attending a UC [campus] or a private school. We don‘t have that much money …. I feel
better when people understand that I am not rich.‖
Immigration status. Cristina immigrated to the US with her parents and older sister
when she was three months old. She explained,
I don‘t remember anything. I don‘t know how I came or anything. My parents have
never told me the story because they have always tried to protect me against the
emotional feelings, I guess. They never wanted me to know. I never knew that I was
even undocumented until way later.

―Later‖ meant that she did not discover that she was undocumented until 11th grade.
Cristina planned to enlist in the Army after high school. ―I wanted to enlist because I had a
friend who … enlisted and she told me about it. I was just interested. They seemed to be
paying for her college. She was traveling. I wanted to travel.‖ When Cristina asked her
mother for her social security number, her mother told her that she was undocumented.
I went home and [told my] mom that I need this information …. ―Where‘s my
SSN?‖ She was like, ―Oh you can‘t do that.‖ I asked why. She was like, ―You weren‘t
born here.‖ All of my childhood, I was told that I was born here. I always believed
that until then …. I was shocked. I had friends who spoke of it throughout high
school. You know, I felt bad for them because they had stories. They were
undocumented. I always felt for them …. Eventually [when] I figured [my
immigration status] out … it hit home.

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Cristina was confused by this ―new identity‖ she received at age 16. She did not have
a pending immigration case to change her status. Cristina also was confused when she
discovered that her parents informed her sister a couple of years earlier. ―My sister knew
before I did. My mom spoke to her separately before she talked to me. Like they never had
this conversation with us all together.‖ Cristina immediately knew that she would not be
eligible for financial aid. Soon she discovered that she was not eligible for a driver‘s license.
Cristina did not start dwelling on her undocumented identity until she started college.
I don‘t identify as an undocumented immigrant. I mean, recently, I look at things
differently. In the last six months, there‘s so much that I have wanted to do so I look
at things now in a different way. Before when I knew, I was okay with it besides the
military. There wasn‘t much that I wanted to do or couldn‘t do.

She started to understand the impact her immigration status would have on her adult life—
namely employment, social, and travel restrictions. She worried about not being able to go to
bars or nightclubs once she turned 21 years old. ―I will have to show my Mexican passport
or matricula and I don‘t want to have to explain it to people.‖ Cristina feared that her friends
and new boyfriend would reject her because of her immigration status and its restrictions.
She had avoided such embarrassing incidents in the past by blaming her strict parents for
not allowing her to frequent clubs or travel out of the immediate area. She had hid her
immigration status by maintaining a juvenile existence that did not require formal
identification.
Being an undocumented college student. As Cristina attended a relatively high
performing suburban high school, transitioning to college was never questioned.
It was assumed in my schools that we were going to go to college. Always. At least
one class, it was mentioned that we were going to college. ―You are here so you can
go to college.‖ That was even in the regular classes. We had workshops every other
week on college. We had a lot of colleges and universities come out to our school ….
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My teachers gave us extra credit to go to college fairs and to go visit colleges …. It
was always assumed that we would go. The majority of us went. We were made fun
of if we didn‘t pass a class. It wasn‘t cool to be the kid who failed a class or got a bad
grade.

Cristina‘s parents expected her to attend college even though the entire family was unaware
of how the postsecondary system functioned in the US. They even settled in their suburb
because they believed that their children would attend better-performing schools.
My parents knew about college but they didn‘t know about the two-year and the
four-year college and the privates. I didn‘t really know either. I was never informed
from my parents. I always had to find out on my own. They always said that I was
going to college afterwards and that they can pay for it. I always had that idea. I had
that idea since ninth grade—my parents expect me to go to college. They want me to
go. They never said where … they never said I had to go to Harvard. They assumed
that going to any college was good enough.

Since Cristina did not know the details about applying to college, her only choice was
to enroll in a community college. She enrolled in community college after high school
graduation. Neither Cristina nor her sister knew that they qualified for reduced in-state
academic fees via AB 540 until Cristina‘s second year of college; her parents paid the higher
out-of-state fees for two years until her older sister found out about AB 540.
I found out about AB 540 my second year in community college. I paid out-of-state
fees the first year …. I was never asked about AB 540. I left the SSN blank but the
AB 540 thing was never mentioned me. Eventually my sister found out. She told my
mother and then she told me. [My sister] didn‘t tell me about it …. When my mom
told me, I went to a counselor and told them that I think that I may be an AB 540
student. They gave me a form. I read and was like, yeah, this is me. I signed it and I
started to pay in-state fees. Now, the in-state fees are $26 a unit. I think the out-of-
state fees are almost $200 a unit.

Once Cristina discovered that she would receive in-state fees at all California public
institutions, she planned to transfer to a four-year institution. The next year, she transferred
to Metro U.
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Cristina woke up around 6:30 a.m. on most days. She did not have a driver‘s license
so she relied on public transportation or rides provided by her father and friends. On school
days, her commute ranged from one to two hours and involved two buses. She attended
classes Monday through Thursday, usually staying on campus from early morning to late
afternoon or early evening. Cristina discovered the campus undocumented student club a
few weeks into the fall term. For the first half of the school year, she attended weekly
meetings. She also attended a few fundraisers and political action training sessions during
that time. However, as her relationship with her boyfriend progressed, she spent less time
attending club-related activities.
Life outside of school. Cristina did not have any significant familial obligations as
her younger brother was a teenager and her mother maintained the apartment. Her parents‘
only expectation was that she attend college on a full-time basis and graduate in four or five
years. She taught karate classes on Friday afternoons in exchange for her own dojo
membership fees. As the year progressed, she increased the amount of time she spent with
her boyfriend and his friends and family.
Monica. Monica considered herself a devotee of electronic music—she embodied
the dramatic, alternative music in all aspects of her appearance. The 22-year-old sociology
major mostly wore black clothing with a solitary touch of color in a vest, scarf, or other
accessory. Monica‘s dark brown hair always contained a pink, purple, blue, or green chunky
highlight that framed her perfectly applied makeup. She chuckled one day when describing
her routine. ―This look took a long time to perfect. I do everything myself—the makeup, the
hair, all of it.‖ Monica was shy but admitted that she was much more outgoing among her
friends. She was also well read and perceptive, regularly drawing from her extensive
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knowledge of classical and contemporary sociological theory when discussing current events.
Monica was a ―Latina … a Mexican … and a Marxist‖ and a vocal opponent of the campus
budget cuts and immigration reform. She was an eloquent English speaker, periodically
breaking her impassioned speech to verify her English diction with a friend or classmate.
Monica was single, occasionally insinuating that she was bisexual.
Family life. Monica lived with her mother in a small rented mobile home 30 miles
east of the Metro U. campus. Her father lived in the same neighborhood, periodically
moving out of the region or the state for employment opportunities. Monica was the only
child. She and her mother had been consistently living on their own since 2006. However,
her parents had ended their relationship about five years earlier. ―My parents separated when
I was in middle school. They always had a rocky relationship so I think it is better for all of
us for them being separated. My parents were married for 13 years when they separated.‖
Before Monica and her mom moved to the mobile home, Monica usually shared a
single bedroom with one or both of her parents within a multi-bedroom apartment or house.
Her parents continued to live together for years out of financial necessity despite their
separation. Monica explained that it was common for recent immigrants to live in this type
of arrangement. ―I knew other families who did the same thing to get by.‖ Monica
appreciated that amidst her parents‘ breakup, they chose to reside in the same neighborhood.
―The stability of going to the same schools and living in the same area allowed me to
concentrate on school throughout the years.‖ Her parents also stayed in the same area since
relatives settled nearby. This familial support was essential in she and her parents securing
housing and employment over the years.
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Monica‘s relationships with her mother and father were different and separate from
each other. She credited living in such close quarters and being the only child as fostering a
very close relationship with her mother. ―The relationship my mom and me have is very
out—I mean, it‘s open.‖ She admired her mother for working hard and providing a better
life for her in the US. However, Monica most respected her mother for choosing to separate
from her father even though it was financially and culturally difficult to do so. ―My mother
can be old-fashioned but our relationship is built on respect …. I trust that she always has
my best interests in mind.‖ Her mother was instrumental in her pursuing a college education.
My mom always told me that I had to get an education because she doesn‘t want me
to go through the same things that she had to go through. She doesn‘t want me to
have to struggle with a marriage that I am not happy with. She wanted me to have
options. She has always had high expectations. She would tell me to go to college.
She has always told me that I have to go.

Without her mother‘s support and encouragement, Monica would not have set such high
goals for herself.
Monica‘s relationship with her father was strained. ―We don‘t have that kind of
relationship so I don‘t know much about him.‖ She did not see her father often and rarely
communicated with him. Monica suggested that her lack of a relationship with her father
was the result of her parents‘ contentious relationship. Further, he was not always present in
Monica‘s life having moved to the US before she and her mother arrived. ―I respect him but
I don‘t really have a relationship with him.‖ Her father was unclear with what he expected
from his daughter.
My dad has never really been clear about what he expected from me and my
education. He would always be very focused on me doing very well. He never told
me that he wanted me to go to college and be an educated woman.

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Rather he encouraged her to be a good student because he equated it with being a
―disciplined child.‖
Socioeconomic standing. Monica‘s family‘s socioeconomic standing was ―working
poor or lower-middle class.‖ Her parents each completed a few years of primary school. ―I
think [my dad] went up to fifth or sixth grade. My mom finished second grade. As soon as
she knew how to write, [her parents] took her out of school. She had to help with her
family.‖ While Monica‘s family had been poor back in Mexico, they were doing much better
economically in the US.
[My] neighborhood is predominately Hispanic … [and] I think [it] is working class.
There are people who are facing difficulties economically speaking. But, um, it‘s
working class, you know. When I first got there, it was single men working. But now
I see more family-oriented neighborhoods. It‘s not … there‘s not a high rate of
crime or anything. It‘s pretty safe.

Improving their standard of living was due to both of her parents consistently working.
[My dad has] always worked. When I got here [from Mexico], he was working as an
ice cream man. Then he started working in warehouses and things. My mom, ever
since we got here, she works as a housekeeper and nanny. She has always worked,
too. She takes care of kids at other peoples‘ homes.

Even with her family‘s improved socioeconomic standing, Monica was aware of the
fragility of their success. The recent economic recession impacted her parents‘ ability to
work.
Things have gotten more comfortable over time. Except now with the economic
crisis, we are kind of struggling …. [My dad] is unemployed right now …. [My mom
has] lost … well, she used to babysit for two different people. She lost two of her
kids and she lost her weekend job, too. Now, she is only working during the week.

Monica was constantly concerned about money throughout the academic year. Her mother
and father usually gave her extra money for her school expenses. As her parents‘ wages
decreased, her parents ceased their economic support. ―I have always paid for school on my
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own. But, the money they gave me sometimes helped me buy gas for the car or a train pass
or a book—things like that.‖
Immigration status. Monica immigrated to the US when she was 11 years old. She
traveled with her mother since her father was already working in the US. ―He had already
been here for six years. So, we just came to meet him ….We went [to where we live now]
and I have been living there since we got here.‖ Since Monica was 11 years old when she left
Mexico City, she was aware of her mother‘s plans to move to California.
It was all of the sudden … rapidly … I didn‘t even notice. You know one day I was
over there and the next day I was here. We came here in the trunk of a car. We paid
someone to come here. People like have connections and the person was a complete
stranger, completely detached from us. My mom and I traveled together. We were
here the whole time. We crossed in Tijuana. I mean, we just got there on a plane and
the next thing you know we probably spent like half a night and the next morning we
were here.

Unlike Cristina, Monica always knew that she was undocumented. She had witnessed
her working-class parents navigate life in the US without drivers‘ licenses and work permits.
She adapted over the years as she secured multiple jobs and internships while in high school
and college. Monica explained that it was because she had to ―put herself out there in the
open … as a productive adult living [her] life‖ that she eventually accepted and embraced
being undocumented.
I came [to college] and I was like, ―I am not going to tell anyone about my status. I
was like, what‘s the point?‖ When I started to get involved [on campus and in the
community] and see all of these kids get involved with these other non-profits and
being activists, it empowered me to be less afraid to say, ―I am here, I am
undocumented, I am Latina.‖ I identify as an undocumented student, an
undocumented immigrant, an undocumented woman, a Mexican …. I think that I
went from having this stigma of being undocumented to now using the label as
empowering. I think being excluded from things because of my immigration …
excluded from things that I want to do kind of made me be a more dedicated
individual in everything I do. I have had to be stronger and more outspoken. I have
had to like defend myself and just take these stereotypes and not believe them. I
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don‘t want to believe them. I don‘t want to be them. As an undocumented student, if
I had not been undocumented, I probably would have been a completely different
person. I would have been more apathetic towards education and social problems
and stuff. Being part of a minority, I know how it is like to struggle in a system that
is not created for you.

She reasoned that because she had no means by which to change her immigration status
under existing laws, she had to continue pursuing her goals.
As far as I am concerned, there is no way that we can qualify for anything. The vast
majority of my family that are here are undocumented. I would hope to change my
status. As far as I am concerned, if immigration reform doesn‘t pass, then, my only
other option would be marriage but that would sort of be cheating the system. But
that‘s not an option for me.

Being an undocumented college student. Pursuing an undergraduate degree had
been a lifelong goal for Monica. ―Living in poverty in Mexico, you know that education is
the only way out. You always envision going to the university.‖ She explained that she was at
the top of her elementary school class in Mexico and always held herself to high academic
standards. Once she immigrated to the US, her desire to attend college shifted. ―I wanted to
prove that just because I am undocumented doesn‘t mean that I can‘t perform just as well as
everyone else.‖ Monica enrolled in the local elementary school in the beginning of sixth
grade with no English language skills. As a high school student, she enrolled in mainstream
English-only classes. During the last three years of high school, Monica took all Advanced
Placement (AP) and honors classes. ―I think that [I learned English] mostly because I was
pushed to grasp it as quickly as possible.‖
Monica also enrolled in the Advancement Via Individual Determination (AVID)
Program. In AVID, Monica learned about attending college including eligibility
requirements, application procedures, financial aid, and matriculation. ―I was in this program
for four years. There‘s a lot of talk about college. [Not going to college] wasn‘t really an
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option in that program …. You were supposed to go to college.‖ Unlike Cristina, Monica
was well informed about her postsecondary options. AVID presented Monica with the
opportunity to work closely with her AVID instructor and take classes with the same
students over a four-year period.
Monica took advantage of the resources held by this close-knit group of AVID
students, instructors, and counselors. During 10th grade, she indirectly disclosed her
immigration status to her AVID instructor. ―My teacher gave me this form and the form
asked me about an SSN. I didn‘t put anything. He asked me if I had one. I told him ‗no.‘ He
was like ‗okay‘ and then that was that.‖ From that point on, her AVID instructor provided
her with information about undocumented financial resources like AB 540 and scholarships.
―He also helped me make practical decisions about where to go.‖ He helped her make a
comprehensive financial budget for college. Monica eventually told a few of her close friends
that she was undocumented and discovered that some of them shared the same status. ―We
asked each other what we were going to do and stuff like that …. I mean, I knew other
undocumented people in the school but they weren‘t really focusing on going to college ….
It helped.‖ Monica gained admission to several UC campuses, including UC Berkeley, and a
couple of private liberal arts colleges. She decided to enroll at a local community college due
to her financial circumstances.
Monica‘s mother‘s former employer helped her enroll at the community college
where he was employed. He helped her secure a Board of Governors Waiver (BOGW) that
paid her enrollment fees. As a BOGW recipient, she was also able to access the Extended
Opportunity Program & Services (EOPS) resources at her college. ―All of this helped me get
through community college.‖ She worked to pay for the rest of her community college
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expenses and saved as much money as she could towards transferring to a four-year
institution. She enrolled at Metro U. because it was the most practical and affordable.
I use AB 540 for the lower fees …. Sometimes I do drive to school if I have to stay
really late even though I don‘t have a [driver‘s] license …. Most days I take the train
to school. I come to campus three or four days a week.

Monica was completing her second year at Metro U. She planned on graduating in
2011. ―I had to take the term off last fall because I didn‘t have enough money to pay …. I
have enough money for [this year]. But, I am not sure about next academic year.‖ Her
uncertainty about how she was going to finance college affected her ability to commit to
participating in the campus undocumented support group. ―I have a leadership role this year
but next year I don‘t think that I can spend as much time on campus. I have to work more.‖
She was also involved in the student protests against the budget cuts and increased fees.
Monica knew that if the academic fees continued to increase, she would not finish her
bachelor‘s degree in 2011. Nevertheless, she was confident that she would complete her
degree and move on to graduate studies.
Ideally I would like to get my Ph.D. in sociology …. Maybe political science? I have
thought of getting a master‘s degree after this but I have not started planning until
now. I think I haven‘t planned because I cannot really grasp it economically—like
how I would do it …. I hope it happens.

Life outside of school. Monica‘s life outside of school was typical of a young adult.
She worked at a nonprofit organization on intensive five-week community-based
empowerment and education programs. She used the earnings to maintain her car, pay for
school, and help out with household expenses. When she was not working, she usually
stayed close to home. ―My mom is afraid when I go to raves or concerts or even bars since
she thinks there‘ll be raids …. [or] a cop will ask me for my driver‘s license.‖ Monica also
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spent time with her friends and extended family members. She made it a priority to spend
time with her mother when the two were home. ―I do a lot for not really being here [emphasis
added].‖
Julia. Julia was a demure 18-year-old freshman at Metro U. She was petite with long
straight black hair that contrasted her pale skin. She wore makeup every day that included a
rosy pink lipstick. Even though Julia was soft-spoken, she smiled frequently. ―I like to look
happy and … I always blush a lot when I smile,‖ she explained. She had not yet selected a
major and was slowly adjusting to college life. ―I am thinking maybe of business … maybe
something else, but not English [emphasis added]!‖ Julia neither thought that she spoke
English well nor did she think that she would ever really do so. ―I have a thick Mexican
accent. I can‘t do anything about it …. I am still very Mexican.‖ Julia acknowledged that she
was a good student. ―I usually get good grades. That‘s because I try harder than most
students who are [native-English speakers] …. I want to always get good grades.‖
Family life. Julia resided with her parents, eldest brother, and younger sister in a
two-bedroom apartment 16 miles distance from Metro U. She was the fourth child out of
five total; she had two older brothers aged 30 and 26 respectively and two sisters aged 22
and nine respectively. Her second-oldest brother had been deported and lived in Mexico.
Julia‘s older sister lived with her new husband in Hawaii. The family apartment was less
crowded and somewhat more conducive to her life as a college student since her siblings‘
departure. She shared a bedroom with her younger sister while her parents occupied the
other bedroom. Her brother stayed in the living room.
It can get crazy …. I get work done in my bedroom that I share with my little sister.
She does her work in the room and then she goes outside and watches TV. I can
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study that way. If my little sister is bugging me, [my parents] tell her to stop
bothering me.

Julia came from a ―mixed status‖ family. ―My big brother is a citizen, my parents are
[U.S.] residents, and my brother in Mexico and my sisters and I are all Mexican citizens.‖
Both Julia and her eldest brother, a U.S. Army veteran, were the first in their family to attend
college. ―He‘s trying to go to community college with his G.I. Bill and I am going to [Metro
U.].‖ Julia had a close relationship with her parents and her siblings. ―We usually get along
because there are so many of us I think. There‘s always someone around to talk to or hang
out with.‖ She was particularly close with her mother, often sharing her plans with her mom
and asking her for advice. ―She and I talk a lot …. She is very proud of me because I am
going to college. She always wants to know what I am doing.‖
Julia had a healthy relationship with her family since they all had specific
responsibilities within the family unit. ―It‘s better in [my family] because we all help out.‖
Her parents both worked full-time jobs—her mother worked at a factory and her father
worked as an air conditioner technician. Julia‘s eldest brother also contributed economically
to the household with earnings from his part-time job. Julia‘s primary responsibility was
supervising her younger sister. ―It‘s my responsibility to get her ready for school and get her
there on time. I check her homework, too.‖
Socioeconomic standing. Julia‘s socioeconomic standing was typical for the
community where she resided. Like Monica, she lived in a predominately Latino
neighborhood. ―We are Mexicans … working class …. Most people around here are like us.‖
Her parents both finished primary school back in Mexico before they went to work to help
care for their families. They expected their children to achieve a higher level of education.
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―My parents expected me [and my siblings] to get more education than them. We had to at
least finish high school. My mom always said that we had to go to school.‖ Her parents sent
their eldest son to live with relatives in California when he started high school. He was the
first person in her family to graduate from high school.
[My eldest brother] changed things for us—well at least for all of us except my other
brother in Mexico; he only finished eighth grade. [My parents] saw that [my eldest
brother] could finish [high school] and that helped me and my sister to finish.

Julia‘s older sister completed secondary school in Mexico while Julia completed high school
in the US. Her younger sister was on track to graduate from high school. Julia enrolled in
college immediately after high school while her brother postponed community college
matriculation until after he completed his military service.
It was different for me than him …. He came here by himself and then went to the
military to get job training and help my family out. He‘s the first born son so that
was expected from him .… I was lucky because I could just go to college after high
school and not have to give my parents a lot of money for rent and bills.

Julia‘s family lived paycheck to paycheck with modest savings for use in case of
emergencies. ―Even though my parents are [U.S.] residents, we live modestly.‖ Her family‘s
economic situation was better than many undocumented students‘ since her parents and
eldest brother could legally work and possessed drivers‘ licenses. Her parents had still
struggled to find consistent work over the years. ―Like everyone, we have struggled since
arriving here …. My parents have little education so they have not always been able to find
work …. My mom works in a factory and sometimes she doesn‘t work for a few weeks.‖
This situation had worsened over the years when her parents lost her siblings‘ economic
contributions. ―When my brother was on active duty, he didn‘t always have money to give us
…. My other brother was deported …. My sister used to help us but now she is married. …
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[so] we have struggled.‖ Julia started working as a restaurant cashier in high school to help
out her parents with money. ―My parents don‘t charge me rent or anything. They don‘t ask
for help but I will give them some money sometimes.‖
Immigration status. Julia immigrated with her parents and siblings to the US in
2005 when she was 13 years old. Since Julia‘s family was mixed status, their journey to the
US was staged.
My parents came here in the 1970s and then they went back to Mexico [after my
eldest brother was born]. When [my eldest brother] was 15, he came by himself to
the US [and] lived with my uncle and aunt and that was it. Right after high school, he
went to the Army. He petitioned for my parents so they came here with green cards
…. When [my parents] got here, me and my sisters stayed with my mom‘s friend
back in Mexico. My parents were here for two months and then [my mom] went
back to get us …. At the time, I didn‘t get what was going on. I was just like kind of
lost. My mom talked to a man. After two days, the coyotes went to pick us up and
me and my sisters came in different cars with a guy. My mom just drove across with
her green card. My little sister and I drove across in a car. Then they went back and
got my older sister. When we were about to pass the borderline, I was kind of lost.
They gave us a name and told us to memorize it. When we crossed, we waited for a
day and then drove north.

Julia and her family settled in their current neighborhood six months after they arrived.
Identifying as an undocumented immigrant had always been part of Julia‘s life since
arriving in the US. ―I have always known about my status …. My family is mostly
undocumented—us, my cousins—it‘s not a big deal in my family or my neighborhood.‖ She
did not believe that she had ever been discriminated against because of her status. ―Maybe
that‘s because I don‘t share it with most people?‖ Julia did not dwell on her status. ―I think
about it when I am going to fill out some applications or when I am going to apply for a job.
When something is formal, I think about it.‖ She had recently felt more uncomfortable and
out of place as she became more aware of her surroundings.
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I do sometimes feel different than everyone else. There are some places that you will
feel awkward. Like when you go to a public event. I feel different. Let‘s say, uh, like
when there is a presentation. Sometimes I feel different in my classes. Like right now
I have a liberal studies class. We are talking about Latinos. I feel like they talk about
it but they don‘t really know how it feels like to be undocumented and come here.
They are talking about immigration. They just talk about immigration. Maybe most
of them don‘t know about us? Maybe their parents are immigrants and they are not?
I feel like a lot of them are talking about it from their parents‘ perspective.

These difficult moments were occurring more frequently as she transitioned to adulthood. ―I
think that even if I knew about what was going to happen to me here in this country, I
would have still come to the US [if my parents had not brought me].‖
Unlike Cristina and Monica, Julia did have a pending immigration application (see
Table 6). Her parents filed an immigration application for Julia and her younger sister about
five years before. ―I don‘t know the details but they said that they filed. I hope that I get it
soon … before I graduate.‖ She did not worry much about securing a professional job
without documentation. ―I think that I am going to finish [my degree] in about five years ….
I have time to figure things out.‖ Julia hoped that the DREAM Act or comprehensive
immigration reform would pass during that time, shortening her wait for residency.
Table 6: Students‘ Immigration Details

Name Pending Immigration Application Mixed Status Family
Cristina No Yes
Monica No No
Julia Yes Yes
Stephanie No Yes
Alba No No
Luz No No
Alejandra No Yes
Jackie Yes Yes
Manny No Yes

Being an undocumented college student. While Julia‘s parents always had high
aspirations for her educational attainment, she did not seriously consider attending college
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until she started high school. In Mexico, she had considered college impractical due to the
cost in lost wages and tuition.
I think the conditions that we lived in when we were in Mexico also pushed me to
[think about going] to college here …. My parents always talked about us coming
here so that we could get better jobs and an education …. I was interested in going
to school even then.

Julia was overwhelmed with learning English when she started eighth grade in the US. She
enrolled in English as a Second Language (ESL) courses at both her middle and high
schools. Because she focused on learning English, other subjects were not a priority. ―I
could have done better … may have been admitted to better colleges but I just focused on
English.‖ Julia spent three years in ESL courses before moving to English-only courses. As
Julia became more confident in English, her goal of attending college became more realistic.
Julia‘s high school also helped her prepare for college. Her high school not only
prepared every student for college admission, it also provided specialized assistance to
undocumented students. ―I went to a high school named after the man who helped start the
AB 540 law in California …. Everyone at the school was really focused on going to college
and helping undocumented students.‖ Staff and instructors encouraged all students to attend
college, regardless of their immigration status.
The school started talking about college when I was in 10th grade. That‘s when they
started talking about the high school graduation exam …. After that, they started
talking about college and careers. I started to get interested in it …. When I started
to get interested in college, the counselor would arrange appointments with each of
us and then talk to us. She was my regular counselor. I started to meet with her. She
asked me where I was planning on going to college and how I was preparing for it.
She told me which classes to take …. I learned about the differences between the
CSU and the UC and the community colleges in 11th grade. The principal and the
teachers and the counselors were really focused on us going to college. I would use
the computers at school to look at information.

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Julia discovered early in high school the challenges she would face as an undocumented
college student. ―Another AVID teacher would help us, too. I found out about AB 540 in
10th grade. The AVID teacher told us about the affidavit and all of that stuff …. I knew I
couldn‘t get financial aid, too.‖
Julia benefitted from the school‘s focus on preparing all students, including those
who were undocumented, for the rigors of college. Julia, along with many of the other
undocumented students at her school, felt comfortable sharing their status. She and her
friends founded an undocumented student support group.
I was in a group for AB 540 students. We created one at our high school. We were
the first generation from that school …. Me and my friend knew other people who
were in the same situation …. In the beginning there were no more than 10 of us [in
the group]. In 11th grade, there were more people coming to the meetings … allies
and AB 540 students. Then there were like 15 students. We would meet every
Thursday after school. We would talk about our situations and where we wanted to
go to school. We were all looking to go to college. That‘s what we talked about …
how are we going to [go to college]. We talked about what we needed to do and who
we needed to talk to and stuff. I was one of the leaders. My volleyball coach who was
also my history teacher would let us meet in his classroom.

Her high school group consulted with a local UC campus undocumented student support
group for advice and support. She participated in the group until she graduated in 2009.
Julia‘s high school experience was instrumental in preparing her to transition to
college. She was both knowledgeable about college preparation and matriculation.
When I was in 10th grade, I created a plan about how I was going to go to college. I
was like I am going to take these classes during the summer, I am going to start
working, and I am going to keep working around the year to get money to go to
college. I started to work during that summer. I have been a cashier in a restaurant
since summer 2007. I graduated high school in 2009. During the school year, I
worked on the weekends for 16 hours. I saved all of the money. When I started
college [this year] … well, I got a $1,000 undocumented student scholarship from the
parents‘ booster club at my high school …. I had another $2,000 that I had saved ….
I applied to [public four-year] schools that were close to me since I don‘t drive and
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take the bus …. I knew from the beginning that I had money for over half of my
first year. So, I decided to go to Metro U. instead of [a community college].

Julia‘s college plan was comprehensive; she planned on only having to take one or two terms
off during her entire undergraduate career. She was a one of a few students from her high
school that enrolled at a four-year institution as a freshman.
Since starting Metro U., Julia joined the campus undocumented student support
group. She hoped to benefit from the college group as much as she did from the high school
group. ―[The group] talks about the classes I should take. I talked to the [Educational
Opportunity Program] EOP counselor who helps us even though I am not in EOP. I
already had problems getting classes so she‘s helped me with that.‖ She planned to take
advantage of their other resources—scholarships, employment opportunities, school
supplies, and volunteer opportunities. Julia helped with outreach efforts involving
undocumented high school and community college students. She felt that earning good
grades and attending graduate school would encourage fellow undocumented immigrants to
attend college.
Life outside of school. Julia‘s first year of college challenged her non-academic life.
She started the academic year working two jobs—her weekend cashiering job and an
afterschool job as a coaching assistant with her school‘s volleyball team. She quickly learned
that she had over extended herself.
I got really sick in the fall. I was working too much during the week. I couldn‘t do it
with the long bus ride because I am on the bus three hours a day …. My mom was
worried and she told me that I had to quit.

Julia quit the afterschool job at the end of the season before the winter holidays. ―I just work
the weekend job and go to school now … [and] it‘s a lot better for me.‖ Julia also spent a
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considerable amount of time socializing with her family. ―We have parties and stuff together
all the time.‖
Stephanie. An attractive young woman, Stephanie appeared more mature than 20
years old. On some days she arrived to school looking particularly fashionable, combining
formal business wear with trendy accessories. On other days, she presented herself in typical
college student fashion wearing jeans and a T-shirt. ―I am running for student council so
sometimes I have to look more formal than other times.‖ Stephanie transferred to Metro U.
at the beginning of the year. She was bright and well spoken, standing out among most of
her peers in class and social settings. She often engaged people with casual conversation and
took the lead in classroom or group activities. ―I like to participate in things—whether it‘s in
class or on campus …. I don‘t want to be one of those people who just sit by while others
do things and I watch.‖ Stephanie had become more politically aware of the plight of
women and immigrants during the course of her college studies.
These things are important to me .... First I think that I consider myself as a woman
and then second I think of myself as undocumented …. It‘s personal …. That‘s why
I am a political science major—I want to know more about why things are the way
they are.

Family life. Stephanie lived with her parents and 17-year-old brother in an
apartment eight miles distance from Metro U. Similar to Cristina, Monica, and Julia,
Stephanie had lived in the same area since immigrating to the US with her mother and
father. The family changed residences throughout her childhood depending on their
financial situation.
We have lived in many different places. We lived with some distant relatives that
offered us a room for a while …. We have lived with my dad‘s friends [and] we
stayed in a garage for a while. When I was in elementary school, we started living in
apartments on our own.
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Stephanie‘s family life was ―normal.‖ All four family members got along well and supported
each other. She spoke with pride about her younger brother who was finishing high school.
―He was born [in the US] so he can get financial aid. He‘s a good student. He‘ll go to a UC.‖
She mentored him, helping him prepare for college since he started high school. Stephanie
also had a close relationship with her parents. ―They have done a lot for me and I am very
grateful.‖ She respected her father for his accomplishments despite growing up in poverty.
―My grandpa was absent most of the time because he was an alcoholic. So, um, my dad
along with his older brother had to sustain the entire family.‖ She admired her mother for
being goal-driven and persistent. ―My mom has been really involved in my life and education
…. I respect her a lot because she had aspirations to have a real career. She has always put us
first and works hard to accomplish my family‘s goals.‖
There had been recent tension between Stephanie and her parents. She credited the
tension to her growing up and spending more time away from the family. ―My parents are
traditional Mexicans …. I am their daughter and my father thinks that when he says
something, I am going to listen and that‘s it.‖ Her mother and father were displeased with
her extracurricular schedule that left her less time to help out with the family‘s flower shop.
They were also upset that she was considering moving in with a friend. ―They found my
birth control pills so … they think I want to move out so I can have sex all of the time ….
They aren‘t happy about me dating either.‖ Stephanie hoped that she and her parents could
resolve their differences. ―I think a lot of it has to do with me going to college …. I have
guilt over it …. I know that I am a different person than them because of my experiences. I
just see things differently.‖
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Socioeconomic standing. Stephanie classified her family as ―working poor …. I
would say that I grew up in very low-income neighborhoods.‖ Similar to Monica and Julia,
Stephanie lived in a Latino neighborhood. ―It‘s homogenized … everyone is Latino and
there are no other cultures.‖ Both of her parents finished high school in Mexico. Her father
studied engineering for one year before he dropped out to support his family. Stephanie‘s
mother was a professional secretary in Mexico. As her parents struggled to make ends meet
in Mexico, their resettlement to the US became more apparent. ―[My dad] had worked in the
US doing construction before he married my mom and after I was born. He was aware of
the opportunities in the US …. My parents decided to move permanently for a better life.‖
Stephanie‘s father supported the family on his construction worker salary for many
years. ―He got a little bit above minimum wage but my mom didn‘t have to go to work at the
time. So, given that we couldn‘t really have a large apartment, it wasn‘t difficult to live on my
dad‘s income alone.‖ Stephanie had a better idea of her family‘s financial situation as she
grew older. ―[We] didn‘t really have luxuries but we still had everything that we needed.
Maybe not as fast as others got things … like beds or computers and stuff. We got them
eventually.‖
The family‘s needs eventually exceeded what her father alone could provide.
When I started going to high school, my dad was kind … well, we were kind of
pressured for my mom to get a job because my dad after a while could no longer
work construction because he was like … it was physical deterioration. He has a lot
of back problems and stuff like that. So, he stopped.

Her mother found work at a fast food restaurant and her father supplemented his existing
part-time music career with a full-time job at a movie theater screen factory. Her mother‘s
additional income afforded the family a more comfortable life. Stephanie‘s mother eventually
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left her job as a fast food restaurant manager to open up her own flower shop.
Unfortunately the shop was not doing as well as the family had planned. ―The flower shop
we currently have is not creating enough profit for us to live off of. So everything that we
make is reinvested in the flower shop.‖ This situation had recently put more pressure on
Stephanie‘s family to make ends meet. ―Nothing has been easy for my family but I think that
things will work out.‖
Immigration status. Stephanie, like Monica and Julia, had always known about her
immigration status. ―I am not sure why I knew, I just knew about it.‖ Stephanie‘s
immigration status was comparable to Cristina‘s—her younger sibling being a U.S. citizen
would not aid her own immigration status in the near future.
I would like to change my immigration status soon. But, currently the laws are
established and I have no way of even considering filing. I don‘t have any relatives
here. My entire family is in Mexico. No one can claim us. My brother will be able to
claim my parents and me [in a few years] but that‘s even a difficult process. So, at
this point, there‘s really no way for me to file to change my status.

While she did not have means to change her status, Stephanie and her family had been able
to secure U.S. visas when she was younger. ―My father got a work permit as a musician. So,
with that visa and permit we were able to travel to Mexico and visit my relatives and come
back without a problem … We visited twice.‖ Those visas had since expired.
Stephanie and her parents‘ undocumented status had affected the family over the
years. ―I saw my parents limited to working particular types of jobs …. I have been limited
to the jobs I could get, too.‖ Stephanie‘s employment history included food service worker
at her mother‘s old fast food restaurant, sales clerk at a large retailer, and data entry clerk at a
nationwide gym chain. ―Actually, my parents purchased papers. I was able to present that as
my identification [when applying for jobs].‖ She compared herself to her U.S.-born brother.
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―He can get a driver‘s license and I can‘t. He can also get a job anywhere and get financial
aid for college …. I can‘t do these things legally even though I work and I drive.‖
Stephanie‘s public existence led most people to believe that she was a documented
immigrant, if not a U.S. citizen. However, she was aware that she belonged to a distinct
underclass. According to Stephanie, most Americans thought that undocumented
immigrants were menacing and undesirable.
I think that they treat us pretty badly. I think that there are a lot of stereotypes
related to how people treat undocumented immigrants …. Instead of seeing the
immigrant population as something that is good for our country, we are just looked
down upon as a burden on social programs and stuff like that.

Stephanie challenged these negative assumptions with research and her personal story.
I personally try to do research on studies that say the opposite. That way if I am
confronted by a person who says these things, I have evidence to back up that
immigrants do pay taxes … like the ITIN that we use to file. I have been filing every
year …. I talk really openly with other students about the fact that I am
undocumented. I do it because in a way people who don‘t come from that
background can see that and see that there‘s nothing that I am really doing that
people can say that I am being a burden on the system. If anything, I am being a
contributor due to the fact that I work and go to school. Some people just have this
perception that we are just here to live off of the system and that we plague cities
with high crime rates and stuff like that. The reason why I tell people is so that they
have a perception of a day in a life of a person who is undocumented. I think trying
to make that emotional connection with people is a way that we can kind of combat
those stereotypes. I think that this status does just alter your world perception …. It
has made me kind of sensible about how I treat people and how I treat members of
my community.

Stephanie‘s academic and career goals were challenged as she transitioned to adult life. ―I
think I am like everyone else who is in this position—I don‘t want to stress out about it but I
cannot help but think that I am going to be held back because of my status.‖
Being an undocumented student. Stephanie had always been a good student. Her
parents stressed the importance of education early on. ―My parents always emphasized that
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an education was really important.‖ Her mother took primary responsibility for Stephanie‘s
educational training. ―[My mom] actually taught me to read and write in Spanish before
school. I learned my multiplication tables when I was three or four years old.‖ Her teachers
took a particular interest in her development and education. School administrators and
teachers were more receptive to her parents‘ requests than those of other parents because of
her academic abilities.
[The teachers] recognized that I was really an excellent student. At the time that I
enrolled in school, they had that distinction between Spanish- and English-speaking
classes. I was in the Spanish-speaking classes. I didn‘t know a word in English ….
My mom demanded that they change me to English-speaking classes [so I could
learn] …. They took her seriously and changed me to English classes.

Stephanie transferred to an English-only class in first grade and was fluent by the end of the
year. ―I don‘t say this with any arrogance or anything but I surpassed all of my classmates
like in everything that had to do with writing, reading, and everything. I was a really good
student.‖
Stephanie‘s parents‘ involvement in her education continued throughout the years.
When faced with having to transfer to another school one year, her parents offered to find a
way to stay at the school.
I think that there was something about that school that I felt a sense of belonging
and [my parents] sensed it. Since I had been there for so long, there wasn‘t anywhere
else where I wanted to be but there. Even though the school was underfunded, you
could tell that the teachers really cared and the fact that we had such small classes,
we can make those connections with teachers that could really help us.

Because the school was a K–12 learning center, Stephanie remained at the school until she
graduated high school in 2007. Classes were small, with a graduating class of approximately
150 students. She excelled academically, consistently placing on her school‘s honor roll and
enrolling in all of the available honors and AP classes. Stephanie also thrived in her
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extracurricular activities. ―All throughout high school, I was really involved in clubs. I didn‘t
do sports but I was part of the science club, the academic decathlon …. I was school
president …. I did a lot of things like that.‖ Her learning center also provided a safer school
environment. ―It was a great school for being an inner-city school. I think that the main
concern was the high pregnancy and dropout rates, not gangs or drugs.‖
While her primary and secondary school experiences were largely complete and
rewarding, her preparation for being an undocumented college student was incomplete and
dissatisfying. Her high school experience was similar to Cristina‘s high school experience.
―My parents expected me to go to college but they didn‘t know how that was going to be
and how I was going to be able to go to college … I relied on people at school to help me
figure out a plan.‖ She did not receive adequate information about how to prepare to go to
college as an undocumented student.
There was no orientation at my school about how to go to college in this situation.
We had a college counselor but he never really made an attempt to research outside
… I guess he just relied on what he already knew. The only thing that he
recommended was for me to apply strictly to private schools. They would be able to
give me funding so that‘s what he told me. In regards to the resources that I was
getting through school, there was really no college fairs that the school provided …
like scholarships and stuff.

Following her counselor‘s advice, Stephanie only applied to private schools. She was
admitted to two highly selective liberal arts colleges but could not afford to attend. Stephanie
became despondent during the end of her senior year, believing that she would never be able
to attend college. ―I didn‘t know about AB 540. I didn‘t know I could go to community
college and then transfer. I was this great student yet I didn‘t know anything about going to
college.‖ At the end of her senior year, her college counselor finally told her about AB 540.
She enrolled at a local community college and transferred to Metro U. two years later.
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Stephanie mostly credited her parents with helping her pursue a college education
(see Table 7). They insisted that there was a way for her to attend college and pledged their
support.
So, then, my parents [were] just like … ―we understand that you want to go to
college but you need to kind of help us out. You are going to go to school but you
are also going to get a job.‖ That‘s when I started community college. I got a job,
too. I actually got two jobs before I started going to community college.

Stephanie paid for all of her school expenses with her own earnings from the data entry job.
She developed close relationships with some of her community college instructors.
My professors were able to guide me and provide emotional support that I didn‘t
really find elsewhere. At my school at the time, there wasn‘t an AB 540 support
group … And so, I was kind of disoriented. After a while, I was kind of like I have
to stop with this negativism. I had to try to be optimistic and be involved. I got
involved in stuff. Since then, college life seemed to lighten up and I actually looked
forward to going to school. I have kept my GPA really high. Then when I
transferred here to Metro U., I feel even more motivated because I feel that I was
able to make that transition even more successfully.

Stephanie was elected as both a college student representative to the campus-wide student
council and as the president of the campus undocumented student group in May 2010. ―It‘s
going to be busy my senior year but I will manage. I want to do a lot of outreach to the
undocumented students on campus.‖ Stephanie planned to graduate in spring 2011.
Table 7: Students‘ Key Supporters

Name Parents Older Sibling Friend(s)/Partner
Cristina X
Monica X
Julia X X X
Stephanie X
Alba X X
Luz X
Alejandra X
Jackie X X X
Manny X X

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Life outside of school. Stephanie spent most of her time outside of school
working. She worked between 25 and 40 hours per week. Once she transferred to Metro U.,
she worked more hours to pay the higher academic fees. She scheduled her work hours in
the early mornings and late evenings depending on her class and public transportation
schedules. Stephanie also spent time with her family either at the flower shop or at home. ―I
usually end up working at the flower shop or hanging out at home with them.‖ Stephanie
started dating a fellow Metro U. student at the beginning of the 2009–2010 academic year.
―We are the same major so we can study a lot. He‘s a little older than me. We get along so I
am happy.‖
Alba. A sporty and petite young woman, Alba was a youthful looking 18-year-old
freshman at Metro U. She dressed like a typical teenager—usually pairing jeans and a T-shirt
with her high school cheerleading warm-up jacket. Alba always wore her medium-length
dark brown hair down or in a haphazard ponytail. She sometimes roamed campus in her
workout clothes. ―I am taking softball this year so sometimes it‘s easier to come [to school]
with my workout clothes on …. I run late sometimes.‖ Alba was attentive to others while
maintaining a reserved demeanor. She became particularly animated when she interacted
with her close friends. Alba had a deep, raspy voice that in many ways was uncharacteristic
of her physical appearance. ―People have asked me if I smoke because my voice is … what
do you call it—deep—no, no, no—raspy. Yeah, it‘s raspy … so, I try to speak loudly so
people can hear me.‖
Family life. Alba resided with her father and older sister in a small single apartment
in the heart of the city, approximately 10 miles distance from Metro U. "I have lived in the
same place I live now … well, only with my father since I was 12 years old. I just live with
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him. Well, now my sister lives with me, too.‖ Her sister—age 23—recently moved back to
her father‘s apartment after she broke up with her boyfriend. Alba‘s father—age 67—
welcomed his eldest child back home. ―He‘s old now and he can use the extra help and
money from my sister.‖ Alba‘s mother lived a couple of blocks away in her own apartment.
Her parents separated when she was 12 years old. Alba consistently resided with her father.
She never considered living with her mother even though she had maintained a close
relationship with her over the years. ―My father wanted me to live with him when they split
…. I was able to help him out since he‘s old …. We get along.‖
Alba‘s family was close-knit even if their time together was limited. Alba‘s parents
maintained a relationship over the years. They cooperated with each other in the best interest
of their daughters. Her parents shared a single common goal—improving their daughters‘
opportunities and quality of life.
My mom and dad still have a relationship. They talk because of me and my sister. My
mother is with another person. My mom is younger than my dad so I guess it never
really worked out. She‘s 43 and he‘s 67. I am the only daughter between my mom
and my dad …. My mom met my dad when she was pregnant with my sister …. He
has always treated my sister as his own child …. They want what is best for us … a
good education and a better life than we had in Mexico.

Alba regularly confided in her mom about issues relating to school. ―I tell my mom about
school because even though she doesn‘t understand a lot of it, she knows that I worked hard
to get [to Metro U].‖ She shared some of the details about her daily life with her father, too.
―I usually cook dinner for him so we have some time to talk about our days then.‖ Alba‘s
relationship with her sister was the least developed. ―We are just different from each other
…. She left the apartment a while ago and now she is back. She works nights so I don‘t see
her a lot.‖ Alba and her sister did occasionally talk about personal issues. ―My sister
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sometimes talks to me about her life …. But I don‘t talk to her about [Metro U.] since she
didn‘t go to college and I don‘t want to make her feel weird about it.‖
Socioeconomic standing. Similar to most of the students profiled in this
dissertation, Alba‘s family was working class. Alba compared how she and her family lived in
Mexico to how they have lived in the US. The main difference was the diminished sense of
safety and security where they lived in the US.
We have [always] lived in working-class neighborhoods. Back [in Mexico], we lived in
the south where it is really poor. But, we were never afraid of violence. Where we
have lived for the last 10 years [in the US] … it‘s busy and hectic. There are a lot of
gangs. Starting from when I was in middle school, there were always shootings and
fights. Me and my friends and sister never played outside. We stayed inside because it
was safer.

Alba adjusted to the new environment when she moved to the US. She and her family were
still better off living in an urban environment in the US rather than in a poor, rural area of
Mexico. ―I just have to think about what I do and where I go here. That‘s really it.‖
Alba, as with Monica and Stephanie, was more aware of her family‘s economic
situation as she grew older. ―I used to think that we were doing okay but as I get older, I see
how close we are to being really poor again.‖ Her entire family had always been poor. Her
immediate and extended family members received minimal if no formal education in Mexico
and the US.
My mom lived in a little town in Oaxaca so she only went to second grade but she
was really old—like 16 years old—when she finished second grade. She knows how
to write and read. My dad went to middle school … maybe like seventh grade. My
entire family has either no education or no higher than my father. The majority know
at least how to write …. My sister stopped after 10th grade in the US.

Despite their low levels of education, Alba‘s parents and older sister consistently secured
employment, albeit low-wage jobs. ―Back in Mexico, my parents were always struggling to
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find jobs …. At least here they have found work more easily.‖ Alba‘s family survived on
low-wage employment because they all pooled their money together. Her mother had
worked as a cook in two different restaurants—one Greek and the other
Mexican/Salvadoran. Her father briefly worked at two different carwashes before securing a
job at the Greek restaurant. Alba‘s sister started working full-time jobs—first as a babysitter
and then as a seamstress—when she was 16 years old. Her sister recently worked as a server
and hostess at a cross-town restaurant. ―[My sister] works the night shift so the money is
better.‖
Her parents and sister had constantly dealt with the imminent threat of losing their
jobs. Similar to Monica, no one in her family had legal permission to work. ―None of us
have work permits or drivers‘ licenses. [My parents and my sister] know that they could get
let go at any time.‖ Alba‘s mother and father, similar to Stephanie‘s father, suffered from
physical ailments over the years that affected their ability to work. ―Working has been tough
for [my father] because of his age …. He‘s worked hard all of his life and his body is tired.‖
Thus, it had been challenging for her father to continue to work in labor-intensive jobs. Her
mother injured her leg while working in the restaurant. ―She started getting bigger and bigger
… I guess [the injury] affected her. It wasn‘t her weight but her leg started getting bigger. We
never knew what happened because we could not go to the doctor or anything.‖ Her
family‘s socioeconomic status had been affected by limited access to health care. ―We have
never had insurance …. When we get sick or get hurt, we don‘t go to work or school ….
[My parents and sister] don‘t get paid if they don‘t go to work.‖
Immigration status. Alba immigrated to the US with her parents and sister when
she was seven years old. At the time, her sister was age 12 and mother and father were age
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33 and 56 respectively. Her family‘s move to the US was the last of many and frequent
relocations.
When we left, I was in second grade …. [My family] came [to the US] all at one time
…. When I was smaller, we would always travel everywhere for work. I was never at
a stable school. I was always from one school to another school. The job … they
used to sell cheese …. We would have to go and get it. We lived in Oaxaca and then
Mexico City and then we moved again. We would always move. They would tell us
that we would be moving here or there …. I don‘t have an exact number of how
many times we moved but I remember moving in kindergarten twice and then in
elementary school, we moved four or five times …. We moved a lot. It was all
because of economic reasons …. The reason we came here was because we always
had an economic struggle.

Her family‘s economic situation was dire by the time her parents made the decision to move;
her parents‘ cheese business did not sustain the family and her father‘s age thwarted his
attempts at securing work. Further, her parents feared that their daughters would have to
leave school soon to help support the family. ―My mom‘s brother was already in [California].
He told her like … that she could work [there]. They told my parents that they could get
jobs here … so we flew to Tijuana … [and then] we crossed on foot.‖
Alba‘s experiences in the US had been positive. She considered herself a Mexican
American. ―I have intentions of going to Mexico to visit but I don‘t want to live there. I feel
like I have adapted [to the US].‖ The only issue that remained unresolved was their
immigration status. ―We are all undocumented. Nothing is going to change for us without
[immigration] reform.‖ Similar to Julia, Alba‘s immigration status had affected her life but
she did not worry about it as much as other people.
I guess I think about my status more as I get older… [At Metro U.] there is a point
where you feel like you are the only one in a classroom in this situation. But, I just
don‘t think about it that much …. I know that I am not the only one.

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Alba‘s opinion of her immigration status was based on her beliefs that she had a better life in
the US even as an undocumented immigrant. Her status, while not ideal, still afforded her a
higher education.
I think undocumented immigrants are treated pretty well. I mean, we have
opportunities here. We come here to have a better life. I mean of course they try to
exclude you … like you cannot work legally. But at the same time, it‘s not that bad.
They still let you work with a fake social. They let these things happen. Of course if
they wanted to stop it, they would just stop hiring people. I could tell you that they
treat us really bad because of the way I emotionally feel about it. In the same way,
they help me get scholarships and I can still go to school. These are the things that
matter to me. If I can finish college, I can find [a way] to make the other stuff work.

Being an undocumented college student. Alba started third grade at the local
elementary school. She remembered being sad the first few years she lived in the US.
I remember this period of time that I felt really discouraged …. I didn‘t know that I
was going to come here and not know anyone or the language. I didn‘t really
understand how different it would be here.

She enrolled in ESL classes where she remained for four years. ―I was in ESL for third and
fourth grades. Then I stated fifth grade in English-only classes. I learned the language pretty
quickly. I had ESL [again] in sixth and seventh grades.‖ She struggled with formal English as
evidenced by her return to ESL classes in middle school. She credited her return to ESL
classes on being bussed to a middle school in a more affluent part of the city. ―They had
higher standards in [the other school].‖
Alba became very interested in going to college while attending the other middle
school.
I started thinking about going to college when I was in middle school. People would
talk about going to high school. There were some people who would talk about
going on to college. Everybody would be like I want to go to college. Through time,
I always liked school a lot. I always wanted to go further. I figured I would go to
school until someone told me to stop.

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She discussed her interest in attending college with her mother and father. They did not fully
understand her goals but were generally supportive of her plans. ―They never told me ‗no‘
even though they didn‘t understand what I wanted to do …. My parents would try not to
discourage me.‖
Alba was placed in a Special Learning Community (SLC) for the first two years of
high school. She qualified for her high school‘s new magnet program because of her high
academic performance. She was still unaware of how her high school record factored into
her college plans.
I started escalating to the higher classes in ninth grade. That year, I got really good
grades because I just liked school. There was a period of time that I didn‘t know that
high school would determine the type of college I could go to. I didn‘t know that it
would specifically determine my options. I started doing really good. I just started
escalating more.

Alba credited her transferring to the magnet program and participating in a local mentoring
program for her successful preparation for college. ―I didn‘t know much. I slowly started
learning about these things that would help me go to college.‖
Once Alba began receiving professional college advice from her mentor and magnet
counselor, she was able to plan for college (see Table 8).
My [mentor] didn‘t really know about AB 540 in the beginning. But, I told her about
it. Then she found out more about it and helped me. I also told my friends who were
AB 540 in high school. Whenever someone said that I or they couldn‘t go to school,
I would want to yell at them. I felt that if they said that I couldn‘t go to school and it
threatened me. I would get really worried. It has always been a worry for me. I knew
that my parents would not be able to pay for anything. I knew that for a fact.

Alba, similar to Monica and Julia, worked with her mentor on creating a comprehensive
college plan. She applied to several UC and CSU campuses as well as private institutions that
offered scholarships to undocumented students. She also attended local financial aid
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seminars presented by the state‘s student aid commission. At the seminars she met Metro U.
undocumented students who eventually helped her acclimate to her new university. ―When I
found out they had a support group at [Metro U.], I wanted to go there. I knew it would help
me.‖ Alba enrolled at Metro U. as a freshman in fall 2009 as an undecided major.
Table 8: Key Institutional Agents

Name High
School
Instructor
High
School
Staff
Postsecondary
Instructor
Postsecondary
Staff
Mentoring
Program
Staff
Cristina
Monica X X
Julia X X
Stephanie X X
Alba X X
Luz X
Alejandra X X
Jackie X X
Manny X X

Alba‘s first-year college experience had been positive. She placed into remedial
English and math courses. ―I knew I was behind the other students but I feel better now
that I am taking the [remedial] courses.‖ She participated in the campus undocumented
student support group. Alba attended local and statewide immigration reform retreats and
rallies. She made a few close friends at Metro U., too. The only concern Alba had about her
college education was how she was going graduate in a timely manner.
My parents can‘t help me because they have no money. I had about $6,000 in
scholarships to start school but that isn‘t going to pay for the whole first year with
the bus and books and stuff. Some of the scholarships will give me money for
another year or two. I am looking for a job but it‘s bad right now …. I don‘t want to
take a lot of terms off because I don‘t want to get that behind and lose hope.

Alba also struggled with how to include her family in her education.
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I guess you could say that they are innocent … they don‘t know anything … I wish
they understood what I am doing and how it will help them one day. I know they
believe in me … [but] it would be good if they really understood.

Life outside of school. Alba‘s non-academic life revolved around her parents and
her friends. She was responsible for taking care of her father—namely cooking meals and
cleaning the apartment. ―I know he works hard. He‘s so tired when he gets home from work
so I try to help him by cooking and cleaning. I go out after I finish taking care of him.‖ Alba
also spent time visiting her mother when she was not working. She found time to hang out
with her four best friends from high school. She and her friends made more elaborate plans
when their other friend came home from school in Boston. ―When she comes home, we all
see each other and go out …. She has been supportive of me going to college. We are proud
of each other.‖ Finally, Alba devoted some of her time to finding a job. ―It‘s important for
me to find a job. I don‘t want to give up on college. I need money fast.‖
Luz. Luz often entered a room carrying a container of food. The 20-year-old Metro
U. junior seemed to always be running late, never able to finish a meal. ―I eat and eat and
never gain weight! I try to eat all of the time.‖ Luz was thin and petite with long wavy brown
hair with bangs that grazed the top of her eyes. She usually wore jeans and a sweatshirt to
campus. Luz always carried an over-sized backpack that seemed to swallow her back whole.
―Everything [emphasis added] is in this backpack!‖ On the weekends, Luz went salsa dancing
with her friends and boyfriend. ―I love to go dancing.‖ Luz was inquisitive, never shy to ask
for help or advice. She majored in sociology and hoped to attend graduate school in the
future.
Family life. Luz lived in a one-bedroom apartment with her mother and younger
sister 10 miles from the Metro U. campus. Her father resided in Mexico even though her
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parents were still married. ―He comes and visits us once or twice a year. He prefers living
there … and he still has his business.‖ Luz‘s family had a nontraditional living arrangement
mostly due to her younger sister‘s medical treatment. Before her second birthday, Luz‘s
sister was severely burned in an accident. Unsatisfied with the treatment her sister received
in Mexico, Luz‘s mother found a hospital in California that agreed to treat her daughter free
of charge. Luz‘s mother and sister started traveling to the US a couple of times a year in
1996. They would stay for three months at a time so as to accommodate a surgery or other
treatment. Luz remained in Mexico with her father during these medical trips. In 2002, Luz‘s
parents decided that it would be best to for Luz, her mother, and her sister to live year-
round in the US. They told Luz that this plan was the only option given their family‘s
medical, educational, and emotional needs. At age 13, Luz, her mother, and her sister moved
permanently to the US.
Luz was very close to her parents and sister. Much of her relationship with them
revolved around accomplishing their family goals.
I love them so much. I admire [my parents‘] courage for making the decision to get
my sister the medical care she needs. It has been hard being separated. Being
undocumented and doing the medical treatments has not been easy for anyone.
When my father comes, we celebrate and enjoy our time together.

Luz had significant responsibilities within the family. Similar to Julia, Luz was expected to set
an example for her younger sister and help her parents manage the family‘s affairs. Luz‘s
responsibilities fostered a particularly close relationship between she and her sister.
My father isn‘t here and I speak English better than [my mom]. My mom depends on
me to do a lot with my sister .… I go to her parent-teacher meetings, I am
responsible for her after school, I help her with her homework. I am sort of like her
other parent because my dad can‘t be here to help and my mom is busy with work.
Plus, she has needed extra help because of her health issues …. I have been there to
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take care of her and make sure she is doing what the doctors tell her to do …. I am
her big sister, her friend, her nurse. We are very close.

Luz drew motivation and inspiration from her family in pursuing her own goals. ―They help
me a lot by just being [themselves].‖
Socioeconomic standing. Luz‘s family was ―between working class and working
poor …. We seem to be always working and saving money. We try to save, but then
something comes up … the car, bills. I don‘t drive. But always something happens.‖ Her
parents had an elementary school education; her mother completed sixth grade and her
father completed fourth grade. Before Luz‘s mother relocated to the US, she owned and
operated a taquería—a small taco shop that sold prepared food items. Her mother mainly
found work as a nanny and housekeeper in the US. Luz‘s father owned a small market in
their hometown in Mexico. Her parents did not share money with each other. ―My mom‘s
money goes to living here [in the US]. That‘s it …. My dad supports himself in Mexico.‖ Luz
regularly gave her mother money for rent and paid for the family‘s cell phone bill. ―It‘s not a
lot—like $200. But, I know it helps my mom out.‖
Over the years, Luz‘s family had adjusted their living situation and standards to what
her mother could afford. Her mother and sister originally lived in a van to save money. This
arrangement no longer was feasible when Luz arrived. Her sister‘s hospital found the family
temporary housing with a family of four that lived nearby. ―So, we were seven living in a one
bedroom apartment. My mom had to look for [another] place ... because we just slept there.
You can‘t live with strangers like that for long.‖ Later her mother found a garage to share
with another family. ―This was better because we were only sharing the kitchen and the
bathroom.‖ The garage was not ideal given her sister‘s proclivity to infections and illnesses.
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Her mother then secured an affordable single apartment. Recently the family moved to a
one-bedroom apartment. ―It makes it easy when my father visits. There‘s more room. Plus,
my sister and I need more space to do our school work.‖
Luz‘s mother chose to live in their current neighborhood because she felt that it was
safer and offered more opportunities to her family.
I live near a big private university so it‘s not that bad. It‘s working class and mostly
Mexicans and other Latinos but then there are the people who live in the area who
work at [the university] or go there. It‘s quiet in my neighborhood and the police are
around so it‘s a good place to live.

Her neighborhood benefitted from the various university neighborhood programs and the
presence of middle- and upper-class students, staff, and faculty. ―It‘s better than where a lot
of people live.‖ Luz benefitted from living close to the university as she frequently studied in
the library. She also enjoyed interacting with the university students.
I knew that I couldn‘t go there … it‘s too expensive …. But, when I would shop
across the street at the market, I saw the differences between those students and the
[neighborhood] residents. I wanted to have what they have … a college education
and a better life.

Immigration status. Luz‘s immigration status was different than the other Metro U.
student participants. She and her family had all received non-immigrant tourist visas because
of her sister‘s U.S.-based medical care. Using the visas, Luz and her family were able to visit
the US for limited periods of time; the visas did not allow the family to stay extended periods
of time or immigrate to the US. Luz, her mother, and her sister were undocumented
immigrants since they had violated the terms of their tourist visas. As was the case with
Stephanie‘s visa, Luz‘s and her sister‘s visas had expired. Luz‘s mother‘s tourist visa was still
valid. Her mother feared being separated from her daughters and never traveled outside of
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the country. Luz‘s father had never violated the terms of his tourist visa. Thus, he freely
traveled back and forth from Mexico to the US to visit his family.
The family‘s immigration situation affected Luz‘s identity as an undocumented
immigrant. Since her father could still visit the US, the impact of her parents‘ choices was
not fully realized. ―We have not been isolated from my family or anything. We know what
goes on in Mexico …. It‘s important that my father can visit us because we know that we are
going to be able to see him.‖ Luz‘s immigration status was different than other
undocumented immigrants because of her sister‘s medical needs.
My sister came here to see the doctors since she was a baby. She started to spend so
much time here that she was getting used to it. Her medical treatment has been going
on for 13 or 14 years. It‘s going to take a lot more surgeries and procedures. It
doesn‘t make sense that if she stays here for long times that her family can‘t be with
her.

Luz considered being separated from her mother and sister as unnatural. ―We had no other
choice but to come [to the US] and stay. Me and my sister need our mom.‖
Luz determined that her presence in the US was a human rights issue, not an
immigration issue. ―I have a human right to remain with my family as my sister gets medical
treatment. I don‘t control how long her treatment is going to be.‖ She did not focus on
being an undocumented immigrant. Rather, Luz explained that her status had positively
contributed to who she was as a student, daughter, and friend.
I think that being undocumented has helped me in a way. It has made me stronger. It
has made me more responsible in terms of school and working. Probably, I wouldn‘t
be where I am right now. I always strive for the best and go the extra mile. For me, it
has been a good experience.

Similar to Stephanie, Luz felt responsible for educating the American public on the realities
and myths about undocumented immigrants. ―I think that we have to do some work on that
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and educate people about the truth. I feel like we have to engage in a conversation with [the
American public]. We have to give them information …. There are misconceptions.‖
Being an undocumented college student. In Mexico, Luz was a competitive
student. She had wanted to go to college since she began her formal studies. ―Since I was in
kindergarten, I have wanted to go to college. I always liked school and I always wanted to go.
If I had finished middle school and continued, I would have gotten the university
scholarship they give.‖ Like Stephanie‘s parents, Luz‘s parents demanded that she do well in
school. ―My parents have always had high expectations for my education …. Sometimes [my
mom] would tell me not to work or do something so that I could focus on my school.‖ Her
parents continued to support her educational plans when she moved to the US. ―Now they
expect me to continue with it.‖
Luz enrolled in eighth grade in the US. She was surprised how being an ESL student
affected her preparation for college.
When I started middle school here in the US, I was taking ESL for two years. I
started in high school and the counselor … as an ESL student, they put you down
and they don‘t encourage you to do AP or honors classes or anything like that. I only
took AP Spanish. I was in regular classes. Those ESL classes, they are two periods
instead of one. For that reason, I was behind in algebra, science, and government ….
I was always taking summer school and extra period classes, too.

Early on she identified the differences between going to college in Mexico and the US. ―I
had to be a lot more involved here with my education than there.‖ She reached out to her
college counselor for help during the 10th grade. ―I told her that I was undocumented ….
[The counselor] knew about [AB 540] so she told me …. She really cared and she was really
dedicated …. I paid attention [to what she said] and that‘s how I learned.‖ Luz learned about
college requirements and completed the necessary courses and tests. In lieu of filing a
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FAFSA, her counselor encouraged Luz to attend the same local financial aid seminars Alba
attended. ―I found out about scholarships and that [Metro U.] had a support group. I started
attending the [support group] meetings in high school. The people there really encouraged
me to go to college.‖
Luz‘s college plan was comprehensive and practical.
I only applied to CSU [campuses]. I knew that I would not be able to get into a UC
[campus] and I would not be able to afford it …. My college counselor told me to
apply to campuses I knew would accept me.

She also secured $1,500 in scholarships for the first year of college. She decided to attend
Metro U. since the fees were relatively low and she could commute from home. ―I wanted to
stay around for my sister and my mom, too. [My sister] is looking up to me for support and
help with going to school. I will be done when she starts college.‖ Luz paid the first year of
college with scholarship money and her mother‘s savings. She enrolled in one or two
community college classes concurrently to save money. After the first year of college, she
paid all of her fees with her own earnings.
I have served food … worked at a call center … and did data entry at a nonprofit. I
quit a couple of months ago because I was so tired so I am looking for temporary
work. I will work full-time at the nonprofit this summer to save for my last year …. I
will finish. I know that now.

Luz‘s participation in Metro U.‘s undocumented student support group was
instrumental in her progress as a college student. ―I have found jobs from the group .... I
have got books from members … [and] rides to campus and work.‖ She also represented the
group within a statewide coalition for immigrants‘ rights and immigration reform. ―I have
traveled because of the group. It‘s been great.‖ The group‘s membership gave her the
strength to persevere.
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My fellow members … they are so smart. A lot of them … two of them got their
master‘s degree and one of them is applying for a Ph.D. even though he has not
been that involved. So, they always encourage me …. Just the fact that they are doing
it, it just proves that we can do this. The ones of us that are struggling, we know that
it is possible.

The support she received from the Metro U. group enabled her to more freely share her
status with other students, staff, and faculty members. ―They probably don‘t think that
undocumented students can actually go to college and get a master‘s degree or a BA. I tell
people I am undocumented because they need to know that this is possible for people like
me.‖
Life outside of school. Luz‘s life outside school revolved around her work, family,
and friends. She worked either before or after school and on weekends when available. Luz
had substantial responsibilities with her younger sister. ―Even though my sister is in 11th
grade, I still have to make sure she is doing her stuff especially since she misses school
because of her surgeries.‖ Luz spent time with her boyfriend and friends, too. ―He‘s busy
and I am busy so we may only see each other once a week.‖ She enjoyed resting at home
when she had the time. ―That‘s a luxury I don‘t know much of!‖
Alejandra. Alejandra was a feisty 20-year-old junior studying social work at Metro U.
She was average in height with brown hair that she occasionally highlighted. She wore glasses
and always wore the latest trends. ―I work in the fashion industry so I just know what is
going on and what people are wearing.‖ She was a typical college student balancing hectic
work, academic, and social schedules. Alejandra was also a serious community organizer. She
was a self-described ―revolutionary‖ who fought for her beliefs and rights. ―Some people
would say that I am [a] radical [but I say] that I am a strong and independent mujer …. I
define myself that …. I will fight for my beliefs and the struggles of my people.‖ Alejandra
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also identified as a raza educator who organized for increased access to raza studies for
members of her community. As a member of la raza, she was regularly subjugated because of
her race and background. ―I am responsible for being the best I can be so my people can
have a positive role model …. It‘s up to me.‖
Family life. Like Cristina, Julia, and Stephanie, Alejandra came from a mixed status
family; her younger sister was a U.S.-born citizen while she and her parents were
undocumented immigrants. She resided with her parents and 19-year-old sister in a rented
two-bedroom house 10 miles distance from Metro U. Their house was one of two houses on
a lot in an aging residential area of the city. ―The place is old …. I share a room with my
sister and my parents have the other room …. It‘s small but it works.‖ The house also
doubled as her mother‘s place of business—a daycare facility for a few young children. ―She
takes care of kids so it can get really crowded and loud.‖ Her father was unemployed. ―He
usually works in construction. He‘s not working right now …. He tries to help out around
the neighborhood and help with my mom and the kids she watches.‖ Both of her parents
completed high school in Mexico. ―My father did some college classes when he was in
federal prison here in the US. He never earned a college degree, though. He started with
ESL classes and stuff.‖ Her sister had recently graduated from high school.
Alejandra‘s relationship with her parents was ―extremely close and open. We talk to
each other. They help me plan my life because I respect their opinions and their
experiences.‖ Her positive relationship with her parents allowed her to be successful in both
her academic and personal pursuits. ―They provide me with a good example. I am just
following their lead.‖ Alejandra‘s relationship with her sister was less positive. She often
disagreed with her sister‘s choices. ―She is just … well, we just are not alike. We have a lot of
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disagreements. I love her but she is not doing the right things with her life.‖ The tension had
increased over the past year since her sister forwent enrolling in college. ―She wastes [her
citizenship] and doesn‘t even go to college …. The only thing she will do that is good with
her citizenship is sponsor my mom‘s immigration application.‖ Alejandra‘s father was
ineligible for U.S. residency since he was a convicted felon.
Socioeconomic standing. Alejandra‘s family, like Monica‘s, Stephanie‘s, and Luz‘s
families, was ―working poor.‖ Her family had always struggled to keep up with living
expenses. Particular periods had been more difficult than others due to her parents‘ varying
income. Alejandra and extended family members periodically helped support her immediate
family.
My father was in jail between fourth and eighth grades. I started to work at the
flower shop across the street from my house during this time. My mother and uncle
mostly supported us. I gave them some of the money I earned from the flower shop.
I didn‘t mind because I was helping my family and that‘s what I believe in. Now
since my father has lost his job in construction, it‘s only me and my mom working
…. So, we have always usually lived paycheck to paycheck.

Alejandra gave her parents money as needed during high school and college. ―I give
everything I make to my mom after I pay my school expenses. I work between 18 and 27
hours a week now. In the summer, I work six days a week for about 50 to 55 hours.‖ She
hoped that her younger sister would soon help pay the family expenses. ―My younger sister
just got a job …. I have not been able to save much since I help my mom with the rent and
some of the bills. Now my sister will pay some of that.‖
Alejandra‘s family had always resided in the same neighborhood. The area had
transitioned from an African American majority to predominately Latino. ―Even though the
people have changed, it‘s still a working-class, poor neighborhood. People are working but
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not really getting ahead. We‘re struggling here in this capitalist imperialist system.‖ Alejandra
explained that her neighborhood had been neglected by American society largely because of
its racial composition.
The social structure is based on race. The history of America has been written by
race. Class was dictated by race. White would be superior and so forth. For me, race
is everything. It goes to policies, it goes to education, it goes to any economic
standards. If you look at the poor and the working class, then you see race ….
America has portrayed the Black and Brown communities as negative. So, they don‘t
want to be part of that negative aspect …. I see that in the community.

She thought she had no choice but to stay and help those with fewer opportunities. ―I have
to help out my people who are on this side of the border.‖
Immigration status. Alejandra arrived in the US when she was eight months old.
She traveled with her mother and father across the border. Like all of the students profiled
in this dissertation, Alejandra‘s family left Mexico in search of better economic and
educational opportunities in the US. ―There‘s a reason [my family] came here … for
opportunities that were taken from us by the American government and NAFTA and all of
the policies over history.‖ Her parents settled near family already living in California. Some
relatives were undocumented while others were U.S. residents and citizens. Alejandra did not
have a pending immigration application. When her sister turned 21, she could petition for
Alejandra. It would take anywhere from 10 to 15 years under current law for Alejandra to
receive U.S. residency. ―I don‘t even think about it as an option.‖
Alejandra, was unaware of her immigration status until she reached eighth grade. At
that time, she received a scholarship that required her social security number and other
personal information. Similar to Cristina, she asked her mother for the information.
I didn‘t know the whole politics about it because I was so young. I knew that I was
Mexican, put it that way. I didn‘t know that I was undocumented. I didn‘t know that
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you were supposed to have papers. I get the scholarship and the check is ready to be
given to me and we were ready to go to the ceremony to get it. I asked my mom for
my SSN. She said that I didn‘t have one. I thought it was like a phone number. I
asked her for a phone number to put and she said that I couldn‘t do that. My sister is
a U.S. citizen. So, my mom sort of compared us. ―Your sister was born in [the US]
and you were born in Mexico. So you were born in Mexico, you are not American.
Because you are Mexican, you don‘t have an SSN.‖ I went to the scholarship people
and told them the story my mother told me …. That‘s when the counselor said, ―Oh,
you‘re undocumented.‖

Alejandra‘s discovery that she was undocumented immediately changed her reality; she
began to question her accomplishments and her future plans.
I thought that if this money was taken away from me, what else is going to be taken
away from me? I didn‘t know what to do with it. My mom was kind of telling me
more about it. She said that I need to be careful about who I tell about it because not
a lot of people like it. Inside of me, I felt different.

Discovering that she was undocumented was life changing for Alejandra. She
credited her sociopolitical radicalization on discovering her immigration status. Joining
community grassroots organizations focused on empowering both immigrants and non-
immigrants provided solace. ―I decided that I wasn‘t going to be oppressed anymore. I took
action by getting involved in learning about la raza and the issues that affect us.‖ Learning
about immigration issues was influential in Alejandra deciding to attend college. She
befriended immigration attorneys and learned about immigration law and policies.
When I was learning about my culture I started to figure out why I was
undocumented in the land that used to belong to my people. I started to figure that
out. Why am I being deprived? Why are these institutions oppressing me? …. You
either give me papers or you don‘t give me papers. For the immigration reform, I am
not looking at it as an amnesty [emphasis added] …. If the legislation says ―amnesty‖ I
would not apply either. I am not going to say ―sorry‖ for being here. Amnesty is like
saying, ―Oh, I am sorry, I give up, here, give me papers.‖

Alejandra neither felt guilty about being undocumented nor did she feel that she owed
anyone an explanation of why she wanted to stay. Alejandra, like Monica and Luz, viewed
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her immigration status with respect and dignity. ―I don‘t let it—being an undocumented
immigrant—identify me. I don‘t see it as a source of weakness or depression. I see it as my
source of passion and inspiration.‖
Being an undocumented college student. Alejandra‘s primary and secondary
educational experiences had been mostly positive. Many members of her extended family
had attended school in the US. Her mother took an active role in Alejandra‘s education. She
enrolled her daughter in a Head Start pre-kindergarten program at age three. Alejandra then
transitioned to the local elementary school where she participated in after-school and
summer programs. Her mother regularly met with teachers during the school year to
monitor her daughter‘s progress. Alejandra‘s mother encouraged her to learn English by
practicing with English-speaking relatives and friends. She was fluent in English by the
beginning of third grade and placed in the honors program in fourth grade. Alejandra
attended one local middle school and two local high schools; she enrolled in all of the
available honors and AP classes. ―I always remember school as something fun …. I always
went to the same schools. My mom knew the teachers and was involved. I always felt like I
was connected to the schools and people there.‖
Alejandra‘s parents expected her to do well in school and follow the example set by a
few of her family members who had attended college. They provided her with opportunities
to pursue her academic interests.
I started to think about college when I was young. It was like in middle school. My
cousins … one of them actually graduated from [a private university]. One of them
went to [a CSU] and then got a master‘s degree at [a UC]. I knew that it was middle
school, high school, and then college. That‘s how I knew about college. My mother
would always ask what I needed to do for school …. I had to get good grades. If I
was sick, I had to go to school. My parents always made me go.

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Alejandra researched college admission requirements and developed an academic and
extracurricular plan for high school.
I was excited about going to college and learning. I wanted to do something different
than a lot of the kids I grew up with …. When I found out I was undocumented,
that‘s why I got so upset. I saw my plans out of my reach.

Alejandra changed her college-going plans when she learned that she was
undocumented.
I knew I was going to be the experiment for being an undocumented student in my
school. The first thing I did was tell my teachers and counselors about my situation. I
told my friends, too. I told anyone who would listen …. Everyone—the teachers and
counselors—were surprised that I was open about my status and I was going to
apply to college and not go to a community college.

Sharing her immigration status with others placed her in a position to acquire pertinent
information about being an undocumented college student early in the college preparation
process. One of her teachers, a former UC admissions counselor, told her about AB 540 and
undocumented student scholarships. Similar to Monica, Julia, Alba, and Luz, institutional
agents encouraged her to network with undocumented high school peers and local college
students to learn about their postsecondary plans and experiences. ―By the time I started
11th grade, I had a plan. I wanted to go to a UC, I had started saving money … all of my
teachers paid for all of my applications. I was ready.‖
Senior year of high school was bittersweet for Alejandra. She was valedictorian and
gained admission to the most competitive UC campuses. She also earned $8,000 in
scholarships for her first year of school. Still, she was unable to realize her dream of
attending UC Berkeley.
I sat down with my parents and we figured out where I could go. They were able to
commit to helping with books and transportation …. I really wanted to go to UC
Berkeley. But, I couldn‘t. It was a far, far reach even though I got in there.
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Alejandra enrolled at Metro U. because of the lower costs and vicinity to her home. ―I wasn‘t
thrilled about it but I accepted it …. I have been able to go through without any breaks.‖
She continued her involvement in grassroots community organizations. Alejandra‘s
experiences at Metro U. had been overwhelmingly positive. She joined the campus‘s
undocumented student support group and took the lead in coordinating AB 540
presentations at local high schools. Alejandra was also involved in Metro U.‘s campus budget
cuts coalition. She often found herself as the bridge between some community organizations
and campus student groups. ―People know me because I get their scholarships and
volunteer. I hook people up with each other.‖ Being at Metro U. provided her with the
unique opportunity to make deep and lasting connections both on campus and in her
community.
Coming to [Metro U.], I have met so many professors that through sharing my story,
they would offer to lend me or buy me books …. My comrades have supported me
and helped me stay in college …. I even have a sponsor who will sponsor me during
my senior year [at Metro U.] …. He will pay for my tuition but if I get enough
scholarships to pay the fees, he will pay for an on-campus apartment …. He has sent
me to Sacramento and has helped me emotionally over the years. He knows my
family.

Alejandra expected to complete her degree at the end of the 2010–2011 academic year. She
planned to enroll in a master‘s of social work program at a private university or the UC in
the future. ―Maybe I will be able to get financial aid by then? I will figure something out.‖
Life outside of school. Alejandra‘s extracurricular life revolved around her work
responsibilities and her close friends and family. She worked year round in a wholesale
fashion outlet. She also held significant duties within one community organization separate
from Metro U. ―We are a nonprofit so I am in the office about five to 10 hours a week. I
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help manage the bills and stuff.‖ Alejandra carved out time once or twice a week to see her
boyfriend. ―Our families are from the same town in Mexico so I see him at family events,
too …. We see each other during the weekend but I need my space away from him. He
understands that I‘m an independent mujer [emphasis added].‖ Midway during the school year,
Alejandra‘s boyfriend gave her a promise ring. ―We want to get married but not right now
…. He‘s a U.S. citizen. I wouldn‘t be getting married to him because of that but he can help
me with the residency.‖ Alejandra spent time with her parents and close friends when she
had time. ―I am lucky because I have a lot of people in my life that support me and who I
am. They don‘t try to change me and that‘s good because I am not changing for no one.‖
Jackie. Jackie was an energetic 23-year-old senior studying political science at Metro
U. She was about 5‘ 2‖ with dark skin and long, layered dark brown hair. In the middle of
the academic year, she dyed her hair blonde. ―I used to get my hair done all of the time but
that‘s before I decided to transfer to Metro U. and I had to save all of that money.‖ Jackie
usually paired her modern-looking eyeglasses with casual clothes—jeans and a Metro U. or
professional athletic team sweatshirt—when on campus. ―I like to dress up on the weekends
and for events but it takes time and costs money and I am not trying to impress people at
campus.‖ She greeted individuals with a bright smile even though she was often reserved
with unfamiliar people. Jackie spent most days on campus studying, attending class, and
overseeing the undocumented student club‘s activities and events. ―I‘m president of the club
this year so it takes a lot of time.‖
Family life. Jackie was the fourth of five children ranging from the ages of 15 to 32.
Like Cristina, Julia, Stephanie, Luz, and Alejandra, Jackie‘s family was mixed status; Jackie,
her parents, and three older siblings all were born in Mexico while her younger sister was a
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U.S.-born citizen. Over the years, the living arrangements had changed as older siblings
moved in and out of the family home. Jackie currently lived with her parents, her two sisters,
and three nieces in a rented house approximately 13 miles from the Metro U. campus.
We have lived in our current place for about five years. We live in a back house and
my brother lives in the front house. [Our house is] really big. There are four
bedrooms, two bathrooms, a basement, a garage, and all that. I have my own room,
my younger sister has her own room, my parents have a room, and my older sister
moved back in with us since she is getting a divorce. She has three girls. They all
share the last room.

Jackie‘s house served as the primary gathering place for the family. ―My other siblings and
their families come over to see my parents and us. There are always kids around and there‘s
always a lot going on.‖
Jackie‘s family was ―a traditional Mexican family—there‘s a lot of us and my parents
are in charge ... well, my dad is in charge.‖ Her parents both worked—her father was a
landscaper and her mother was a babysitter. The dynamics of her family changed as she and
her siblings aged.
When I [was younger], my dad was very strict. He would come home from work and
he would make us [kids] go run. We were supposed to be ready with our jogging
clothes. We would run a few miles every day. He liked to run. We did that until I was
in high school …. My mom, she just started working about three or four years ago.
She was always at home before that. She went to work because she was bored in the
house.

Jackie‘s family now revolved mostly around her younger sister, nieces, and nephews. ―I feel
like I have to set an example for all of the kids. My parents expect me to do that, too, since I
didn‘t have kids or get married young. My example shows them another way of life.‖
Jackie‘s relationship with her family members varied. She had a close relationship
with her parents. ―We had some tough issues but now that they see me graduating this year,
I think they trust me. I think that I have now earned my dad‘s respect.‖ As with Cristina,
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Julia, and Luz, Jackie also shared a close relationship with her younger sister and nieces. She
helped them with their homework and sometimes represented her parents and sister at
school activities like parent-teacher conferences. ―If I can make it and help out my sister or
parents, I try to. I want the girls to go to college and that means being involved in their
education.‖ Jackie was not as close with her older sister and a few extended members of her
family. ―As I got older, I saw their decisions and thought that they could have done better. I
guess that‘s just what I think happens to family members.‖
Socioeconomic standing. Jackie did not label her family‘s socioeconomic status as
―working class‖ or ―working poor.‖ Her parents had a basic elementary school education
that prevented them from moving away from labor-intensive jobs. Similar to Stephanie‘s
father, Jackie‘s father supported the family on his salary alone when the children were
younger. They lived in a garage for a year until they arranged to live in a relative‘s apartment.
From the garage, my aunt owned a few units in an apartment building. We moved
across the city. We were living with another person … my aunt‘s father-in-law. He
lived in one bedroom, my parents lived in the other bedroom, and all of us kids were
out in the living room.

The apartment was overcrowded and chaotic. The family was relieved when they were able
to move to a house a few years later. ―We could do this because my oldest brother started
working and my sister, too. [My brother] only dropped out to help my father with money.‖
Jackie‘s older siblings continued to contribute to the family‘s expenses as they transitioned
from high school to full-time work. She noted that all of the jobs her siblings pursued were
in the service sector, too. ―They were doing the same types of jobs—working in restaurants,
taking care of kids.‖ Jackie‘s eldest brother talked to her about finding a job in a restaurant
when she was a junior in high school. ―They didn‘t expect me to drop out but I had to start
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working. I started to work in high school. I was pretty much told that I had to work by my
brother.‖
The family‘s socioeconomic standing both benefitted and suffered from more
members working. Jackie and her family‘s living standards increased with the extra money.
―Yeah, it got better. We moved to a house and my dad wasn‘t as stressed out. Things were
more quiet …. We could get things that we couldn‘t get before.‖ The drawback was that
they could only afford to rent a house in a less expensive area of the city. Jackie quickly
noticed that the quality of her education decreased when she transferred elementary schools.
I guess it‘s when I got over to [my new elementary school] is when it was kind of
like, ―Oh my God!‖ It was really loud. The teachers didn‘t care. The kids were
rowdy. The teachers were just there sitting, watching them. I think that they didn‘t
have hope for the students. They figured that they were just going to be running
around …. I missed the other school.

While her family was better off living in their own house, she was also disadvantaged
because the neighborhood was more depressed. A friend‘s grandfather explained these
socioeconomic differences to Jackie.
[My friend] from the same middle school … her grandpa used to pick us up from
school …. He would talk to us the whole ride. He would explain to us … we would
go from a good neighborhood to a bad one and he would ask us if we would notice
something different. We would be like, ―Oh yeah.‖ He would explain, ―Do you
notice that in the good neighborhood the grass is always nice and green and in the
bad neighborhood it‘s always dry and really high because it‘s not cut? He said that
the people living in the areas with dry uncut grass are trying to make these other
houses look beautiful in the good neighborhood. They forget about their own
because they have to work harder‖ …. It made sense to me and I started to think
about my family.

Jackie‘s increased awareness about socioeconomic and class issues eventually influenced her
educational and career goals. ―I always think even now that if we are the ‗middle class‘ then
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who are the poor people? We have these things because people are working together. I knew
I had to get better jobs than my family.‖
Immigration status. Jackie immigrated to the US when she was three years old with
her siblings. Similar to Julia‘s family, Jackie‘s parents decided to stage the immigration in
waves.
First my father came, then my mother, and the rest of us came a year later. I don‘t
remember how we did it. We crossed the border with coyotes. I remember that I was
sitting in a car with these two men. I do remember that we ran across the freeway. I
was holding my mom‘s hand and she was holding it so hard. Maybe it was early in
the morning? I think that it was here in California. I have never asked … maybe I
should ask? …. They drove us to where my dad was waiting. It was my mom, me,
my sister, and my brother. My oldest brother stayed in Mexico for another year and
then he came to the US.

Her parents decided to immigrate primarily for economic reasons. Her father‘s farming no
longer supported the growing family. ―It was before NAFTA but it was already bad for my
family. Small farmers in Mexico couldn‘t compete and keep working.‖ Her father decided to
try out the employment market in the US. ―My uncle had come to the US before so my
father used him as support …. By 1990, my whole family was here.‖
Like Cristina, Jackie was surprised to learn that she was undocumented in high
school. ―I am not sure why I was surprised. I sort of knew that my family members couldn‘t
just go to work anywhere but I didn‘t understand what it was.‖ Jackie‘s AVID advisor
requested students‘ personal information at the beginning of 12th grade. Jackie asked her
mother for her social security number and other immigration information. Her mother told
her that she did not have a social security number.
I told her what I needed. My mom was trying to tell me like, ―No, it‘s not going to
happen.‖ I was like, ―No, it‘s really easy. Once I do this, it‘s really quick and it‘s
going to be online and …‖ I felt like I wasn‘t explaining it well enough. Maybe she
wasn‘t hearing me? Maybe I didn‘t want to hear what she was telling me? She was
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like the only thing I have for you is an ITIN number. She showed it to me. She was
like … ―Maybe you can use it?‖ I was like, ―No, the counselor told me it had to be
an SSN.‖ My mom told me that I don‘t have one and that none of us have one. I
was like I need it. ―Can we go get it somewhere?‖ She said that if they could, they
would have done that.

Jackie was confused why no one had told her that she was undocumented. She was
ashamed that she did not know. ―I didn‘t know what to think or even say to anyone. I was
scared.‖ Like Julia, Jackie did have a pending immigration application. However, she was
unsure if the application was still valid as it was filed when she was a minor.
My father has an immigration case. I am under my dad. It is sibling to sibling for
him. My uncle requested my dad. So, we are under my dad. They filed over 10 years
ago. It depends on what age you were when they filed. I think. Hopefully I will be
covered.

Jackie was hopeful that her status would change in the near future. She graduated in spring
2010 and was eager to receive permission to work.
The DREAM Act or my getting married would help too. I have been with my
boyfriend for like four years. We have been thinking about getting married. He‘s a
citizen. I hope to be changing my status in the next few years.

Being an undocumented college student. Jackie‘s entire educational career took
place in the US. Her parents enrolled her in a pre-kindergarten program at age three. She
then transitioned to the local elementary school. Her school district offered parents English-
only or bilingual instruction. Jackie‘s parents enrolled her in the bilingual class. ―When I was
in elementary school, I only spoke in Spanish and read in Spanish …. I was doing Spanish
until third or fourth grade. Then [my parents] switched me to English.‖ Jackie did not have
any problems learning English. ―I always have felt comfortable with English …. My older
brothers and sister—well, they struggled more than I did.‖ She attended a total of two
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elementary schools, one middle school, and one high school. ―I was lucky that things were
stable because my parents stayed in places a long time.‖
Even though Jackie was an above average student during elementary and middle
school, she never gave much thought to continuing her education past high school. She was
intent on receiving a high quality education but was unaware of any postsecondary
opportunities. ―I knew that I wanted to get a better education so that‘s when I let my parents
send me to the high school my brothers attended in my old neighborhood so I could go to a
better high school.‖ She wanted to make the best of her high school experience.
I think in 9th grade, I really wanted to do something. I noticed that some people …
they had the same class … they were together each period. So I would ask them why
they were always together. They told me about the program AVID. So, I took the
initiative to ask my English teacher—she was the AVID teacher, too. I told her that I
wanted to be in the program. She looked at my grades and she was like okay. The
next term, I was in AVID.

Joining AVID provided Jackie, like Monica, an entirely different high school experience. She
was immersed in a college-going environment where every student was expected to enroll in
college. ―My family had no expectations for me to go to college. I am the first to go ….
AVID was crazy because everyone was going to go to college. I wanted to go too.‖
Jackie credited AVID for preparing her for college. She was eligible to apply to both
the UC and CSU as well as private schools. She planned on using financial aid to help pay
for college. ―The only thing I worried about was my family—I would have to convince them
that I could both go to school and continue to work and help out …. I didn‘t know then I
wouldn‘t qualify for financial aid.‖ Devastated by the news she was undocumented, Jackie
distanced herself from her AVID instructor. She told everyone that she would was not going
to attend college because she had a job.
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When I told my AVID teacher the real reason, she was like, ―Oh.‖ She understood
but she didn‘t know what to do. She pretty much said that she never had this before
and this is a lesson for her to check next time and to screen the students more to
make sure that they have one. She didn‘t help me out. She just left me alone. She
understood but she didn‘t help me figure it out. She focused on the other students.
At the time, I was like sure. I felt so guilty … like I wasted her time. I understood.

Jackie did find her way to college the next year. She met a community college
admissions representative at her school‘s college center in May of 12th grade. The
representative encouraged Jackie to enroll in community college since she would qualify for
reduced fees via AB 540.
She kept bugging me. And I am like, ―I told you lady, I have a job. I already know
what I am going to do.‖ Finally, I was just like … ―this is my situation. Stop, leave
me alone!‖ …. I told her I wanted to go [to college]. She sat down with me and we
went over the whole application. I got my transcript. I plugged it in. I got the
printout, signed in, and mailed it in. She told me to go to the school with my official
transcript. I started class a week after I graduated.

After enrolling in community college classes, Jackie explained to her parents that she would
work a full-time job, limiting her enrollment to evening, weekend, and online courses. She
did not plan to transfer. ―I was doing part-time …. I joined a club. I was president of the
Latino Student Union …. I would go to the different workshops and their forums and
panels. I went to their plays and stuff. I liked it.‖
Jackie transferred to Metro U. after attending community college for four years. ―I
wasn‘t going to transfer until I met my boyfriend … who had just graduated from [a UC
campus].‖ He encouraged Jackie to transfer and helped her create a transfer plan.
I was paying for school through my job …. We set up a budget because this whole
time I was at community college, I actually got two jobs …. I saved $10,000 in two
years …. I file taxes so I got refunds, too. He told me to talk to a counselor that got
me on track to transfer.

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Jackie‘s boyfriend provided her with both the confidence and the practical information to
continue her education. She approached her family with her plans and gained their support.
I needed their support …. When I graduated [from community college, my parents]
were like she is serious, this is what she wants to do. I told my dad that I would need
his help. I was going to quit my job and go to school full-time. At first, he was like,
―Why are you going to do that? You are making more money than I am. How are we
going to make the rent?‖ I was like, ―It will work out. I need my money to go to
school.‖ Luckily, that‘s when my sister moved in because of the divorce. She was
able to take over the money I gave.

Jackie‘s experience at Metro U. had been fulfilling and busy. She regularly
participated in the campus‘s political science club. She also joined the campus‘s Model
United Nations delegation. ―I have traveled that way with the school, so I feel comfortable
going on a plane in a big group.‖ Jackie joined the campus undocumented student club
during her junior year and was elected president her senior year. ―I am able to be involved
on campus because I saved money for school. I haven‘t worried too much about how I was
going to pay for school like the other students.‖ Jackie graduated at the end of the 2009–
2010 academic year as planned.
Life outside of school. Jackie spent a considerable amount of time with her
boyfriend. They primarily spent their time developing their online business and cooking.
―We are both going to be unemployed once I graduate so I hope to earn some income from
the business.‖ Jackie regularly socialized with her friends and family on the weekends. ―I
keep in touch with some high school and [community college] friends. Sometimes we go to
happy hour.‖
Manny. Manny was a thin and youthful looking 19-year-old sophomore engineering
student at Metro U. He made an effort to appear older—he kept a moustache, wore black-
rimmed glasses, and usually wore khakis and a button-down madras shirt. ―People think I
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am really young so I try to look more professional.‖ He was particularly thin so his clothes
were always too big. Manny‘s most noticeable physical trait was his ever-present smile.
―People always comment on my smile because I guess I am always smiling.‖ Manny was very
approachable, always ready to engage in conversation. He hinted that he suffered from bouts
of depression. ―I get overwhelmed sometimes but I think that it is all normal at my age. I am
starting to learn about who I am and what I am going to be as an adult.‖
Family life. Manny lived with his parents and four younger siblings in a small two-
bedroom, one-bathroom apartment about 15 miles distance from Metro U. He had three
brothers age nine, seven, and two, as well as one sister who was five years old. The seven-
year-old brother was autistic and required constant supervision. His home life was stressful
mainly because of the family‘s living conditions. The apartment was dilapidated and cluttered
with the family‘s possessions. Clothing hung from the bedroom doorways and shelves
containing his father‘s construction tools and children‘s toys lined the walls.
Me and my brother have a [clothes] dryer in our bedroom …. My dad has extra cars
to store stuff in …. We don‘t even have room for the cereal so my father figured out
that we could put it in grocery bags and hang them from the ceiling, above the
kitchen table. My autistic brother sleeps on a shelf behind my parents‘ bed so they
can watch him …. It‘s stressful living like this.

Manny relationship with his family was ―close.‖ He credited their close relationship
to being a traditional Mexican family. ―You can say that in a Mexican family, we are very
close. So, usually it is that the man works and supports the family financially …. That‘s how
it is in my family. We stay together and help each other.‖ As with Julia and Luz, Manny had
particularly defined responsibilities within the family. ―As the eldest, I have to help with the
kids and babysit. I help my mom clean and keep things organized. I have given my father
money in the past but I try to just use that for school.‖ Manny regularly translated for his
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parents. He was also involved in coordinating his autistic brother‘s care. ―[My parents]
expect a lot from me and I am able to help so it‘s good for me.‖
Since Manny started college in fall 2008, his relationship with his family had changed.
―I don‘t know … I never thought it would get to me … everything in the house … but it
has. I just don‘t want to be [at home] all of the time.‖ Their relationship had changed largely
because Manny‘s parents did not understand what attending college entailed.
I get mad sometimes because [my mother] says that I am getting lazy and I am not
helping her as much as before—like around the house and with the kids. But, she
doesn‘t know what I am doing. Sometimes I tell her that she doesn‘t know me
anymore …. She knows that I work now and have a job but she doesn‘t know the
details of what I do all day. This has created some discomfort.

He confessed that he had started to resent him parents for their decisions to have a large
family. ―I don‘t understand it now that I am older …. I question their choices.‖ He worried
about the increased tension and how it would affect his adult life.
I want to be an example for the younger kids. I feel that if I have to leave my parents
in order to do what I have to do in school … then that‘s something that I have to
deal with. It‘s a must. Because I have to give some things in order to gain others. If it
means losing my parents‘ support for a while but succeeding in something else, then
I am okay with it. It‘s sort of bad …. I sort of feel guilty about this.

Socioeconomic standing. Manny‘s family‘s socioeconomic status was ―good‖
compared to some of his peers. ―I would say our socioeconomic standing in the US to be
good. But, I don‘t know the details of how much money my dad makes and stuff.‖ He
periodically worked a part-time job. ―I use my money for school mostly.‖ Manny‘s father
was the sole breadwinner, working construction jobs at local hotels. His mother was a
homemaker. Manny‘s parents both finished primary school in Mexico. His mother had
periodically enrolled in adult school, working towards completing her GED. The family
received government-issued food and medical benefits to help feed and care for his U.S.-
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born siblings. His brother received extra public assistance because of his disorder. ―Our
financial situation has changed over the years. Now … I see that [my parents are] having
small troubles once in a while.‖
Manny‘s family had lived conservatively for the past 13 years since they had
immigrated to the US. They changed apartments only once since they arrived. ―We had a
place to live when we arrived and then we moved to the apartment I live in now—for the
last 13 years.‖ Manny‘s family did not move because of the relative affordability of the
apartment and its location. ―I live mostly around Hispanics and African Americans so my
parents can speak Spanish here …. The public transportation is good in this area.‖ Manny
acknowledged that his neighborhood was unsafe. ―I am concerned about the safety issues in
my neighborhood because there‘s violence with the gangs.‖ Since attending Metro U.,
Manny had started to draw comparisons between his classmates and himself. ―Now I can see
how [my family] could be [considered] poor. But I didn‘t know that until I saw other people
from other areas and could compare.‖
Immigration status. Manny immigrated to the US from Mexico with his parents
when he was six years old. As with the other students profiled in this dissertation, his family
immigrated for better economic and educational opportunities. Manny did not remember the
details of their journey but he did know that they did not have legal permission to travel to
the US. He hoped that the circumstances surrounding his immigration—his young age and
inability to stay in Mexico—would help his chances of gaining U.S. residency. ―I don‘t want
anything bad that will affect when I apply in the future. One day, I want to apply for
residency.‖ Manny‘s siblings were all U.S. citizens. His parents would have the eldest U.S.-
born son sponsor them when he turned 21. ―I could have him request me, too, but that‘s 12
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years until he turns 21 and then another 10 or 15 years before they review my application.
That‘s a long time.‖ Similar to Luz, Manny had worked on immigration reform in the past.
―I hope a law passes like the DREAM Act or something that makes it easier to apply for
citizenship or something that bridges the gap between me and citizenship.‖
Similar to Cristina and Jackie, Manny was unaware of his immigration status until
high school.
I knew that I was an immigrant but I didn‘t know what undocumented immigrant
[emphasis added] meant …. I didn‘t know I was undocumented until I was in 11th
grade. I wasn‘t aware until I was a junior and the seniors started graduating. I saw
people having trouble going to college and paying for school and they were not
getting financial aid. I got a small sense about how being undocumented affects you.

Manny never adopted a strict insider/outsider mentality. Rather, he considered himself a
Hispanic student living in the US.
I feel that I am a divided person. Because of the fact that I don‘t know where to
place myself, I am taken out of a particular category. I am always in the middle. I am
always looking at all of the sides that I am confronting. I try to think about the
immigrant thing. I try to look at the news and stuff in a way that it would benefit
everyone here in the US. By changing the law it would benefit all of us …. My status
is not everything to me …. Even though I will not be able to work, I am hoping that
there will be some changes. I am just going to stay with it. I am not going to let
anything get me off of my train.

Being an undocumented college student. Manny began elementary school in first
grade and enrolled in English-only classes. ―I was never really in ESL …. I learned English
pretty quickly. I don‘t have an accent. I just fit in.‖ As with Stephanie‘s and Alejandra‘s
mothers, Manny‘s mother played an important role in his education.
My mom was very involved with me during elementary and middle school. I would
come home and she would tell me that I am going to Saturday school. Or, I would
go to summer school. I would go to different after-school programs. I would go to
community programs that focused on math and physical activities …. She wanted
me to do all of those things.

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Manny‘s mother sought advice from his teachers and counselors about his educational
opportunities. ―I believe this is partly why I was accepted into the magnet program in middle
school … and went to college.‖
Manny decided to attend college in ninth grade while his brother was being
diagnosed with autism. ―When they started to diagnose him, I wanted to know what autism
was and work on ways to help people like him.‖ His father immediately supported him in his
goals, pledging that he would help him in any way possible. ―It‘s ironic because my mom was
always the one who supported me in school and then my father told me to continue with it.
It was great to know they supported me even if they didn‘t understand what it meant.‖
Manny was identified as college-bound by his school. ―My parents never knew anything
about college. I really found out [about college] through my friends in high school who were
going to college. Teachers were talking about it. And the counselors expected us to go.‖
Manny prepared as an undocumented student like many of the students in this study.
Similar to Julia, Manny and his friends founded a campus support group for undocumented
students. ―We would fundraise for application fees and for scholarships …. We also talked
about how to make strategic decisions about college …. We shared scholarship info.‖ This
group provided Manny with the opportunities to get to know older students who were also
undocumented and attending college. Before his senior year began, he knew undocumented
students attending many of the local and state universities. ―I learned from the older
students about what to do. I knew about the money problems and the struggles I would
have …. I knew about AB 540 and community college.‖ Manny also took advantage of the
handful of teachers who supported the group. ―I could ask them for recommendations and
advice.‖
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Manny applied to a total of three institutions and myriad undocumented student
scholarships. All of the campuses were close to his home and had an established campus
undocumented student support group. Before he decided to enroll at Metro U., he spent
some time on campus and researched the engineering programs. He also befriended an
admissions representative who helped him learn about the campus.
The rep gave me a personal tour of the campus and he introduced me to the
payment plan, the undocumented student support group, and introduced me to the
club‘s two presidents. That‘s how I became involved with the support group. He also
introduced me to one of the advisors in my engineering department …. I also found
out about the [campus undocumented student] scholarship.

Manny‘s pre-enrollment experiences at Metro U. along with its low fees convinced him that
Metro U. was the best choice. ―I got enough scholarship money to pay for the first year and
[my girlfriend] could help with the transportation when I couldn‘t take the bus …. I started
in fall 2008.‖
Manny‘s postsecondary experience had been ―challenging.‖ He took a full course
load his first year but only made a dent in his requirements due to requisite remedial courses.
He started taking his major prerequisite courses during his second year but found them
challenging. Manny started to think that he might be better suited for another type of job
related to autism research. ―I think that maybe I should switch my major to communication
disorders and not biomedical engineering …. I am good with my brother and I have
patience. Maybe I can be a speech pathologist?‖
During the 2009–2010 academic year, Manny pondered his academic options. He
also ran out of scholarship money before the academic year commenced. ―For fall 2009, I
had to borrow money from my high school counselor to pay the fees before the deadline.
My dad paid her once he got money.‖ He started working in summer 2009 to pay for his
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academic fees. ―I have been working at an afterschool program that my brother goes to and
it‘s great because they know that I am undocumented and they still wanted to hire me.‖
Manny‘s father contributed to his school expenses and his girlfriend helped out when she
had extra money. ―The fees are getting higher and I can‘t participate in the undocumented
group anymore because I have to leave in the afternoon to work.‖
Manny decided to take a leave of absence starting fall 2010.
I am taking academic leave from [Metro U.] so that I can attend community college
for a while. I decided to attend [community college] because I have received my job
back at the afterschool program … and I wanted to be close to where I work. I plan
to take general ed courses while at [a community college] and possibly other classes
that have caught my attention.

Attending community college would allow him to finish his major preparation courses and
save money for two final years at Metro U. ―I am not getting off course. I am taking another
route to finish my goals.‖
Life outside of school. Manny‘s life outside of school centered around his family
and girlfriend. His girlfriend would come over to the apartment and spend time with his
family. They would take care of his younger siblings and watch movies. They also studied at
the library. Manny worked approximately 15 hours per week. He also helped his younger
siblings with their homework. He struggled to keep up with his household responsibilities as
work, school, and extracurricular activities took more of his time. ―I find myself doing more
stuff on the weekends to catch up …. I keep busy. I always have something to do.‖
The Metro U. Context
A discussion of how undocumented Metro U. students interacted with one another
and the types of activities they undertook is helpful to more thoroughly complete the
analysis necessary to answer the project‘s research questions. Spending the entire academic
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year on campus, I was exposed to a variety of events Metro U. students organized and
supported. Most of the on- and off-campus events students participated in were facilitated
by IMAGINE—Metro U.‘s undocumented student support group. The group organized
weekly meetings, fundraisers, and community outreach events, which the nine profiled
Metro U. students regularly attended. The 16 other Metro U. students I interviewed also
attended these gatherings.
This section highlights three such events that took place during the academic year—
the fall 2009 IMAGINE open house, the March 2010 statewide budget cuts action day
protest, and a February 2010 weekly IMAGINE meeting. I chose to highlight these three
events for a couple of reasons. First, many of the study participants attended these if not
similar events throughout the year. These events are representative of typical academic,
political, and social gatherings where undocumented Metro U. students gathered. Second,
these events, especially the statewide budget cuts action day, are indicative of the types of
opportunities undocumented Metro U. students had to advocate on their own behalf on and
off campus. In the process, they were able to identify as undocumented immigrants with
little fear of legal repercussions. Now I turn to a description of each of the three events.
IMAGINE fall open house. It was about 5:45 p.m. on a Thursday evening in early
October 2009. The double doors leading to the City Room in the Metro U. Student Union
were decorated with balloons and IMAGINE posters. A group of about 75 students,
parents, and young children lingered in the hallway around the door, waiting for registration
to begin. Luz, the junior sociology major and IMAGINE‘s vice president, and a few other
students were setting up the registration table. One IMAGINE member stood guard by the
door, answering students‘ questions and assuring attendees that the open house would begin
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shortly. Manny was in a corner of the hallway, holding hands with his girlfriend. Monica, the
22-year-old sociology major and the group‘s fundraising chair, was coordinating the food
delivery from a local Italian restaurant. At 6:00 p.m., Jackie, the IMGAINE president,
opened the double doors signaling the beginning of registration. The fall 2009 IMAGINE
Open House formally commenced.
IMAGINE hosted an open house at the beginning of each term. For fall 2009, the
group planned a larger event scheduled in the evening so that members of the community
could attend. The open house had three primary objectives: (a) provide information about
IMAGINE‘s mission and activities, (b) inform prospective and current Metro U.
undocumented students about general and campus-specific information regarding
undocumented student issues and support services, and (c) provide a forum for local
organizers to discuss their immigration-related activism at the local, state, and national levels.
The group received $1,200 from the Metro U. student government to host and cater the
event. Approximately 100 Metro U. students, staff, and faculty as well as community
organizers, local high school students, and students‘ families attended the event.
Jackie and Luz led the meeting. All presentations were simultaneously conducted in
English and Spanish so that all attendees could understand. Jackie and Luz focused on the
group‘s fundraising, outreach, and scholarship opportunities. They shared details about how
they each arrived at Metro U., one as a transfer student and the other as a freshman. They
also explained the daily struggles they encountered as college students. Jackie focused on the
challenges she encountered convincing her family that pursuing a college education was
worthwhile. Luz stressed the importance of having a support system of college peers that
inspired her to persevere. Members of the board, including Monica, also joined the
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presentation, describing their outreach, scholarship, and fundraising goals for the academic
year. They encouraged Metro U. undocumented students to join as they would benefit from
the support and camaraderie of the group.
The next three presentations featured a Metro U. admissions officer, a Metro U.
professor, and a community organizer with a statewide immigration coalition. The
admissions representative outlined the basic tenets of AB 540. He answered questions from
high school students and their parents about the legislation and its availability at all
California public postsecondary institutions. He then detailed the current efforts of the
Metro U. administration to open campus-specific scholarships to undocumented students. A
Metro U. political science professor spoke next regarding the ongoing federal immigration
reform legislation. She drew comparisons with past efforts to expand civil rights to
marginalized groups. The professor also detailed the efforts of some of her colleagues who
focused on providing more financial and academic resources to campus undocumented
students. Finally, the community organizer discussed the efforts by student, labor, and
educational activists to pass the federal DREAM Act. She fielded questions about how
undocumented immigrants and their allies could help in the effort to pass immigration
reform. The event concluded with a general question and answer forum on undocumented
immigrant-related topics.
IMAGINE members declared the event a success. The open house served as both a
recruitment and community outreach event; Metro U. undocumented students showcased
the club‘s activities and support services, and provided current information about
undocumented immigrant issues affecting the larger off-campus community. Julia, the
freshman who co-founded an undocumented student support group at her high school, was
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particularly pleased that the open house both targeted the campus and surrounding
communities.
Americans have this stereotypical view of the undocumented people … they are the
garment workers, they are the sales workers, they don‘t speak English, they don‘t go
to school, they are not educated, they just came here to do the dirty jobs …. They
don‘t want to integrate [into] the community …. You see at these types of events
that people do want to learn about what they can do and how they can better
themselves …. [Americans] don‘t know that we want a better life. We want to work.
We want to better ourselves. We also want to participate in the economic section of
the country. We want to contribute to the country.

Stephanie, the recent transfer student and 2010–2011 IMAGINE president, shared that the
open house was particularly useful for the high school students in attendance. ―Showing
[younger] students that success is possible is critical. If I see that someone else is succeeding,
I will at least try.‖ She planned on organizing similar events during her tenure as president.
Other members who were unable to attend due to their class and work schedules
commented that their friends thought that the event was a success. Cristina, the junior
Spanish major regretted not attending. ―There were a lot of people. I could have let the
people at my old community college know about it. I just didn‘t know about IMAGINE that
early in the year.‖
March 2010 budget cuts action day. Another event that lends context to the
environment where Metro U. interviewees pursued their academic goals was the March 2010
budget cuts rally and protest. The 2009–2010 academic year was plagued by unprecedented
statewide education budget cuts. Metro U. student, staff, and faculty anti-budget and union
groups formed a campus-wide coalition opposing the drastic cutbacks. On March 4, the
Metro U. No Budget Cuts Coalition organized a day of budget-related events aimed at
educating the campus community of the reduced budget‘s effects on public education. The
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campus rally took place from 8:00 a.m. to 2:00 p.m. and included a campus-wide class
walkout, speakers, and a march across campus. The event ended with students, staff, and
faculty boarding city buses en route to a larger regional education budget cuts rally. Campus,
city, and state law enforcement patrolled the Metro U. event, accompanying demonstrators
to the larger regional rally.
Eight of the nine profiled Metro U. students participated in the day‘s on- and off-
campus events. One student chose not to participate due to the large police presence and
possibility of arrests. There was serious debate during several IMAGINE meetings about
whether the group should officially co-sponsor the event. Monica questioned the feasibility
of the larger campus student groups controlling their memberships in case of civil
disobedience. ―How do we know that someone in their group is not just going to throw
something at the cops and get us all arrested?‖ Cristina was concerned that the event was not
safe to attend. ―I don‘t think that this is a good idea …. There‘s going to be police and
cameras and … I don‘t need my family seeing me on TV. They‘re already concerned that I
am part of [IMAGINE].‖ Alejandra, having frequently marched and protested due to her
involvement with other grassroots organizations, offered a possible solution for concerned
IMAGINE members who wanted to attend the rally. ―The nonprofit I work with, we bring
lawyers with us. We stand next to them and never leave them …. If the pigs [police] try to
arrest us, we have our lawyers right there. We can walk with them.‖
Given the debate surrounding the safety of undocumented students attending the
budget coalition events, Metro U. undocumented student participation was sizeable. A total
of eight undocumented Metro U. students participated in the campus rally. A former
IMAGINE student member, was a featured speaker. He discussed the impact of the budget
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cuts on undocumented students attending Metro U. ―I am not undocumented anymore but
those who are don‘t get financial aid. They can‘t ask for emergency loans …. They get no
support from administration to pay their fees. They are completely ignored in this debate.‖
Others held signs and participated in the class walkout and campus march. Alba, the
undecided freshman, led a group of her friends in anti-budget cut chants. ―I see that people
don‘t support the budget cuts. It‘s wrong for everyone.‖ Cristina stopped by and watched
the crowd from the back. She was pleased to see a variety of Metro U. community
members—faculty, staff, and students—participating in the campus rally. ―It shows that it‘s
not just the students who care about the fees and what‘s happening to our public education.‖
Metro U. rally organizers provided city bus tokens for those who wanted to attend
the regional rally. Monica, Stephanie, Alba, Jackie, and Luz boarded the city buses along with
approximately 250 other Metro U. participants. Seven more Metro U. undocumented
students joined the group at the regional rally. The IMAGINE students held up posters
displaying pro-AB 540 messages. Monica was asked by a German film crew to explain her
AB 540 sign and why she was protesting.
We are undocumented immigrants who are going to college. AB 540 lets us pay the
less expensive in-state fees …. These budget cuts are threatening to informally bar us
from our rights to an education. We are being priced out of our education.

Jackie was excited to see that so many students and educators participated in the rally. ―I
should have brought my little sister and my nieces. They could see that their teachers do care
about the cuts and want to fight for them.‖ The rally ended at 7:00 p.m. without any
reported arrests.
The Metro U. and regional rallies marked the first time some of the Metro U.
undocumented students marched or protested in large-scale events. Alba was surprised at
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the number of attendees who participated in the regional rally. ―I was still in high school
when the May 2006 immigration rallies happened. My parents wouldn‘t let me go then. It
was amazing that all of these people showed up.‖ Alejandra was less surprised by the
regional rally turnout. ―I do this type of stuff all of the time. People are angry and that‘s
when they come out and scream and wave banners and stuff. They come out yelling for their
human rights.‖ Stephanie was happy with the outcome of the on- and off-campus rallies and
protests. ―[The undocumented] are coming out and letting people know that we cannot and
will not stand for this abuse …. We stand in solidarity with all of the other citizens and
immigrants who are being punished for politicians‘ mistakes.‖
The March 4 day of action showed many Metro U. undocumented students that
diverse segments of society did in fact care about public education funding. After her
interview with the German film crew, Monica explained that she was heartened to know that
people outside of the US were not only concerned with general access to education but also
the plight of undocumented immigrants. ―After I gave the interview, I was shocked that
these people would even care about undocumented immigrants going to college …. I don‘t
know if they were serious but the questions they asked—at least they asked them.‖ Jackie felt
that the rallies were revealing insofar as she saw diverse people talking about the same
issue—saving public education.
When I saw the IMAGINE students standing next to the arts teachers and the
teachers unions and the students themselves, demanding that funding be restored to
the public schools, I was impressed …. People tend to see these issues as only
supported by a certain type of person. The reality is that it is just common sense to
support education.

The Metro U. campus initially planned to hold another budget cuts rally on campus later in
the year. That rally would also include local primary and secondary school students.
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IMAGINE members did not participate in that event as it was on the weekend and students
had prior commitments.
A weekly IMAGINE meeting. Weekly IMAGINE meetings were a regular place
for Metro U. interviewees to mingle and meet other campus undocumented students.
Meetings were held every Thursday during the campus‘s daily mid-afternoon break so as to
maximize student attendance. Weekly attendance ranged from 10 to 35 students. Meetings
were held in a student union conference room. The meeting agenda was usually projected
onto a video screen. Individual introductions were followed by updates on recurring and
upcoming events and activities. Different board members reported on the events they
organized and led. For instance, the high school committee presentation chair provided
updates on future high school and regional AB 540 financial aid presentations. As the
fundraising chair, Monica detailed the upcoming campus fundraisers and asked for
volunteers to staff the events. After group business was settled, campus groups made topical
presentations. Student government candidates introduced themselves to the group on one
occasion. Another week, an EOP counselor updated the group on spring 2010 class
registration and counseling services. Meetings ended promptly at 4:15 p.m. as most students
hurried off to their late-afternoon classes.
In the middle of the school year, the IMAGINE board decided to add an
immigration-related discussion to the weekly meeting. Jackie explained that the board was
concerned about waning attendance at meetings. ―We‘re all stressed out about money. Some
of us are working more than before. We have to make these meetings more interesting for
the members so that they come and not just walk out after the announcements.‖ Jackie
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announced in early February that the group would facilitate weekly discussions on
immigration issues during future meetings.
The February 25 meeting marked the beginning of member-initiated weekly
immigration discussions. The start of the meeting included member introductions, an update
on a local high school AB 540 presentation, a presentation for an upcoming 18-mile
immigration reform awareness fundraiser walk, and the year-end IMAGINE graduation
celebration. Stephanie then led a discussion about Princess Hijab, an anonymous street artist
working in Paris, France. Her street art centers on painting a black hijab—a traditional
headscarf worn by Muslim women—on models featured in subway advertisements.
Stephanie chose to speak about Princess Hijab due to the ongoing debate in France
regarding the influx of Muslim immigrants living in the country.
I want to talk about Princess Hijab and how the artist is bringing the reality of
xenophobia in regards to immigrants to the forefront of the French people …. One
of the first things you see when you are commuting to work or school in the
morning is a hijab painted on a Western- or French-looking model on a billboard.
You can‘t ignore something like that. In my opinion, it‘s like if a tagger climbed up
on a billboard here and wrote ―illegal immigrant‖ on random models. You have to
stop and think in both cases why these foreign invaders [emphasis added] like Muslims
or Mexicans are living in your country now …. Society has to think about the
reasons why people leave their homes—like colonialism or NAFTA or neoliberal
policies—and make a new home in a new country. Princess Hijab is doing that with
his or her art.

Stephanie‘s presentation started a lively discussion about immigration trends,
immigration reform, and personal freedoms both in the US and abroad. Alejandra shared
that Princess Hijab‘s street art was an effective way to start a discussion about immigrants
living in France and the US.
I wish we had someone here tagging up the freeways and walls with stuff that
matters like this. This has a higher meaning and sends a message to all people who
see it …. You don‘t need to be informed like we are to have a reaction. That‘s the
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point. People in France see this and either like it or hate it for whatever reasons ….
We should have an artist like this making us think as we go to work and school in the
morning.

Jackie agreed with a few other students who thought the art was possibly confusing the
separate issues of immigration and religion. ―I think it‘s confusing what Princess Hijab is
doing …. There‘s intentions there that none of us know about. Yeah, maybe the artist just
wants to cover up the models in the ads with conservative clothing?‖ The conversation
continued after the meeting among some students who did not have class.
IMAGINE meetings were an opportunity for Metro U. undocumented students to
discuss their opinions about immigration-related issues openly and honestly. Students could
draw on their own personal experiences as undocumented immigrants to inform their
arguments and positions. Julia was relieved that such a forum was available on campus.
In my classes, I sometimes have to think about who is around before I say
something. I always try to figure out who is for the undocumented immigrants and
who is against them when I am in classes. That way I know if I can be more honest
about my opinions.

Other students shared similar sentiments about the importance of weekly IMAGINE
meetings. Cristina appreciated the opportunity to be herself at the meetings. ―I just know
that the IMAGINE people are undocumented and that‘s it. I don‘t have to ask them or pick
up on their hints or stuff. I know that many of them are undocumented or were
undocumented.‖ Luz, an IMAGINE member since high school, summarized the important
role IMAGINE had played in her own education.
We‘re family and that‘s it. We take care of each other. These are my friends and …
we do stuff together that‘s serious and fun …. They support me like my mom and
sister do and I never forget their help and strength. I have been coming [to
IMAGINE meetings and events] since high school and I have always felt that this is
my home …. These students are my friends. It‘s good to know they are here for me.

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Chapter Summary
The data presented in this chapter delineates how Metro U. undocumented students
prepare and attend a four-year postsecondary institution. Their ability to attend college is
shaped by such things as familial responsibilities, primary and secondary educational
experiences, and perceptions of their immigration status and its limitations. No two students
were alike in their progression towards enrollment at Metro U. Each student prepared for
postsecondary enrollment using different resources. Each found inspiration in various
aspects of their lives. I now turn to a discussion focusing on the study‘s primary research
questions and results.
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Chapter 5
Conclusion:
Making Sense of the Data
The purpose of this study has been to understand how undocumented students
created personal and communal identities that fostered the development of class-based
social capital that in turn helped them attend four-year institutions. The study explored how
these students:
 conceptualized themselves within the undocumented immigration debate,
 identified themselves among other low-income and first-generation students, and
 shaped their educational goals working within a system that did not guarantee
their access to a postsecondary education.
These processes occurred within a societal context that simultaneously negated and
supported their presence in the United States; they were guaranteed a K–12 education as
children yet they were barred from full participation in society as they transitioned to
adulthood. This study aimed to explain how undocumented college students attending one
institution—Metropolitan University (Metro U.)—viewed, interpreted, and experienced
these contradictory realities while pursuing their educational goals.
As the data in the previous chapter show, undocumented Metro U. students arrived
at college by different methods and with varying means. Some transferred to Metro U., while
others began their postsecondary studies at the institution. The majority struggled to pay for
college while a minority relied on ample savings or parental contributions. A few students
were knowledgeable about how to attend college as undocumented immigrants while others
were relatively ignorant about the subject. Thus, there was no one archetype of a Metro U.
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undocumented student. By examining the familial, socioeconomic, immigration, and
educational experiences of Metro U. students, this study provided a more nuanced portrait
of how such students actually attended a four-year institution. Towards that end, I focused
on four research questions throughout the project:
1. How do undocumented college students develop, maintain, and exchange social
capital?
2. Do the social support networks of undocumented college students factor into
educational outcomes?
3. How do experiences of exclusion shape the educational identity and
consciousness of undocumented students?
4. How do the contours of an undocumented student‘s identity enable or disable
academic performance?
This final chapter provides an analysis of the data presented in Chapter 4. I start the
chapter with a brief review of the difficulties undocumented students encounter when they
pursue a college education. I then revisit the basic tenets of social capital theory. I provide an
explanation as to why I employed the theory in examining how students overcome such
challenges. I outline the qualitative methods used in this study before explaining its primary
limitations. Next, I discuss the study‘s findings including the three main themes that emerged
from the data within a context of social capital theory. I then answer the study‘s four
questions. Finally, I advance possible theoretical and practical implications of the study‘s
findings on future research concerning undocumented students.

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Undocumented Students and Social Capital Theory
Undocumented college students encounter significant barriers in finishing a
postsecondary degree. Most hail from low-income households and are the first in their
families to attend college. A review of the relevant literature indicates that many
undocumented students encounter similar types of problems when pursuing a college
education. These impediments usually fall into one of three general areas—financial
obstacles, academic preparation, and perceptions of belonging.
The majority of undocumented college students struggle to pay for their college
education. Undocumented students are ineligible for federal and state financial aid (Perez et
al., 2009); thus, they generally pay out of pocket for their education. In the case of Metro U.,
California Assembly Bill 540 (AB 540) provides eligible students access to reduced in-state
academic fees. As noted in Chapters 2 and 4, AB 540 amounts to some relief but is in no
way a substitution for access to traditional federal and state financial aid programs.
Employment restrictions on undocumented immigrants further complicate students‘
financial situations. Most of these students do not have legal permission to work in the US.
Students typically find off-campus jobs concentrated in the low-paying service industry
(Hermes, 2008; Perez et al., 2009; Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001). Students are also
foreclosed from most private academic scholarships, stipends, and sponsorships due to their
immigration status. In short, undocumented students face formidable obstacles when
financing their education.
Academic preparation is another hurdle for undocumented students transitioning to
college. First, undocumented students often attend low-performing, ethnically-isolated
schools located in urban and inner-city communities (Gandara, 1995; Gonzales, 2009;
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Teranishi & Briscoe, 2006). Students‘ college readiness is not only determined by the rigor of
high school coursework but also their English language skills (Adelman, 1996, 1998, 2006).
These schools usually do not adequately prepare undocumented students for college-level
coursework. Also, undocumented students, as first-generation college students, rely more on
institutional actors for comprehensive college information (Gonzales, 2009; Perez et al.,
2009; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Their limited access to some college preparation programs
affects their preparation for postsecondary study. Thirdly, scholars have found that some
undocumented students experience a sense of despair during their educational careers,
withdrawing from school coursework and activities (Gonzalez et al., 2003; Suarez-Orozco &
Suarez-Orozco, 2001). These students are less prepared for college-level coursework, with
some foregoing their postsecondary goals altogether.
The third obstacle that students encounter concerns their perceptions of belonging
in the US as undocumented immigrants. Scholars explain that many undocumented students
lose their sense of belonging fostered by their inclusion in K–12 schooling as they transition
to adulthood (Abrego, 2006; Lopez, 2003). Further, feeling ―included‖ in academic settings
is important to student success (Allen & Solorzano, 2001; Blackwell, 1981; Contreras, 2009;
Hurtado et al., 1999; Perez Huber, 2009). Individual feelings of inclusion are diminished as
undocumented students transition from a childhood with guaranteed K–12 education to an
adulthood with no educational guarantees. Undocumented students‘ feelings of inclusion on
college campuses are repeatedly under threat since their immigration status is equivalent to
illegality (Abrego, 2008). They are constantly reminded that they are different than their
college-going peers, officially excluded from the political and social environments they
inhabit (Abrego, 2008; Olivas, 2009; Seif, 2004).
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The hardships that undocumented college students confront are complex and far-
reaching. As chronicled in Chapter 4, the nine Metro U. students experienced some if not all
of these types of difficulties. The majority of students consistently struggled to finance their
postsecondary studies. Many strove to meet the academic expectations of college-level work
while fulfilling other responsibilities and duties. Finally, all of the nine students grappled with
what it meant to be an undocumented immigrant pursuing a college education.
Given these and other challenges that students face, I chose social capital theory as
the theoretical lens through which I would examine students‘ experiences. Social capital is
the investment in social networks as well as in mutual recognition and acknowledgment. The
theory is one way to understand how individuals and networks interact within a specific
social structure. As I outlined in Chapter 2, social capital theory explores how individuals
and groups access resources through social relationships, and which types of relationships
and resources are most conducive to building social capital. The theory is particularly useful
in an investigation of how undocumented immigrant students attend college. The theory has
been widely used in educational studies as a means to explain differences in educational
attainment.
Theorists have promoted two distinct versions of social capital—a ―bridging‖ variety
and a ―bonding‖ variety. Bourdieu (1986) describes bridging social capital as the
relationships and networks of social relations that link an individual or group to resources
outside of one‘s immediate social circle. Bridging social capital enables actors to build
relationships with socially heterogeneous groups that hold different types of resources.
Coleman (1988, 1990) describes bonding social capital as consisting of norms and social
control. Bonding social capital involves relationships with socially homogeneous groups that
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maintain the same types of social values and norms. Both types of social capital are
beneficial to individuals and groups that use their relations‘ resources to assist with
accomplishing goals.
As I discuss later in this chapter, students‘ abilities to garner the support of others—
namely institutional agents, relatives, and friends—were integral in their successful
matriculation. These supporters provided financial, academic, and personal resources that
helped Metro U. students prepare for and attend college. Resources and assistance accessed
through bridging and bonding social capital were important in overcoming obstacles faced
by undocumented college students. Further, students‘ different social ties—either strong or
weak—with other individuals and groups provided opportunities to access resources that
directly benefitted their academic careers.
Students‘ sources of social capital, as described in Chapter 4, constantly evolved to
meet their needs. For the majority of students, the mechanics of how they funded their
education, commuted to campus, or enrolled in courses changed from term to term. As the
Metro U. community responded to unprecedented budget cuts by raising fees and reducing
course offerings, students adjusted their work schedules and their degree course plans to
continue their studies. They had to access old and new social capital resources to remain
enrolled in school. Thus, students were constantly on the lookout for new academic, work,
and personal opportunities that would facilitate their educational goals. Their need for
reliable social capital sources never diminished. The study‘s findings demonstrate how
influential social capital was in the academic success of the nine Metro U. students. I now
turn to a review of the study‘s design and limitations.

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Study Design and Limitations
Recall in Chapter 3, I chose to employ qualitative methods throughout the duration
of the study. Qualitative researchers emphasize the value-laden nature of inquiry, seeking
answers to questions that explain how social experience is created and given meaning
(Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). This qualitative study focused on the educational experiences and
perceptions of current Metro U. undocumented students. Metro U. was the primary site so
as to maximize the number of matriculating undocumented student participants recruited
through ―snowball sampling‖ (Salganik & Heckathorn, 2004; Watters & Biernacki, 1989).
The university is a large, public, comprehensive Hispanic-Serving Institution (HSI) located in
a metropolitan area with the nation‘s largest undocumented immigrant population. The
university also has relatively low academic fees—approximately $5,000 per year. Lastly, I
chose Metro U. since I had existing ties to undocumented students at the location (Garcia &
Tierney, in press). The study focused on how Metro U. students constructed and enacted
their identities as college students in complex learning and living environments. I wanted to
learn how undocumented college students developed college-going identities as well as how
they persisted in pursuing their postsecondary goals.
I utilized three qualitative methods—participant observations, interviews, and
document analysis—to understand how Metro U. students pursued their postsecondary
goals. I engaged in two types of participant observation—group and individual—that
allowed me to examine students‘ singular and communal circumstances and experiences.
Formal and informal interviews provided an opportunity to inquire about specific student
issues and experiences. The formal interviews relied on a semi-structured interview protocol
that targeted students‘ family-, education-, immigration-, and social-related experiences.
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Informal interviews occurred during group and individual observations and provided for
follow-up and clarification of data. Finally, document analysis provided context and
background for the data collected during observations and interviews. I regularly reviewed
immigration-related articles and reports from both mainstream news outlets and academic
research centers. I also reviewed documents, news, and announcements posted on the
IMAGINE—Metro U.‘s undocumented student group—online discussion board. All data
was collected between September 2009 and June 2010.
The primary limitations of the study are fourfold. The first limitation concerns the
relatively small size of the study sample. Metro U. does not collect demographic information
sufficient to definitively identify undocumented matriculants. Therefore, it is impossible to
know exactly how many undocumented immigrants attend Metro U. Estimated
undocumented student populations at neighboring University of California (UC) and
California State University (CSU) campuses range from approximately 150 to over 550
students per campus. Given the location of Metro U., it is reasonable to conclude that the
sample of 25 Metro U. students represents a small proportion of actual undocumented
Metro U. students. Comparing and contrasting the experiences of such a small group of
students on the campus affects the applicability of the findings to all undocumented Metro
U. students. The homogeneity of the sample—all Metro U. study participants are of Mexican
origin—also limits the scope of the findings. For example, undocumented students
originating from Asia or Europe may have a different immigration trajectory.
The second limitation involves the retrospective nature of the collected data. Even
though I relied on several different methods—observations, interviews, and document
analysis—for data collection, most of the data originates from the interviews. Much of what
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was discussed during the interviews occurred in the distant past. Therefore, it is unclear how
students‘ recollections of events differ from the actual events. This issue is complicated by
the emotional nature of the events we explored, such as separating from family members
and friends and learning a new language and culture. The emotional recollections students
recounted often differed from the actual facts of the matter. Therefore, I regularly asked
similar if not the same questions more than once on different occasions to ensure those
students were accurately recalling the information. When there were discrepancies, I clarified
the issue with students.
The third limitation regards the universality of the study‘s findings. The results are
not wholly applicable to other undocumented immigrant college students matriculating at
other institutions. Rather, the findings are unique to the study participants attending Metro
U.—a four-year, public, comprehensive university that is situated in a vast metropolitan area
with a large and established undocumented immigrant population. Because of immigrants‘
longstanding presence in the larger community and the passage of AB 540 almost a decade
ago, Metro U. undocumented students encountered a small but vocal on-campus community
that supported their presence in higher education. This environment allowed Metro U.
students to more freely share their immigration status with little fear of institutional
sanctions or legal repercussions. As the study‘s supplementary interviews revealed, not all
UC and CSU undocumented students experienced such a welcoming on-campus
environment. This study‘s results are context-bound and only applicable to the Metro U.
campus.
The final significant limitation of the study concerns the function of qualitative
research itself. My role as researcher affected data collection and interpretation. As a U.S.-
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born citizen whose entire family consisted of U.S.-born citizens and documented
immigrants, I brought my own lens to the research. Even though my surname is Garcia and
my father‘s family is Mexican, my light phenotype is rarely associated with being Latina in
the US. Hence I have not experienced living in the US as a visible minority. My personal
experiences differed from those experiences of most of the study participants. I would never
know how it felt to be an undocumented Latino living in the US. I tried to remedy these
limitations by using verbatim data when possible. I also arranged for a few of the study
participants to review parts of Chapter 4 for veracity.
Findings
The data demonstrate that Metro U. undocumented students arrived at their
postsecondary education with different experiences, expectations, and plans. There was no
one right way to matriculate. This section focuses on my three primary findings or themes
about what Metro U. students experienced while pursuing a postsecondary education. The
three themes are:
1. Institutional agents were instrumental in developing students‘ social capital.
2. Family- and peer-based social capital was important to students‘ matriculation.
3. Perceptions about immigration status affected students‘ matriculation and social
capital development.
The themes emerged from collected data guided by the study‘s four research
questions. The themes incorporate aspects of students‘ family lives, socioeconomic standing,
immigration, and academic experiences. Students‘ academic success largely depended on
their ability to access financial, emotional, and academic resources both inside and outside of
their immediate family and peer groups. Acquisition of diverse forms of social capital
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through both strong and weak ties with institutional agents also contributed to students‘
success. However, social capital could only get students so far in pursuing their dreams.
Their beliefs about how their undocumented immigration status had affected and will affect
them in the future influenced students‘ acquisition of quality social capital. I now turn to a
discussion of each theme.
Finding 1: Institutional agents were instrumental in developing students’
social capital. Institutional agents played significant roles in students‘ preparation and
matriculation as undocumented immigrants. As I explain later in this chapter, they helped
students locate, acquire, and activate reliable and useful sources of social capital that in turn
ensured their success as postsecondary students. Secondary and postsecondary instructors
and counselors provided undocumented students with vital and timely information about
college options, California‘s in-state academic fee policy (AB 540), and scholarship
opportunities. They helped students get in touch with the respective people and resources
that would assist them in their success. Agents regularly extended their support and
encouragement to undocumented students pursuing a higher education. Most of the study
participants believed that if they had not been influenced by institutional agents to attend
college, they likely would not have enrolled at Metro U.
High school agents. Educational practitioners in the high school setting provided
undocumented students with opportunities to plan for college in a prudent and efficacious
manner. Instructors, counselors, and coaches all played important roles in students‘
acquisition of social capital related to preparing for college as undocumented immigrants.
Recall that Monica, Alejandra, Julia, and Manny all relied on instructors for undocumented-
related academic and financial information. Monica‘s Advancement Via Individual
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Determination (AVID) Program instructor was extremely helpful in providing her with
specialized admissions and financial aid information for undocumented students. He talked
to her about AB 540 and undocumented student scholarships. He also strategized with her
about her college options. She explained, ―He … helped me make practical decisions about
where to go.‖ Monica‘s instructor provided her with a comprehensive and realistic plan
about how to approach her college education given her resources. This relationship was an
example of bridging social capital; Monica benefitted from the relationship with her
instructor as he provided her with relevant and accurate college preparation information
unavailable from her relatives and friends. Without this information, she would not have
been as well prepared to attend college immediately after high school graduation.
Alejandra also relied on high school instructors for pertinent information about
college. She benefitted from her close relationship with her high school teacher who once
worked as a UC admissions counselor. He explained how AB 540 worked and also how to
become a competitive applicant for undocumented student scholarships. Alejandra‘s teacher
put her in contact with various community and campus organizers who were key in
implementing the AB 540-related policies on individual campuses. As a result, Alejandra
could access multiple undocumented-friendly postsecondary academic and financial
resources during high school and college. Like Monica, Alejandra‘s bridging relationship with
her high school instructor set her on a path of continued access to varied sources of social
capital throughout her college career.
Julia and Manny‘s respective high school instructors provided unique opportunities
to build relationships with other undocumented students through the formation of campus
undocumented student support groups. This type of social capital permitted both Julia and
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Manny to not only learn more about their predicament as undocumented immigrants but
also be exposed to resources and people that aided students like them in continuing their
education. Recall that Julia‘s membership in her campus‘s support group was instrumental in
her learning about how to attend college as an undocumented immigrant. ―We were all
looking to go to college. That‘s what we talked about … how are we going to [go to college].
We talked about what we needed to do and who we needed to talk to and stuff.‖ This group
would not have formed if the school‘s instructors and counselors did not provide support
for the group. Julia relied on an AVID instructor‘s advice and contacts to build a relationship
with a local UC campus undocumented student support group. In addition, her instructors
and counselors helped her prepare academically and financially to attend a four-year
institution immediately after high school.
One of Manny‘s high school instructors took an interest in his plans to attend college
by helping him gather the resources to start an undocumented student support group. Like
Julia, he was able to network with other undocumented students attending his high school.
He gained financial and academic advice from older students who were preparing for college
and discovering the challenges of matriculation. Manny‘s own preparation for college
benefitted from observing their struggles. He explained, ―I learned from the older students
about what to do. I knew about the money problems and the struggles I would have …. I
knew about AB 540 and community college.‖ Manny also relied on several of his high
school instructors to help him prepare for college as an undocumented immigrant. He felt
that he was better prepared to enroll at a four-year institution like Metro U. because he had
access to college preparation information and resources during his high school career.
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High school academic and college counselors also provided students with key
information and resources. Luz depended on her college counselor to help her plan to attend
college as an undocumented immigrant. Starting in 10th grade, Luz worked with her
counselor on finding money and resources that would help her attend college. Luz‘s
counselor encouraged her to attend local financial aid workshops where she met current
undocumented college students. These undocumented student contacts at local two- and
four-year institutions helped her plan for her education. Further, her new contacts at Metro
U. invited her to attend IMAGINE meetings while she was still enrolled in high school.
Armed with several bridging social capital resources, Luz was well prepared to transition to
Metro U. as a freshman. She partly credited her counselor‘s assistance in meeting people and
accessing academic and financial resources while still in high school for her success in
college. She made connections with people outside of her immediate social group during the
college preparation process that served her throughout her studies at Metro U.
Alba also benefited from a strong relationship with her high school magnet
counselor. Her counselor not only helped her plan for college, she also assisted Luz in
acquiring a personal mentor through a local community mentoring program focused on
helping first-generation students transition to college. This personal mentor provided Alba
with key information about AB 540 and financial opportunities presented at local financial
aid seminars. Both the counselor and the mentor provided Alba with opportunities to
expand her social capital beyond the traditional resources available to high school students.
Alba‘s mentor helped her secure private scholarship money before she graduated from high
school. The mentor remained available to Alba during her first year at Metro U. Alba‘s
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counselor provided her access to a relationship with a mentor who possessed various
sources of bridging social capital.
Postsecondary agents. Two- and four-year institutional agents were also
instrumental in helping study participants achieve their postsecondary goals. Staff members
and faculty exposed students to resources and personal contacts that increased students‘
abilities to locate and access useful social capital. Monica was an example of a student who
benefitted from the expertise of a community college staff member. Albeit her relationship
with the staff member was relatively weak, this example of bridging social capital proved
invaluable to her initial transition to college. Once she enrolled at the local community
college, the staff member procured Monica a Board of Governors Waiver (BOGW) that
paid her enrollment fees. Monica also was able to access the Extended Opportunity Program
& Services (EOPS) resources at her college. Not only did she save money by not having to
pay enrollment fees, Monica could access extra counseling and tutoring services as well as
priority course enrollment. Monica‘s staff contact provided her with an opportunity that was
usually denied to undocumented students who did not automatically qualify for such
programs and services.
Stephanie and Jackie also benefitted from additional social capital as a result of their
interactions with community college faculty and staff. Once she enrolled in a local
community college, Stephanie became close with several of her professors. She benefitted
from their advice regarding her future studies as well as their contacts at Metro U. and other
local universities. Stephanie received pertinent academic guidance that she missed as an
undocumented student at her high school. Her community college professors helped her
transfer to Metro U. Their mentorship and resources proved invaluable to Stephanie who
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had the academic skills to attend Metro U. but lacked the practical know-how of attending
college as an undocumented immigrant.
Jackie‘s brief, last minute interaction with a community college admissions
representative in her high school‘s college center facilitated her enrollment at a local
community college. Her brief meeting with the admissions representative was the first time
she heard about AB 540 and other options she had as an undocumented immigrant to
continue her education. Jackie acquired relevant information about attending college as an
undocumented student from a community college institutional agent visiting her high school.
Recall how Jackie unexpectedly applied to college during her only meeting with the
representative.
She sat down with me and we went over the whole application. I got my transcript. I
plugged it in. I got the printout, signed in, and mailed it in. She told me to go to the
school with my official transcript. I started class a week after I graduated.

Her brief interaction with this college representative provided Jackie with enough resources
and information to set her on a path to matriculation that she previously considered
impossible. This short-term relationship with a knowledgeable institutional agent yielded
more relevant college-going information than her participation in the AVID Program. Such
powerful bridging social capital was indicative of how quality resources made the difference
in undocumented students attending college.
Other students received support from Metro U. staff members and faculty that
directly helped them stay in school. Undocumented students could not normally access the
campus‘s Educational Opportunity Program (EOP) services. However because of
IMAGINE‘s connection with senior EOP counselors, Julia regularly consulted with an EOP
counselor who assisted campus undocumented college students. Julia‘s relationship with the
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EOP counselor increased her awareness of campus resources and contacts that could help
her matriculate. Alejandra‘s relationships with several sympathetic Metro U. instructors
allowed her access to free textbooks and late enrollment in courses. The support she
received from Metro U. faculty members helped her remain enrolled in school even during
periods of extreme economic hardship. Again, these bridging sources of social capital made
the difference in students‘ abilities to attend Metro U. on a consistent basis.
Finally, Manny received the support of several Metro U. staff members and faculty.
His long-standing relationship with a Metro U. admissions representative and several
engineering staff and faculty members led him to acquiring additional campus academic
resources helpful to his matriculation. He was introduced to other undocumented students
in IMAGINE and his own academic department through these institutional agents. He
received emotional support as well as academic supplies like free or discounted textbooks
from these institutional agents. Manny believed that Metro U. staff and faculty members
were key to his continued success as a college student, even when he took a leave of absence
to attend community college. His enduring relationships and contacts provided him with
continued access to reliable social capital resources.
The data demonstrate that with the exception of Cristina, all of the students relied on
either an individual or select group of institutional agents at their secondary and
postsecondary institutions for assistance in college preparation and matriculation. The
majority of secondary and postsecondary instructors and staff members were unaware of the
presence of undocumented students on campus. Further, they were ignorant about the
barriers students confronted as they transitioned to college and the policies and resources
that could aid students during their matriculation. The fact that these nine Metro U. students
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were able to access timely, accurate, and relevant information about attending college as
undocumented immigrants was not the norm in their educational settings but rather the
exception. These students benefitted from rare, clandestine bridging social capital held by a
minority of institutional agents. These agents took the time to learn about undocumented
student issues and actively sought out solutions to students‘ problems.
It is worth noting that while the majority of students received help from various high
school agents, less received guidance from postsecondary agents at community colleges or at
Metro U. Metro U. students tended to share personal information about their immigration
status with institutional agents only after they felt that they could trust them. Students usually
confided in those agents that they had personally known for some time. Study participants
noted that they had spent more time with high school instructors and counselors than they
did with their respective postsecondary agents. Thus, they generally disclosed more personal
information to high school agents compared to postsecondary agents.
Students‘ relationships and interactions with institutional agents at the secondary and
postsecondary levels regularly provided access to resources and information that they would
otherwise not access. These individuals are examples of bridging social capital that students
continually relied on for assistance and support. Regardless of the type of relationships
students cultivated with these agents, the benefits of accessing social capital outside of their
immediate families‘ and friends‘ networks were wholly beneficial to their successful pursuit
of a postsecondary degree. The next finding mostly focuses on another variety of social
capital—bonding relationships.
Finding 2: Family- and peer-based social capital was important to students’
matriculation. The second theme that emerged from the study data concerned students‘
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relationships with relatives and friends and the respective resources available within these
networks. All of the nine Metro U. students pursued their college degrees with varying
educational expectations and levels of support from immediate and extended family
members as well as friends and peers. These relatives and friends provided important social
capital to students who otherwise lacked the financial, emotional, and personal resources to
matriculate on a full-time basis. Some relatives supported students by paying full or partial
education-related expenses. Other students received emotional support to pursue a
postsecondary education from relatives and friends. Most of the students received
encouragement to enroll in college from these supporters early in their educational careers. A
handful had to prove their abilities to relatives and friends who questioned the feasibility of
them attending college. Regardless of the type or level of support Metro U. students
received, approving and supportive family members and peers allowed them to pursue their
educational goals against the odds.
Parents. Parental support of students‘ academic goals was important to their success
at Metro U. Recall that Cristina‘s parents were adamant about her attending college from a
young age. Even though she and her parents were unaware of how postsecondary education
functioned in the US, they never doubted that Cristina would earn an undergraduate degree.
Cristina‘s parents lived in a neighborhood with higher-performing schools that reinforced
the college-going culture and expectations they established at home.
It was assumed in my schools that we were going to go to college. Always. At least
one class, it was mentioned that we were going to college. ―You are here so you can
go to college.‖ That was even in the regular classes. We had workshops every other
week on college. We had a lot of colleges and universities come out to our school ….
My teachers gave us extra credit to go to college fairs and to go visit colleges …. It
was always assumed that we would go. The majority of us went. We were made fun
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of if we didn‘t pass a class. It wasn‘t cool to be the kid who failed a class or got a bad
grade.

This type of bonding social capital—namely expectations and norms created by
homogenous social groups—allowed Cristina to prepare for college without questioning her
abilities and resources. Coupled with her parents‘ ample savings for her college education,
Cristina immediately enrolled at a local community college after high school and finished her
general education requirements within two years. She then transitioned to Metro U. to
complete her bachelor‘s degree and planned on graduating in two years. She was the only
student in the study who relied solely on her parents for all of her educational, living, and
personal expenses. Even though Cristina was poorly prepared to transition to a four-year
institution as an undocumented immigrant compared to other profiled Metro U. students,
her parents‘ expectations and financial resources allowed her to proceed with her educational
goals in a timely fashion.
Unlike Cristina, the majority of students received varying levels of bonding social
capital from their families. Financial support varied and depended on the family‘s available
resources at a given time. Recall that Monica‘s parents gave her money for school expenses
early on in her postsecondary career but ceased their support as they struggled to stay
employed. Monica‘s mother, though, demanded that she pursue a higher education.
My mom always told me that I had to get an education because she doesn‘t want me
to go through the same things that she had to go through …. She wanted me to have
options. She has always had high expectations. She would tell me to go to college.
She has always told me that I have to go.

This expectation along with her parents‘ initial financial support helped Monica pursue a
postsecondary education. Even when Monica had to work more hours and forego
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enrollment in various academic terms to pay for her education, she felt compelled to finish
her degree so as to fulfill her mother‘s dreams.
Some parents provided students with other types of support while they matriculated.
Parents commonly provided free room and board to students who were enrolled in college.
They also did not require students to contribute to other family-related living expenses.
Manny‘s parents did not expect him to contribute to the household expenses and instead
instructed him to use the money he earned from his job and scholarships strictly for school
expenses. Coupled with his parents‘ support of his college plans, Manny felt confident that
he would eventually finish his bachelor‘s degree. Stephanie‘s parents also did not expect her
to contribute to household bills. She used her earnings exclusively for education-related
expenses as well as the car she used to commute to school and work. Her parents also
insisted that she continue her education and earn an advanced postsecondary degree. Both
students credited their parents for helping them remain enrolled in school by financing their
living expenses and creating an expectation that they attend college.
Parents also provided emotional support to students who were attending college.
Most of the students in the study had their parents‘ support when they decided to prepare
for college admission during high school. Alejandra‘s parents always encouraged her to
pursue a college education regardless of her undocumented status. Alba recounted that her
parents never discouraged her from pursuing a college education. They stood by her decision
and helped her in any way possible. Luz‘s mother and father always had high expectations
for her academic career. Luz believed that because they never wavered in their demands for
her to be the first in their family to attend college, she never questioned her ability to meet
their goals. Even Jackie‘s parents, who were not initially supportive of her decision to attend
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college, eventually lent their emotional support to her. She believed that her transferring to
Metro U. to finish a bachelor‘s degree was greatly helped when her parents started
supporting her goals.
While the majority of Metro U. students received sustained support from their
parents throughout their postsecondary studies, some students‘ parents vacillated in their
support. Recall that Manny‘s mother questioned why he could not help as much around the
house caring for his younger siblings since he had enrolled at Metro U. She was not
particularly happy that his studies kept him at campus at odd and inconsistent hours
depending on his course and study schedules. His mother‘s support of his postsecondary
education wavered as she saw her son grow physically and emotionally apart from the family.
Also, Jackie‘s parents were not supportive of her decision to pursue a bachelor‘s degree until
they witnessed her dedication and hard work in completing an associate‘s degree at a local
community college. Only after Jackie proved her academic ability and her older sister could
replace her lost full-time earnings did she gain her parents‘ full support.
Siblings. Metro U. students also benefitted from support and resources provided by
siblings. Older siblings often helped undocumented students overcome barriers in attending
college. Julia and Alba benefitted tremendously from the support of older siblings. Julia‘s
older brother contributed financially to the household expenses. Because of his support, she
was not expected to help out with household bills. Recall her explanation about how her
bother was expected to help her parents financially. ―He‘s the first born son so that was
expected from him .… I was lucky because I could just go to college after high school and
not have to give my parents a lot of money for rent and bills.‖ Julia‘s brother also
encouraged her to attend a four-year institution at the same time he was working on his
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lower division requirements at a community college. Julia believed that her brother‘s
financial support and expectations helped her enroll at Metro U. immediately after
completing high school.
Similar to Julia‘s older brother, Alba‘s older sister contributed to household
expenses. Alba recognized that her sister had sacrificed her own education when she left
high school before graduating for the betterment of the entire family. Even though their
relationship was not as close as Alba would have preferred, she believed that she honored
her sister by working hard in school. The resources that Alba‘s sister provided the family
kept Alba at Metro U. Alba knew that without her sister‘s support of her education, her
parents would expect her to work a full-time job and concentrate on helping financially
support the family.
Jackie‘s older siblings also helped her pursue a bachelor‘s degree. She credited her
older sister moving back home and contributing to the family‘s expenses with being able to
transfer to Metro U. If her sister did not take over Jackie‘s financial contribution to rent and
household bills, she would have had to continue to work on a full-time basis and possibly
only enroll part-time at a four-year institution. She also would not have completed her
degree in two years at Metro U. Jackie recognized that she would not have earned her
parents‘ emotional and financial support without the initial backing of her older brothers and
sister who encouraged her to continue her education. Coupled with her boyfriend‘s financial
and emotional support of her academic goals, Jackie finished her bachelor‘s degree at the
end of the 2009–2010 school year as planned. The bonding social capital resources that she
accessed kept her continually enrolled in college.
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Older siblings were instrumental in the success of some of the Metro U. students
profiled in this study. They often sacrificed their own secondary or postsecondary education
to help with the family‘s living expenses. Julia‘s brother attended community college as a
part-time student so that he could help support the family. This arrangement allowed Julia to
attend Metro U. on a full-time basis. Alba‘s sister withdrew early from high school so that
she could work full-time and help with household bills. Jackie‘s three older siblings either
withdrew early from high school or ceased their education after high school in large part to
assist their parents with family expenses. All of these examples demonstrate that older
siblings often sacrificed their own academic goals for the betterment of their younger
siblings.
Friends and peers. Students‘ friends and peers were also instrumental in their
success as college students. Friends and peers supported students both at the secondary and
postsecondary levels throughout college preparation and matriculation. They also provided
much-needed sources of bonding and bridging social capital to undocumented Metro U.
students. Recall that Monica, Julia, Alba, Alejandra, and Manny all drew support from high
school peers and acquaintances when planning for their eventual college enrollment. Monica,
Alba, and Alejandra received individual support from their close documented and
undocumented friends. Their friends encouraged them to pursue their college dreams while
in high school. They also benefitted from information and contacts their friends assembled
regarding undocumented-friendly scholarships and academic opportunities. These friends
continued to support them as they pursued their academic careers at Metro U. Knowing that
their friends believed in their ability to earn a bachelor‘s degree was encouraging when they
encountered repeated financial and academic obstacles.
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Julia and Manny also benefitted from formal high school support groups for
undocumented students. Both helped establish and lead student-initiated groups on their
respective high school campuses. These groups provided Julia and Manny with a significantly
larger peer group that helped them broaden their social contacts and resources. Group
members regularly coordinated information events and campus fundraisers for
undocumented student scholarships. The groups also collaborated with undocumented
student college support groups on local college campuses. Julia and Manny received
encouragement and resources from current undocumented college students that helped
them prepare for their own postsecondary education. These college students also helped
Julia and Manny strategize how to overcome anticipated and unexpected difficulties while
attending Metro U. Both students believed that positive experiences in their high school
support groups helped them overcome the initial stress they encountered when transitioning
to college.
The Metro U. students in this study also received important financial and emotional
support from their college peers and friends. As I elaborate later in this chapter, all of the
students cited their participation in IMAGINE as important to their success at Metro U.
They received constant encouragement from IMAGINE members who intimately knew the
realities of being an undocumented college student. Students regularly exchanged
information about campus academic resources and employment opportunities that they
depended on in order to continue their education. Julia used fellow IMAGINE members‘
strategies to enroll in overenrolled and closed courses. Stephanie and Jackie became
IMAGINE student leaders so as to increase the visibility of the group on campus and
network on behalf of a largely invisible campus minority. Most importantly, the study
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participants found the constant comfort, assistance, and inspiration of their fellow
undocumented college students invaluable to their matriculation. Friends and student peers
helped Metro U. undocumented students stay positive throughout the college application
and matriculation processes.
As with the previous finding, supportive relatives and friends ultimately benefitting
the students‘ educational trajectories is not an uncommon finding in educational studies.
What makes this finding unique is that undocumented students‘ families are usually more
dependent on students‘ contributions—especially financial supplements—for sustaining the
entire family‘s living arrangements. Supplementing an undocumented student‘s living and/or
educational expenses often strains the family‘s financial situation; the majority of
undocumented students‘ families cannot manage the expenses incurred by a student
enrolling at a four-year institution. Even students like Cristina whose parents could afford to
pay all of her academic and non-academic expenses experienced a financial burden that
required her mother to start working outside of the home for extra money. Lending financial
or emotional support to an undocumented college student who has limited opportunities to
obtain a better-paying job in the future is difficult for many students‘ families to endorse.
Family- and peer-based social capital proved integral to Metro U. students‘
matriculation. The expectations of college attendance as well as the resources found inside
and outside of these close social networks enabled students to overcome the hurdles they
experienced while matriculating. All of the profiled Metro U. students relied on the
consistent financial, academic, and personal resources furnished by relatives and friends. The
third finding focuses on how students‘ beliefs about their immigration status affected their
social capital resources and matriculation.
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Finding 3: Perceptions about immigration status affected students’
matriculation and social capital development. The nine profiled Metro U. students
regularly reflected on how their immigration status affected their matriculation. As I describe
in my responses to questions 3 and 4, students‘ perceptions about their status directly
influenced their college-going experiences including how they developed and accessed
bridging and bonding social capital. Beliefs about one‘s immigration status were not static.
Rather students referenced their present and future statuses when discussing their impact on
their college experiences. Metro U. students explained that at times their immigration status
had been an obstacle to overcome while at other times it had been a gift that made them
more resilient to academic difficulties. While Metro U. undocumented students
overwhelmingly saw themselves as ordinary college students, they did acknowledge that their
immigration statuses affected why and how they pursued a college education.
Documenting why students‘ immigration statuses contributed to their success was
complicated since all of the nine profiled students each had their own personal immigration
situation. Recall that Julia and Jackie had pending relative-sponsored immigration
applications that they hoped would alter their status in the coming years. Cristina, Stephanie,
Jackie, and Manny did not have outstanding immigration applications but came from mixed
immigration status families in which select relatives were U.S. residents or citizens. Monica,
Alba, and Luz had no U.S.-resident or -citizen relatives. Each of the nine students had
varying levels of knowledge about their individual immigration status including relevant
immigration laws and procedures. Students also discovered their status at different times
during their academic careers. The only constant in all of these undocumented immigrants‘
lives was that they were all Metro U. undergraduates earning bachelor‘s degrees. There were
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several ways in which immigration status significantly affected students‘ educational
trajectories, including their acquisition of valuable social capital—when students discovered
their status, projections about their future immigration status, and beliefs about one‘s roles
and responsibilities as an undocumented immigrant.
Timing of notification. Each student in this study discovered his or her
immigration status at different times during primary or secondary school. The timing of their
discovery directly impacted their ability to procure relevant social capital resources and
pursue a postsecondary education. Only three people in the study—Cristina, Jackie, and
Manny—were unaware of their immigration status until high school. Cristina and Manny
discovered their statuses in 11th grade while Jackie found out during 12th grade. Discovering
that they were undocumented affected each student differently.
Recall that Cristina was shocked by the news of her ―new identity‖ as an
undocumented immigrant. While grappling with a new identity had been difficult for
Cristina, she was grateful for her parents‘ delay in telling her the truth about her status. She
believed that because her parents waited until high school to inform her, she did not have
the opportunity to question her parents‘ and school‘s expectations for her to attend college.
Thus, she took advantage of the bonding social capital in her home and high school
environments that set the expectation of college attendance. She also did not have the
opportunity to become despondent or doubt whether she belonged on a university campus.
Cristina‘s decision to not inform any of her secondary instructors or counselors that she was
undocumented left her foreclosed from any undocumented-related college-going
information such institutional agents may have held. She was left with no bridging social
capital resources or contacts that helped her transition to community college.
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Jackie and Manny were less surprised by the news that they were undocumented.
Jackie recalled that her family‘s economic struggles made more sense once she realized that
they had been constrained by their immigration status. By the time Jackie found out about
her status, her only option was to enroll in a local community college and pay her own
academic fees with personal earnings. Nevertheless she believed that because she did not
know the truth until later in high school, she participated in the AVID Program and
prepared for college admission. Like Cristina, Jackie took advantage of the bonding social
capital available among AVID students and staff members. Remember Jackie‘s surprise as
she experienced a college-going environment for the first time. ―My family had no
expectations for me to go to college. I am the first to go …. AVID was crazy because
everyone was going to go to college.‖ Jackie‘s relationships with her AVID advisor and
classmates also served as bridging social capital that exposed her to new resources related to
attending college. The information and resources that she accessed while in AVID allowed
her to acquire practical, albeit general college-going social capital that would have been
unavailable to her outside of the program.
As the oldest of five children, Manny knew that he was born in Mexico but never
suspected that he was undocumented. Similar to Cristina and Monica, he was pleased that
his parents delayed disclosing his immigration status. Once he discovered his status, he
immediately began consulting with his teachers and counselors about his predicament. They
encouraged him to identify sources of bridging social capital that would enable him to attend
college. He applied to undocumented-friendly scholarships and networked with older
undocumented students who were applying to college. Similar to Cristina and Monica,
Manny feared that he might not have prepared to attend college if he had known his
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immigration status earlier in his educational career. Instead he modified his preparation for
college by accessing relevant social capital held by various members of his high school
community.
The remaining Metro U. students were aware of their immigration status earlier than
Cristina, Jackie, and Manny. Prior knowledge of their immigration status—even if
incomplete—allowed these Metro U. students to prepare for college. For example, Monica,
Julia, Luz, and Alejandra each approached their postsecondary education from the
perspective of an informed undocumented immigrant; they accepted the challenge of
attending college without access to financial aid and traditional student employment
opportunities. All four shared their immigration status with secondary instructors and
counselors. They devised practical, comprehensive college plans while still in high school
that facilitated their shared goal of enrolling at a four-year institution. Having a more
comprehensive understanding of their status and its implications while still in high school
ultimately benefitted these women when pursuing their college goals. They were able to take
advantage of various bridging and bonding social capital resources while still enrolled in high
school. They established relationships and accessed resources that would be of use to them
throughout their postsecondary studies.
Not all of the students who were aware of their immigration status were able to start
planning their college careers as undocumented immigrants early on in high school.
Stephanie benefitted from knowing her status early on in life. She excelled in her studies and
extracurricular activities during primary and secondary school so that she would be a
competitive college applicant. Even though she did not have access to knowledgeable
instructors and counselors with relevant sources of bridging social capital while in high
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school, she did benefit from her parents‘ expectations that she attend college regardless of
her immigration status. Her well-developed bonding social capital with her parents was
crucial in her decision to enroll at a local community college; her parents would not allow
her to defer or reject her lifelong plan to complete a college degree. In retrospect, Stephanie
was grateful that she discovered the limitations of her status during 12th grade. She feared
that the depression she experienced during her senior year would have been more
destructive if she had found out earlier in high school.
Future immigration status. The students in this study gauged their overall ability
to complete a college degree not only on their present immigration status but also their
future status. Monica, Stephanie, and Alejandra all received freshman admission offers to
attend prestigious public and private institutions. While the attraction of attending a more
selective institution was alluring, all three women chose less-expensive options. They either
enrolled at a community college or at Metro U. because of the more affordable academic
fees and vicinity to their homes. They anticipated having to pay for their entire education
without the help of federal and state financial aid. All three believed that the chances of the
DREAM Act or comprehensive immigration reform passing during their college-going years
were slight. Thus, they planned their college careers using the bridging and bonding social
capital resources they perceived available to them—mostly through institutional agents,
relatives, friends, and community members—as undocumented immigrants.
Cristina and Luz, eligible to apply to the UC as freshmen, only applied to less-
expensive four-year institutions like Metro U. close to their homes. They reasoned that
applying to institutions where they could not afford to attend was impractical; they had a
better chance of using the financial resources within their families and existing social
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relationships to complete their degrees. Even Julia and Jackie who had pending immigration
applications did not consider more expensive public and private postsecondary options
outside of their immediate area. Like Monica, Stephanie, and Alejandra, Julia and Jackie
could not justify taking the chance of enrolling at institutions that were more expensive or
located far from home based on projections of future financial aid eligibility or access to
undocumented-friendly scholarships and employment opportunities.
Projections about future immigration status also affected students‘ postsecondary
plans and matriculation. All of the students hoped that they would be able to change their
status in the future by a relative-sponsored application, immigration reform, or in a couple of
cases, marriage. Monica believed that because she was undocumented, she had been
particularly motivated to attend college and seek the resources needed to realize her dream.
I came [to Metro U.] and I was like, ―I am not going to tell anyone about my status. I
was like, what‘s the point?‖ When I started to get involved [on campus and in the
community] and see all of these kids get involved with these other non-profits and
being activists, it empowered me to be less afraid to say, ―I am here, I am
undocumented, I am Latina.‖

Coupled with the possibility of changing her immigration status is the future via federal
legislation, Monica chose to pursue a postsecondary degree with the help of her family,
instructors, counselors, and peers. She believed that it was a sound investment in her future
as a documented immigrant without employment, political, and social restrictions.
Other students like Alba did not focus on their immigration status as an impossible
obstacle. Instead, she used her struggle to attain a college education as preparation for
overcoming future hurdles. Because she believed that she eventually would be able to change
her status as a result of immigration reform, she decided to be open about her immigration
status and access any and all social capital that could benefit her matriculation. Alejandra saw
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a future as a professional social worker working with members of her community. She, too,
was less focused on being an undocumented immigrant who faced constant impediments
while trying to pursue her education. She concentrated on her future career and involvement
in her community as a former undocumented immigrant who overcame structural obstacles
like racism and classism to achieve her goals. Alejandra did not hesitate in asking for help
from institutional agents, friends, and relatives. She actively sought new sources of social
capital that she could use in financing her Metro U. education.
All of the students in this study chose to attend Metro U. because they believed that
they could successfully earn a bachelor‘s degree from the institution as undocumented
immigrants. Students were more confident that they could access assistance and resources
within existing social circles over the years to acquire their degrees. Further, the university
was a practical, sensible option in terms of costs and location for enrollment compared to
other institutions. Their families as well as their respective secondary and postsecondary
institutional agents endorsed their decisions to attend Metro U. considering students‘ current
and future immigration-related limitations. Metro U. offered established academic, financial,
and human resources and social capital networks for undocumented matriculants.
Roles and responsibilities. Immigration status also affected the students‘ perceived
roles and responsibilities. As I elaborate later in this chapter, many of the students believed
that as undocumented immigrants, they were responsible for disproving negative stereotypes
about their community. Stephanie regularly shared her status with fellow students so as to
educate others about undocumented students on campus and in the community. She felt
that she could demonstrate to other undocumented students that earning a bachelor‘s degree
was possible without the support of traditional financial aid. Alejandra also believed that as
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an undocumented student, she had particular responsibilities to her community. She thought
that she could more effectively help la raza by being a college-educated professional. Monica
had recently appropriated the term ―undocumented‖ and proudly identified as an
undocumented immigrant, woman, and student. She explained that by appropriating the
word, she had a responsibility to bring dignity to the term by overcoming the obstacles she
met while pursuing a higher education.
Some students felt that it was their duty to pursue a college education so as to inspire
relatives to do the same. They reasoned that if they were able to complete a degree while
undocumented, documented and U.S.-citizen relatives and friends would be less inclined to
forego postsecondary enrollment. Further, many believed that it was because of their
relatives‘ focus on education and the strong bonding social capital that they experienced in
secondary school that they committed to attend college regardless of the obstacles. Recall
that Luz believed that by completing a bachelor‘s degree, her younger sister, who is also
undocumented, would be more likely to enroll in college. Jackie felt that being a first-
generation college student would inspire her U.S.-born sister and nieces to pursue a college
education. ―I feel like I have to set an example for all of the kids. My parents expect me to
do that, too, since I didn‘t have kids or get married young. My example shows them another
way of life.‖ Manny also wanted to be a positive example for his younger siblings.
Beliefs about one‘s immigration status shaped students‘ matriculation and respective
social capital development. All of the nine profiled Metro U. students explicitly or implicitly
tied their own participation in postsecondary education to their current immigration status as
well as their prospects of changing their status in the future. They shared their current
immigration status with others in order to procure existing and build future sources of social
189
capital beneficial to their matriculation. Students viewed their matriculation as a
responsibility to both maintain and expand the available bridging and bonding social capital
resources for current and prospective undocumented college students. Sharing social capital
resources strengthened students‘ ties with one another and ensured the passing of resources
to others. Further, students saw their own college completion affecting relatives‘ and
friends‘—both documented and undocumented—chances of completing a postsecondary
degree. Metro U. students were in a position to promote an alternative and positive image of
undocumented immigrants.
Undocumented college students pursue a postsecondary education for personal,
political, and social reasons. These otherwise ordinary college students exhibit an exceptional
devotion to their academic goals. They do not shy away from the challenges that they face as
undocumented immigrants. They are exceptional by way of their determination in pursuing
an unguaranteed college education amidst uncertain future job prospects. Why certain
individuals are successful is a product of individual circumstances, the social capital they can
access during college preparation and matriculation, and how they view their immigration
status. The nine profiled Metro U. students received support and assistance from select
institutional agents, relatives, and friends. They accessed both bridging and bonding social
capital that gave them the resources and know-how to counter the obstacles they faced as
undocumented immigrants. I now turn to a discussion of the four research questions that
guided this dissertation.
Answering the Questions
The majority of undocumented college students pursue a postsecondary education
with extensive reflection, consideration, and planning. As they begin to consider pursuing a
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college degree, they evaluate their circumstances, organize their resources, and plan for
future obstacles. The purpose of this study was to describe the ways undocumented
immigrants successfully pursue a postsecondary degree at a four-year institution. Each of the
study‘s four questions helps explain how undocumented students go about matriculation.
Question 1: How do undocumented college students develop, maintain, and
exchange social capital? Metro U. students depended on various sources of social capital
to successfully prepare for and enroll in college. Chapter 4 documents each student‘s journey
to college including how relatives, friends, and institutional agents were instrumental in
providing students with relevant information about how to attend college as undocumented
immigrants. The students developed, maintained, and exchanged social capital in myriad
ways and settings. Students regularly shared pertinent information regarding AB 540,
undocumented student scholarships, employment opportunities, and community and
political service positions with each other at the secondary and postsecondary levels. Some
students received information from their undocumented peers via high school and college
student support groups, such as Metro U.‘s IMAGINE group. Others discovered
information from their undocumented and documented classmates and relatives. Most of
the Metro U. students also received vital undocumented student information and resources
through secondary and postsecondary institutional agents who supported them during the
college application and matriculation processes. These exchanges of social capital highlight
the influence and importance of institutional-, family-, and peer-based networks in assisting
undocumented students with their educational goals.
The information and resources students accessed made the difference in their ability
to pursue a college education. Building and exchanging social capital entailed regularly
191
sharing relevant and timely information and resources with other students and institutional
agents for further distribution. Students who identified as being undocumented immigrants
to peers and key institutional agents were often given access to unknown resources and
information that benefitted their educational plans. Undocumented students maintaining and
exchanging social capital depended on continued access to community nonprofit
organizations, supportive faculty and staff members, and fellow student allies who supported
undocumented immigrants‘ right to a postsecondary education.
Question 2: Do the social support networks of undocumented college
students factor into educational outcomes? All of the Metro U. students benefitted
academically from informal and formal social support networks at their respective high
schools and community colleges as well as Metro U. Students successfully pursued their
college degrees with the financial and moral support of others. They depended on relatives
for financial support to help pay academic expenses and emotional support to help push
them toward their academic goals. They relied on friends and institutional agents for
important college admissions and matriculation information. Students put faith in
community organizations to represent their interests in the local and national immigration
debates. Metro U. students relied on others to fill in the gaps left by an educational system
that did not directly acknowledge or serve their unique needs.
The social networks of undocumented college students were varied. Each network
fulfilled different needs for different students. For instance, the IMAGINE group provided
some students with moral support and bonding social capital available from peers. For
others, it provided bridging social capital resources to learn about employment and academic
opportunities. Nevertheless, IMAGINE was viewed by all of the study participants as a
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communal organization though which the students reliably accessed different types of
pertinent bonding and bridging social capital. IMAGINE was unique in that undocumented
students could learn about undocumented-related issues from experienced and
knowledgeable peers and institutional agents sympathetic to their cause.
Question 3: How do experiences of exclusion shape the educational identity
and consciousness of undocumented students? Political, societal, legal, and academic
exclusion affected all nine Metro U. students at some point during their college preparation
and matriculation. Foreclosed from traditional financial aid options, students pursued a
college degree without the support of the state or federal government. They encountered
limited employment options as they sought work primarily in the underground economy or
at community nonprofit organizations. Students also pursued an education while national
and state politicians debated the merits of immigration reform and educational benefits for
undocumented immigrants.
Given these experiences and realities, the students in this study overwhelmingly
believed that the exclusion they faced as a result of their immigration status positively
influenced their academic goals. Even if initially deterred from enrolling in college, students
were more determined to complete their degrees regardless of familial and personal
sacrifices. The Metro U. students struggled to raise the money to attend college and were
more willing to compromise on where they attended because they were undocumented.
Students adjusted their expectations of their educational timelines and their future
employment prospects. They regularly strategized and sought help from campus and
community allies when they were told that they could not attend college. They procured the
social capital resources that aided them in their matriculation available both inside and
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outside of their communities. Students turned to political activism on and off campus in
order to help make their personal and other undocumented students‘ academic goals
materialize. They supported state and national efforts to expand academic opportunities to
undocumented immigrants. Metro U. students created a positive college experience and
identity for themselves by uniting with other undocumented students and allies in seeking
expanded personal and communal academic opportunities.
Question 4: How do the contours of an undocumented student’s identity
enable or disable academic performance? The students in this study did not all agree
with what it meant to be an undocumented immigrant. Each student had a particular way of
viewing their individual and group identities, especially in contrast to documented
immigrants and U.S. citizens. Some students believed that being undocumented did not
influence their perceptions of what was possible in terms of their educational attainment and
future job prospects. These students overwhelmingly felt that American society did not treat
them in a negative way. Rather, they saw the US as providing economic and educational
opportunities absent in their birth countries. Other students believed that they were
systematically discriminated against because of their undocumented status. The constant
social, economic, and educational discrimination they encountered shaped their identities as
undocumented immigrant college students. There was no consensus about what it meant to
be an undocumented immigrant pursuing a postsecondary education.
Even though the students profiled in this study had different ideas about their
undocumented identity, they all largely benefitted academically from being undocumented
immigrants. They appropriated many of the values they witnessed in their families—namely
hard work and determination—and applied them to pursuing their academic goals. Recall
194
that all of the nine students profiled in this study respected their parents‘ decisions to
immigrate to the US for better economic and educational opportunities. Students viewed
their undocumented statuses and their families‘ subsequent sacrifices as a quasi mandate to
pursue a college education; they must complete a college degree so that their families‘
lifelong dreams could be fulfilled.
Students also drew from American society‘s more negative opinions of
undocumented immigrants as motivation to pursue their educational goals. Some students
set out to disprove society‘s expectations that undocumented immigrants were largely
uneducated and unmotivated. Students also discussed how they wanted to disprove
members of the Latino community that summarized their presence in the US as mere
lawbreakers. Belonging to a minority within a minority—that is being a college student
within the undocumented immigrant community—was an accomplishment many Metro U.
students felt would help shape the national immigration reform debate. Being an
undocumented college student was proof for some study participants that their primary and
secondary education guaranteed by Plyler v. Doe (1982) was a sound investment for the larger
national community. Metro U. undocumented students relied on their own positive
interpretation of their undocumented immigrant identity to drive their postsecondary goals.
These nine Metro U. students actively pursued their educational goals largely due to
the fact that they had a social support system to rely on if and when they encountered
problems. They had the opportunity to troubleshoot financial, academic, and personal
conflicts with fellow undocumented students and supporters. The promise that an
individual—whether a student peer, counselor, instructor, or relative within a bridging or
bonding social support network—would be there to help undocumented students overcome
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obstacles was vital to their success at Metro U. I will now discuss this dissertation study‘s
implications for future research before offering some concluding thoughts.
Research Implications
This dissertation study was small in scope—it focused on the experiences of nine
undocumented students attending Metro U. Sixteen additional interviews with other
undocumented Metro U. students as well as 15 interviews with UC and CSU students
supplemented the primary interviews and observations. The study was meant to focus on the
actions and experiences of those students attending a public comprehensive HSI in a
metropolitan area with a large and established undocumented immigrant population. The
findings are not wholly applicable to other undocumented students attending dissimilar
institutions in other areas of the state or country. The larger community surrounding Metro
U. as well as the campus‘s unique political and social climate influenced the experiences of
the nine profiled students. All of the students reported relatively positive educational
experiences at Metro U. and their respective high schools. They easily blended in both on
and off campus. Study respondents were not singled out as undocumented immigrants by
way of their physical appearance. Rather, all of the study participants chose to self identify as
undocumented immigrants.
Given the unique nature of the Metro U. environment and context, research on this
small and unknown population would benefit greatly from more gender, ethnic, and
geographic diversity. This study was both female- and Latino-centric since the majority of
participants were Latinas. Educational researchers and practitioners would yield a more
comprehensive view of undocumented immigrant college students from knowing more
about how male and non-Latino undocumented immigrants pursue a postsecondary
196
education. Researchers would also benefit from knowing how individuals from non-
metropolitan areas in states without undocumented-friendly in-state academic fee policies
prepare for matriculation. For example, research focusing on male Asian immigrants
studying at institutions located outside of large traditional immigrant-receiving areas would
be a logical next step in studying undocumented immigrant college students. This study, with
its limited socioeconomic diversity, points to different educational trajectories for those
students hailing from more affluent and educated backgrounds. It is reasonable to assume
that non-Latino and Latino immigrants growing up in suburban and rural areas have
different educational experiences at the postsecondary level.
Another research implication of this study is the need to gain broader access to the
undocumented college student population. As mentioned earlier in this dissertation,
statewide accounting of undocumented college students is incomplete and possibly
inaccurate. A more thorough accounting of undocumented immigrant students enrolled in
postsecondary education would potentially allow researchers to conduct quantitative studies
on larger samples of students. Identifying student participants for this dissertation study was
arduous and time-consuming. Further, building relationships within the undocumented
student community was not limited to the year of data collection but required networking
with contacts and students in previous years. More quality qualitative research could be
conducted on the group if researchers had an easier time identifying students with the help
of campus administrators.
Changing the theoretical lens by which researchers examine undocumented
immigrants‘ postsecondary experiences may also yield informative results. This study
employed a social capital theoretical framework in order to better understand students‘
197
college preparation and matriculation amidst personal, institutional, and societal challenges.
Employing resiliency theory could provide more insight into how individual students are
able to overcome adversities, challenges, and stressors to achieve successful adaptation to
their circumstances. This theory and others could afford educators with more evidence
about why particular students succeed in completing a college education given little if no
traditional institutional and governmental support.
Finally, the need for research on this group of students is vital to the continuing
national conversation on immigration reform. As of this writing, the 112th United States
Congress commences with an unofficial public mandate to address the national immigration
situation. Documenting the educational trajectories of students at Metro U. and other
institutions contributes to the diversity and accuracy of information lawmakers and
policymakers can access when making decisions. Acknowledging these students‘ academic
and personal accomplishments promotes an immigration reform discussion that is inclusive,
complex, and multidimensional.
Conclusions
The purpose of this dissertation was to describe how a group of undocumented
college students successfully matriculated at a four-year institution. The intention was to
provide the reader with an idea of how several undocumented immigrants accessed their
familial, academic, and financial resources and social capital to pursue a postsecondary
education without guaranteed access to a college education. Following these nine Metro U.
students during the 2009–2010 academic year, I discussed why and how students overcame
significant obstacles and setbacks in accomplishing their educational goals. I also chronicled
how students utilized their undocumented identity as a source of inspiration and motivation
198
to continue going to school. I described how being an undocumented college student was
not so much a solitary experience but a communal experience for students. Students relied
on their relatives, friends, educators, and undocumented peers to find their way successfully
through college.
Cristina, Monica, Julia, Stephanie, Alba, Luz, Alejandra, Jackie, and Manny are
ordinary Metro U. students. Their academic success is testament to their hard work and
determination and that of their families. They live their lives within a society that does not
guarantee their access to a postsecondary education. They prepare to live as informed and
educated individuals in a future society that legally recognizes their presence, talents, and
contributions.
199
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Appendix A

Student Recruitment Flyer

 Are you currently an undergraduate student?
 Would you like to see more students like you pursue a higher education?

If you answered ―yes‖ to either of these questions, you might be interested in participating in
a research study. Your participation is voluntary; you must be aged 18 or older to participate.

RESEARCH STUDY
My name is Lisa D. Garcia and I am a graduate student and researcher at the University of
Southern California. I would like to invite you to participate in a research study that I will be
conducting academic year 2009–2010. The study will look at the issues that undocumented
students deal with during the entire college-going process. I am meeting with students from
your institution who have expressed that they are undocumented and are currently pursuing
a postsecondary degree. I am interested in talking to this group of students because there is
very little public information about the experiences of undocumented students as they attend
college, graduate, and transition into the working world.

If you agree to participate in this study, you and I will meet at least one time during this
current academic year. When we meet, I will ask you questions about how you prepared for
college as well as your actual college-going experience. I will also ask you about your
opportunities to pursue a higher education. I will ask you permission to audio record the
interview. However, audio recording the interview is not compulsory for participation in the
study and you may choose not to be audio recorded. Although the information you provide
to the researcher may be made public, your identity will remain anonymous. Your name,
address, or other identifiable information, such as your student ID number, will not be
collected or associated with your response.

If you think you might be interested in participating in the study, please review the attached
consent form for more details. Should you have any questions or concerns, or are interested
in participating, please feel free to contact me.

Thank you!
Lisa D. Garcia
University of Southern California
Waite Phillips Hall, Room 701
Los Angeles, CA 90089-4037
E-mail: ldgarcia@usc.edu
210
Appendix B

Study Information Sheet

University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
INFORMATION SHEET FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH
************************************************************************
CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
UNDOCUMENTED COLLEGE STUDENTS
Individual Student Interview

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Lisa D. Garcia and William
G. Tierney, Ph.D. (faculty advisor), from the University of Southern California. The research
is being conducted in order to fulfill the requirements of a degree. You are eligible to
participate because you are an undocumented student currently attending a four-year
postsecondary institution. You must be at least 18 years of age to participate. Your
participation is voluntary. You should read the information below, and ask questions about
anything you do not understand, before deciding whether or not to participate. Please take as
much time as you need to read the consent form. You may also decide to discuss it with
your family or friends. You will be given a copy of this form.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The researchers are interested in finding out how undocumented students navigate the
college-going process. Particular attention will be paid to the impact of one‘s undocumented
status, college preparatory programs, California Assembly Bill 540 (AB 540), private and/or
merit-based financial aid programs, and family/peer/community support on college-going
rates of this population.

PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study, we would ask you to participate in a 60–90
minute individual interview. We would also ask you to participate in informal observations
during undocumented student club meetings and activities.

Interviews will be scheduled at a time convenient to you and the researcher, in an office at
USC or a location of your choosing. Questions include: ―Describe your experiences in the
U.S. educational system‖ and ―Tell me about how American society treats undocumented
immigrants.‖ They may also include the discussion of your plans for the duration of your
college career and post-college study or employment plans.

The interview will be audio-taped with your permission. If you do not want to be audio-
taped you can continue with your participation; handwritten notes will be taken.

211
POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
You may feel uncomfortable or unsure about discussing your college experience and your
plans for employment or your immigration status. You may also feel uneasy about being
audio taped. You are not required to answer any questions that you don‘t want to.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
You will not directly benefit from participating in this study. The information you provide
during interviews may lead to a greater understanding of the experiences of undocumented
students who are preparing to attend college or who have graduated.

It is hoped this research will help inform educational policies that directly affect
undocumented students in postsecondary education.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
There is no payment or compensation for your participation in this study. You will not be
reimbursed for any costs incurred as a result of your participation. For example, parking or
transportation costs will not be reimbursed by the researchers.

CONFIDENTIALITY
There will be no information recorded in connection with this study and that can be
identified with you. Your name, address, or other information that may identify you will not
be collected during this research study.

Only members of the research team will have access to the data associated with this study.
The data will be stored on a password-protected computer owned by the principal
investigator. Your professors, college administrators, or other institutional personnel will not
have access to your responses.

The interview will be transcribed by Lisa D. Garcia, Principal Investigator. Only the
researchers will have access to the audio files, which will be stored on a password-protected
computer.

The data will be stored for three years after the study has been completed and then
destroyed.

When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no information
will be included that would reveal your identity.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
Your participation is voluntary. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of
benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You may withdraw your consent at any time
and discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or
remedies because of your participation in this research study. The investigator may withdraw
you from this research if circumstances arise which warrant doing so.

212
ALTERNATIVES TO PARTICIPATION
Your alternative is to not participate. Your grades will not be affected whether or not you
participate in the research study.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS
If you have any questions about your rights as a study subject or you would like to speak
with someone independent of the research team to have questions answered about the
research, or in the event the research staff cannot be reached, please contact the University
Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for Research Advancement, Stonier Hall, Room 224A,
Los Angeles, CA 90089-1146, 213.821.5272 or upirb@usc.edu, or the Metropolitan
University IRB.

IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact Lisa D.
Garcia or William G. Tierney at 213.740.7218 during regular office hours—8:30 a.m. to 5:00
p.m., Monday through Friday.

SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT (OPTIONAL)
By signing this consent form you indicate that you have read the form and agree voluntarily
to participate in the study. If you choose not to take part there will be no penalty or loss of
benefits to which you are entitled. If you agree to take part, you are free to withdraw from it
at any time. Likewise, no penalty or loss of benefits to which you are otherwise entitled will
occur.

I agree to participate in the study, Undocumented College Students, as set out above.

____________________________ _______________________
Signature Date

THIS PROJECT HAS BEEN REVIEWED BY THE METROPOLITAN
UNIVERSITY INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD FOR THE PROTECTION
OF HUMAN SUBJECTS IN RESEARCH. ADDITIONAL CONCERNS,
COMPLAINTS, OR QUESTIONS REGARDING YOUR RIGHTS AS A
RESEARCH PARTICIPANT SHOULD BE DIRECTED TO THE DIRECTOR
OF RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT.
213
Appendix C

Protocol for Student Interviews

Background Questions
1. Describe when you arrived in the US.
2. Describe your family background in terms of educational attainment and
socioeconomic standing.
3. Describe where you grew up including neighborhoods and living situations.
4. What is your current immigration status?
a. Do you have a pending immigration case?
b. Do you anticipate changing your status in the near future?

Educational Background
5. Describe your experiences in the U.S. educational system.
6. Tell me about your family‘s educational expectations.
7. Tell me about your personal educational expectations.

College Going and Social Capital
8. What experiences made you begin thinking about going to college?
9. How did you prepare as an undocumented student to go to college?
a. Who helped you prepare and apply for college?
b. Did student peers help you navigate the college application process?
10. How has being undocumented influenced the decisions that you have made in
relation to your higher education?
11. How did you apply to college? Community college or four-year college first?
12. Why did you choose to attend your college?
13. Tell me about how you finance college?
14. Tell me about how college is going for you.
a. Who helps you continue your education?
b. What role does your family and friends have in you attending college?
c. What role do fellow undocumented students have in you attending college?
15. Tell me about AB 540.
a. How did you find out about the law?
b. Do you qualify for the reduced fees?
c. How has AB 540 affected your higher education?
16. Tell me about the DREAM Act.

Feelings of Inclusion/Exclusion
17. Tell me about how American society treats undocumented immigrants.
18. How have experiences of exclusion (as an undocumented student) shaped your
educational identity and consciousness?
19. Explain how you identify as an undocumented immigrant.

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Undocumented immigrant postsecondary students face myriad challenges while pursuing a college education. These overwhelmingly first-generation, low-income students lose their guarantee to a public education ensured by the 1982 Plyler v. Doe decision when they complete secondary school. They are foreclosed from traditional financial resources including federal, state, and institutional financial aid, scholarships, and employment opportunities. Students also are often under-prepared for the rigors of college-level coursework and may question the feasibility of pursuing a postsecondary degree with no legal protections. For those students who do manage to matriculate, few studies have been conducted to describe and better understand their experiences.
Framed by social capital theory, this qualitative dissertation study focused on the experiences of nine students attending a public comprehensive postsecondary institution in California. The study relied on data collected via interviews, observations, and document analysis throughout the 2009-2010 academic year to assess how different types of social capital helped students pursue a college education. This study demonstrated how students were wholly or partly reliant on various types of social capital accessed before and during matriculation. Three of the major findings included: (a) institutional agents were instrumental in developing students' social capital, (b) family- and peer-based social capital was important to students' matriculation, and (c) perceptions about immigration status affected students' matriculation and social capital development.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

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Asset Metadata

Creator Garcia, Lisa DeAnn (author)

Core Title Undocumented college students: pursuing academic goals against the odds

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Education

Publication Date 05/24/2015

Defense Date 03/28/2011

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag college matriculation,college preparation,OAI-PMH Harvest,postsecondary education,qualitative methods,social capital,undocumented immigrants

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tierney, William G. (committee chair), Cole, Darnell (committee member), Sanchez, George J. (committee member)

Creator Email ldgarcia@usc.edu,lisabel78@hotmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c127-614021

Unique identifier UC1397525

Identifier usctheses-c127-614021 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-GarciaLisa-4-0.pdf

Dmrecord 614021

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Garcia, Lisa DeAnn

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu