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The relationship of a culturally relevant and responsive learning environment to achievement motivation for Native Hawaiian secondary students

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The relationship of a culturally relevant and responsive learning environment to achievement motivation for Native Hawaiian secondary students

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THE RELATIONSHIP OF A CULTURALLY RELEVANT AND RESPONSIVE
LEARNING ENVIRONMENT TO ACHIEVEMENT MOTIVATION FOR NATIVE
HAWAIIAN SECONDARY STUDENTS
by
Timothy K. Lino

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2010

Copyright 2010 Timothy K. Lino

ii
Acknowledgments

I would like to acknowledge the following people for their contributions in
helping me make this goal and dream become reality:
My wife, Milley, and our five wonderful children for their continuous support,
encouragement, patience and understanding during this rigorous journey.
My dissertation committee, chaired by Dr. Melora Sundt, and also including Dr.
Dominic Brewer and Dr. Larry Picus, for their continual support and guidance through a
process that helped me discover and appreciate learning once again.
The staff and students at Ke Kula ‘o ‘Ehunuikaimalino, for inspiring me to live
the vision of our school: E külia i ka po‘okela. ‘O ke kahua ma mua, ma hope ke kükulu.
‘A‘ohe mauna ki‘eki‘e ke ho‘ä‘o e pi‘i. Strive for excellence. With a strong cultural
foundation in place, our Hawaiian identity is upheld. There is no obstacle too great to
overcome. Without these people and this school, this project would have not been
possible.
Dr. Dennis Hocevar for his indispensable guidance in helping me organize
chapters 4 and 5. He taught me how to make meaning of my collected data.
Last, but not least, my fellow colleagues in the 2007 Ed.D. Hawai‘i Cohort for
their friendship, encouragement, and being there at times when I needed to be rescued.

iii
Table Of Contents
Acknowledgments ii
List of Tables v
Abstract vi
Chapter 1: The Problem 1
Historical Examination of Native Hawaiian Education 3
Making the Case for Culture-Based Education 6
Establishment of the Hawaiian Language Immersion Program 7
Achievement Motivation 14
Statement of the Problem 16
Purpose of the Study 20
Research Questions 20
Importance of the Study 21
Study Design 22
Assumptions 22
Organization of the Study 23
Definition of Terms 24

Chapter 2: Literature Review 26
Introduction 26
Theoretical Framework for Culturally Relevant Pedagogy (CRP) & 27
Culture-Based Education (CBE) and Their Impact on Academic
Success for Native Hawaiian Students
Theoretical Examination of Motivational Processes and Self-Efficacy Beliefs 37
Native Hawaiian Cultural Perspectives on Achievement Motivation 45
Influence of Hawaiian Language Immersion Education 53
Conclusion 64

Chapter 3: Methodology 68
Overview of the Study 68
Research Design and Unit of Analysis 69
Site and Sample Selection 72

iv
Instrument and Sampling 75
Independent and Dependent Variables 78
Data Collection 80
Data Analysis 82
Strengths and Limitations 89

Chapter 4: Results 91
Results for Research Questions 1 and 1a 92
Results for Research Question 2 94
Results for Research Question 3 100
Results for Research Question 4 102
Conclusion 109

Chapter 5: Discussion 110
Summary of Results 111
Discussion of Findings 118
Implications for Practice 122
Recommendations for Research 124

References 127

Appendix A:
Nä ‘Öpio Youth Development & Assets Survey 133

v
List of Tables

Table 1: Hawaiian Language Immersion Program (HLIP) Schools 11
AYP/NCLB Report 2007-2008 School Year

Table 2: Hawai‘i Dept. of Education HSA Reading and Math Proficiency 19
Percentages For Native Hawaiian Public School Students Compared
To Other Ethnicities 2006-07 School Year

Table 3: Percentage of Hawaiian Language Immersion Grade 6 Students 60
Scoring Below Average, Average and Above Average On the
Standard Achievement Test Spring 1993 Reading and Mathematics Tests

Table 4: ‘Öpio Youth Development and Assets Survey Field-Test Constructs 85

Table 5: All School Means and Standard Deviations 92

Table 6: Correlations Between Achievement Motivation and Cultural Connectedness 94

Table 7: Gender Effects 95

Table 8: Grade Effects 97

Table 9: Grade by Gender Interaction 100

Table 10: School Type Effects 102

Table 11: ‘Ehunuikaimalino Mean and Standard Deviations 105

Table 12: ‘Ehunuikaimalino Correlations Between Achievement Motivation 106
and Cultural Connectedness

Table 13: ‘Ehunuikaimalino Gender Effects 107

Table 14: ‘Ehunuikaimalino Grade Effects 108

vi
Abstract

As data depict, Native Hawaiian public school students consistently rank among
the lowest of all ethnic groups by nearly every measure of academic engagement and
success (Kana‘iaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003). As is common with many children of
indigenous ancestry, teaching methodologies, pedagogical strategies, and structures of
mainstream or conventional educational systems have generally not served Native
Hawaiian children satisfactorily (Bielenburg, 2000; Kana‘iaupuni, Malone & Ishibashi,
2005). Native Hawaiian students are perceived by their peers as poor academic
performers, mainly due to their lack of effort and apathetic attitude toward education in
general (Kana‘iaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003). Native American educator Cornel Pewewardy
(1993) maintains that one of the reasons why Native American children experience
difficulty in schools is because mainstream educators, in trying to address indigenous or
minority students’ needs, have traditionally attempted to insert culture into their
education, as opposed to inserting education into their culture (as cited in Ladson-
Billings, 1995).
This study examines the relationship of a culturally relevant and responsive
learning environment to achievement motivation for Native Hawaiian secondary students
(grades 6-12). It investigates whether elements of cultural connectedness not only help

vii
Native Hawaiian secondary students increase academic achievement, but also positively
affect their level of achievement motivation.
This is a quantitative study which correlates the six independent variables of
cultural connectedness, including: (1) cultural attachment; (2) Hawaiian language; (3)
connection to ‘äina (land); (4) connection to ‘ohana (family); (5) cultural practices; and
(6) cultural issues, to the dependent variable of achievement motivation. Secondary
students representing four school types, including: (1) Public Hawaiian language
immersion; (2) Charter Hawaiian language immersion; (3) Charter Hawaiian-focused;
and (4) Private were surveyed. The relationship of cultural connectedness to
achievement motivation is examined and compared between each school type, by grade
level, and also by gender. The findings of this study will inform the reader about
effective cultural learning structures that impact learning as well as motivation for Native
Hawaiian secondary students in a variety of school settings.

1

Chapter 1

The Problem
‘O ka hana po‘okela ke koho ho‘okahi o‘u. Success Is My Only Option. This is
the vision statement of Ke Kula ‘o ‘Ehunuikaimalino, a K-12 public Hawaiian Language
Immersion School located in Kealakekua, Hawai‘i Island. Unfortunately, this idealistic
statement does not accurately describe the plight of many Native Hawaiian students in
Hawai‘i’s public school system today. As data depict, Native Hawaiian public school
students consistently rank among the lowest of all ethnic groups by nearly every measure
of academic engagement and success (Kana‘iaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003). As is common
with many children of indigenous ancestry, teaching methodologies, pedagogical
strategies, and structures of mainstream or conventional educational systems have
generally not served Native Hawaiian children satisfactorily (Bielenburg, 2000;
Kana‘iaupuni, Malone & Ishibashi, 2005).
The data which illustrate unfavorable educational outcomes for Native Hawaiian
public school students could arguably be directly correlated to other related areas of
general well-being for Native Hawaiians (i.e., physical, material/economic,
social/cultural, and emotional). For example, Native Hawaiian households, compared
with other families statewide, have the highest incidence of single-parent families with

2

minor aged children (Kana‘iaupuni et al., 2005). Native Hawaiian families have the
lowest mean income and the highest poverty rates compared with other ethnic groups in
the state (Kana‘iaupuni et al., 2005). Physically, almost 75% of Native Hawaiian adults
are overweight or obese, compared with slightly over 50% of the total adult population in
the state (Kana‘iaupuni et al., 2005). Emotionally, Native Hawaiian youth are afflicted
with higher rates of depression and are more likely to commit suicide compared with
their non-Hawaiian counterparts (Kana‘iaupuni et al., 2005).
With respect to educational indicators, Native Hawaiian students from low-
income families score lower on achievement tests, experience higher grade retention, and
are less likely to graduate from high school within four years in comparison with Native
Hawaiian public school students who come from more financially stable families
(Kana‘iaupuni et al., 2005). Furthermore, public schools with large populations of Native
Hawaiian students encounter higher faculty turnover and usually have teachers who are
less experienced and qualified compared with other schools (Kana‘iaupuni et al., 2005).
Generally, Native Hawaiian learners are less proficient in reading and math compared
with other ethnic groups in the state. This achievement gap only widens as students
progress to higher grades (Kana‘iaupuni et al., 2005). Approximately 20% of Native

3

Hawaiian students are identified to receive special education services, compared with
only 10% of non-Hawaiian students (Kana‘iaupuni et al., 2005).
Native Hawaiian public school students also lag behind in post-secondary
educational pursuits, in which only one in four enrolls in college (Kana‘iaupuni et al.,
2005). More alarming is the percentage of Native Hawaiian adults who have earned a
bachelor’s degree: 12.6% compared with the statewide rate of 26.2% (Kana‘iaupuni et
al., 2005).
Historical Examination of Native Hawaiian Education
Conversely, the historical depiction of the quality of education for Native
Hawaiians starkly contrasts the quandary of current Native Hawaiian students.
Käme‘eleihiwä (1992), McGregor (1989), and Meyer (1998) assert that Native Hawaiians
experienced immense social, economic, political, and cultural disturbance due to Western
colonization, beginning with the arrival of Captain James Cook in 1778 (as cited in
Kawakami, 1999). In pre-contact Hawai‘i, Native Hawaiians had a well-organized
system for both informal and formal learning (Chun, 2006). Master practitioners would
develop novice apprentices in a multitude of purposeful tasks to broaden their knowledge
and skills as they provided service to the community (Kawakami, 1999). Learning was
organized and implemented within the ‘ohana (family), which consisted of immediate as

4

well as extended family members (Kawakami, 1999). Communication and
documentation of scholarship relied primarily on oral language, chant, song, and dance;
no written language was used (Kawakami, 1999). Hawaiian people were first exposed to
the technology of written expression by way of contact with non-Hawaiian traders and
explorers throughout the late 1700s and early 1800s (Benham & Heck, 1998). As a
result, Hawaiian people at all levels of society were eager to increase literacy and
knowledge, and by 1840, Native Hawaiians had achieved one of the highest literacy rates
in the world (Benham & Heck, 1998).
As scores of foreigners continued to migrate to the Hawaiian Islands, many facets
of indigenous Native Hawaiian lifestyle and culture changed dramatically by the time of
the overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom in 1893. According to the Office of Hawaiian
Affairs (1993), at the time of Captain Cook’s arrival in 1778, over 300,000 Native
Hawaiians inhabited the islands (as cited in Kawakami, 1999). By 1850, however, only
80,000 Native Hawaiians remained, largely due to disease introduced by Western contact,
loss of political power, and the migration of young Hawaiian men who left on ships as
members of the crew (Kawakami, 1999; Osorio, 2002). Progressively, the Native
Hawaiian population became a minority race in their own land.

5

As the political landscape changed, so too did the culture of schools. Due to
policies which reflected the integration of multiple ethnicities with Native Hawaiians
(similar to those imposed upon other indigenous peoples), the use and practice of
Hawaiian language and culture were systematically abolished in schools (Bielenberg,
2000; May & Aikman, 2003). In 1896, approximately three years after the overthrow of
the Hawaiian Kingdom, English became the official language of instruction in Hawai‘i’s
public school system (Dotts and Sikkema, 1994). Accordingly, use of the Hawaiian
language was disallowed in public schools, and teachers were even sent into homes to
reprimand parents for conversing in Hawaiian with their children (‘Aha Pünana Leo,
1995, as cited in Kawakami, 1999). This policy subsequently placed a 100-year ban on
the use of the Hawaiian language in public schools (Benham & Heck, 1998). Many argue
that this policy was the catalyst for transforming the Native Hawaiian population from
being one of the most literate people in the world to becoming a people struggling to
survive academically (Benham & Heck, 1998).
Throughout the first three quarters of the 20
th
century, several attempts were
made, albeit periodic and cursory, to incorporate Hawaiian language, culture and history
into public schools’ curriculum. At best, Hawaiian culture and history were offered as
elective courses as either part of the social studies curriculum or in the performing arts

6

(Kawakami, 1999). For all intents and purposes, the culture, beliefs and traditions valued
by pre-contact Native Hawaiian families and communities, in which the Hawaiian
language was the cornerstone, were extracted from the circle of power and influence of
the formal system of education in Hawai‘i (Kawakami, 1999). Given these
circumstances and historical events, it is not surprising to learn that Native Hawaiian
students today experience only marginal academic success in public schools.
Making the Case for Culture-Based Education
Native American educator Cornel Pewewardy (1993) maintains that one of the
reasons why Native American children experience difficulty in schools is because
mainstream educators, in trying to address indigenous or minority students’ needs, have
traditionally attempted to insert culture into their education, as opposed to inserting
education into their culture (as cited in Ladson-Billings, 1995). In her book, Culturally
Responsive Teaching, Geneva Gay (2000) maintains that “culture counts” and “is at the
heart of all we do in the name of education, whether that is curriculum, instruction,
administration, or performance assessment” (as cited in Bennett, 2001, p. 174).
Gloria Ladson-Billings (1995), a leading researcher of culturally relevant
pedagogy, asserts that this theoretical instruction-based approach is based on three
criteria: (a) indigenous and minority students must experience academic success; (b)

7

students must develop and/or maintain cultural competence; and (c) students must
develop a critical consciousness through which they challenge the status quo of the
current social order. She further claims that one of the main intents of culturally relevant
teaching is to get students to choose academic excellence (Ladson-Billings, 1995).
Generally, for indigenous and minority students to have a chance to succeed
academically, there needs to be a cultural fit between students’ home culture and their
school culture (Ladson-Billings, 1995). Through culturally relevant pedagogy, students
develop cultural identity and competence (Bennett, 2001). As their culture drives
relevant learning, students experience academic success and a stronger sense of self-
regard (Bennett, 2001).
Establishment of the Hawaiian Language Immersion Program
In 1987, largely as a result of persistent requests of leaders in the Native Hawaiian
community, a mandate was implemented within the Hawai‘i State Constitution (Article
X, Section 4), authorizing the Hawai‘i Department of Education (public schools) to
establish the Hawaiian Language Immersion Program (HLIP), Ka Papahana Kaiapuni
Hawai‘i. This program was initiated to address the perceived need to provide a culturally
responsive learning environment for Native Hawaiian students, and to confront the
concerns about the decreasing population of fluent and proficient Hawaiian speakers,

8

which reportedly totaled approximately 2,000 people in 1987 (Kawakami, 1999). In
addition, Yamauchi and Ceppi (1998) argue that the HLIP was implemented to better
address the education of students who have been potentially placed at risk due to cultural
and linguistic incompatibilities between the school system and home/community
environments (as cited in Yamauchi, Ceppi, & Lau-Smith, 1999, p. 30). Through the
medium of the Hawaiian language, the program goals of HLIP are to provide a complete
educational program which assists students in: (a) becoming proficient in communicating
and understanding the Hawaiian language; (b) developing a foundational core of
Hawaiian values and culture; and (c) becoming empowered, self-directed learners who
are positive community contributors (Kawakami, 1999). The mission of HLIP is to
achieve quality educational outcomes based on knowledge of Hawaiian language and
culture as the foundation upon which individuals become culturally responsive, sensitive
and productive adults who contribute significantly to all levels of Hawai‘i’s community
and the world (Ka Papahana Kaiapuni Hawai‘i, HIDOE, 2005).
HLIP schools contend that language is the foundation of culture, and that a strong
cultural identity will lead to successful educational engagement and outcomes
(Kana‘iaupuni et al., 2005). In comparison to non-language immersion schools, the
foundation of HLIP schools is built upon a model which all students are fully immersed,

9

receiving all instruction in the medium of the Hawaiian language from kindergarten
through fourth or fifth grade, depending on each school’s curricular and philosophical
design. Then, at that point, students formally receive instruction in the majority language
(English) at a gradual and progressive pace. Eventually, the goal is for all immersion
students to be fully proficient in two languages (Hawaiian and English) upon graduation
from high school (Ka Papahana Kaiapuni Hawai‘i, HIDOE, 2005).
Presently, there are twenty-two Hawaiian language immersion schools in the State
of Hawai‘i (HIDOE, 2009). Six of the schools are categorized as Public Charter Schools
(PCS), New Conversion Public Charter Schools (NCPCS), or Laboratory (Lab) schools;
sixteen are public schools, under the direction of the Hawai‘i Department of Education
(HIDOE, 2009). Fifteen of the schools fall under the category of school-within-a-school,
meaning they occupy a portion of a larger, traditional non-immersion school’s campus
(HIDOE, 2009). Accordingly, they are under the jurisdiction of the principal of the
larger home school. Seven of the schools are self-contained campuses, each being led
exclusively by its respective principal (HIDOE, 2009).
Are Hawaiian language immersion schools an effective conduit for increasing
student achievement among Native Hawaiian students? The following data, derived from

10

the 2007-2008 school year, display No Child Left Behind (NCLB) and Adequate Yearly
Progress (AYP) results for HLIP schools (HIDOE, 2009; see Table 1):

11

Table 1.
Hawaiian Language Immersion Program (HLIP) Schools AYP/NCLB Report 2007-08
School Year
School Name School Type

School-
Within-A-
School
Self-
Contained
AYP
Results
NCLB Sanction
Status
Kula Kaiapuni ‘o
Änuenue
Public X Met
In Good Standing,
Unconditional
Ke Kula ‘o
‘Ehunuikaimalino
Public X Met
In Good Standing,
Unconditional
Nänäkuli Elementary
Public X Not Met
Restructuring
Waiau Elementary
Public X Met
In Good Standing,
Unconditional
Pü‘öhala Elementary
Public X Met
In Good Standing,
Unconditional
Hau‘ula Elementary
Public X Not Met
Corrective Action Year 1
Kahuku High &
Intermediate
Public X Not Met
Restructuring
Waimea Elementary
Public X Not Met
Restructuring
King Kekaulike High
Public X Not Met
Restructuring

12

Table 1, Continued

Pä‘ia Elementary
Public X Met
In Good Standing,
Unconditional
Samuel Enoka Kalama
Intermediate
Public X Not Met
Restructuring
Lahaina Intermediate
Public X Not Met
Restructuring
Princess Nähi‘enaena
Elementary
Public X Not Met
Restructuring
Moloka‘i High
Public X Not Met
Restructuring
Moloka‘i Middle
Public X Not Met
Restructuring
Kapa‘a Elementary
Public X Not Met
Planning for Restructuring
Kapa‘a Middle
Public X Not Met
Restructuring
Kapa‘a High
Public X Met
In Good Standing,
Unconditional
Kualapu‘u Elementary
NCPCS X Not Met
Restructuring
Ke Kula ‘o Samuel M.
Kamakau
Lab; PCS X Not Met
In Good Standing, Pending
Ka ‘Umeke Kä‘eo
PCS X Met
In Good Standing,
Unconditional

13

Table 1, Continued

Ke Kula ‘o
Näwahïokalani‘öpu‘u
Iki
Lab; PCS X Not Met
In Good Standing, Pending
Ke Kula Ni‘ihau ‘o
Kekaha Learning
Center
PCS X Not Met
In Good Standing, Pending
Note. Abbreviations for School Type: PCS (Public Charter School); NCPCS (New
Conversion Public Charter School); Lab (Laboratory).

In order for any public school in the state of Hawai‘i to have met NCLB and AYP
requirements, its students would have had to meet the benchmarks of 58% proficiency in
meeting reading standards, and 46% proficiency in meeting math standards, according to
schoolwide scores on the Hawai‘i State Assessment (HSA). For all Hawai‘i public
schools, 113 out of 283 schools (40%) met NCLB and AYP benchmarks for the 2007-
2008 school year.
Comparatively, the data contained in Table 1 reveal that only 7 out of 23 HLIP
schools (30%) met NCLB and AYP benchmarks for the 2007-2008 school year.
However, it is important to note that 17 of the 23 HLIP schools are schools-within-
schools, which means that their AYP results are determined as part of their overall
schools’ AYP results. So, the results illustrated are not exclusively indicative of only

14

immersion students’ academic performance. Of the six self-contained HLIP schools,
three of them (50%) met AYP for the 2007-2008 school year. If only self-contained
HLIP schools (where all students learn in an immersion learning environment) are used
to make an inference, one could argue that an immersion school setting is conducive to
increased student achievement, compared to non-immersion schools statewide. However,
since only half of the self-contained HLIP schools met AYP, one could also argue that a
Hawaiian language immersion school setting is not making the desired level of positive
difference in student achievement based on the research which asserts that a culturally
rich learning environment positively impacts student learning and achievement.
Achievement Motivation
Generally, as data depict, Native Hawaiian public school students are
underachieving academically. Baker, Bridger, and Evans (1998) maintain that academic
underachievement in students is an interaction of numerous factors, including the
students’ personality, family/home variables, school/learning environment, instruction
methodology, and the students’ preferred learning styles (as cited in Preckel, Holling, &
Vock, 2006, p. 401). Metacognitive as well as motivational factors play a crucial role in
the understanding of these factors of academic underachievement (Preckel et al., 2006).
As Martin (2003) conceptualizes, motivation is defined as “students’ energy and drive to

15

engage in learning and plays a large part in students’ interest in and enjoyment of school
and study” (as cited in McInerney & Ali, 2006, p. 718).
Bennett (2001) asserts that ethnic identity development is an important
component in helping minority students become academically successful. As such,
Tatum (1992) has identified four strategies for increasing achievement motivation and
promoting optimal student development (as cited in Bennett, 2001, p. 194). First, the
learning environment must be safe (Bennett, 2001). Second, learning opportunities must
be created to develop self-generated knowledge through self-directed learning processes
(Bennett, 2001). Third, an appropriate model that helps students develop a strong sense
of cultural identity must be provided (Bennett, 2001). And, fourth, through various
learning strategies, students must become empowered as social change agents (Bennett,
2001).
In summary, if research asserts that culture-based education has a positive effect
on the academic achievement of indigenous and minority student groups, yet Native
Hawaiian public school secondary students are still displaying evidence of academic
underachievement, one could surmise that an achievement motivation gap exists. This
quandary of the correlation between a culturally relevant and responsive learning

16

environment and achievement motivation for Native Hawaiian secondary students is what
will be examined in this study.
Statement of the Problem
As the previous sections have illustrated, more than 100 years of cultural
disconnection has occurred to a large extent between Native Hawaiian families and the
structure of formal education in Hawai‘i. In present-day Hawai‘i, approximately 78% of
all Native Hawaiian students attend a school that is “Not in Good Standing” as defined by
NCLB (No Child Left Behind) standards as compared to 70% of non-Hawaiian students
(Nä Lau Lama Community Report, 2009). Schools with a high concentration of Native
Hawaiian students tend to employ teachers with less experience and tenure (Kana‘iaupuni
& Ishibashi, 2003). Native Hawaiian students are overrepresented in the special
education system, 16% compared to 9% of non-Hawaiian students (Kana‘iaupuni &
Ishibashi, 2003; Nä Lau Lama Community Report, 2009). Absenteeism is more
prevalent among Native Hawaiian students than non-Hawaiians (Kana‘iaupuni &
Ishibashi, 2003). Timely graduation rates of Native Hawaiian students are the lowest in
the DOE and grade retention rates among the highest (Kana‘iaupuni et al., 2005). Native
Hawaiian adolescents have the highest rates of juvenile arrest and are more likely than
their non-Hawaiian counterparts to use drugs and engage in early sexual activity

17

(Kana‘iaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003). Compared to 33% of non-Hawaiian students, more
than half of all Native Hawaiian students (52%) come from more economically
disadvantaged backgrounds, as evidenced by their higher rates of participation in the
subsidized lunch program (Nä Lau Lama Community Report, 2009).
Hawai‘i Department of Education (public schools) statistics show that 16.6% of
all schools have a predominantly Native Hawaiian student population (Kekahio, 2007).
Of these, only 23.4% met AYP (Adequate Yearly Progress) for the 2005-06 school year
(Kekahio, 2007). Comparatively, 37.7% of all other public schools did meet AYP
(Kekahio, 2007). Furthermore, the percentage of predominantly Native Hawaiian
schools with a NCLB (No Child Left Behind) status of “In Good Standing” has
substantially decreased from 55.9% for the 2002-03 school year to 24.0% in 2006-07
(Kekahio, 2007). Even more disturbing is the fact that more than half of predominantly
Native Hawaiian schools (52.2%) are in the “Restructuring” phase of NCLB in
comparison to only 12.3% of other public schools during the 2006-07 school year
(Kekahio, 2007).
According to data compiled by the National Assessment of Educational Progress
(NAEP), between grades 4 and 8, there is a significant increase in the achievement gap
between NHOPI (Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander) students in Hawai‘i and

18

their non-NHOPI classmates, as well as with students nationwide (Chaparro & Tibbetts,
2008). In grade 4, the amount of NHOPI students who were proficient in Math and
Reading was about half the amount compared to non-NHOPI students in Hawai‘i and
across the country (Chaparro & Tibbetts, 2008). However, in grade 8, the proportion of
NHOPI students who met proficiency in Math and Reading was only one-third of the
non-NHOPI and nationwide groups (Chaparro & Tibbetts, 2008).
HSA (Hawai‘i State Assesment) data illustrate the following Native Hawaiian
performance characteristics in public schools for the 2006-07 school year in both Reading
and Math proficiency (Kamehameha Schools Publishing, 2007; see Table 2):

19

Table 2.
Hawai‘i Dept. of Education HSA Reading and Math Proficiency Percentages For Native
Hawaiian Public School Students Compared To Other Ethnicities 2006-07 School Year
Grade 3 Grade 5 Grade 8 Grade 10
Reading
Hawaiian Other Hawaiian Other Hawaiian Other Hawaiian Other
Below or
Approaches
48% 35% 50% 36% 52% 35% 46% 31%
Meets or
Exceeds
52% 65% 50% 64% 48% 65% 54% 69%
Math
Hawaiian Other Hawaiian Other Hawaiian Other Hawaiian Other
Below or
Approaches
61% 48% 72% 56% 86% 70% 86% 66%
Meets or
Exceeds
39% 52% 28% 44% 14% 30% 14% 34%
Note. Adapted from DOE Updates 2006-2007: Native Hawaiian Performance
Characteristics in Public Schools, Kamehameha Schools Publishing, 2007.

These numbers reflect the disturbing reality that Native Hawaiian public school students
are languishing academically in the land that bears the very name of their ethnicity.
Especially in Math, as Native Hawaiian students move into their teenage years (i.e.,
middle then to high school, their rate of proficiency decreases dramatically. It is clear

20

that a positive change is needed. It is evident that educational methodologies and
learning processes which stimulate and engage Native Hawaiian students must be
discovered and implemented in an effort to help these students reach their fullest
potential.
Purpose of the Study
This study investigates the relationship between the achievement motivation of
Native Hawaiian secondary students, as measured by X, and their degree of cultural
connectedness, as measured by Y. The relationships among measures of both variables
for school students at the secondary level (grades 6-12) will be compared across varying
educational settings (i.e., Charter Hawaiian Language Immersion, Public Hawaiian
Language Immersion, Charter Hawaiian-focused and Private).
Research Questions
More specifically, the following research questions are examined:
1. To what extent is cultural connectedness related to achievement motivation among
Native Hawaiian students in grades 6-12?
a. As cultural connectedness consists of multiple elements, which elements of
cultural connectedness, if any, correlate significantly with achievement
motivation for Native Hawaiian secondary students?

21

2. To what extent does achievement motivation and the elements of cultural
connectedness vary by gender and grade level?
3. To what extent does achievement motivation and the elements of cultural
connectedness vary by school type?
4. Within one public Hawaiian language immersion school, Ke Kula ‘o
‘Ehunuikaimalino, what are the mean levels of achievement motivation and cultural
connectedness and do these levels vary by gender and grade level?
Importance of the Study
The results of this study can provide insight into the relationship between a
culturally responsive school environment and achievement motivation for Native
Hawaiian secondary students. Furthermore, analyzing and comparing diverse student
samples (e.g. students who are enrolled in either a public Hawaiian language immersion
school, a charter Hawaiian language immersion school, a charter Hawaiian-focused
school, or private school), as performed in this study contributes to existing research
examining achievement motivation for indigenous student populations as well as the
significance of a culturally relevant and responsive learning environment toward student
success. Several studies have examined the correlation between a culturally relevant and
responsive environment and perceived student achievement, specifically regarding

22

academic proficiency (i.e., standardized test scores). This study examines to what degree
cultural connectedness enhances the achievement motivation levels of Native Hawaiian
secondary students.
Study Design
For the purpose of this study, secondary data obtained from a survey entitled Nä
‘Öpio: Youth Development and Assets Survey, are analyzed. This survey is administered
through the Kamehameha Schools Research and Evaluation Division. Private, charter,
and public school students in grades 6 through 12 participated in taking this survey. This
survey is designed as a tool to measure youth developmental assets from a Native
Hawaiian perspective (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008).
Assumptions
This study is based primarily on the following assumptions: (a) Native Hawaiian
students encounter similar education related challenges as other indigenous and/or
minority students; (b) negative stereotyping of Native Hawaiian students adversely
affects their self-identity, esteem, and motivation level; (c) many Native Hawaiian public
school students are apathetic toward their individual learning; and (d) a culturally
relevant and responsive learning environment does matter.

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Organization of the Study
Chapter Two is a review of related literature pertaining to the correlation between
a culturally relevant and responsive environment, and achievement motivation as it
pertains to student outcomes. Five topics will be presented: (a) Theoretical framework
for culturally relevant pedagogy (CRP) in increasing academic success for minority and
indigenous groups of students; (b) Influence of culture-based education (CBE) toward
contributing positive results for indigenous students, including Native Hawaiians; (c)
Theoretical examination of motivational processes and self-efficacy beliefs; (d) Native
Hawaiian cultural perspectives on student achievement motivation; and (e) Influence of
language immersion education in producing favorable student outcomes for indigenous
(i.e., Native Hawaiian) students.
Chapter Three describes the design, methodology, and analysis for this study.
The results of the study are reported in Chapter Four, identifying the relationship of a
culturally responsive and relevant learning environment to achievement motivation for
Native Hawaiian secondary students. Chapter Five will offer a summary and discussion
of the findings and will culminate with suggested recommendations for secondary
educators, school administrators, and researchers.

24

Definition of Terms
The following are definitions of terms or frequently used acronyms, as used in
this study:
AM: Achievement Motivation
AYP: Adequate Yearly Progress
CBE: Culture-based Education
CRP: Culturally Relevant Pedagogy
HIDOE: Hawai‘i Department of Education
HLIP: Hawaiian Language Immersion Program
HLIS: Hawaiian Language Immersion School
KKOE: Ke Kula ‘o ‘Ehunuikaimalino
NAEP: National Assessment of Educational Progress
NCLB: No Child Left Behind
PCS: Public Charter Schools
SQS: School Quality Survey
Secondary Students: Students in grades 6-12

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Self-efficacy: The belief that one is capable of performing in a certain
manner to attain certain goals, and that one has the power
to produce a certain desired effect.
Social Cognitive Theory: Authored by Albert Bandura (1986), his theory posits that
individuals possess self-beliefs that enable them to exercise
a measure of control over their thoughts, feelings, and
actions. He also asserts that unless people believe that their
actions can produce the outcomes they desire, they have
little incentive to act or to persevere in the face of
difficulties.

26

Chapter 2
Literature Review
Introduction
In this chapter, pertinent research is reviewed to underscore the theoretical
foundation of achievement motivation and self-efficacious learning, with respect to
indigenous and minority students, including Native Hawaiians. Four topics will be
presented: (a) Theoretical framework for Culturally Relevant Pedagogy (CRP) and
Culture-Based Education (CBE) and their impact on increasing academic success for
minority and indigenous groups of students, including Native Hawaiians; (b) Theoretical
examination of motivational processes and self-efficacy beliefs; (c) Native Hawaiian
cultural perspectives on student achievement motivation; and (d) Influence of Hawaiian
language immersion education in producing favorable student outcomes for Native
Hawaiian students.
As mentioned, data display a disconcerting view of how Native Hawaiian public
school students are faring in measurable indicators of academic engagement and success
compared to other ethnic groups. The data recognize critical levels of underachievement
for Native Hawaiian public school students, illustrating a gap which supports a

27

compelling rationale for the subsequent identification of strategies to strengthen self-
efficacious learning for Native Hawaiian public school students.
Theoretical Framework for Culturally Relevant Pedagogy (CRP) & Culture-Based
Education (CBE) and Their Impact on Academic Success for Native Hawaiian Students
As introduced in Chapter 1, Culturally Relevant Pedagogy (CRP) attempts to
address the cultural discontinuity between what students experience at home and what
they experience at school (Ladson-Billings, 1995). To help understand the needs of
minority learners, Ogbu (1995) asserts that it is important to recognize their cultural
frame of reference. This refers to the correct or ideal way to behave within the culture
(i.e., attitudes, beliefs, preferences, practices, and symbols considered appropriate for
members of the culture). His theory distinguishes between voluntary and involuntary
minorities (Ogbu, 1995). Voluntary minorities are people who have moved to the U.S. of
their own choice because they believe their relocation will bring about more economic
and financial well-being, better overall opportunities, and/or greater political freedom.
Conversely, involuntary minorities are people who were originally brought into U.S.
society more or less permanently against their will, either through slavery, colonization,
or overthrow. This group of minorities would include Native Hawaiians, African
Americans, Native Americans and Puerto Ricans (Ogbu, 1995).

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Ogbu’s (1994) theory, Cultural Models of School Achievement, differentiates
between voluntary minorities who do well in school and involuntary minorities (i.e.,
Native Hawaiians) who perform poorly. The theory holds that voluntary and involuntary
minorities differ in their view of schooling in terms of: (a) its role in their quest to
achieve upward social mobility; (b) the extent to which the school and those who control
it can be trusted to provide them with an appropriate educational experience; and (c) how
the process of schooling affects their minority cultural and language identity, depending
on how and why they came to the United States (Ogbu, 1994).
Through the theoretical work of Ladson-Billings, Bennett, and Ogbu on
Culturally Relevant Pedagogy and Cultural Models of School Achievement, insight is
offered that may help address how public schools endeavor to educate Native Hawaiian
students through providing a culturally responsive learning environment. Generally, as
data display, Native Hawaiian students are not consistently experiencing academic
success, perhaps largely due to the cultural disconnection between home and school
which negatively affects their motivational processes and potential for self-efficacious
learning.
According to Kana‘iaupuni (2007), culture-based education for Native Hawaiian
students is comprised of five basic elements: (a) Language: recognizing and using native

29

language; (b) Family & Community: actively engaging and partnering the family and
community in the development of learning and leadership curriculum; (c) Context:
structuring the school and learning environment in culturally-appropriate ways; (d)
Content: developing culturally grounded content and assessment which provides
meaningful, rigorous, and relevant pedagogy; and (e) Data & Accountability: collecting,
sharing, maintaining and analyzing data toward insuring student progress in culturally
responsible ways. There is urgency in conducting research on the impact of culture-
based education for Native Hawaiian students, as much of the research already conducted
regarding Native Hawaiian youth has focused on a deficits model which calls attention to
their academic underachievement and the overall shortcomings of the Hawaiian
population (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008).
Ledward and Takayama (2008) assert that culture-based educational (CBE)
strategies are gaining momentum as effective methodologies in addressing the academic
achievement gap between indigenous students and their peers. They ran a study based on
the premise that culture-based educational strategies impact socio-emotional development
and academic outcomes (Ledward & Takayama, 2008). They administered a survey
entitled the Culture-Based Education Teacher Tool (CBETT) to 600 teachers in 62
schools across the state of Hawai‘i, representing public conventional and Hawaiian

30

language immersion schools, Hawaiian- and Western-focused charter schools, Hawaiian-
medium charter schools, and Kamehameha Schools (Ledward & Takayama, 2008). The
survey incorporated a rubric entitled The Hawaiian Indigenous Teaching Rubric,
measuring indicators across five domains, including language, content, context, family
and community, and assessment (Ledward & Takayama, 2008).
Their study revealed three major findings: (1) Teachers consistently shared many
beliefs and practices, different school settings notwithstanding. For example, all teachers
in all school settings agreed that improving students’ academic achievement was their
foremost goal, as well as encouraging and supporting family involvement; (2) No
indication of trade-off between conventional research-based best practices and culture-
based approaches. Teachers reported that conventional research-based best practices are
similarly aligned with culture-based educational strategies, such as collaborative teacher-
student activities, literacy across content areas, connecting lessons to students’ home
culture, engaging students with rigorous standards, and emphasizing instructional
conversation, as opposed to lectures; and (3) Use of culture-based education is found
across all school types. Although teachers at Hawaiian- and culture-focused schools are
more likely to be strong practitioners of culture-based educational methodologies,

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varying degrees of CBE are being practiced at all school types (Ledward & Takayama,
2008).
In May 2008, Medeiros and Tibbetts (2008) administered a customized pilot-test
survey called the ‘Öpio Survey, which was comprised of components of the Profiles of
Student Life: Attitudes and Behaviors assets survey, the Hawaiian Cultural
Connectedness scale, and the Rosenburg Self-Esteem Scale. This pilot-test was given to
an aggregate sample totaling 411 students in grades five through twelve in ten Hawaiian-
focused schools (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008). Nearly 90% of the participating students
described themselves as being either Hawaiian or Part-Hawaiian (Medeiros & Tibbetts,
2008).
The main results of the study revealed the following: 85% of the students were
strongly motivated to achieve academically; however, only 29% reported experiencing
school engagement and 23% reported a positive orientation to schoolwork (Medeiros &
Tibbetts, 2008). Pertaining to Hawaiian cultural connectedness, 68% disclosed
experiencing cultural attachment while in school, and 64% rated experiencing the
Hawaiian language as an asset (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008). In all, 43% of the students
declared active participation in Hawaiian cultural practices (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008).
Overall, 53% reported experiencing positive self-esteem being enrolled in a Hawaiian-

32

focused school (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008). These results infer that the relationship
between Hawaiian cultural connectedness and other developmental assets has promising
implications concerning the relevance of Culture-Based Education (CBE) and its role in
enhancing academic and successful life skills for Native Hawaiian youth (Medeiros &
Tibbetts, 2008).
Howard (2003) and Valencia & Suzuki (2001) maintain that a widespread belief
among many educators is that indigenous and minority children are by nature low
achievers and, as a result, are not teachable (as cited in Kana‘iaupuni, 2004).
Additionally, in Hawai‘i’s public schools, many Hawaiian students are reared as low-
income children. As a result, Hawaiians, a population that is disproportionately poor
comparative to other groups in the state of Hawai‘i, suffer from the same broad stigma
associated with people of poverty: they are lazy; they don’t work, or they work too hard,
holding multiple, low-paying jobs; consequently, their children are neglected; they do not
value education; they resist attempts by schools to involve them in learning activities that
benefit their child’s educational as well as physical well-being; their children lack proper
nutrition; their homes do not promote intellectual stimulation; they don’t visit libraries; in
many homes, parents may have not finished high school and may be unemployed; their

33

children gravitate towards drug use and other criminal activities, such as theft and
burglary; and they have too many children, too young (Kana‘iaupuni, 2004).
As such, Native Hawaiian children contend with negative stereotypes and ethnic
bias on an ongoing basis (Kana‘iaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003). Native Hawaiian students
are perceived by their peers as poor academic performers, mainly due to their lack of
effort and apathetic attitude toward education in general (Kana‘iaupuni & Ishibashi,
2003). Consequently, the academic development of many Native Hawaiian students is
impeded by this perception of being discriminated and stereotyped against, not only by
their peers, but also by their teachers.
Steele (1999, p. 12) defines the concept of stereotype threat as “the threat of being
viewed through the lens of a negative stereotype, or the fear of doing something that
would inadvertently confirm that stereotype” (as cited in Kana‘iaupuni & Ishibashi,
2003). In his research, Steele (1999) discovered that black students perform significantly
worse than do white students on achievement tests when the assessments are presented as
solely measures of ability (as cited in Kana‘iaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003). However, black
students perform equally as well as white students on the same tests when presented as
tests designed by black researchers to be neutral of ethnicity (as cited in Kana‘iaupuni &
Ishibashi, 2003). Based on these findings, Steele (1999) asserts that when the fear of

34

being judged unfairly is eliminated, the gap between the scores of black and white
students on the same assessments no longer exists (as cited in Kana‘iaupuni & Ishibashi,
2003). Steele’s research has weighty implications for Native Hawaiian students. His
theory of stereotype threat suggests that the poor academic achievement of Native
Hawaiian students is exacerbated by the continuous threat of stereotypes and
discrimination in the school environment (Kana‘iaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003).
John-Steiner and Mahn (1996) hypothesize that the relatively poor academic
performance of Hawaiian children may be due to a certain extent to a mismatch between
the culture of home and what has been called the culture of school (as cited in
Schonleber, 2006). The sociocultural approach to learning, a theory that has its roots in
the cultural-historical theory of Lev Vygotsky, asserts that individual development and
learning processes can only be understood in the context of the child’s social world
(Schonleber, 2006). As Gallimore and Goldenberg (2001) claim, children may learn best
when school learning is based on the patterns of expected behavior and language learned
in the home and community (as cited in Schonleber, 2006). Schonleber (2006)
Schonleber (2006) contends that culturally congruent, place-based education may
enhance academic self-efficacy and could serve as a bridge between seemingly disparate
pedagogical approaches.

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The dynamics of Hawaiian children learning in a Western, Americanized school
setting have always been somewhat problematic. For example, the disparity is especially
apparent when Hawaiian children, in a Geography or Science classroom, learn about the
four seasons, which depict autumn leaves and winter snow. Most Hawaiian children are
unable to relate to this type of lesson, so many of them consequently become
disinterested in the learning process. This tension highlights the fact that traditional
Native Hawaiian culture does not necessarily connect with the mainstream U.S. culture.
Omizo, Omizo, and Kitaoka (1998) maintain that the problems that face Hawaiians do
not spontaneously manifest themselves in adulthood; rather, they develop during
childhood. These problems include conflicting value systems, feelings of inadequacy,
using a different language, and the feeling of helplessness within the dominant Western
culture and system of education (Omizo, Omizo, & Kitaoka, 1998).
In an effort to develop successful academic practices for Hawaiian students,
Benham (2006) argues that teaching should be done in a contextual setting which is
respectful of the home culture, including: (a) utilizing the knowledge of elders, cultural
experts and native speakers, which in turn bridges the past to the present; (b) creating a
child-centered and holistic pedagogical model that is inclusive of home/family, school
community, and broader communities; (c) developing a curriculum which includes

36

individualized instruction within a collective community of learners setting, as well as
linking both academic and cultural learning through rigorous and relevant academic and
experiential processes; and (d) building cultural identity and cultural capital by
employing both culturally specific and pluralistic teaching approaches that build cultural
competence and respect.
The Kamehameha Schools Research and Evaluation Division has dedicated much
resources toward understanding the educational plight of Native Hawaiian students and
seeking solutions toward improving academic as well as social outcomes. It is important
to note that although stereotype threat is a psychological phenomenon, it is a response to
the external environment. Perhaps one could argue, then, that Native Hawaiian students
would be more productive academically if they were in a non-threatening learning
environment which supports the cultural beliefs and values of the Hawaiian people. Per
data from a pilot-test survey, Native Hawaiian students who experience stronger
connections to the Hawaiian culture were also more likely to experience developmental
assets that are most related to school success (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008). This
discovery has promising implications about the relevance of Hawaiian culture-based
education and its role in contributing toward academic achievement and life success for
Native Hawaiian students.

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In summary, culture-based education for Native Hawaiians is the grounding of
instruction and student learning which incorporates the values, norms, knowledge,
beliefs, practices, experiences, and language that are the foundation of the Hawaiian
people (Kana‘iaupuni, 2007). Essentially, referring back to Cornel Pewewardy’s (1993)
assertion, the key to success is inserting education into students’ culture, as opposed to
inserting culture into students’ education (as cited in Ladson-Billings, 1995).
Theoretical Examination of Motivational Processes and Self-Efficacy Beliefs
How does culturally relevant pedagogy impact self-efficacious learning and
achievement motivation for Native Hawaiian students? One must examine the theoretical
framework of motivational processes and perceived self-efficacy as they pertain to
academic outcomes. Self-efficacy is defined as “a person’s self-constructed judgment
about his or her ability to execute certain behaviors or reach certain goals” (Ormrod,
2008, p. 356). It is a belief that one has the capabilities to execute the courses of actions
required to manage prospective situations. Unlike efficacy, which is the power to
produce an effect (in essence, competence), self-efficacy is the belief (whether or not
accurate) that one has the power to produce that effect.
Bandura’s (1986) Social Cognitive Theory provides the theoretical framework for
understanding how human functioning is viewed as the product of a dynamic interplay of

38

personal, behavioral, and environmental influences. By applying this theory, educators
can seek to improve students’ emotional states and to correct faulty self-beliefs and habits
of thinking (personal factors), improve academic skills and self-directed practices
(behaviors), and alter school and classroom structures that may work to undermine
student success (environmental factors). Bandura (1986) posits that factors such as
economic conditions, socioeconomic status, and educational and familial structures do
not affect human behavior directly. Conversely, they affect human behavior to the
degree that they influence people’s aspirations, self-efficacy beliefs, personal standards,
emotional states, and other self-regulatory influences (Bandura, 1986).
Bandura (1986) asserts that self-efficacy is a critical determinant of self-
regulation, implying that having the motivation to attain certain goals and completing
certain tasks directly impact the development of self-regulated learning behaviors. These
beliefs provide the foundation for human motivation, well-being, and personal
accomplishment. This theory also claims that self-efficacy beliefs help determine how
much effort a person will put forth, how long a person will persevere through obstacles,
and how resilient a person will be in the face of adversity.
One of the main tenets of Bandura’s (1986) theory is that self-efficacy beliefs are
created by interpreting information from four primary sources: (a) Mastery Experience:

39

interpreting the result of one’s previous performance; (b) Vicarious Experience:
observing others perform tasks; (c) Social Persuasion: receiving positive reinforcement
and appraisals from others; and (d) Somatic (of or relating to the body) and Emotional
States: people can gauge their confidence by the emotional state they experience as they
contemplate an action. According to Bandura (1986), it is not simply a matter of how
capable one is, but of how capable one believes oneself to be.
To understand the influences on developing self-efficacy, Schunk and Meece
(2005) present the following factors: (a) Structure Curricular and Social Experiences:
students will feel more efficacious about learning when they understand how the new
learning builds on what they know; (b) Involve Parents: keep parents informed about
school activities, encourage them to foster positive home influences, and provide
workshops to help them facilitate productive learning and study habits with their
children; (c) Ensure Smooth Transitions: this pertains to transitioning from one grade
level to the next, elementary to middle school, and middle to high school. Students are
apt to have higher self-efficacy for succeeding in a new environment when they are
familiar with it and believe that others are available to help them overcome difficulties;
(d) Create Supportive Home and Classroom Environments: adolescents benefit most from
home environments that are characterized by an atmosphere of caring, fair and consistent

40

standards for behavior, open communication, encouragement for self-reliance and
autonomy, and effective monitoring of peer relations and social activities (Steinberg,
2001). Similarly, adolescents benefit from school learning environments that are caring
and supportive, intellectually challenging, have high expectations for learning, honor
student voices, create supportive social interactions, and adapt instruction to students’
needs and interests (Meec et al., 2003); and (e) Teach Effective Life Skills: to
successfully manage their lives, adolescents need study skills and other skills such as
self-control, conflict management, and decision-making.
Schunk and Meece (2005) also offer thought-provoking insight into the
assessment of self-efficacy. They assert that people assess their skills and capabilities to
translate those skills into actions. They further claim that possessing skill can raise self-
efficacy, which in turn can lead to further skill acquisition, but skill and self-efficacy are
not synonymous in meaning. This literature connects directly to Bandura’s research
(1986), in which he posits that how people act can often be predicted better by their level
of self-efficacy (i.e., beliefs about their capabilities) than by their actual skills (Schunk &
Meece, 2005). Another important concept reported by Schunk and Meece (2005) is that
self-efficacy also depends on, but is not a direct reflection of, students’ intelligence and

41

abilities. This would imply that the challenge for educators is to facilitate hope and
optimism in students while ensuring that they have the skills to sustain academic success.
Another prominent researcher in the area of the correlation of cultural
connectedness and school motivation is Dennis M. McInerney of the University of
Western Sydney, Australia. His work, alongside others, has focused on Achievement
Goal Theory in assessing levels of indigenous minority school motivation (McInerney,
McInerney, & Roche, 1994; McInerney & Ali, 2006). Ames (1984, 1992), Covington
(1992), Elliott and Dweck (1988), Maehr (1989), and Maehr and Midgley (1991) assert
that “the goal theory of achievement motivation argues that the goals stressed by schools
have dramatic consequences for whether children develop a sense of efficacy and a
willingness to try hard and take on challenges, or whether they avoid challenging tasks,
giving up when faced with failure (as cited in McInerney et al., 1994, p. 3). Ames
(1992), Dweck and Elliott (1983), Pintrich, Marx, and Boyle (1993), and Wentzel (1991)
further posit that “goals are cognitive representations of the different purposes students
may have in different achievement situations, and are presumed to guide students’
behavior, cognition, and affect as they become involved in academic work (as cited in
McInerney et al., 1994, p. 3). Educational researchers have paid significant attention to
two primary goal structures: (1) Mastery goals (also referred to as learning goals): the

42

belief that effort leads to success, and the foci are on the intrinsic value of learning and
developing a sense of self-mastery toward achievement; and (2) Performance goals (also
referred to as extrinsic goals): focusing on one’s ability and developing a sense of self-
worth through competing successfully and performing better than others, and
subsequently receiving public recognition, rewards, and approval from others.
Conversely, one’s self-worth is threatened by unsuccessful performance (McInerney et
al., 1994). Implicit in both of these goal structures is the focus on achieving individual
goals, rather than group goals and promoting group affiliation (McInerney et al., 1994).
McInerney et al. (1994) examined the relevance and applicability of goal theory
to explaining indigenous motivation in various school settings. The subjects of this study
were 496 Australian Aboriginal students from grades 7 through 12 and 529 Navajo
Indian students from grades 9 through 12 (McInerney et al., 1994). Each of these
students completed an instrument developed for the study, the Inventory of School
Motivation (ISM), which reflects elements of Maehr’s Personal Investment Model
(McInerney et al., 1994). Maehr’s model conceptualizes motivated behavior as being
determined by three universal variables: (1) personal incentives (how a person defines
success and failure in certain situations); (2) sense of self (perceptions, beliefs, and
feelings pertaining to who one is); and (3) facilitating conditions (behavioral alternatives

43

that a person perceives to be available and appropriate) (McInerney et al., 1994). As
such, the Inventory of School Motivation used in this study examined subscales such as
task goals, ego goals, social solidarity goals, and extrinsic rewards goals as a way to
explain and predict minority school motivation (McInerney et al., 1994).
The results of this study offered significant support of Maehr’s Personal
Investment Model, and a strong correlation emerged between the culturally determined
predictor scales (e.g., task, ego, social solidarity, and extrinsic rewards goals) and
expectations about continuing with or leaving school, and other variables (e.g., school
attendance and school achievement) (McInerney et al., 1994). Furthermore, for both
Aboriginal and Navajo students, sense of self variables (e.g., sense of competence and
sense of purpose) strongly predicted factors such as school retention, academic
performance, and the valuing of school (McInerney et al., 1994). The incongruity
between the school’s goals of competitiveness, individuality, and extrinsic rewards, and
the students’ goals of affiliation, non-competitiveness, and cooperation, were not
supported by the findings as key determinants for both groups of students’ poor academic
achievement and dropping out of school (McInerney et al., 1994).
In a comparative analysis of cognitive and sociocultural frameworks, Rueda and
Dembo (1995) contend that there is increasing acknowledgment that mental processes do

44

not operate in isolation but are robustly and interactively influenced by affective
processes such as motivation, self-worth and self-efficacy. They report on the cognitive
perspective of motivation, which seeks to understand why students choose to engage in
academic tasks rather than what tasks they’re actually doing. This perspective asserts
that if the desired outcome is to change students’ motivation, their beliefs or self-
perceptions will also need to be changed (Rueda & Dembo, 1995). Further literature
uncovers Schunk’s (1991) Goal Theory, which links the importance of setting specific
performance standards with developing a greater sense of learner self-efficacy regarding
a specific task. Schunk (1991) posits that allowing learners to set their own goals may
encourage greater interest in attaining them. By doing so, students take more
responsibility for their learning and in turn, develop greater self-efficacy (as cited in
Rueda & Dembo, 1995). Hence, the need for Native Hawaiian students to develop self-
efficacy beliefs, aimed toward triggering the motivation needed to master self-regulated
learning behaviors as students strive to reach certain academic and life goals.
According to Clark and Estes (2002), motivation is the driving force that gets
people going and keeps people moving toward completing tasks and accomplishing
goals. They assert that most researchers agree that there are three motivational indexes,
or types of motivational processes which drive people: 1) Active Choice: when people
choose to active pursue a performance goal; 2) Persistence: the ability to not allow

45

distractions toward attaining performance goals; and 3) Mental Effort: determining how
much the performance goal is worth investing attention, time and energy. This mental
effort is determined much by one’s level of confidence (Clark and Estes, 2002). They
believe that the sum of these three facets of motivated performance will lead to increased
performance, and in combination with effective knowledge, skills and work processes,
the result will be achievement of the performance goal (Clark and Estes, 2002).
Native Hawaiian Cultural Perspectives on Achievement Motivation
The task of discovering research that specifically speaks to the development of
self-efficacious learning and achievement motivation for Native Hawaiian students is an
arduous one. An early study, conducted in 1974 by a group of researchers at the
Kamehameha Schools Early Education Program (KEEP) department, addressed the uses
and limits of increasing student motivation for Native Hawaiian children (Lam,
Kidoguchi, Gallimore, Tharp, & Speidel, 1974). The subjects of this study were
kindergarten students participating in the Kamehameha Schools’ KEEP program during
the 1972-73 school year (Lam et al., 1974). Interestingly, this study begins by describing
Native Hawaiian students largely unmotivated, which is similar to the current data and
research on Native Hawaiian youth (Lam et al., 1974). The authors also characterized
these students as having a “short attention span” (Lam et al., 1974, p. 5).

46

Through observations of students in a classroom setting, the researchers measured
student motivation by its effects (i.e., how often students work, interaction with the
teacher, and observed behavior in certain situations) (Lam et al., 1974). From November,
1972, through April, 1973, a total of 232 observation sessions of both teachers and
students were run over a total of 92 days (Lam et al., 1974). Three observations,
approximately fifteen minutes each, were conducted each day, totaling an average of 45
minutes per day (Lam et al., 1974). Observations and subsequent recordings were made
on the following pre-established student categories: (a) On-task; (b) Off-task; (c)
Disruptive; and (d) Between-task (Lam et al., 1974). Teachers were observed and
recorded using the following six response categories: (a) V+ (verbal praise or supportive
comments); (b) NV+ (non-verbal form or reward); (c) V- (verbal desist or disapproving
statement); (d) NV- (non-verbal desist, for example, physically stopping a child from
engaging in an undesirable behavior); (e) VP (verbal prompt designed to elicit a specific
behavior from the student); and (f) MP (modeling a desirable behavior intended to elicit a
similar response from the student) (Lam et al., 1974).
Generally, Lam et al. (1974) found that motivation is a condition of the
classroom, not of the student, and the teacher is mostly responsible for creating a learning
environment conducive to developing highly motivated students. They further concluded

47

that teachers who are skillful at incorporating positive social reinforcement could expect
to develop high levels of achievement motivation in their students (Lam et al., 1974).
Yamauchi and Greene (1997) investigated the relationship between various
sociocultural factors and the development of perceived academic self-efficacy in Native
Hawaiian adolescents. They presented a review of the literature pertinent to their study
which underlined the aforementioned work of Bandura (1995), who concluded that
perceived self-efficacy affects students’ aspirations, level of interest in intellectual
pursuits, academic accomplishments, and how well they prepare themselves for different
occupational careers (as cited in Yamauchi & Greene, 1997). In their study, which
involved 202 participants in grades 7 (n=120) and 10 (n=82) from a rural public
secondary school, they used Bandura’s Children’s Multidimensional Self-Efficacy
Scales, developed in 1989 (Yamauchi & Greene, 1997). Students were asked to answer
open-ended questions about their grades in school, their career expectations, and how
they thought they were perceived by their parents, peers, and teachers (Yamauchi &
Greene, 1997). Generally, Hawaiian students reported lower perceived self-efficacy for
academic achievement than their U.S. mainland counterparts (Yamauchi & Greene,
1997).

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Regarding findings associated with gender, the results of a multiple regression
analysis revealed that male Native Hawaiian students associated with lower self-efficacy
for self-regulated learning than their female coequals (Yamauchi & Greene, 1997).
Interestingly, one of the open-ended questions asked students to reflect on the type of job
they expected after high school. Most of the responses from the high efficacy Native
Hawaiian students (79%) indicated that they expected professional jobs (Yamauchi &
Greene, 1997). Some of the female low efficacy students (43%) also expected
professional jobs, but none of the low efficacy male students did (Yamauchi & Greene,
1997). Further data on the low efficacy male students revealed that twenty-nine percent
of them were undecided about prospective careers, and of the other seventy-one percent,
half of them expected skilled laborer positions (Yamauchi & Greene, 1997).
In their study, Yamauchi and Greene (1997) asked the question, “Why do Native
Hawaiian boys have lower self-efficacy?” (p. 11). Brandon, Jordan, and Higa (1995)
report that recent research on gender differences in math achievement among students in
Hawai‘i indicates that females score higher than their male counterparts, which is
dissimilar to data nationwide (as cited in Yamauchi & Greene, 1997, p. 11). To explain
this, Brandon et al. (1995) suggest that for many Native Hawaiian children, the sibling
group within the family is an important structure, in which the older sibling, often the

49

eldest girl, is designated as the leader (as cited in Yamauchi & Greene, 1997, p. 12). As
such, the girls’ roles in sibling groups are compatible with the expectations of students in
school, especially pertaining to interactions with adults (Yamauchi & Greene, 1997).
Conversely, Brandon et al. (1995) suggest that Native Hawaiian boys develop strong
relationships with other male peers that compete with the demands of their family (as
cited in Yamauchi & Greene, 1997, p. 12). They further suggest that this bonding often
leads to contentious or kolohe (rascal) behavior among Native Hawaiian boys which
tends to be perceived as being more disruptive to teachers and classmates than general
behavior displayed by girls (Yamauchi & Greene, 1997). To summarize, Brandon et al.
(1995) hold that school related or academic tasks, especially those related to self-
regulated learning, correspond more with tasks that are expected of girls at home (as cited
in Yamauchi & Greene, 1997, p. 12). Whereas, at school, Native Hawaiian boys may be
more prone to behaving in ways that resist authority and reinforce peer group consensus
(Yamauchi & Greene, 1997). Yamauchi and Greene (1997) concluded that school
structures that better accommodate students’ cultural tendencies and preferences would
likely lead to more active and positive participation in school. This, in turn, would
influence more commendatory feedback from teachers and other school staff members,
which would increase students’ perceived self-efficacy.

50

As with other indigenous student groups, Native Hawaiian children grapple with
negative stereotypes and ethnic bias on an ongoing basis (Kana‘iaupuni & Ishibashi,
2003). As a result of being discriminated and stereotyped against, academic development
and motivation is obstructed for many Native Hawaiian students. As Benham and Heck
(1998) maintain, another motivational barrier for Native Hawaiian students may include
the notion that many teachers are not familiar with Native Hawaiian students’ cultural
backgrounds, as Native Hawaiians account for only 8% of the state’s public educators (as
cited in Yamauchi, 2003, p. 380). Conversely, educational programs that have attempted
to be more culturally compatible with Native Hawaiian youth have reported some degree
of success (Yamauchi, 2003). Yamauchi (2003) also asserts that Hawaiian students may
also find that the school curriculum is not relevant to their experiences.
Kana‘iaupuni (2004) suggests that instead of focusing on all the negative data that
represent the predicament of Native Hawaiian students (e.g., low test scores, high dropout
rates, high retention rates, high absenteeism, high rate of pregnancy, low-income status,
etc.), researchers should seek to present the strong face of the Hawaiian people. She
argues that Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders must call for a critical, strengths-based
approach to research, focusing on positive experiences and outcomes. Fetterman (2000)
and Tuhiwai Smith (1999) declare that strengths-based research is about empowerment,

51

benefiting the people involved in the study by giving them voice, insight, and political
power (as cited in Kana‘iaupuni, 2004).
There is a current study underway which may provide valuable insight as to the
link between culture-based education and the development of self-efficacy for Native
Hawaiian students. Both employees at the Kamehameha Schools Research and
Evaluation Division, Ledward and Takayama (2008) are in the process of studying the
effect of culture-based educational strategies on socio-emotional development (i.e., self-
worth, cultural identity, and relationships with ‘ohana and community) and educational
outcomes (i.e., student engagement, student achievement, and student behavior). Their
initial analyses explore culturally relevant pedagogical practices, and their subsequent
research will focus on direct and indirect effects on student outcomes.
Ames (1992), Dweck (2000), and Lumsden (1994) contribute to the research on
motivation which contains many admonitions, suggestions and assertions for what
educators and policy makers must do to motivate reluctant or apathetic learners to
achieve; however, this research rarely mentions the voices of students (as cited in Daniels
and Arapostathis, 2005, p. 53-54). Deci (1995) and Dweck (2000) argue that in order to
keep adolescent students engaged and working in school, educators must work on
building trusting relationships with students (as cited in Daniels and Arapostathis, 2005,

52

p. 54). McPhail et al. (2000) claim that curriculum must be aligned with student interest,
and Deci (1995) suggests that the use of extrinsic rewards should be decreased so as to
not undermine the intrinsic value of learning experiences (as cited in Daniels and
Arapostathis, 2005, p. 54). Additionally, the key to motivation is recognizing and
rewarding learning effort and achievement (Bishop, 1989). Frequent awards ceremonies
should recognize individual effort to attain learning goals, so that every deserving student
is recognized sometime during the school year (Bishop, 1989).
Perhaps Native Hawaiian students, through connecting with their cultural identity,
can potentially be more purposeful and intentional in their learning processes, thus
becoming more motivated. Perhaps the culture of Hawaiian language immersion schools
is inspiring Hawaiian students to claim more ownership to their learning journey and
their preparation for the future. Ownership requires students to take responsibility for
bringing relevant, personal, authentic experiences to their school learning. Teachers must
also take responsibility by providing opportunities for using oral and written Hawaiian
language in meaningful ways (Kawakami and Dudoit, 2000). In immersion schools, per
se, the revival of Hawaiian language and culture within the context of the state’s public
education system enables the culture of the home and the community to be a significant
part of schooling for Hawaiian children (Kawakami and Dudoit, 2000).

53

Influence of Hawaiian Language Immersion Education
Chapter One explains the establishment of the Hawaiian Language Immersion
Program (HLIP), Ka Papahana Kaiapuni Hawai‘i, in 1987. Eleven years later, as
reported by Marcos (1999), in 1998, the National Foreign Language Center and the
Center for Applied Linguistics introduced the Heritage Language Initiative (as cited in
Yamauchi, Ceppi, & Lau-Smith, 2000). Marcos (1999) further asserts that this initiative
was an effort to respond to the growing concern that the multilingual population in the
United States was decreasing (as cited in Yamauchi et al., 2000). Studies conducted by
Reyhner & Tennant (1995), Reyhner (1996) and St. Clair (1982) claim that in addition to
losing a language, important components of a community are also lost, including cultural
knowledge and values (as cited in Yamauchi et al., 2000). According to Brecht and
Ingold (1999, p. 3), the vision of the Heritage Language Initiative is to construct “an
education system more responsive to heritage communities and national language needs
and capable of producing a broad cadre of citizens able to function professionally in both
English and another language” (as cited in Yamauchi et al., 2000).
Miller (1999) asserts that immersion students will not only do as well as children
in English-only classrooms, with the additional advantage of being functionally bilingual
at the end of seven years, but are likely to outperform monolingual students on

54

standardized measurements of English language competency. Miller (1999) further
claims that immersion research indicates that immersion students are able to successfully
transfer content area knowledge from the target language (i.e., Hawaiian) to their native
language (i.e., English).
In work done by Jim Cummins (1990) in the area of bilingual education, he
proposed a model containing four key components necessary to enhance the learning of
minority or indigenous students: (1) the need to include native language and culture; (2)
curriculum and instructional strategies which are culturally relevant and meaningful; (3)
involvement from the community; and (4) assessment based on students’ assets rather
than needs (Kawakami, 1999). Kawakami (1999) posits that the combination of
Hawaiian research findings with Cummins’ model sets the platform for discussion in
planning effective educational programs for Native Hawaiian students. She proposes six
essential areas for planning and collaboration purposes: (a) Hawaiian Identity: cultivating
Hawaiian history, values, and traditions; (b) Hawaiian Sense of Place: focusing on the
historical significance certain places and physical environments; (c) Hawaiian Ways of
Knowing: the art of inserting education into the students’ culture, as opposed to inserting
culture into the students’ education; (d) Hawaiian language: learning and perpetuating the
native language, which was abolished in Hawai‘i’s schools around 1896; (e) Service to

55

Hawaiian Communities: promoting cultural values such as ‘ohana (family), providing
service to the greater community beyond the school; and (f) Focus on Competencies:
creating a cultural learning environment based on a strengths-based and assets approach
(Kawakami, 1999).
Pertaining specifically to Hawaiian language immersion education, Yamauchi,
Ceppi, and Lau-Smith (1999) conducted a study to analyze some of the sociohistorical
influences on the Hawaiian language immersion program’s initiation and development.
They were particularly interested in gaining an understanding of how the history of
Hawaiian language usage influenced the start of the program, and documenting the
perception of various stakeholders of the program (Yamauchi et al., 1999). They
gathered data through semi-structured interviews with people involved in the early
development of the program, via review of research material, newspaper and newsletter
articles, and an analysis of selected Hawai‘i Department of Education and Board of
Edcuation documents (Yamauchi et al., 1999).
As the program sought establishment within Hawai‘i’s public schools, they found
that it was mainly due to the persistent efforts of a passionate group of educators, parents,
and Hawaiian activists who lobbied the Board of Education for implementation of the
program (Yamauchi et al., 1999). As a result, on July 23, 1987, the BOE passed a

56

resolution approving the implementation of the program as a pilot K-1 project at four
sites on four different islands for the 1987 fall semester (Yamauchi et al., 1999). As the
fledgling program began its implementation, three main concerns emerged: (a) finding
appropriate school sites; (b) hiring qualified teachers; and (c) obtaining and developing
proper curriculum materials fully in the Hawaiian language (Yamauchi et al., 1999).
As the initial group of students was allowed to progress through elementary
grades within the immersion instructional model, another important concern was
expressed by DOE officials: that delaying formal instruction in English language arts
until the fifth grade would risk the students’ overall future academic success, including
performance on standardized assessments in English (Yamauchi et al., 1999). Despite
strong opposition within the DOE community, in September, 1992, the BOE again sided
with immersion parents and approved a plan to expand the program through grade 12
(Yamauchi et al., 1999).
Per their study, Yamauchi et al. (1999) concluded that in addition to revitalizing
the Hawaiian language, many of the interviewees recognized the program’s potential
influence on promoting the education of Native Hawaiian youth, who are often regarded
academically at risk. They also maintained that many of the challenges remain the same:
finding qualified teachers, developing rigorous and appropriate curriculum (especially at

57

the secondary level), and garnering support from the non-immersion community
(Yamauchi et al., 1999).
Yamauchi and Wilhelm (2001) assert that immersion teachers emphasize modes
of learning that have been used in traditional Hawaiian culture, such as project-based,
place-based, hands-on, observational, memorization, and recitation (as cited in
Yamauchi, Ceppi, & Lau-Smith, 2000, p. 391). Environmentally, Hawaiian immersion
schools experience a transformation that is strongly embedded in and driven by the
values, knowledge, and activities of the Hawaiian culture (Yamauchi et al., 2000). As
such, daily interaction between Hawaiian immersion teachers and students includes deep-
rooted Hawaiian cultural values such as aloha (love, affection, kindness, compassion,
sympathy, and charity), ‘ohana (family), hö‘ihi (respect), kuleana (responsibility), and
pili (relationships) (Yamauchi et al., 2000).
The influence of indigenous language immersion education on student outcomes
has systematically been difficult to evaluate in large part due to the lack of appropriate
assessment measures as well as various types of resource shortages, e.g., fiscal, human,
facilities, curriculum, and supplies (Kana‘iaupuni, et al., 2005). However, studies have
examined the effects of indigenous language immersion education, and promising results
in student achievement have been cited.

58

To illustrate, Holm and Holm (1995) learned that Navajo immersion students
significantly outperformed their non-immersion peers on standardized math tests and
scored as well or better than non-immersion students on English assessments (as cited in
Kana‘iaupuni et al., 2005). Slaughter and Lai (1994) administered a six-year longitudinal
study of the original group of thirteen students who enrolled in the Hawaiian language
immersion program. Data was collected for these students from grade one through grade
six (Slaughter & Lai, 1994). During this time period, five other students joined the
original group, creating a total of eighteen students who were included in the study
(Slaughter & Lai, 1994). Their study focused on the academic achievement and
perceived attitudes of these eighteen students who completed grade six in the spring of
1993 (Slaughter & Lai, 1994). At the end of grade six, assessment data for reading,
writing, and math were gathered from the: (a) Qualitative Reading Inventory (QRI); (b)
Standard Achievement Test (SAT), which was written and administered in English; and
(c) Hawaiian translation of the Metropolitan Achievement Test 6 Intermediate level
(MAT/6) (Slaughter & Lai, 1994). Attitude assessment data were collected for the sixth
grade immersion students, and for comparison purposes, two English medium speaking
sixth grade student groups (Slaughter & Lai, 1994). Additional information was derived
from interviews of immersion students, parents, and teachers (Slaughter & Lai, 1994).

59

Slaughter and Lai (1994) found that the eighteen immersion students, in grade six,
were able to adequately read at the sixth or seventh grade level in English when assessed
on the QRI. The same group of students also performed adequately on the Hawaiian
reading assessment (Slaughter & Lai, 1994). Based on the data, they concluded that the
immersion students were performing adequately in reading bilingually (Slaughter & Lai,
1994).
Table 3 displays achievement data of the eighteen immersion students on the SAT
Total Reading and Mathematics Subtests (Slaughter & Lai, 1994). Representing the total
group of immersion students, they are either scored below average (stanines 1-3), average
(stanines 4-6), or above average (stanines 7-9). By comparison, data of student groups
representing state of Hawai‘i as well as national norms are included within Table 3
(Slaughter & Lai, 1994).

60

Table 3.
Percentage of Hawaiian Language Immersion Grade 6 Students Scoring Below Average,
Average and Above Average On the Standard Achievement Test Spring 1993 Reading
and Mathematics Tests
Group Total Reading Total Mathematics

Below
Average
Average
Above
Average
Below
Average
Average
Above
Average
HLIP 44 39 17 22 67 11
State of Hawai‘i 24 57 18 19 55 26
National Norms 23 54 23 23 54 23
Note. Below Average (stanines 1-3); Average (stanines 4-6); Above Average (stanines
7-9).

In addition to the quantitative academic achievement data illustrated above,
Slaughter and Lai (1994) also revealed that, in general, immersion students expressed
extremely positive attitudes toward the following statements: (a) using Hawaiian
language in the classroom; (b) themselves as speakers of the Hawaiian language; (c)
generally liking school; and (d) developing rich cultural experiences through being the
one chosen in their respective family to perpetuate the Hawaiian language and culture. In
summarizing their findings, Slaughter and Lai (1994) concluded that there was a wide
range of abilities seen in the eighteen immersion students who finished the sixth grade,
especially on the standardized test measures. They added that the immersion students

61

achieved at a similar level to their peer counterparts in the areas of English reading
comprehension, writing, and mathematics, but also observed that a weak area for these
students was English reading vocabulary (Slaughter & Lai, 1994). Slaughter and Lai
(1994) also surmised that the results suggest that some immersion students may need
additional tutoring to bolster their abilities in English curriculum. The also concluded
that the students’ attitudes suggest a high regard for the Hawaiian language and culture
(Slaughter & Lai, 1994). In general, they concluded that immersion students were doing
very well while participating in the Hawaiian language immersion program (Slaughter &
Lai, 1994). They asserted, “The program has accomplished a great deal in a short time,
and it should continue to be supported” (Slaughter & Lai, 1994, p. 31).
Kana‘iaupuni et al. (2005) maintain that immersion research suggests that
language immersion schools build students’ self-esteem and cultural identity, and they
improve academic engagement among children of historically alienated minorities. To
support this assertion, one such example is Ke Kula ‘o ‘Ehunuikaimalino (KKOE), a
public K-12 Hawaiian language immersion school located in Kealakekua, on the Big
Island of Hawai‘i. KKOE is one of seven self-contained immersion campus sites in the
state. The current principal, the author of this study, has served for eight years. During
his tenure, KKOE has experienced much growth and development. Demographically,

62

85% of its total student population (K-12) have identified themselves as being either
Hawaiian or Part-Hawaiian. Moreover, 60% of its students qualify for either free or
reduced lunch status, thus qualifying KKOE as a Title I school, meaning that the school
receives additional federal funding specifically earmarked for improving student
academic achievement, with a focus on literacy and math.
Pertaining to academic achievement, data reflect that during the past four school
years, school-wide reading proficiency percentage scores have more than tripled (from
23%-49%-67%-73%), and math proficiency percentage scores have nearly nonupled
(from 6%-22%-37%-53%). During this significant period of academic improvement,
KKOE has met AYP (Adequate Yearly Progress) four out of the last five school years.
Its NCLB (No Child Left Behind) status is currently “In Good Standing—
Unconditional.”
According to KKOE’s School Quality Survey (SQS), which was most recently
administered in 2007, the collected data shed some interesting inferences specifically in
the categories of Standards-Based Learning, Quality Student Support, and Satisfaction
(HIDOE, Systems Accountability Office, System Evaluation and Reporting Section,
2007). Every other year, all public schools in the state conduct this survey, which is
designed to assess perceived school quality (Systems Accountability Office, System

63

Evaluation and Reporting Section, HIDOE, 2007). It is administered to three constituent
groups: teachers, parents, and students in grades 5, 8, and 11 (Systems Accountability
Office, System Evaluation and Reporting Section, HIDOE, 2007). Respondents have the
choice of answering each question as Positive, Neutral, or Negative (Systems
Accountability Office, System Evaluation and Reporting Section, HIDOE, 2007). Under
the dimension of Standards-Based Learning, 88% of the teachers, 81% of the parents, and
60% of the students answered with a positive response, while less than 1% of the
teachers, 7% of the parents, and 13% of the students answered with a negative response.
Under the dimension of Quality Student Support, 89% of the teachers, 78% of the
parents, and 63% of the students answered with a positive response, while 4% of the
teachers, 8% of the parents, and 11% of the students answered with a negative response.
Under the dimension of Satisfaction, 81% of the teachers, 79% of the parents, and 67% of
the students answered with a positive response, while 0% of the teachers, 7% of the
parents, and 14% of the students answered with a negative response (Systems
Accountability Office, System Evaluation and Reporting Section, HIDOE, 2007).
The survey data suggest that the main constituent groups at KKOE approve of the
learning environment, including what’s being learned and how it is being taught. One
could argue that the high percentages of positive responses particularly in the categories

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of Satisfaction indicate that relationships between parents, students and teachers are
generally strong and supportive, which may directly lead to positive outcomes.
Conclusion
The literature generally paints a picture that depicts Native Hawaiian students as
being the products of an ethnic group of people who display characteristics of a deficits
model. Consequently, these students struggle with the stigma of being stereotyped by
their peers as lazy, underachieving, and lacking drive and motivation to succeed.
Although some increases have occurred with regard to academic assessment scores of
Native Hawaiian public school students, why do so many Native Hawaiian students still
continue to do poorly in most measures of academic engagement, even though some
progress has been made toward developing culturally relevant curriculum, even the
establishment of Hawaiian language immersion schools? There is a compelling need for
research to be done on Native Hawaiians based on strengths, rather than deficits, and
from the cultural view of the Native Hawaiian people. This approach would help Native
Hawaiian students tackle the ignominy of being labeled as slothful and low achievers.
As self-efficacy is the belief that one is capable of performing in a certain manner
to attain certain goals or accomplishing a specific task, the cognitive process must first
start with the individual being motivated to achieve a desired outcome. Then, according

65

to Bandura (1986), the ability to be self-efficacious in one’s learning journey is a critical
determinant to becoming self-regulated. In educational terms, self-regulated learners are
cognizant of their academic strengths and weaknesses, and they have a repertoire of
strategies they appropriately apply daily to meet the challenges of academic tasks.
The literature states that there needs to be a bridge between the culture in which
Native Hawaiian students practice at home with the culture they are exposed to and are
expected to be successful in at school. Native Hawaiian students need to learn in
environments conducive to accentuating their strengths instead of their weaknesses. The
literature further asserts that culture-based curriculum and practices, set within an
environment where group success and cooperative learning are essential components,
should strengthen cultural identity and improve academic performance.
In his research about motivating students who don’t care, Mendler (2000)
suggests the following five processes that educators can use for guidance as they apply
strategies to help adolescent students become self-regulated in their learning processes:
(1) Emphasizing Effort: successful learners generally believe that their effort is the key
factor in determining success. Allowing students to do the 3 Rs is highly recommended:
Redo, Retake, and Revise their work, giving students chances to improve, which is a sure
sign of giving forth effort; (2) Creating Hope: showing how achievement benefits

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students’ lives is the most conventional way of inspiring motivation. Tomlinson (2000)
notes, “students will learn best when they can make a connection between the curriculum
and their interests and life experiences” (as cited in Mendler, 2000, p. 23). Motivation is
facilitated when students create attainable goals that are specific, and then are given
opportunities to meet their goals. Focusing on results and success is so important to
motivating adolescent students; (3) Respecting Power: this process is critically important
in trying to develop self-regulated learners. Nothing destroys motivation faster than
when students feel disrespected by their peers as well as adults. Students need to be
empowered to make appropriate choices, give input, model to and mentor each other,
problem-solve, and take control of their behaviors; (4) Building Relationships:
motivation is inspired by building relationships in which are fortified with trust, respect,
openness, and affirmation. Students need to know that they are more important to
educators than their behaviors; and (5) Expressing Enthusiasm: philosopher and educator
Leo Stein proclaimed, “the perfect method of learning is analogous to infection. It enters
and spreads” (as cited in Mendler, 2000, p. 57). When educators expect success, they are
more likely to get it. Students are more motivated when teachers deliver content with
enthusiasm and express how much they love being their students’ teacher.

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Much of the research points to the correlation between a culturally relevant and
responsive environment and the potential to positively affect educational outcomes for
Native Hawaiian students. In some cases, increases of academic achievement have been
shown. However, there is compelling data that continue to paint the picture that many
Native Hawaiian students still lag behind other ethnic groups in the state of Hawai‘i. It is
important, through this study, to examine the specific correlation between factors of
cultural connectedness and achievement motivation for Native Hawaiian students. That
being stated, the pursuit of identifying these factors that increase achievement motivation
will have long-lasting effect on sustained success for Native Hawaiian students
throughout their adult lives, extending beyond academic achievement.

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Chapter 3

Methodology

Overview of the Study

This chapter will present an overview of the methodology used in this study. The
major sections included in this chapter are: (a) research design and unit of analysis; (b)
site and sample selection; (c) instrument and sampling; (d) dependent and independent
variables; (e) data collection; (f) data analysis; and (5) strengths and limitations.
Like many minority or indigenous adolescent groups, Native Hawaiian students
grapple with negative stereotypes and ethnic bias on an ongoing basis (Kana‘iaupuni &
Ishibashi, 2003). Native Hawaiian students are perceived by their peers as poor academic
performers, mainly due to their lack of effort and apathetic attitude toward education in
general (Kana‘iaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003). Achievement data appear to corroborate this
stereotype that, as compared with other ethnic groups, Native Hawaiian students are low
academic achievers and thus may be perceived as unmotivated learners.
This study, therefore, investigated the relationship between the achievement
motivation of Native Hawaiian public school students, as measured by X, and their
degree of cultural connectedness, as measured by Y. The relationships among measures
of both variables for students at the secondary level (grades 6-12) were compared across

69

varying educational settings (e.g., Public Hawaiian language immersion, Charter
Hawaiian language immersion, Charter Hawaiian-focused, and Private). More
specifically, the following research questions were examined:
1. To what extent is cultural connectedness related to achievement motivation among
Native Hawaiian students in grades 6-12?
a. As cultural connectedness consists of multiple elements, which elements of
cultural connectedness, if any, correlate significantly with achievement
motivation for Native Hawaiian secondary students?
2. To what extent does achievement motivation and the elements of cultural
connectedness vary by gender and grade level?
3. To what extent does achievement motivation and the elements of cultural
connectedness vary by school type?
4. Within one public Hawaiian language immersion school, Ke Kula ‘o
‘Ehunuikaimalino, what are the mean levels of achievement motivation and cultural
connectedness and do these levels vary by gender and grade level?
Research Design and Unit of Analysis
This study was a secondary data analysis. It was a quantitative study comparing
and correlating the relationships of independent and dependent variables. Specifically,

70

the correlation between the independent variables of cultural connectedness and the
dependent variable of achievement motivation was examined, and that data was used to
compare school type, gender, and grade level. A quantitative approach was chosen
because quantitative analyses, unlike their qualitative counterparts, tend to be very
specific in nature (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2006). Additionally, this study highlighted
several strengths associated with using a quantitative approach. For example, already
constructed theories (e.g., culturally relevant pedagogy) were tested and validated, data
collection was done relatively quickly (e.g., survey), precise and numerical data was
provided, and data was collected and analyzed from a large sample size (Johnson &
Onwuegbuzie, 2004).
Moreover, this study’s research questions were aligned with the assertion that
most quantitative research questions fall into one of three categories: (a) descriptive; (b)
comparative; and (c) relationship (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2006). Befitting traditional
characteristics of a quantitative study, this study used standardized measures so that the
varying perspectives and experiences of the survey participants could be fit into a
controlled number of predetermined response categories to which numbers were assigned
(Patton, 2002).

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This study utilized a cross-sectional design examining survey data. This research
design, in the form of survey data, allowed students, in a variety of learning settings, to
freely respond to a series of statements. Through this method, a natural process of
gathering diverse data recorded by self-reported information from participating students
could then be examined through various forms of statistical analysis.
This study sought to explore the relationship between culturally relevant and
responsive learning environments and achievement motivation for Native Hawaiian
secondary students by comparing achievement motivation scores of secondary students at
different learning settings (e.g., Public Hawaiian language immersion, Charter Hawaiian
language immersion, Charter Hawaiian-focused, and Private). The survey data not only
illustrated indicators for a cross-section of Native Hawaiian youth statewide, but they
also presented multi-institutional data that compared Native Hawaiian youth attending
schools with different learning environments.
The multi-institutional component of this study was critical to comparing different
culturally based learning environments and comparing their relationship to achievement
motivation for Native Hawaiian secondary students.

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Site and Sample Selection
The impetus of this study was to focus on secondary students (grades 6-12)
statewide representing four school types: (1) Public Hawaiian language immersion; (2)
Charter Hawaiian language immersion; (3) Charter Hawaiian-focused; and (4) Private.
These secondary students were the primary unit of analysis for this study. The other area
of focus was the secondary students at Ke Kula ‘o ‘Ehunuikaimalino (KKOE), a public
K-12 Hawaiian language immersion school located in Kealakekua, Hawai‘i island. As its
standardized test scores attest, KKOE has exhibited significant improvement in reading
and math proficiency, meeting AYP (Adequate Yearly Progress) four out of the last five
years. Over the span of the last four school years, reading proficiency at KKOE has more
than tripled (23%-49%-66%-73%), and math proficiency has nearly nonupled (6%-22%-
38%-53%). For the 2007-2008 school year, the state’s benchmark for reading
proficiency was 58% (No Child Left Behind, Accountability Resource Center Hawai‘i,
HIDOE, 2006). The state, which represents all public schools, marked a reading
proficiency percentage of 62% (No Child Left Behind, Accountability Resource Center
Hawai‘i, HIDOE, 2006). By comparison, KKOE’s reading proficiency percentage scored
at 73%. In math proficiency, 43% of all public school students assessed were proficient
(No Child Left Behind, Accountability Resource Center Hawai‘i, HIDOE, 2006).

73

Comparatively, 53% of KKOE’s students tested proved to be proficient. So, compared to
other public schools that have large populations of Native Hawaiian students, KKOE’s
students are performing significantly better in both reading and math proficiency.
KKOE’s NCLB (No Child Left Behind) status is currently “In Good Standing—
Unconditional.”
There were 75 students who comprised the secondary division (grades 6-12) at
KKOE. Demographically, the students-per-grade-level breakdown was as follows: Gr. 6:
17 students; Gr. 7: 15 students; Gr. 8: 17 students; Gr. 9: 6 students; Gr. 10: 5 students;
Gr. 11: 4 students; and Gr. 12: 11 students. For the 3
rd
Quarter of the 2008-2009 school
year, sixteen students (21%) earned a G.P.A. (Grade Point Average) between 3.0-3.4, and
fifteen students (20%) earned a G.P.A. between 3.5-4.0. In total, thirty-one secondary
students (41%) were earning a 3.0 or above. Overall, 51% of the secondary students at
KKOE qualified for Free and Reduced Lunch status. Pertaining to ethnicity, 81% of the
secondary students at KKOE characterized themselves as either Hawaiian or Part-
Hawaiian. Of the 75 secondary students, nine students (12%) were certified as Special
Education students. Of the 75 total secondary students attending KKOE, 8 of them opted
to not participate in taking the survey.

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In addition to the 67 secondary students attending KKOE, there were
approximately 3,100 other students statewide who are also participating in taking the Nä
‘Öpio Survey. This large student sample represented twelve Hawaiian-focused public or
charter schools (including Hawaiian language immersion, non-Hawaiian language
immersion and culture-based learning settings), various Extension Education Programs
provided by the Kamehameha Schools, and The Kamehameha Schools, a private school
that requires their students to demonstrate proof of Hawaiian ancestry. The Kamehameha
Schools’ Extension Education Programs serve as outreach programs, connecting their
cultural as well as academic learning opportunities with Native Hawaiian youth statewide
who are not students at Kamehameha during the regular school year. Of the 3,213 total
students statewide who took the survey, 687 (21%) represented Hawaiian-focused public
or charter schools, 962 (30%) have participated in one of Kamehameha Schools’
Extension Education Programs, and 1,564 (49%) attended one of the Kamehameha
Schools’ campuses, either on O‘ahu, Maui, or Hawai‘i island.
As Ladson-Billings (1995) posits, for indigenous and minority students to have a
chance to succeed academically, there needs to be a cultural fit between students’ home
culture and their school culture. Furthermore, John-Steiner and Mahn (1996) hypothesize
that the relatively poor academic performance of Hawaiian children may be due to a

75

mismatch between the culture of home and what has been called the culture of school (as
cited in Schonleber, 2006). As a result, recent research asserts that culture-based
educational strategies are emerging as a promising means to address the academic
disparities between indigenous students and their peers (Ledward & Takayama, 2008).
Instrument and Sampling
As mentioned in Chapter Two, much of the research pertaining to Native
Hawaiian youth has been based on a deficits model that primarily indicates that these
youth are either at or near the bottom of every measurable indicator of academic success
and school engagement (Kana‘iaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003; Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008).
For the purpose of this study, data were collected through the administering of the Nä
‘Öpio Survey (See Appendix A), the product of a collaborative effort between the
Kamehameha Schools Research and Evaluation Division, several Hawaiian-focused
charter schools, and the Search Institute (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008). This survey is an
instrument that measures youth developmental assets from a Native Hawaiian
perspective, seeking to identify the contributing factors of positive development among
Native Hawaiian youth (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008). In addition to identifying a variety
of student assets, this survey is designed to produce a final product that will investigate

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the contributions of schools to student assets, and recognize opportunities for further
fortifying student assets (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008).
The survey begins with nine demographic questions and statements, followed by
120 questions and statements divided under the following subheadings: About My School
(20); About Me in School (21); About Me (8); About My Family and Community (17);
About My Beliefs and Values (27); and About My Activities (27). Starting with question
number 10, each student is asked to choose one answer from a seven-point Likert scale,
ranging from Strongly Agree, to Agree, to Somewhat Agree, to Neutral, Somewhat
Disagree, to Disagree, to Strongly Disagree.
According to Medeiros and Tibbetts (2008), in May 2008, a customized pilot-test
survey called the ‘Öpio Survey, which is comprised of components of the Search
Institute’s Profiles of Student Life: Attitudes and Behaviors assets survey, the Hawaiian
Cultural Connectedness scale (developed by The Kamehameha Schools, which consists
of six subscales), and a modified version of the Rosenburg Self-Esteem Scale (indicators
of positive youth development), was administered. This pilot-test was given to an
aggregate sample totaling 411 students in grades five through twelve in ten Hawaiian-
focused schools (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008). Nearly 90% of the participating students

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described themselves as being either Hawaiian or Part-Hawaiian (Medeiros & Tibbetts,
2008).
The first component of this survey, the Search Institute Derived Scales, measures
youth developmental assets, such as pro-social values, achievement motivation, high
expectations, parent involvement in schooling, active learning, caring school climate, and
school engagement (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008). In the pilot survey, 85% of the students
reported being strongly motivated to achieve academically; however, only 29% reported
experiencing school engagement and 23% reported a positive orientation to schoolwork
(Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008).
The Hawaiian Cultural Connectedness Scale contains six subscales, specifically
designed to assess the extent to which students are connected to Hawaiian cultural values
and practices (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008). The six subscales are identified as: (1)
cultural attachment; (2) Hawaiian language; (3) connection to ‘äina (land); (4) connection
to ‘ohana (family); (5) cultural practices; and (6) cultural issues (Medeiros & Tibbetts,
2008). Of these six subscales, cultural attachment garnered the largest percentage of
students (68%) who disclosed experiencing cultural attachment while in school, and 64%
rated experiencing the Hawaiian language as an asset (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008). In

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all, 43% of the students declared active participation in Hawaiian cultural practices
(Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008).
Medeiros and Tibbetts (2008) assert that the Rosenburg Self-Esteem Scale is the
most widely used scale to measure self-esteem, self-worth, and self-acceptance of
adolescents. In the pilot test of the ‘Öpio Survey, 53% of the students reported
experiencing positive self-esteem (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008).
The overall results of the pilot test infer that there is a strong correlation between
students who experience strong Hawaiian cultural connectedness and the likelihood of
experiencing developmental assets that potentially lead to greater school achievement and
life success (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008). Hence, the relationship between Hawaiian
cultural connectedness and other developmental assets has promising implications
concerning the relevance of Hawaiian culture-based education (CBE) and its role in
enhancing academic and successful life skills for Native Hawaiian youth (Medeiros &
Tibbetts, 2008).
Independent and Dependent Variables
The dependent variable of this study was achievement motivation. According to
Clark and Estes (2002), motivation is the driving force that gets people going and keeps
people moving toward completing tasks and accomplishing goals. They assert that most

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researchers agree that there are three motivational indexes, or types of motivational
processes which drive people: 1) Active Choice: when people choose to actively pursue a
performance goal; 2) Persistence: the ability to not allow distractions toward attaining
performance goals; and 3) Mental Effort: determining how much the performance goal is
worth investing attention, time and energy. This mental effort is determined much by
one’s level of confidence (Clark and Estes, 2002). They believe that the sum of these
three facets of motivated performance will lead to increased performance, and in
combination with effective knowledge, skills and work processes, the result will be
achievement of the performance goal (Clark and Estes, 2002).
The different subscales contained in the survey provide the independent variables,
which should impact the dependent variable. Within the survey are the following six
Hawaiian Cultural Connectedness subscales: (1) cultural attachment; (2) Hawaiian
language; (3) connection to ‘äina (land); (4) connection to ‘ohana (family); (5) cultural
practices; and (6) cultural issues (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008), as well as the independent
variables of school type, gender and grade level. Shawna Medeiros (personal
communication, Feb. 27, 2009) explained that the survey also measures the following
student developmental assets: (a) caring school climate; (b) self-esteem; (c) parent
involvement in schooling; (d) service to others; (e) high expectations; (f) youth programs;

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(g) school engagement; (h) bonding to school; and (i) spiritual development. None of
these were included in this study.
Data Collection
Patton (2002) asserts that quantitative research methods usually depend on larger
sample sizes selected randomly. Deriving from statistical probability theory, a large
randomly selected sample permits confident generalization from a sample to a larger
population, and it controls for selection bias (Patton, 2002). For this study, the Nä ‘Öpio
survey was administered statewide to a large sample size, approximately 3,200 students,
but this sampling would be accurately depicted as a purposeful sampling of information-
rich cases. As Patton (2002) defines, “Information-rich cases are those from which one
can learn a great deal about issues of central importance to the purpose of the inquiry,
thus the term purposeful sampling” (p. 230). In order to provide answers to this study’s
research questions, the focus must be on Native Hawaiian secondary students whose
learning settings are culturally rich in Native Hawaiian values and practices.
The Kamehameha Schools Research and Evaluation Division oversaw the
administration of the survey throughout the state, involving approximately 3,200
students. These students represented public Hawaiian language immersion schools,
charter Hawaiian language immersion schools, charter Hawaiian-focused schools, and a

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private school (i.e., Kamehameha Middle and High Schools). The secondary students at
KKOE are included in this effort as a public Hawaiian language immersion school. The
Kamehameha Schools Research and Evaluation Division also collected and analyzed the
data, as well as distributed pertinent reports to all participating schools.
As set forth by the Kamehameha Schools Research and Evaluation division, the
protocol for student participation included a parent form, which explained the design and
purpose of the survey, along with a section in which parents could opt to not permit their
child to participate in taking the survey. For the secondary students at KKOE, parent
forms were sent home with each secondary student on Thursday, April 16, 2009, asking
for a response no later than Friday, April 17, 2009. Of the 75 total forms that were sent
home to parents, 8 students, all seniors, opted not to participate in the taking the survey.
On Monday morning, April 20, 2009, seventy secondary students at KKOE took the
survey in the school’s cafeteria. It took approximately forty-five minutes for all
participating students to complete the survey. The surveys were collected and returned to
the Kamehameha Schools Research and Evaluation Division on Thursday, April 23, 2009
for data analysis. Individual study participant scores and school data was returned to
KKOE in October of 2009.

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Data Analysis
The primary purpose of this study was to determine to what extent a culturally
relevant and responsive learning environment impacted achievement motivation for
Native Hawaiian secondary students. Descriptive statistics and frequencies were run on
the entire data set, and then by school type, grade level, and gender. Each of the
independent variables was examined to determine its correlation to achievement
motivation. By computing a correlation coefficient, the data reflected which of the
independent variables had either a direct or indirect correlation to achievement
motivation.
More specifically, to answer research question 1, a correlation between
achievement motivation and cultural connectedness was run for the entire sample. The
following independent variables represented the six elements of cultural connectedness:
(1) connection to ‘ohana (family); (2) connection to ‘äina (land); (3) cultural attachment;
(4) cultural issues; (5) cultural practices; and (6) Hawaiian language. On the first three
measures of cultural connectedness, high scores indicate lower cultural connectedness.
In contrast, for the remaining three indices, lower scores indicate higher cultural
connectedness. The dependent variable is achievement motivation, and higher scores
indicate lower cultural connectedness.

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Mean differences in achievement motivation and cultural connectedness were
examined by a one-way analysis of variance. The independent variables were school
type, gender and grade level. Paired comparisons in school type and grade level were
conducted by using a t-test.
Finally, a detailed examination was conducted specifically pertaining to survey
participants attending Ke Kula ‘o ‘Ehunuikaimalino. Similarly, a correlation between
achievement motivation and cultural connectedness was run for this group of students.
Then, similar correlations were run by gender and grade level. Why is it important to
perform a focused study at Ke Kula ‘o ‘Ehunuikaimlaino? According to evaluators at the
RMC Research Corporation (2002), they found that students who attend Hawaiian
language immersion schools feel more connected to their school and community, they
believe they contribute to their school and are valued by both adults and other students,
and they have more school pride and care more about academic issues, compared to
students at non-immersion settings (as cited in Yamauchi, 2003, p. 381). Hopefully, this
study will corroborate that assertion.
Achievement motivation, connection to ‘ohana (family), connection to ‘äina
(land) and cultural attachment were scaled on a 7 point Likert (SA-SD) scale in which
higher motivation and connectedness were indicated by lower numbers. The element of

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cultural issues was scaled on a 1-5 point Likert (I don’t know what this is-I do something
about this regularly) scale in which higher connectedness to cultural issues were indicated
by higher numbers. The element of cultural practices was originally scaled on a 1-5 point
Likert (I don’t know what this is-I practice this often) scale in which higher
connectedness to cultural practices was indicated by higher numbers. However, the
scoring of these items was changed to a 3 point scale by the Kamehameha Schools
Research and Evaluation Division, focusing on the frequency of the action versus the
value (i.e., if the student knew what the practice was and if they felt it was important).
Thus, the scale was additive with a range of 0-24 over 12 survey items (0=Not practicing
it; 1=Practicing it sometimes; 2=Practicing it often). The element of Hawaiian language
was scaled on a 4 point Likert (Not at all-Very well) scale in which higher connectedness
to Hawaiian language was indicated by higher numbers.
The following table explains the survey’s field-test constructs, connecting specific
survey items to individual developmental assets (Kamehameha Schools Research &
Evaluation, 2009; See Table 4):

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Table 4.
‘Öpio Youth Development and Assets Survey Field-Test Constructs
Assets Item #s Subscale Type Scoring
Caring school climate 10-19 (piloting Q13-14) Modified Search
Institute Assets
7 pt SA-SD
Mean LE 2, SA or A
(reverse scoring for 19)
High expectations 20-23, 59-60 Modified Search
Institute Assets
7 pt SA-SD
Mean LE 2, SA or A
Bonding to school 24-29, 47-50 Modified Search
Institute Assets
7 pt SA-SD
Mean LE 2, SA or A
Achievement motivation 30-36 Modified Search
Institute Assets
7 pt SA-SD
Mean LE 2, SA or A
School engagement
• Active learning
• Positive orientation
to school work

37-40
41-46
Modified Search
Institute Assets
7 pt SA-SD
Mean LE 2, SA or A
7 pt SA-SD
Mean LE 2, SA or A
(reverse scoring for 43)

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Table 4, Continued

Parent involvement in
schooling
70-75 Modified Search
Institute Assets
5 pt Most days-Hardly
ever/never
71-74 Mean LE 2, SA or
A
75 LE 4
Spiritual development 88-96 Modified Search
Institute Assets
4 pt, This is a lot & sort
of like me
Mean LE 2, SA or A
Service to others
• Prosocial
orientation
• Frequency
volunteer
• Environmental
stewardship
• Prosocial values

97

106

107-108

98-102
Modified Search
Institute Assets

LE 2, sort of or a lot like
me
GE 2, one or more hours
a week
LE 3, monthly or more
often
Mean LE 2, some or big
influence

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Table 4, Continued

Youth programs

Quality of youth
programs
103-105

109-112
Modified Search
Institute Assets
4 pt, 0-5 hours
Sum of 103-105=GE 5
(at least 2 hours per
week total)
4 pt, Very often-Often
Youth_prog=1 and
Mean LE 2
Connection to family 61-64, 67-69 Hawaiian Cultural
Connectedness Scale
7 pt SA-SD
Mean LE 2, SA or A
Connection to land 76-78 Hawaiian Cultural
Connectedness Scale
7 pt SA-SD
Mean LE 2, SA or A
Cultural attachment 79-87 Hawaiian Cultural
Connectedness Scale
7 pt SA-SD
Mean LE 2, SA or A
Cultural issues 113-116 Hawaiian Cultural
Connectedness Scale
5 pt I don’t know what
this is-I do something
about this regularly
Mean GE 3 for at least 2
items & GE 4 for at
least 1 item

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Table 4, Continued

Cultural practices 117-129 Hawaiian Cultural
Connectedness Scale
5 pt I don’t know what
this is-I practice this
often
Mean greater than 3
Hawaiian language 7-9 Hawaiian Cultural
Connectedness Scale
4 pt Not at all-Very well
Mean GE 3
Rosenberg self-esteem
scale (modified)
51-58 Modified Rosenberg
Self-Esteem Scale
4 pt SA-SD
LE 2 (reverse scoring
for 52, 55, 57)

Through this process, hopefully future outcomes can be predicted from current
ones. This analysis will determine the strength of the correlations of each of the
independent variables (cultural connectedness, school type, gender, and grade level) to
the dependent variable (achievement motivation).
The implications of these types of analyses will be potentially far reaching in
developing a model school structure for motivating Native Hawaiian secondary students.
The results of this study will specifically inform the staff at KKOE how their current
efforts compare to other Hawaiian-focused and non-Hawaiian-focused schools, what
environmental variables are effective, and what environmental variables need to be

89

improved and better aligned for enhancing the level of achievement motivation for their
secondary students.
Strengths and Limitations
There were three main strengths in this study. The first strength was that the
survey instrument being used had already been pilot-tested (in 2008), and now was being
administered as a field test. The Research and Evaluation Division at the Kamehameha
Schools has worked diligently in refining the survey to carefully and purposefully include
the pertinent components toward assessing student developmental assets. The second
strength of this study was that it was being administered to a large sample size, in excess
of 3,100 secondary students statewide. This allowed the opportunity to implement
multiple types of analyses and comparisons in a variety of learning settings. The results
comprehensively informed the research questions of this study. Third, the survey
encompassed a comprehensive array of assessment variables, both general and specific to
Hawaiian culture. The survey developers incorporated components of three different
assets scales to derive at this edition of the Nä ‘Öpio survey.
There were three main limitations in this study. First, the administering of the
survey, done at individual school campuses, may not have been consistent in controlling
the survey-taking environment, thus weakening the utility and validity of this data

90

analysis. Second, even though the sampling size was large, it did not represent an overall
random sampling of all secondary public school students in the state of Hawai‘i. The
administrators of this survey carefully selected schools that they had identified as
Hawaiian-focused schools, as opposed to also surveying a cross-section of schools not
specifically identified as either Hawaiian language immersion, Hawaiian culture-based,
or private schools. Perhaps the false assumption has been made that Native Hawaiian
secondary students will naturally do poorly at non-Hawaiian language and non-Hawaiian
culture-based schools. Third, this study was non-longitudinal, reducing the ability to
examine individual grade levels over time to monitor the level of achievement motivation
as students navigate from grade 6 through grade 12. This specific data collection period
was only reflective of students’ responses during the 2008-2009 school year.

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Chapter 4
Results
The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between a culturally
relevant and responsive learning environment to achievement motivation for Native
Hawaiian secondary students (grades 6-12). The relationships among measures of both
variables for students at the secondary level were compared within two contexts: (1) Four
school types representing varying Hawaiian medium educational settings (i.e., Public
Hawaiian language immersion, Charter Hawaiian language immersion, Charter
Hawaiian-focused, and Private); and (2) Within one school (Ke Kula ‘o
‘Ehunuikaimalino). The six independent variables of cultural connectedness, which
included: (1) Connection to ‘ohana (family); (2) Connection to ‘äina (land); (3) Cultural
attachment; (4) Cultural issues; (5) Cultural practices; and (6) Hawaiian language, were
examined to determine their impact upon the dependent variable of Achievement
Motivation for Native Hawaiian secondary students. This chapter describes the results of
the analysis of the data.
Means and standard deviations for the seven study outcomes are given in Table 5.
Sample size ranged from 1,951 to 1,976.

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Table 5.
All School Means and Standard Deviations
Descriptive Statistics
Mean Std. Deviation N
Achievement Motivation 1.4968 .64433 1974
Connection to ‘Äina (Land) 2.0322 1.04327 1970
Connection to ‘Ohana
(Family)
2.3609 .97179 1975
Cultural Attachment 2.0018 .82303 1971
Cultural Issues 2.9627 .91585 1951
Cultural Practices 7.7419 7.07495 1976
Hawaiian Language 2.7892 .63890 1957

Results for Research Questions 1 and 1a
The next section addresses research questions 1 and 1a. To review, research
question 1 is: To what extent is cultural connectedness related to achievement motivation
among Native Hawaiian students in grades 6-12? Research question 1a is: As cultural
connectedness consists of multiple elements, which elements, if any, correlate

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significantly with achievement motivation for Native Hawaiian secondary students?
Table 6 illustrates these correlations. The following independent variables represent the
six elements of cultural connectedness: (1) Connection to ‘ohana (family); (2)
Connection to ‘äina (land); (3) Cultural attachment; (4) Cultural issues; (5) Cultural
practices; and (6) Hawaiian language. On the first three measures of cultural
connectedness, high scores indicate lower cultural connectedness. In contrast, for the
remaining three indices, higher scores indicate higher cultural connectedness. The
dependent variable is achievement motivation, and higher scores indicate lower
achievement motivation.
All correlations contained in Table 6 are statistically significant at the .05 level.
While all six elements of cultural connectedness show a statistically significant
correlation with achievement motivation, connection to ‘ohana (family), connection to
‘äina (land) and cultural attachment show a more substantial correlation to achievement
motivation. A very strong correlation is shown between connection to ‘ohana (.462) and
cultural attachment (.468) to achievement motivation. It is important to note that with
such a large sample size (1,950+), virtually any statistical correlation will be significant.

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Table 6.
Correlations Between Achievement Motivation and Cultural Connectedness
r
motivation
Observed probability
Connectedness Variables
‘Ohana (Family) .462 .001
‘Äina (Land) .332 .001
Cultural Attachment .468 .001
Cultural Issues -.077 .001
Cultural Practices -.126 .001
Hawaiian Language -.109 .001
Note. For the first three variables, higher scores indicate lower cultural connectedness.
For the remaining three indices, higher scores indicate higher cultural connectedness.

Results for Research Question 2
The next section addresses research question 2, which is: To what extent does
achievement motivation and the six elements of cultural connectedness vary by gender
and grade level? Initially, the data were analyzed using a 2 (gender) by 7 (grade levels 6-
12) factorial ANOVA on each of the seven outcomes. Table 7 shows the main effects of
gender. For the first four variables, lower scores indicate greater motivation, family
connectedness, land connectedness and cultural attachment. Thus, the data indicate that

95

females have greater motivation (p.= 001), family connectedness (n.s.), land
connectedness (n.s.) and cultural attachment (p=.001).
For the final three variables, higher scores indicate greater connection to cultural
issues, cultural practice, and connections to Hawaiian language. Along the same lines as
the first four variables, females reported greater connection to cultural issues (n.s),
cultural practice ( p = .001) and connection to the Hawaiian language (p = .001).
Table 7.
Gender Effects
Males Females F-ratio Observed probability
Variables
Motivation 1.63 1.48 19.698 .001
‘Ohana (Family) 2.45 2.40 1.158 .282
‘Äina (Land) 2.13 2.05 2.286 .131
Cultural Attachment 2.11 1.95 14.602 .001
Cultural Issues 2.99 3.04 1.295 .255
Cultural Practices 7.32 8.99 19.410 .001
Hawaiian Language 2.75 2.90 18.474 .001
Note. For the first four variables, lower scores indicate greater connectedness. For the
remaining three variables, higher scores indicate greater connectedness.

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Table 8 displays the ANOVA results for the main effects of grade. The data
indicate that students steadily show less achievement motivation (p=.001), connection to
family (p=.001), and connection to land (p=.001) as they progress from grade 6 through
grade 11, followed by an increase in these three variables during their senior year.
Pertaining to cultural attachment (p=.001), middle school students (grades 6-8) basically
show the same level during their middle school years, followed by a decrease through
grade 11, then an increase during their senior year.
For the last three variables in Table 8, connection to cultural issues (p=.001), for
the most part, increases as the students progress from grade 6 to grade 12. With respect
to connection to cultural practices (p=.001), students show increased connection from
grade 6 through grade 9, then a decrease in grades 10 and 11, followed by a significant
increase during their senior year. Students’ connection to Hawaiian language (p=.001)
stays relatively the same from grade 6 through grade 12. Of the seven grade levels, the
greatest connection to Hawaiian language is during grade 8.

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Table 8.
Grade Effects
Gr. 6 Gr. 7 Gr. 8 Gr. 9 Gr.
10
Gr.
11
Gr. 12 F Obs.
p.
Variables
Motivation 1.38 1.41 1.54 1.54 1.65 1.74 1.61 11.56 .001
‘Ohana
(Family)
2.16 2.26 2.30 2.54 2.61 2.73 2.37 12.41 .001
‘Äina (Land) 1.92 1.89 1.93 2.28 2.12 2.42 2.06 10.43 .001
Cultural
Attachment
1.93 1.91 1.93 2.11 2.16 2.26 1.91 7.40 .001
Cultural
Issues
2.81 2.94 3.03 2.91 3.05 3.06 3.29 4.95 .001
Cultural
Practices
6.94 7.41 8.99 8.75 7.57 7.43 10.01 4.52 .001
Hawaiian
Language
2.81 2.73 3.05 2.82 2.74 2.70 2.91 6.56 .001

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Table 9 displays the ANOVA results for the tests for statistical interaction
between gender and grade. Six of seven of the statistical interactions were not significant
at the .05 level. However, for connection to Hawaiian language, gender differences were
moderated by grade (p = .001). Figure 1 is a graphical display of the statistical
interaction between gender and grade level with respect to Hawaiian language. The data
in Figure 1 indicate an unusual interaction between male and female secondary students
and connection to the Hawaiian language. For coding purposes, gender 1.00 is male and
gender 2.00 is female. Also, for coding purposes, grade 1.00 is grade 6, progressing to
grade 7.00, which is grade 12. Thus, the data indicate that female students are more
connected to Hawaiian language than male students from grade 6 through grade 10. In
grade 11, male students are more connected to Hawaiian language. Then in grade 12,
there is virtually no difference between male and female students.

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Figure 1.
Gender Interaction Graph on Hawaiian Language

Note. For coding purposes, gender 1.00 is male and gender 2.00 is female. Also, grade
1.00 is grade 6, progressing to grade 7.00, which is grade 12.

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Table 9.
Grade by Gender Interaction
F-ratio Observed probability
Variables
Motivation .499 .809
‘Ohana (Family) .858 .526
‘Äina (Land) 1.407 .208
Cultural Attachment .757 .603
Cultural Issues .891 .501
Cultural Practices .734 .623
Hawaiian Language 4.571 .001

Results for Research Question 3
The next section addresses research question 3, which is: To what extent does
achievement motivation and the elements of cultural connectedness vary by school type?
An analysis of covariance was used to examine the differences among the four school
types. The covariates (i.e., control variables) were grade and gender. The adjusted
means broken down by school types are shown in Table 10. Within Table 10, four school
types are categorized by: (1) Cha (Hawaiian-focused Charter); (2) HIC (Hawaiian

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Immersion Charter); (3) KK (Kula Kaiapuni: Hawaiian Immersion Public); and (4) Pri
(Private i.e., Kamehameha Schools). School type differences were statistically
significant (p. < .05) for all but achievement motivation (p = .091). For the first four
variables in the left column in Table 6 lower values are better. For the last three variables,
higher values are better.
Although of only borderline statistical significance (p=.091), the data indicate
HIC (Hawaiian Immersion Charter) schools score higher in achievement motivation than
the other three school types. In addition, the other three school types score almost
identical in achievement motivation. This trend holds true for HIC schools with respect
to the variables of connection to ‘ohana, connection to ‘äina and cultural attachment. It is
also interesting to note that within these same three variables (‘ohana, ‘äina and
attachment), the one private school participating showed the least connection to those
cultural elements.
Conversely, regarding connection to cultural issues, HIC schools scored the
lowest whereas the private school scored the highest. The variable of connection to
cultural practices revealed that HIC schools scored the lowest compared to Cha
(Hawaiian-focused Charter) schools which significantly scored the highest. Pertaining to
Hawaiian language, the highest scores were recorded by KK (Kula Kaiapuni: Hawaiian

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Immersion Public) schools, followed closely by HIC schools. Within this variable, the
private school scored the lowest.
Table 10.
School Type Effects
Cha HIC KK Pri F Obs. p.
Variables
Motivation 1.54 1.34 1.54 1.50 2.16 .091
‘Ohana (Family) 2.27 1.91 2.23 2.46 11.95 .001
‘Äina (Land) 1.92 1.65 1.78 2.14 12.31 .001
Cultural Attachment 1.92 1.68 1.85 2.07 9.67 .001
Cultural Issues 2.98 2.60 2.94 3.00 4.28 .005
Cultural Practices 8.93 6.98 7.92 7.54 4.03 .007
Hawaiian Language 2.78 3.48 3.50 2.66 136.45 .001
Note. For the first four variables, lower values are better. For the last three variables,
higher values are better.

Results for Research Question 4
The next and final section addresses research question 4, which is: Within one
public Hawaiian language immersion school, Ke Kula ‘o ‘Ehunuikaimalino, what are the
mean levels of achievement motivation and cultural connectedness and do these levels
vary by gender and grade level? Means and standard deviations are shown in Table 11.

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Achievement motivation, connection to ‘ohana (family), connection to ‘äina (land) and
cultural attachment were scaled on a 7 point Likert (SA-SD) scale in which higher
motivation and connectedness were indicated by lower numbers. Because these four
variables were each scaled on the same scale, the means are comparable. The mean for
achievement motivation (M=1.65) was the highest, and the mean for connection to
‘ohana (family) was the lowest (M=2.32). Connection to ‘äina (land) and cultural
attachment were in the middle, 1.90 and 1.95, respectively. However, all four variables
were a large distance from the 1-7 scale midpoint (4) and thus, secondary students at
‘Ehunuikaimalino are highly motivated and strongly connected to the three elements of
cultural connectedness.
The element of cultural issues was scaled on a 1-5 point Likert (I don’t know
what this is-I do something about this regularly) scale in which higher connectedness to
cultural issues were indicated by higher numbers. The mean for this cultural subscale
(M=2.95) indicates that the secondary students at ‘Ehunuikaimalino scored right about at
the midpoint (3.00) of the scale, which would infer that half of them are not aware of
cultural issues and half of them are aware, have an opinion, and even act upon their
opinions.

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The element of cultural practices was originally scaled on a 1-5 point Likert (I
don’t know what this is-I practice this often) scale in which higher connectedness to
cultural practices was indicated by higher numbers. However, the scoring of these items
was changed to a 3 point scale by the Kamehameha Schools Research and Evaluation
Division, focusing on the frequency of the action versus the value (i.e., if the student
knew what the practice was and if they felt it was important). Thus, the scale was
additive with a range of 0-24 over 12 survey items (0=Not practicing it; 1=Practicing it
sometimes; 2=Practicing it often). Changing the scoring in this manner did not
significantly change the percentage of students who had the asset versus those who
didn’t. The mean for this cultural subscale (M=8.88) is not a high score in relation to the
scale midpoint (12), which infers that more students at ‘Ehunuikaimalino either don’t
think that cultural practices are important or are not regular practitioners of cultural
practices.
The element of Hawaiian language was scaled on a 4 point Likert (Not at all-Very
well) scale in which higher connectedness to Hawaiian language was indicated by higher
numbers. The mean for this cultural subscale (M=3.35 with a midpoint of 2.5) indicates
a very high score, and thus, the students at ‘Ehunuikaimalino are strongly connected to
understanding and speaking the Hawaiian language.

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Table 11.
‘Ehunuikaimalino Mean and Standard Deviations
Descriptive Statistics
Variables M SD N Range
Achievement Motivation 1.6473 .57457 67 1-7
Connection to ‘Äina (Land) 1.9055 .99799 67 1-7
Connection to ‘Ohana (Family) 2.3217 .89291 67 1-7
Cultural Attachment 1.9502 .71022 67 1-7
Cultural Issues 2.9552 .88861 67 1-5
Cultural Practices 8.8806 8.32579 67 0-24
Hawaiian Language 3.3535 .66636 66 1-4

The next section further examines the students at ‘Ehunuikaimalino, specifically
addressing the correlation between achievement motivation and the six elements of
cultural connectedness. Due to such a small sample size (N=67), there isn’t much
statistical significance. Table 12 shows the correlations between achievement motivation
and cultural connectedness. Connection to ‘ohana (family) and cultural attachment are
the only elements of cultural connectedness that are statistically significant at the .05

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level. Only connection to ‘ohana (.413) and cultural attachment (.293) showed a
moderate correlation to achievement motivation.
Table 12.
‘Ehunuikaimalino Correlations Between Achievement Motivation and Cultural
Connectedness
r
motivation
Observed probability
Connectedness Variables
‘Ohana (Family) .413 .001
‘Äina (Land) .044 .723
Cultural Attachment .293 .016
Cultural Issues -.061 .626
Cultural Practices .081 .513
Hawaiian Language .115 .360

Table 13 shows the main effects of gender and Table 14 shows the main effects of
grade at ‘Ehunuikaimalino. Again, due to small sample size, the data are not statistically
significant and show no differences by gender. One noteworthy point regarding grade
effects is that only one variable, achievement motivation, was statistically significant at
the .05 level. Within that variable, an interesting low score (2.43) indicated that

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sophomore students at ‘Ehunuikaimalino showed the lowest amount of achievement
motivation.
Table 13.
‘Ehunuikaimalino Gender Effects
Males Females F Obs. p.
Variables
Motivation 1.71 1.68 .042 .839
‘Ohana (Family) 2.38 2.33 .050 .824
‘Äina (Land) 2.10 1.79 1.298 .259
Cultural Attachment 2.02 1.86 .771 .383
Cultural Issues 2.85 2.94 .157 .694
Cultural Practices 8.52 8.83 .021 .885
Hawaiian Language 3.21 3.47 2.104 .152

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Table 14.
‘Ehunuikaimalino Grade Effects
Gr. 6 Gr. 7 Gr. 8 Gr. 9 Gr.
10
Gr.
11
Gr.
12
F Obs. p.
Outcomes
Motivation 1.42 1.64 1.74 1.66 2.43 1.54 1.41 2.432 .036
‘Ohana
(Family)
2.23 1.93 2.72 2.06 2.58 2.61 2.35 1.255 .292
‘Äina (Land) 1.90 1.92 1.95 2.12 1.90 2.17 1.66 .135 .991
Cultural
Attachment
1.86 2.03 2.15 1.69 1.86 2.33 1.67 .765 .600
Cultural
Issues
2.90 2.75 3.21 2.95 2.49 2.31 3.68 1.656 .148
Cultural
Practices
6.75 8.46 10.71 13.27 3.57 5.75 12.23 1.166 .337
Hawaiian
Language
3.14 3.17 3.59 3.31 3.44 3.33 3.41 .804 .571

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Conclusion
In summary, all six elements of cultural connectedness showed a statistically
significant correlation to achievement motivation, with the strongest correlations being
with cultural attachment, connection to ‘ohana (family), connection to ‘äina (land), and
connection to cultural practices. Female students showed higher achievement motivation
and greater cultural connectedness than male students. A steady decrease in achievement
motivation, connection to ‘ohana (family), and connection to ‘äina (land) was revealed
for students in grades 6-11, then a sudden increase during their senior year.
Charter Hawaiian-focused, Charter Hawaiian language immersion, and Public
Hawaiian language immersion schools scored higher in achievement motivation than the
Private school. And, although the sample size was small, the mean scores for students at
‘Ehunuikaimalino were highest for achievement motivation, followed by connection to
‘äina (land), cultural attachment, and connection to ‘ohana (family).

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Chapter 5
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between a culturally
relevant and responsive learning environment to achievement motivation for Native
Hawaiian secondary students (grades 6-12). This study not only examined the responses
of secondary students across varying Hawaiian medium educational settings (i.e., Public
Hawaiian language immersion, Charter Hawaiian language immersion, Charter
Hawaiian-focused, and Private), but also the responses of secondary students at one
specific public Hawaiian language immersion school (Ke Kula ‘o ‘Ehunuikaimalino).
The independent variables included six elements of cultural connectedness: (1)
Connection to ‘ohana (family); (2) Connection to ‘äina (land); (3) Cultural attachment;
(4) Cultural issues; (5) Cultural practices; and (6) Hawaiian language. The dependent
variable used for this study was Achievement Motivation.
This study was a quantitative secondary data analysis, using the Nä ‘Öpio Survey
created and piloted by the Kamehameha Schools Research and Evaluation Division. This
survey is an instrument that measures youth developmental assets from a Native
Hawaiian perspective, seeking to identify the contributing factors of positive
development among Native Hawaiian youth (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008). As part of this

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developmental assets survey, the Hawaiian Cultural Connectedness Scale, which contains
the aforementioned six elements of cultural connectedness, was used to determine its
relationship to the students’ level of achievement motivation. For the purpose of this
study, the sample size ranged from 1,951 to 1,976 secondary students statewide,
representing the aforementioned four Hawaiian medium school types.
It is important to again note that as data depict, Native Hawaiian students,
particularly those who attend public schools, consistently rank among the lowest of all
ethnic groups by nearly every measure of academic engagement and success
(Kana‘iaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003). There are data that illustrate that Native Hawaiian
students who attend Hawaiian-focused schools do score higher on academic proficiency
assessments compared with the same ethnic group of students attending non-Hawaiian-
focused schools. This study sought to reveal how elements of cultural connectedness
impacted students’ level of achievement motivation, not just scores of academic
achievement.
Summary of Results
The first research question investigated whether cultural connectedness correlated
significantly with achievement motivation. With such a large sample size (1,950+),
virtually any statistical correlation would be significant. While all six elements of

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cultural connectedness showed a statistically significant correlation with achievement
motivation, the four strongest correlations with achievement motivation were Cultural
Attachment, Connection to ‘Ohana (Family), Connection to ‘Äina (Land), and
Connection to Cultural Practices. These findings illustrate the importance of Native
Hawaiian children strengthening their identity as Native Hawaiians who are culturally
rich, the family unit being the epicenter of belonging, love, and nurturing, Native
Hawaiians’ belief that land is an integral part of connecting to a specific area of meaning
and learning to use the land as a source of survival and sustainability, and the relevance
of practicing Hawaiian cultural values in the school setting. These results also support
Geneva Gay’s (2000) assertion that “culture counts” and “is at the heart of all we do in
the name of education, whether that is curriculum, instruction, administration, or
performance assessment” (as cited in Bennett, 2001, p. 174).
The second research question probed the extent to which achievement motivation
and the six elements of cultural connectedness varied by gender and grade level. With
respect to gender, in all seven outcomes, including achievement motivation and the six
elements of cultural connectedness, female students scored higher than their male
counterparts. Female students scored significantly higher than male students in
connection to cultural practices, cultural attachment and Hawaiian language, and they

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showed much greater achievement motivation. These results substantiate the findings
that male Native Hawaiian students associate with lower self-efficacy for self-regulated
learning than their female coequals (Yamauchi & Greene, 1997).
On a related note, Brandon, Jordan, and Higa (1995) report that research on
gender differences in math achievement among students in Hawai‘i indicates that females
scored higher than males, which is dissimilar to data nationwide (as cited in Yamauchi &
Greene, 1997, p. 12). To further explain this, Brandon et al. (1995) suggest that it is
often the eldest girl who is designated as the leader of the sibling group within the Native
Hawaiian family unit (as cited in Yamauchi & Greene, 1997, p. 12). As such, Brandon et
al. (1995) further hold that school related or academic tasks, especially those related to
self-regulated learning, correspond more with tasks that are expected of girls at home (as
cited in Yamauchi & Greene, 1997, p. 12). In contrast, in the school setting, Native
Hawaiian boys may be more prone to behaving in ways that resist authority and reinforce
peer group consensus (Yamauchi & Greene, 1997).
Regarding the results for the main effects of grade level, the data indicated that
students showed a steady decrease in achievement motivation, connection to ‘ohana
(family) and connection to ‘äina (land) as they progressed from grade 6 through grade 11,
followed by an increase in these three outcomes during their senior year. Middle school

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students (grades 6-8) showed almost no change pertaining to their connection to cultural
attachment, followed by a decrease in this element of cultural connectedness through
grade 11, then an increase during their senior year.
Connection to cultural issues was the only outcome that showed a progressive
increase from grade 6 through grade 12. Pertaining to connection to cultural practices,
students showed a steady increase from grades 6 through 9, then a significant decrease
during grades 10 and 11, followed by a sharp increase during their senior year. Students’
connection to Hawaiian language held relatively consistent throughout all of the seven
secondary grade levels, with the highest connection occurring during grade 8.
Tests were run for statistical interaction between gender and grade level. Six of
the seven statistical interactions were not significant. However, with respect to Hawaiian
language connectedness, there was an unusual interaction between male and female
secondary students. The data indicated that female students were significantly more
connected to Hawaiian language than their male counterparts from grade 6 through grade
10. Then, during their 11
th
grade year, male students showed more connection to
Hawaiian language than female students. Then, during their senior year, there was
almost no difference between male and female students.

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The third research question examined the extent to which achievement motivation
and the six elements of cultural connectedness varied by school type. The four school
types were categorized by: (1) Charter Hawaiian-focused; (2) Charter Hawaiian
Language Immersion; (3) Public Hawaiian Language Immersion; and (4) Private. The
differences in school type were statistically significant for all outcomes except
achievement motivation. Although of only marginal statistical significance, Charter
Hawaiian language immersion schools scored highest in achievement motivation,
followed by Charter Hawaiian-focused and Public Hawaiian language immersion
schools, which tallied identical scores. The Private school scored lowest in achievement
motivation.
This trend continued for Charter Hawaiian language immersion schools, scoring
highest in the outcomes of connection to ‘ohana (family), connection to ‘äina (land), and
cultural attachment. For these same three outcomes, Charter Hawaiian language
immersion schools were followed closely by Public Hawaiian language immersion
schools, inferring that a language immersion school environment makes a positive
difference for their students. Interestingly, as with the outcome of achievement
motivation, the Private school also scored lowest of the four school types in these three
outcomes.

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In contrast, pertaining to connection to cultural issues, Charter Hawaiian language
immersion schools scored the lowest whereas the Private school scored the highest.
Charter Hawaiian-focused schools significantly scored highest in the outcome of
connection to cultural practices, followed closely by Public Hawaiian language
immersion schools. As expected, both Public Hawaiian language immersion and Charter
Hawaiian language immersion schools scored highest in the outcome of connection to
Hawaiian language, with the Private school again scoring the lowest.
This study also explored data within one specific school, Ke Kula ‘o
‘Ehunuikaimalino, a Public K-12 Hawaiian language immersion school located in
Kealakekua, Hawai‘i island. As such, the fourth research question of this study examined
the mean levels of achievement motivation and elements of cultural connectedness at
‘Ehunuikaimalino, and whether these levels varied by gender and grade level. The
results showed that the mean for achievement motivation was the highest, followed in
order by connection to ‘äina (land), cultural attachment, and connection to ‘ohana
(family). Since all four of these variables were far from the scale’s midpoint, one could
conclude that secondary students at ‘Ehunuikaimalino are highly motivated and strongly
connected to the other three elements of cultural connectedness.

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The mean for connection to cultural issues scored right about at the midpoint of
the scale, which would infer that half of the secondary students at ‘Ehunuikaimalino are
not aware of cultural issues and half of them are either aware, have an opinion, and even
act upon their opinions. The result was similar for the students’ connection to cultural
practices. The mean for this cultural subscale indicated that secondary students at
‘Ehunuikaimalino either don’t think that cultural practices are important or are not
regular practitioners of cultural practices. As one would expect, the mean for connection
to the Hawaiian language was very high, validating the school’s commitment to teaching
in the medium of the Hawaiian language and the students’ development in Hawaiian
language arts.
This study also analyzed the correlation between achievement motivation and the
six elements of cultural connectedness at ‘Ehunuikaimalino. Due to such a small sample
size of only 67 students, there wasn’t much statistical significance. Connection to ‘ohana
(family) and cultural attachment were the only elements of cultural connectedness that
were statistically significant. These elements showed only a moderate correlation to
achievement motivation.
With respect to the main effects of gender at ‘Ehunuikaimalino, again due to
small sample size, the data were not statistically significant and showed no differences

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between male and female secondary students. Only one variable, achievement
motivation, was statistically significant regarding grade level main effects. Interestingly,
seniors narrowly edged the 6
th
graders in showing the highest amount of achievement
motivation, followed in order by juniors, 7
th
graders, freshmen and 8
th
graders.
Sophomore students, by a wide margin, showed the lowest amount of achievement
motivation.
Discussion of Findings
Generally, as data illustrate, Native Hawaiian students are not consistently
experiencing academic success, perhaps largely due to the cultural disconnection between
home and school environments which negatively affects their motivational processes and
potential for self-efficacious learning. The dynamics of Native Hawaiian children
learning in a mainstream, colonized school setting have always been somewhat
problematic. Teaching methodologies, pedagogical strategies, and structures of
conventional educational systems have generally not served Native Hawaiian children
satisfactorily (Bielenburg, 2000; Kana‘iaupuni, Malone & Ishibashi, 2005).
This study sought to find a relationship between cultural connectedness and
achievement motivation, not just achievement itself (i.e., assessment scores). Bandura’s
(1986) Social Cognitive Theory provided the theoretical framework to fuel this study.

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Bandura (1986) asserts that factors such as economic conditions, socioeconomic status,
and educational and familial structures do not affect human behavior directly.
Conversely, these factors influence people’s aspirations, self-efficacy beliefs, personal
standards, emotional states, and other self-regulatory influences (Bandura, 1986).
Furthermore, this theory claims that self-efficacy beliefs help determine a person’s level
of effort and ability to persevere resiliently through adverse situations (Bandura, 1986).
That stated, the overall findings of this study are not inconsistent with the notion
that a culturally responsive and relevant learning environment does make a positive
difference for Native Hawaiian secondary students’ level of achievement motivation.
Ladson-Billings (1995) asserts that for indigenous and minority students to have a chance
to succeed, there needs to be a cultural fit between students’ home culture and their
school culture. Bennett (2001) further maintains that through culturally relevant
pedagogy, students develop cultural identity and competence. Developing cultural
identity is paramount in any Hawaiian-focused school setting. This effort validates the
work done by Rueda and Dembo (1995), who studied the cognitive perspective of
motivation, which seeks to understand why students choose to engage in academic tasks
rather than what tasks they’re actually doing. This perspective asserts that if the desired
outcome is to change students’ motivation, their beliefs or self-perceptions must also

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change (Rueda & Dembo, 1995). This study revealed that the four strongest correlations
of cultural connectedness to achievement motivation were cultural attachment,
connection to ‘ohana (family), connection to ‘äina (land), and connection to cultural
practices.
The results also confirm that a Hawaiian language immersion setting, including
both charter as well as public school types, strongly impacts achievement motivation for
Native Hawaiian secondary students. For students specifically attending
‘Ehunuikaimalino, the mean level for achievement motivation suggests that these
students are highly motivated and strongly connected to other elements of cultural
connectedness. These findings also support the premise that Hawaiian language
immersion schools believe that language is the foundation of culture, and that a strong
cultural identity will lead to successful educational engagement and outcomes
(Kana‘iaupuni et al., 2005). Of particular interest were the findings that the private
school which participated in the study scored lowest in four of the six elements of
cultural connectedness, including connection to ‘ohana (family), connection to ‘äina
(land), cultural attachment, and connection to Hawaiian language. In contrast, the one
variable that the private school scored the highest was connection to cultural issues.

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Further findings of this study are consistent with Ladson-Billings’ (1995) research
that a culturally relevant learning environment attempts to address the cultural
discontinuity between what students experience at home and what they experience at
school. It is noteworthy to mention that a culturally responsive and relevant learning
environment helps Native Hawaiian students contend with continual negative stereotypes
and ethnic bias that potentially exacerbates poor academic achievement. Other research
that may explain the value of a culturally responsive and relevant learning environment is
presented by Howard (2003) and Valencia & Suzuki (2001), who hold that educators in
mainstream schools believe that indigenous and minority children are by nature low
achievers and, as a result, are not teachable (as cited in Kana‘iaupuni, 2004). In contrast,
Hawaiian-focused schools provide a culturally responsive and relevant learning
environment which is perceived by many students and their families as a non-threatening
environment that supports the cultural beliefs and values of the Hawaiian people. As
such, Native Hawaiian students who experience stronger connections to the Hawaiian
culture are more likely to experience developmental assets that are most related to school
success (Medeiros & Tibbetts, 2008).

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Implications for Practice
There isn’t much research that has been done that connects Hawaiian cultural
connectedness specifically to achievement motivation. The purpose of this study was to
examine the relationship of a culturally responsive and relevant learning environment to
Native Hawaiian secondary students’ level of motivation. The findings of this study
manifest that such a learning environment favorably affects achievement motivation for
Native Hawaiian secondary students. The literature shows that for students’ motivation
to positively change, it must coincide with a change in their personal beliefs as well as
their self-perceptions (Rueda & Dembo, 1995). From a Hawaiian frame of reference,
building a strong sense of cultural identity enhances students’ level of achievement
motivation.
The data statewide still maintain that Native Hawaiian students are
underachieving compared with other ethnic groups of students. The results of this study
and other research efforts in the area of culture-based education and culturally relevant
pedagogy need to be used to aid schools which are not specifically Hawaiian-focused. In
order for Native Hawaiian students who attend non Hawaiian-focused schools to
experience school success which will translate to successful future endeavors,
administrators and teachers should be adequately trained to implement the strategies and

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methodologies of culturally relevant pedagogy and culture-based education to better
serve the needs of these students as well as other indigenous student groups. As Benham
and Heck (1998) argue, a key motivational barrier for Native Hawaiian students is that
many teachers are not familiar with Native Hawaiian students’ cultural backgrounds, as
Native Hawaiians account for approximately only 8% of the state’s public educators (as
cited in Yamauchi, 2003, p. 380).
One effective program in place currently is the Kahua Induction Project, a
Hawai‘i Department of Education orientation and mentorship program. This effort is a
collaboration between the HIDOE, Hawai‘i State Teachers Association, Kamehameha
Schools, University of Hawai‘i-Hilo Kahuawaiola Teacher Education Program, Hälau
Wänana and Keiki O Ka ‘Äina. The primary purpose of this program is to demonstrate
effective strategies for supporting and retaining new teachers through: (a) Professional
development; (b) Coaching/mentoring; (c) Development of community connections and
relationships; and (d) Opportunities to connect community resources to DOE teachers.
This program offers first- and second-year public school teachers, particularly those who
have just relocated to Hawai‘i from the continental United States (i.e., mainland), an
opportunity to learn about the Hawaiian culture and its values, beliefs and traditions. The
goal of this program is to help this group of educators be adequately equipped to most

124

effectively deliver instruction to the diverse cultures of students they will encounter in
their classrooms.
Moreover, this study may also bring to light the challenge that public school
administrators and teachers face in effectively connecting with diverse groups of student
ethnicities within their classrooms. The results of this study help inform administrators
and teachers how to best work with a predominant Native Hawaiian secondary student
population. But in traditional public schools, administrators and teachers must develop
effective leadership and teaching skills that transcend to other groups of indigenous or
minority students as well. This challenge has far reaching implications for curriculum as
well as school culture development.
Recommendations for Research
As Kana‘iaupuni (2004) suggests, researchers should seek to present the strong
face of the Hawaiian people, as opposed to focusing on the plethora of negative data that
illustrate the plight of Native Hawaiian students. To further explore how achievement
motivation impacts the post-secondary pursuits for Native Hawaiian students, research
should be done to track the success rate of these students who have graduated from public
and charter Hawaiian-focused schools. Research is also needed to investigate what other
variables, besides cultural connectedness, might contribute to the low achievement of

125

Native Hawaiian children. Also, research should be conducted that reveals why several
public and charter Hawaiian-focused schools continue to perform poorly academically.
Given that only students of Hawaiian-focused schools participated and were
examined in this study, future studies might include students attending traditional public
schools, as Hawaiian-focused schools are schools of choice. Furthermore, future research
might investigate the role of parent achievement motivation and its affects on child
achievement motivation, including the decision-making process of parents enrolling their
children into private or other schools of choice.
Another recommendation for future research is seeking to understand how
cultural connectedness gets established in schools. Is it through some interactive
combination of student peers, teachers, language, role models, culturally relevant
pedagogy, cultural practices and school vision and mission which creates cultural
coherence? Can cultural connectedness realistically be established in conventional public
schools that serve a diverse group of student ethnicities?
In summary, Native Hawaiian secondary students, through strengthening their
levels of cultural connectedness which fortifies their cultural identity, increase their level
of achievement motivation which helps them be more purposeful and intentional in their
learning processes. Perhaps Native American educator Cornel Pewewardy (1993) may

126

have framed it best when citing the difficulties indigenous and minority students
experience in conventional schools. He maintains that mainstream educators, in trying to
address the needs of these students, have traditionally attempted to insert culture into
their education, as opposed to inserting education into their culture (as cited in Ladson-
Billings, 1995).

127

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Abstract (if available)

Abstract As data depict, Native Hawaiian public school students consistently rank among the lowest of all ethnic groups by nearly every measure of academic engagement and success (Kana‘iaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003). As is common with many children of indigenous ancestry, teaching methodologies, pedagogical strategies, and structures of mainstream or conventional educational systems have generally not served Native Hawaiian children satisfactorily (Bielenburg, 2000

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Creator Lino, Timothy K. (author)

Core Title The relationship of a culturally relevant and responsive learning environment to achievement motivation for Native Hawaiian secondary students

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 03/29/2010

Defense Date 02/05/2010

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag achievement motivation,cultural connectedness,culturally relevant pedagogy,Hawaiian language immersion education,Native Hawaiian secondary students,OAI-PMH Harvest

Place Name Hawaii (states)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Sundt, Melora A. (committee chair), Brewer, Dominic J. (committee member), Picus, Lawrence O. (committee member)

Creator Email tim_lino@notes.k12.hi.us,tlino.usc@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m2886

Unique identifier UC1425685

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Legacy Identifier etd-Lino-3604.pdf

Dmrecord 292746

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Lino, Timothy K.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu