University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

The impact of culture on academic achievement among Ghanaian immigrant children

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The impact of culture on academic achievement among Ghanaian immigrant children

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THE IMPACT OF CULTURE ON ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AMONG
GHANAIAN IMMIGRANT CHILDREN

by

Yaw O. Adutwum

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(EDUCATION POLICY, PLANNING AND ADMINISTRATION)

August 2009

Copyright 2009 Yaw O. Adutwum

ii
DEDICATION
This dissertation is dedicated to Nana Yaw Osei Adutwum Jr., my younger son born just
a year ago on my birthday, as well as Saddat Adutwum, my eldest son. Special
appreciation is extended to my beloved wife Selina, without whose support I could not
have made it through graduate school.

iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Many thanks to Dr. Darnell Cole for serving as my Advisor and for all the
guidance he offered in making this dissertation possible. I am highly indebted to my other
committee members, Dr. Andre Simic and Dr. Reynaldo Baca. Special appreciation goes
to Ms. Diane Morris for consistently reminding me of all the important deadlines I had to
meet. I also wish to express my appreciation to Mr. Stephen Gyesaw, a long time friend
and colleague whose intellectual prowess, curiosity and depth continue to amaze me.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION

ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

iii
LIST OF TABLES

vi
ABSTRACT

vii
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY 1
Ghanaian Immigration into the United States
Brief History of Ghana 1
History of Ghanaian Immigration 5
Reasons for Increased Ghanaian Immigration 7
Post-Arrival Adjustment of Ghanaian Immigrants 9
Ghanaian Immigrant’s Identity Formation 14
Statement of the Problem 15
Research Methodology 16
Research Questions 17
Significance of the Study 17
Purpose of the Study 18
Delimitations and Limitations of the Study 18
Definition of Terms 19
Organization of the Study 19

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 21
Immigrant Integration into American Society 21
Black Immigrants in the United States 23
Black Immigrants and Ethnicity 24
African Immigration into the United States 28
The History of African Immigration into the United States 28
African Immigrant Settlement Patterns 31
Unique Characteristics of African Immigrants 32
Impact of Culture on Education 35
Theoretical Explanations of Differing Academic Achievement and Learning 37
Academic Achievement among Immigrant Children 39
The Impact of Immigration on Education 41

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY 43
Sampling 43
Data Collection 43
Research Questions 45
Role of the Researcher 45
Data Analysis 46
Trustworthiness 47

v

CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS 48
Participation of Ghanaian Parents in the Education of their Children 48
Ghanaian Immigrant Children’s Self Identification and Cultural Practices 52
Languages Spoken and Academic Achievement 53
Participation in Ghanaian Community Events 55
Friendships and Personal Associations 57
Church Attendance 58
The Impact of Participation in Community Events 60
Summary of Findings 64

CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION 66
Brief Description of Research Methodology 67
Research Questions 68
Key Findings 68
The Role of Ghanaian Immigrant Parents in the Education of their
Children
69
Parent Child Relationships 71
Understanding the U.S. Education System 72
Role of Ghanaian Community Organizations in Education 72
Conclusion 79
Recommendations 81
Recommendations for Ghanaian Community Organizations in Education 81
Recommendations for Educators Working with Ghanaian Immigrant
Children
83
Recommendations for School Administrators 85
Recommendations for Policy Makers 88
Recommendations for Parents 89
Recommendations for Future Studies 90

REFERENCES

94

APPENDIX

101

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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Composition and growth of the non-Hispanic black populations of the
U.S., 1990-2000

23
Table 2: Metros with largest African-born Population 2000

32
Table 3: Social and economic characteristics of non-Hispanic black populations
in comparison with major U.S. racial and ethnic groups, 1990 and 2000

33
Table 4: Segregation of the 10 metro regions with largest African-born
population in Census 2000

34
Table 5: Neighborhood characteristics of the average African-born resident

35

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ABSTRACT
Past studies in the United States have consistently found that culture has varied
effects on the educational outcomes of immigrant children. In California Asians fare
significantly better than whites in school outcomes such as grade point average, while
blacks and Hispanics fare significantly worse. Conclusions drawn from recent
ethnographic studies of immigrant groups have made a strong case for the decoupling of
Americanization from social mobility. Immigrants who develop an adversarial
relationship towards mainstream American values are less likely to succeed in the
education system. For second-generation immigrants, strong affinity to one’s ethnic
group and resisting certain kinds of Americanization may be the key to socio-economic
success.
Ghanaian immigrant parents have great aspirations for their children and are
excited about the many opportunities this country offers their children. Yet they are
fearful of the possible dangers in their children becoming Americanized and alienated
from their culture. To them, assimilating into the American culture can have negative
repercussions for their children’s education and well-being as they see the
underachievement among minority children in the American school system.
The purpose of this study is to explore the influence of culture on the academic
performance among Ghanaian immigrant children in Southern California. Using
ethnographic qualitative research data collected from Ghanaian immigrant children and
their parents, the study revealed that in spite of cultural attitudes that may cede
educational functions principally to the teacher, thereby limiting parental roles, the
culture of Ghanaian immigrant children has a positive influence on academic

viii
achievement overall. Children, who self identify as Ghanaian, attend a Ghanaian church,
speak a Ghanaian language, and participate in Ghanaian community activities are more
likely to excel in school than those who do not.
The results from this study suggest that many educators incorrectly assume that a
Ghanaian immigrant child is Black and does not need English Language Development
classes. Educators and policymakers must understand that the Black community is not a
monolithic one, and every attempt must be made to understand the diversity within the
group so as to provide real opportunities and leave no child behind.

1
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Ghanaian Immigration into the United States
Ghana has one of the highest immigration rates to the United States from Africa:
6,606 Ghanaians were legally admitted into the United States in 1996. They were only
surpassed by Nigeria with 10,221 legal immigrant admissions. Taking into consideration
the fact that Nigeria has a population of over 120 million and Ghana’s population is only
18 million, Ghana’s admission rate is quite formidable. Unlike Ghana, African countries
with higher rates of immigration into the United States suffer civil wars and political
upheavals which enable their citizens to migrate here as refugees.
Brief History of Ghana
Ghana is a country in West Africa bordering La Cote d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast) to the
west, Burkina Faso to the north, Togo to the east, and the Gulf of Guinea to the south.
Ghana compares in size to the state of Oregon and whose current population is estimated
to be 18 million. Ghana was inhabited in pre-colonial times by a number of ancient
kingdoms, including the Ga Adangbes, the Ashantis (Asantes), the Ewes and various
Fante groups along the coast and inland.
The Ashanti Kingdom (also spelled Asante) was founded at the beginning of the
1700s by a confederation of Akan-speaking peoples. The Ashanti Kingdom attained the
height of its power 100 years later, dominating all of what is now Ghana and parts of
Côte d’Ivoire to the west and Togo to the east. The Ashanti invited conquered states to
join the Ashanti confederation and allowed them to retain their own chiefs. This
innovative approach facilitated the rapid expansion of the Ashanti kingdom (Hodgson,
1901).

2
Britain colonized the Ashanti Kingdom in 1901 after a long struggle, which led to
several wars, the final one being the Yaa Asantewaa War. Much of the history of the
Ashanti people’s origins is shrouded in legend. According to traditional accounts, in the
late 1600s Osei Tutu of Kumasi organized a coalition of peoples who were subject to the
Denkyira: the Bekwai, Dwaben, Kokofu, Kumasi, Kumawu, Mampon, and Nsuta. This
coalition became known as the Ashanti, from Osa nti—meaning we came together
“because of war.” After creating a formidable army, the Ashantis conquered the Denkyira
in 1701. In the aftermath of the victory, Osei Tutu converted the military coalition into a
permanent political union with the help of Okomfo Anokye, a priest and a sage. Okomfo
Anokye, a longtime ally of Osei Tutu, enacted the union’s first code of laws and
constitution. According to oral traditions, Okomfo Anokye conjured a golden stool from
the heavens. The golden stool is said to have fallen unto earth from the skies and it is
believed to embody the spirits of the entire Ashanti nation. Osei Tutu became the first
Asantehene (Ashanti King) and all his successors have belonged to the dynasty he
founded. The Ashantis are matrilineal, meaning that a man’s heirs are not his sons but his
sisters’ sons (Allman, 1995). The son of an Asantehene therefore cannot become a King
of Ashanti.
As the Gold Coast moved toward independence in the early 1950s, Ashanti
politicians sought a federal constitution to preserve Ashanti autonomy. However, Kwame
Nkrumah advocated for a unitary constitution with the major functions of government
centralized in Accra, the capital city of Ghana. The British government supported
Nkrumah’s position, and in 1957 Ashanti became part of independent Ghana without the
semi-autonomous authority it wanted to secure. The Ashanti people nonetheless retain a

3
strong sense of historical and cultural identity in modern Ghana, and an Ashanti king is
still enthroned in Kumasi, the capital of the Ashanti people. Kumasi is the second largest
city in Ghana.
The Ewes are thought to have migrated south from Nigeria to their present area
around the 13th century. They are divided geographically between Ghana, Togo and
Benin. Most Ewes can trace male ancestors to their original villages and make their
territorial divisions along those lines. Extended families are the most important units of
Ewe social life. Unlike Ashantis, Ewes do not have a concentration of power under one
king. In modern times, chiefs are generally elected by consensus and they receive advice
from elders. There are a number of protocols chiefs are expected to follow. For example
they are expected to keep their heads covered in public and cannot drink in public.
Among the Ewes a chief is seen as the communicator between the every day world and
the world of the ancestors.
Ashantis and Ewes share a long history of weaving “Kente” cloth. Traditional
Ewe religion is organized around a creator called Mawu. Mawu is recognized as a
Supreme Being who is far removed from the daily affairs of ordinary people. The Ewes
have developed a complex culture with drumming and use music and dance as a force in
establishing communal atmosphere among members of society. Lyrical songs, flutes and
drums are the foundations for Ewe traditional music. The main Ewe dances are Adevu
(Ade - hunting, Vu - dance) Agbadza and Atsiagbekor. Adevu is a professional dance
celebrating the hunter which is meant to make animals easier to hunt and to give animals
a ritual funeral in order to prevent the animal's spirit from returning and harming the
hunter. The Atsiagbekor is a contemporary version of the Ewe war dance, which

4
references the oaths taken by people before proceeding into battle. According to
Ladzekpo (1995), Atrikpui dance-drumming consists of centuries of valued Anlo-Ewe
war-fighting tactics and military honor code. Another dance whose stylistic movements
are dictated by the lead drummer is the Atsia.
British rule over the Gold Coast began in 1820, but it was not until after quelling
the severe resistance of the Ashanti in 1901 that it was firmly established. British
Togoland, formerly a colony of Germany, was incorporated into Ghana by referendum in
1956 creating an independent country on March 6, 1957. Upon independence from the
United Kingdom in 1957, the name Ghana was chosen for the new nation, reflecting the
ancient Empire of Ghana that once extended throughout much of western Africa (Owusu-
Ansah 1995). Ghana became a republic on July 1, 1960.
Ghana was led to independence by Kwame Nkrumah and in 1958 this American
educated politician attempted to take leadership of the Pan-African Movement, holding
the All-African People's Congress in Accra. Nkrumah also organized the Union of
African States with Guinea and Mali in 1961. Only after orienting Ghana towards the
Soviet Union and China, and building an autocratic rule over all aspects of Ghanaian life,
was democracy compromised (Owusu, 1997).
In February 1966, Nkrumah was deposed through a military coup while visiting
Beijing and Hanoi (Owusu, 1997). This was a precursor to a series of military coups, the
last one of which was led by John Jerry Rawlings, a son of a Scott and a Ghanaian
mother. On June 4, 1979, Flight Lt. Jerry Rawlings overthrew Lt. Gen. Frederick
Akuffo's military rule. After permitting a brief civilian interlude, the military took over
once again under Rawlings’ leadership on December 31, 1981. As the leader of the

5
military junta, Rawlings scrapped the constitution, instituting an austerity program
(Shillington, 1992). Under pressure from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Ghana
reduced its budget deficits for the next decade. Rawlings returned the country to civilian
rule and won the presidency in multiparty elections in 1992 and 1996. Since then, Ghana
is widely viewed as one of Africa's most stable democracies. In January 2001, John
Agyekum Kufuor was elected president (Owusu, 1997). In 2002, he set up a National
Reconciliation Commission to review human rights abuses during the country's military
rule. He was reelected in December 2004. Another election was held in Ghana in
December 2008, creating another civilian regime.
History of Ghanaian Immigration
The voluntary migration from Ghana to the United States is profound. Ghana’s
place in the history of the world was altered when Dr. Kwegyir Aggrey, a Ghanaian who
lived in America, worked with the Phelps-Stokes Commission to enhance higher
education development in Africa (Jones,1922). Kwame Nkrumah, the Ghanaian who
sojourned in America attending Lincoln University, became the first president of Ghana.
Kofi Annan, the former Secretary General of the United Nations was educated in the
United States, where he lived and worked. The various coups d’état that rocked Ghana a
few years after independence did not lead to a civil war; instead, it created an
environment of economic decline which served as a “push factor” for many Ghanaians to
search for their own “Land of Canaan” elsewhere. Today over a sixth of the country’s 18
million population lives outside its borders. Various organizations estimate that there are
nearly 300,000 Ghanaian immigrants living in the United States.

6
Like other African immigrants, a Ghanaian immigrant’s journey to the United
States may involve a transnational migrating pattern. It may begin by traveling to a
neighboring African country with the hope of saving enough money to undertake the next
phase of the journey. For many Ghanaian immigrants, the first port of call used to be
Liberia or Nigeria. While most who travel to Liberia and Nigeria make a direct
connection to the United States, those who go to other African countries are more likely
to come to the United States through Europe. There are still others who pass through
more than five countries before finally arriving in the United States (Arthur, 2000). These
individuals mainly come to the United States to improve their economic situation and
their sojourn through other nations is a means to garner the financial resources that will
enable them to travel to the United States.
Perhaps the most noteworthy of Ghanaian immigrants are those who come to
America to pursue undergraduate or graduate education but who refuse to return home
after their study. There are also other professionals who migrate after completing their
undergraduate or graduate studies in Ghana, and as a result, Ghana and other African
countries have lost a number of their trained professionals. Aptly described as the “brain
drain,” the mass migration of skilled personnel from Ghana as well as other African
countries is reaching a crisis point. As Gordon (1998) pointed out in a recent study, an
estimated 70,000 to 100,000 highly skilled Africans have left the continent to settle in
Europe and the United States.
The majority of those who immigrated to join their families have been women
and young children whom the men had left behind. Another major subgroup is comprised
of those who initially entered the country as visitors but converted their visa status

7
through marriage, labor certification, or simply allowed their visas to expire and became
undocumented immigrants. The most recent and perhaps the greatest wave of immigrants
are those who have been selected through the Diversity Immigrant Lottery Visas and
have applied and received permanent residence status allowing them to live and work in
the United States.
Reasons for Increased Ghanaian Immigration
The growth of the population of any immigrant group in the United States may be
ascribed to “push or pull factors.” The push factors are the forces that motivate the
migrant to leave his home country, while the pull factors are the enabling factors in the
country of intended destination.
The pull factors. The opportunity that America offers is so attractive that
Ghanaians are willing to risk everything to come here. However, until the 1965
Immigration and Nationality Act (which abolished the national origin quota) was passed,
the number of Africans who could migrate to the United States was very restricted. The
1965 Act laid the foundation for an immigration policy, which is now more equitable
enabling more Ghanaians to come to the United States (Massey 1999; Rumbaut, 1994).
Another important policy change that has impacted Ghanaian immigration is the
1990 Immigration Reforms Act. One of the provisions of this law called for a
diversification of the U.S. foreign-born population. As part of this diversity program,
countries deemed "adversely affected" by previous immigration policies were given a
specified number of visas to enter the United States. Since 1990, when the program
started, the number of Ghanaians who have benefited from the diversity visa has been

8
substantial, thus increasing the size of the Ghanaian immigrant population as well as its
dynamism.
The push factors. Ghanaian immigration into the United States is influenced by
the political turmoil and economic distress Ghana endured during the 1970s and the
1980s. The political and economic challenges have been wrought by both internal and
external forces. The decline in the price of cocoa on the world market led to the
dwindling of the nation’s economic resources as cocoa was the country’s main export. To
make matters worse, the military used the economic dislocation and malaise confronting
the nation as an excuse to stage coups (Arthur, 2000). However, the economic
mismanagement of the military junta and their civilian cronies after these coups, made
matters worse for the average Ghanaian whose only opportunity in life was to leave the
shores of Ghana to seek “greener pastures.” The 20 years of political dislocation in a
nation that offered so much hope but lost its promise after independence, fueled Ghanaian
immigration to the western world with the United States as the main destination.
For some Ghanaians, “greener pastures” were initially found in other African
countries like Liberia and Nigeria in the early 1980s. When the conditions in those
countries deteriorated, the majority of these individuals used the resources they had
acquired during their sojourn in these countries to immigrate to America or migrate to
countries in Asia, Europe, the Middle East and the Caribbean. After living in those
nations for a few years, they would then immigrate to the United States. A significant
proportion of Ghanaians therefore came to the United States through Asia, Europe, the
Middle East and the Caribbean. These are extremely motivated individuals whose
propensity for risk is profound, as some have lived in as many as ten countries before

9
making it to America. They have an insatiable thirst for opportunity and the attractiveness
of the American dream was too great to ignore.
Post Arrival Adjustment of Ghanaian Immigrants
Immigrant adjustment and integration into American society depend on a variety
of factors, including age at the time of immigration, country of origin, racial, ethnic
identification, immigrant normative and cultural values, and the presence of relatives
already settled in the United States.
Settlement Patterns. The core theoretical model used to characterize immigrants’
residential location is the spatial assimilation model (Massey, 1985). This model assumes
that immigrants upon entry cluster in neighborhoods that are not the highest quality and
mainly with their co-ethnics. Once they attain a higher level of education and social
status, they may leave the ethnic neighborhoods as they begin to translate their
socioeconomic mobility into residential attainment, and leading to “ethnic enclaves.”
Ethnic enclaves are areas of concentrated ethnic entrepreneurship and residential activity.
Portes and Rumbaut (2000) indicates that the emergence of ethnic enclaves depends on
the presence of immigrants with substantial business expertise, access to sources of
capital, and labor.
Ghanaian immigrants, like Africans, have not created ethnic residential enclaves.
The closest to an ethnic enclave Africans can boast of are the Ethiopian shops and
restaurants on Fairfax Street in Los Angeles, California. In November 2002, the area was
named Little Ethiopia by unanimous proclamation by the Los Angeles City Council.
Even though there may be substantial numbers of Ghanaian immigrants in certain areas
like Worcester, MA, Greater Washington, D.C., Greensboro, NC, Columbus, Ohio,

10
Bronx, NY and Southern California, Ghanaian immigrants are dispersed over large areas
in the United States and have not formed what may be described as an ethnic enclave.
The newly arrived tend to live with those who are established before moving to
live on their own following employment. In Southern California, the professionals are more
likely to live in the suburbs, while the newly arrived and the non-professionals settle in the
inner cities for easy access to transportation, jobs and other services. The over 15,000
Ghanaian immigrants are widely spread over the entire Southern California region. This
phenomenon has robbed Ghanaians, as well as other African immigrants, of the notice and
recognition that comes from immigrant groups forming a geographical hub or enclave.
Family Relationships. Ghanaian immigrants to the United States have largely
maintained their kinship and family bonds, striving to hold on to their cultural values,
through community events and cultural associations. Ghanaians have steadfastly held on to
their cultural practices in child naming and marriages, which are performed following
Ghanaian customs. Marriage is of tremendous importance, perhaps more than any other
cultural facet in the lives of Ghanaians. The marriage process between two Ghanaians
begins with the payment of a dowry to the bride’s family in Ghana or a family member
residing in the United States. Wedding ceremonies are performed in Ghanaian churches
only upon the pastor receiving confirmation from a family representative that the Ghanaian
ceremony has already been performed. Ghanaian women who marry non-Ghanaian men
often insist the man “ask for her hand in marriage” by paying a dowry before marriage.
Ghanaian immigrants generally invite the matriarch of the family to come to the
United States to help with child rearing and other household chores so that the wife would
be free to pursue academic and career goals. The rearing of children is mainly the

11
responsibility of the women who are expected to inculcate in these children African values
within an American environment (Arthur, 2000).
Most Ghanaian immigrants are still attached to their extended families in Ghana,
sponsoring members of their extended family to come to America whenever the
opportunity arises. Family life and relationships are defined by a hierarchical governance
structure with built-in mechanisms for conflict resolution. Conflict between a husband
and wife or among family members is resolved by community elders. Once resolved
sanctions may be imposed and such arbitration results are binding and final pursuant to
community standards and rules of expectations.
Social Networks. Ghanaian immigrants have formed social networks of ethnic or
national associations across the United States. Among the ethnic associations, the most
vibrant and well organized are the Ashanti Cultural societies and the Ewe Habobos. As
previously noted, Ashantis have chiefs in major cities in the United States, “enstooled”
(coronated) in cities like New York, Los Angeles, Dallas, Houston, Atlanta, and
Worcester through elaborate cultural ceremonies that last up to two days or more.
These chiefs are recognized by the King of Ashanti and accorded the same status as
other chiefs of Ashanti towns and villages in Ghana. With very few modifications the
“enstoolment” process is performed in a similar fashion as the ones done in the Ashanti
Kingdom. The newly “enstooled” chiefs and theirs elders take an oath of allegiance to the
emissary of the King of Ashanti, who travels from Kumasi, the capital of the Ashanti
Kingdom, to represent the King on such occasions. Many Ashanti communities have
youth dance groups that perform traditional dances at important ceremonies. These

12
groups seek to instill in Ashanti children a firm commitment to Ashanti cultural values
and roles.
To many Ghanaian immigrants the church has become a substitute for the
extended families they left behind. Recently there has been an increase in the number of
Ghanaian churches in the U.S., some of whom are independently established by
Ghanaian immigrants for their spiritual awakening and growth. Others are branches of
American churches especially established for the Ghanaian immigrant community or
branches of major churches in Ghana. Among the latter and the fastest growing in the
United States is the Church of Pentecost, which has a presence in over 30 states.
The Church of Pentecost was started in Ghana in 1931, about 26 years before
Ghana’s independence. Its goal was to proselytize not only to Ghanaians but to send
missionaries to the entire world. At the time of the church’s founding that goal was a long
shot for any African Church since Africa was at the receiving end of the Euoropean
efforts at spreading Christianity. According to the church’s website the Church of
Pentecost currently has missionaries in about eighty countries in Europe, North America,
Africa, Australia, and Asia. This has mainly been the result of the increased Ghanaian
emigration to other parts of the world.
Core members of the church are usually drawn from Ghanaian immigrants, some
of whom were members of the church prior to immigrating. Other Africans later join as
outreach efforts are made to other members of the community where the church is
located. Africans immigrants, as well as members of the host community, participate in
the Church services, making for a real cultural experience. The songs heard during
church services are mainly Ghanaian tunes sung in the Twi, Ga or English languages. The

13
congregation dances to these tunes for over half an hour resplendent in their local dresses
as drummers play beside the altar. The participation of children in the church’s activities
is highly encouraged and the children’s choirs deliver inspirational Ghanaian tunes from
time to time
Political Participation. Like other African immigrants, Ghanaians as a group have
not actively participated in the American political process. Even though they may vote as
citizens, and tend to vote Democratic, they have not as a group established themselves as
“players” in the American political landscape (Arthur, 2000).
Economic Integration. Speer (1994) indicates that African immigrants have one
of the highest per capita incomes of any immigrant group. In 1994, their per capita
income of $20,100 was higher than the $16,700 for Asian immigrants or $9,400 for
Central-American immigrants. Most Ghanaian immigrants work for a variety of
organizations in various professions including but not limited to nursing, teaching,
banking, travel and insurance. While a majority work for other companies or
organizations, few Ghanaians have been able to open small family-based business
ventures in major urban areas that serve their communities or other African and West
Indian immigrants.
Restaurants and grocery stores are the major businesses these immigrants are
engaged with and invariably become social centers where Ghanaians meet one another.
Many also use traditional skills such as hair braiding and dressmaking as a basis for
starting their small business ventures. A few Ghanaian immigrant physicians, lawyers,
and accountants have opened their own offices to cater to the needs of their community.
There are many Ghanaian cab drivers in major cities across the country (Arthur, 2000).

14
Ghanaian Immigrant’s Identity Formation
In a study of Haitian immigrants in the United States, Laguire (1954) asserted that
Haitians “have passed from majority status in Haiti to minority status in the United
States” (p. 158). This statement equally applies to Ghanaian immigrants in the U.S., who,
after arriving in this country, have to shockingly confront what many see as social status
devaluation despite a vast improvement in their economic situation. In Ghana there is no
official classificatory system of ethnic relations; no rankings based on racial
classification. Vickerman (1994) points out that Black immigrant reaction upon arriving
in the U.S. is not to distance themselves from Blackness per se, but rather how American
society defines Blackness.
As Charles (1990) accurately states, the meaning of the term “Black” has varied
over time. This first began with the characterization of Africans as apes, savages and
heathens, or as people lacking in higher mental or intellectual capacities. Zephir (1996)
further explains that “Black” has become synonymous with powerlessness or lack of
supremacy, and thus connoting subservient status. Charles (1992) indicates that the
rejection of the Black classification by Haitian immigrants stems from:
1. A rejection of US racial categories of identity that are used as axes of racial
hierarchy and inequality;
2. A reconstruction of the meanings of Blackness from their home society; and
3. The perception and meanings given to the immigration experience.
Ghanaians have a common trait of pride and national identity. They believe that
as the first Black African nation to become independent, they are trailblazers. Ghanaians
pride themselves as having played a leading role in the independence struggle of various

15
African countries. Historically, Ghana has been home to the Pan African movement. Pan
Africanists such as W.E.B Du Bois and George Padmore lived in Ghana during the
Nkrumah regime in the late 1950s through the mid 1960s.

Statement of the Problem
Stevenson and Lee (1990) found the significance placed upon academic
achievement varies between cultures. They also found that parents and teachers believe
they can best aid their children attain academic achievement by placing a greater
emphasis on effort. Ghanaian parents believe that education changes people for the better,
and the only way to “success” is through education. Thus, Ghanaian immigrant parents
believe that helping children strive for academic excellence is one of their most important
tasks as parents.
The cultural models of ethnic groups provide the framework for interpreting
educational events, situations and experiences and guide behavior in the schooling
context and process (Ogbu, 1990). Unlike involuntary minorities whose counter cultural
practices inhibit education, immigrant children develop a dual frame of reference which
allows them to utilize education as a ladder for socio-economic advancement (Suarez-
Orozco, 1989). With the hope of creating a better future for themselves, the folk theory
for success has always been hard work and a strong commitment to education.
Conclusions drawn from recent ethnographic studies of immigrant groups have
made a strong case for the decoupling of Americanization from social mobility (Suarez-
Orozco, 1989). Immigrants who develop adversarial relationship towards mainstream
American values are less likely to succeed within the education system (Suarez-Orozco,

16
1989). Second-generation immigrant’s strong affinity to one’s ethnic group and resisting
certain kinds of Americanization may be the key to socio-economic success (Suarez-
Orozco, 1989). In a study of Central American immigrant students in inner city schools,
Suarez-Orozco (1987) found they maintained a dual frame of reference, which enabled
them to contrast their experience in the United States with that of their home countries. In
doing so, holding such a perspective lead them to develop positive attitudes towards
school. Based on the above assessment, Ghanaian children’s performance in the school
system will be substantially influenced by their identification with their ethnic culture.
This would in turn influence how Ghanaian students would view education and
advancement in the American society. Voluntary immigration notwithstanding, this study
posits that the success of the Ghanaian immigrant child in the American school system
depends largely on how well they maintain their Ghanaian culture.
Research Methodology
Using an ethnographic qualitative research approach, data were collected from
Ghanaian immigrant children and their parents through semi-structured interviews and
observations. Among the variables explored were the attitude of parents and children
towards education, parent involvement in the education of their children and community
influences on academic achievement. The following characteristics about students
emerged from the data collected:(a) languages spoken by the child, (b) current grade
level, (c) Grade Point Average (GPA), and (d) number of advanced placement (AP) or
honors classes taken. In addition, the amount of time spent on homework, family
participation in Ghanaian organizations, relationships with individuals from other ethnic

17
groups, and value placed on education by students and their families were discussed with
both parents and students.
Research Questions
The central question guiding this study is “How does culture influence academic
achievement among Ghanaian immigrant children?” The following questions were
answered by this study:
1. What role do Ghanaian immigrants play in the education of their children and
how is this influenced by their culture?
2. Does the Ghanaian immigrant child’s self identification and practices
(speaking Ghanaian language, attending community events, membership of a
Ghanaian church, etc.) have an impact on their academic achievement?
Significance of the Study
The identification of risk factors for poor academic achievement will aid in the
development of strategies to improve the school performance of low achievers. Similarly,
strengthening protective factors may make the school adjustment process easier and
faster for immigrant children. Thus, early intervention will promote educational success,
enhance life skills, reduce the likelihood of dropping out, and lower the prevalence of
substance abuse and other problem behaviors among immigrant children (Kett, 1995).
This study examines the influence of culture on academic achievement among Ghanaian
immigrant children who have either immigrated with their parents or have been born in
the United States.
The results from this study will provide a strong foundation for further research,
especially among non-dominant immigrant groups in the United States. Given the scant

18
research available on African immigrants in general and Ghanaian immigrants in
particular, this study adds to the limited body of research by shedding light on the impact
cultural influences have on education and the academic achievement of Ghanaian
immigrants in Southern California. The findings from this study have relevance for
policy makers, social workers, educators and immigrant community organizations as this
study was conducted in the context of the pre-immigration experience as well as post-
arrival adjustments in terms of school culture, traditions, familial values, and social
norms of Ghanaians.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to explore the influence of culture on academic
performance among Ghanaian immigrant children in Southern California. In undertaking
this study I have documented and analyzed the challenges Ghanaian immigrant children
confront within the American school system and the role of culture in their educational
experience. While making an effort to understand the challenges the students face, the
study illuminates how Ghanaian immigrant students define, interpret, and negotiate the
contours of cultural identity in the pluralistic and diverse society of the United States and
how this process ultimately impacts their academic performance.
Delimitations and Limitations of the Study
The study assumes that all Ghanaians have a uniform set of culture and social
practices, with slight differences in the Ghanaian community stemming from “tribal” or
religious affiliation as well as income status do exist. Furthermore the study is limited to
the Ghanaian immigrant population in Southern California.

19
Definition of Terms
For the purpose of this study the following terms are defined as follows:
1. Ghanaian immigrants include all persons of Ghanaian ancestry who were either
born in Ghana or to Ghanaian parents in the United States, excluding students on
F-1 visas.
2. African-Americans refer to people of African ancestry whose families have lived
in America for a century or more. They may also be referred to as Afro-
Americans.
3. Africans refers to individuals of African ancestry who voluntarily migrated to the
United States from one or several African countries.
4. American school system refers to public and private K-12 schools in the United
States.
5. Black generally means people of African ancestry who either came here
voluntarily or, involuntarily from Africa, Central, or South America.
6. Culture refers to the attitudes and beliefs handed from one generation to another
among a certain ethnic group.
Organization of the Study
This study is divided into five chapters. Chapter One provides the background for
the study, building a general foundation for the definition of the problem, purpose, and
significance of the study. The chapter also gives an introductory background to the
theoretical framework, which explores how cultural identity influences academic
performance

20
The second chapter delves into the available literature on cultural identity and
academic achievement in the United States, with a special focus on the history of African
immigration as well as available research on Ghanaian cultural identity before and after
immigration. Chapter Three describes the research methodology for the study, detailing
the procedures used for sample selection, data collection, and analysis.
The analysis and findings is presented in Chapter Four, explaining how the
findings from the study impact existing theories on student performance in the American
school system. The summary of key findings, conclusion and recommendations for
stakeholders- educators, parents, community organizations, policy makers are presented
in the fifth and final chapter.

21
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
This literature review is divided into three sections. The first section provides a
theoretical framework for the differing learning and achievement outcomes among
various ethnic groups in the United States. The second section deals with U.S.
immigration policies and how they have influenced African immigration. Last, this
section explores the immigration patterns of Ghanaians into the United States with a
special emphasis placed on adjustment issues.
Immigrant Integration into American Society
Immigrant studies literature in the United States espouses two major theoretical
paradigms. The first, known as assimilation, is underscored by the “melting pot” model
which explains the process whereby groups that are culturally distinct and separate come
together to create and share a common culture. According to Yancey, Eriksen and Juliani
(1976), assimilation is generally viewed as a process of declining levels of differential
association with others as well as a parallel erosion of interest in these origins. In its most
liberal form, the “melting pot” ideal was meant to produce a synthesis of the different
cultures – a homogeneous culture that was not Anglo Saxon, Jewish, and neither Italian
nor Asian. According to Pai and Young (1990), this concept was developed in response
to Anglo-Saxon conformity.
Assimilation may also be viewed as the social, economic, and political integration
of a minority group into mainstream society. This definition implies that assimilation
follows a linear path, wherein there are series of stages that an ethnic group moves
through as it becomes more assimilated. Gordon (1964) explains that there are three main
steps in the assimilation process: (a) cultural, (b) structural, and (c) marital assimilation.

22
The linear assimilationists (Gordon, 1964) further argue that, for later generations, ties to
the ethnic group are increasingly less important because they are farther removed from
the original immigrant culture. The advocates of this model point to declining residential
segregation and occupational specialization, increasing intermarriage, and advancing
social mobility as some of the major factors that contribute to a decrease of ethnic group
solidarity and cohesiveness in favor of assimilation (Gordon, 1964).
Even though the linear assimilation model is believed to have worked
successfully for descendants of European immigrants, the authenticity of the claim has
been challenged by others who assert that immigrants from Southern and Central Europe,
particularly Jews and Catholics faced intense discrimination that made them reluctant to
discard their first culture. Waters (1999) points out that despite their successes, these
immigrants who were initially excluded from Anglo-American culture have maintained
some connection with their immigrant ethnic roots, therefore becoming Irish-Americans,
Italian-Americans, and Greek Americans, etc.
Zephir (1996) contends that the existence of these hyphenated Americans
suggests that the predicted assimilation path has not been precisely followed. Gordon
(1964) concedes that despite a massive trend towards cultural assimilation there have
persisted sub-societies even in the absence of cultural distinctiveness. As such, cultural
pluralism is another theoretical paradigm in immigrant studies. In many respects cultural
pluralism is the opposite of assimilation since immigrant groups retain major aspects of
their distinctiveness. This distinctiveness may be characterized by their religious
practices, their family structures, their life styles and cultural values. While they may
have lost some features of their original attributes, immigrant groups nevertheless “were

23
recreated as something new, but still as identifiable groups” (Glazer & Moynihan, 1963,
p. 13). The belief that different ethnic groups will blend into a homogeneous entity no
longer holds, leading Glazer and Moynihan to suggest this notion has outlived its
usefulness and validity.
Black Immigrants in the United States
According to the 2000 Census Report, there were over 35 million non-Hispanic
blacks (see Table 1), representing over 12 percent of the U.S. population. Since the last
decennial census, the non-Hispanic black population grew by over six million people, a
growth rate of almost 21 percent. More than nine out of ten of these were African
American (based on classification of persons using 2000 Public Use Microdata Samples
(PUMS), but the percentage of other black groups is growing rapidly from 4.0 percent in
1990 to 6.1 percent in 2000 (Census Report, 2000).

As can be seen in the table above, the Afro-Caribbean population grew by more than
618,000 (almost 67%) and Africans grew more than 383,000, a growth rate of almost
167%, approaching a tripling of the African population. These two groups combined,
Table 1
Composition and growth of the non-Hispanic black populations of the U.S., 1990-2000
Population
Percent of Black
Population
Percent of Total
Population Growth
1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990-2000
African American 28,034,275 33,048,095 96.0% 93.9% 11.3% 11.7% 17.9%
Afro-Caribbean 924,693 1,542,895 3.2% 4.4% 0.4% 0.5% 66.9%
African 229,488 612,548 0.8% 1.7% 0.1% 0.2% 166.9%
Non-Hispanic white 188,013,404 194,433,424 75.6% 69.1% 3.4%
Non-Hispanic black 29,188,456 35,203,538 11.7% 12.5% 20.6%
Hispanic 21,836,851 35,241,468 8.8% 12.5% 61.4%
Asian 6,977,447 10,050,579 2.8% 3.6% 44.0%
Total U.S. 248,709,873 281,421,906 100.0% 100.0% 13.2%
Note: PUMS Based on 2000 Census Report

24
despite being much smaller than the African American population, contributed about 17
percent of the six million increase in the non-Hispanic black population during the
Census period. Although not an often-recognized part of the American ethnic mosaic,
both of these groups are emerging as large and fast-growing populations. Afro-
Caribbeans now outnumber and are growing faster than such well-established ethnic
minorities as Cubans and Koreans.
Black Immigrants and Ethnicity
At the core of cultural pluralism is ethnic identity. Glazer and Moynihan (1975)
believe that the character and quality of an ethnic group defines its identity. They further
state that each ethnic group has a distinct sense of difference, which may be attributed to
their culture and descent. Ethnic groups are distinguished by a sense of difference that
may include such multi-dimensional factors as religion, language, customs and descent.
The linear assimilation model proposes that cultural and social assimilation is
moving lockstep with socio-economic success. It means that with each succeeding
generation the group becomes more similar to mainstream Americans and more
economically successful. The 1965 study by Warner and Srole (1965) offers the best
portrait of how linear assimilation proceeds. In a study of the social system of Newbury,
Massachusetts, the researchers described the generational march of ethnic groups within
the small industrial city from initial residential and occupational segregation to
residential, occupational, and identity integration and Americanization. This study
revealed that class mobility pushed
…progressively farther out of the bottom level and into each of the successive
levels above. That the class index of an ethnic group is related to the length of its
settlement in the city is a manifestation of the continuous advance achieved in the
hierarchy of each new generation. (Warner & Srole, 1965. p. 72)

25

The study further revealed that children were in a hurry to discard the language of their
parents in order to become more Americanized. They indicated that teenagers learned to
speak English without an accent in order to become competitive as native- born
Americans.
The following critical assumptions could be deduced as underlying Warner and
Srole’s conclusions:
1. That “the American social system” is an undifferentiated whole;
2. That there is one American culture that the child will be absorbed into;
3. That the culture is assumed to be upwardly mobile, self reliant, and individualistic
middle-class; and
4. That the American culture and identity are of a higher social status than the
immigrant culture.
Given the above, Warner and Srole (1965) conclude,
In any judgments of rank, the American social system, being the most vigorous
and having also the dominance of host status, is affirmed the higher. Since the
child identifies himself with it, his position in the present reciprocal is higher. (p.
145)

Waters (1999) indicates that Black immigrants are entering a plural society in
which a variety of subcultures and racial and ethnic identities must co-exist. Furthermore
the linear assimilationists’ assertion that most immigrants start from the lower rungs of
the economic ladder and move up is no longer true. In the 1990s some immigrants came
to America with higher education levels which gave them greater opportunities to earn
higher incomes. For example, the 1990 census revealed that 70 percent of all African
immigrants have at least a high school diploma prior to immigrating into the United

26
States. Moreover, the manufacturing jobs that provided lower level jobs and attendant
economic mobility no longer exist. The restructuring of the American economy has led to
the outsourcing of these jobs to developing countries where labor costs are appreciably
lower.
The shortfalls in the linear assimilation model affirm Vigil’s (1998) conclusion
that cultural identity creation may include a variety of possible configurations, as well as
rates and directions. Vigil’s study referenced important studies on ethnic identity done
by De Vos and Romanucci-Ross (1995). De Vos and Romanucci-Ross emphasized that
identity creation and development are linked to race, language, religion, cultural features,
status, historical, and geographical features.
Keefe and Padilla (1987) suggest the racial prejudice, economic displacement,
poverty, and marginalization experienced by minority groups has led to the emergence of
distinct sub-cultures within these groups. Gans (1992) outlines several scenarios of
possible socio-economic integration of the post-1965 immigrants. He posits that children
of the new immigrants face a socio-economic decline relative to their parents since these
children might refuse low paying jobs. It is against this background that black immigrants
may distinguish themselves as a distinct group from other blacks who were brought into
this country involuntarily.
Another possibility raised by Gans (1992) is that those children who do not
become Americanized are less likely to adopt negative attitudes towards school,
opportunity, and hard work. In staying close to their parents’ ethnic community and
values, they are more likely than their peers to be successful. Gans therefore postulates
that there can be two patterns of assimilation. There are those “people who have secured

27
an economically viable ethnic or other niche acculturating less than did the European
second and third generations” (p. 173) and those without such a niche “experiencing the
poverty and joblessness of the second generation decline and becoming American faster
than other second generation ethnics” (p. 192).
Referring to this phenomenon as “segmented assimilation,” Alejandro Portes and
Min Zhou (1997) attempt to explain why second generations of certain ethnic groups’
socio-economic achievements are inconsistent with linear assimilation theories. The
segmented-assimilation theory suggests that two trajectories of assimilation occur
depending upon the ethnic group under consideration. Portes and Zhou further suggest
that the mode of incorporation of the first generation may create differential
opportunities, including cultural and social capital in the form of ethnic jobs, networks,
and values. These in turn create differential pulls on the allegiance of the second
generation, such that one may lean toward the patterns of the white majority, while the
other may lean toward the patterns of groups marginalized by ethnic or racial prejudice.
Portes and Zhou conclude that immigrant groups who face extreme discrimination
gravitate towards minority groups who have also faced extreme discrimination. This may
lead them to develop “reactive ethnicity,” which essentially means that the group will
move away from mainstream American society. They further assert that the second
generation of these groups, whose parents lack the degree of social capital to provide
opportunities and protection, are more likely to develop an adversarial stance like those
adopted by Blacks and Hispanics.
Min Zhou (1997) states that first generation immigrant groups that maintain fewer
ties to American minority groups and establish strong ethnic networks and access to

28
capital may develop what he termed “linear ethnicity.” Linear ethnicity creates social
capital – the network of churches and community organizations – which in turn provides
links to job opportunities. Such institutions also reinforce parental authority and cultural
values. Groups reflecting linear ethnicity resist acculturation into the United States and
ultimately provide better opportunities for the second generation.
African Immigration into the United States
African migration, sometimes dubbed the “brain drain,” describes the tremendous
outflow of Africa’s best and brightest to the world’s developed nations. Among them is
the United States, which serves as a major destination for many of these individuals
(Arthur, 2000). Previously invisible, the African immigrant population has gradually
become a noticeable population within the American urban landscape. According to the
2000 Census, over 600,000 blacks were classified as Africans. However, many African
immigrant community leaders believe that this figure is seriously underestimated for
several reasons. First, African immigrants believed the Census is used to keep track of
them and therefore do not participate based on their immigration status. Second, many
also believe the Census Bureau and other government agencies are linked or work closely
with the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS).
The History of African Immigration into the United States
The voluntary migration of peoples of African descent to the United States of
America has been historically, a continuous process. Had it not been for slavery,
voluntary migration might have been higher than the trickling numbers that migrated here
after the Civil War ended in 1865. According to data from Immigration and
Naturalization Service (INS) between 1881-1890, less than one thousand Africans

29
migrated to the United States; but as memories of slavery subsided and became less
vivid, the number of Africans who migrated to the United States increased. Between
1901 and 1920, over fifteen thousand Africans immigrated to the United States (Arthur,
2000). In 1921, when the first quantitative immigration law was adopted, temporary
annual quotas were set according to nationality. This act was later strengthened by the
Immigration Act of 1924, which used national origin to impose immigration quotas
restricting the total number of immigrants that could be admitted annually into the United
States to 150,000.
The allotments to the various countries were based solely on how many
Americans could trace their ancestry to a particular region of the world. Clearly, the plan
favored Western European immigration, as the African quota was restricted to two
percent of the total number of immigrants that could be admitted annually into the
country. These restrictions, together with the discriminatory practices and segregation in
the United States, severely reduced African immigration. Data from the INS indicate that
there were only 6,286 Africans admitted between 1921 and 1930 compared to 112,059
from Asia during the same period. The number of African immigrants to the United
States significantly increased after the Second World War, as Americans began to see the
need for established links to other non-European countries and realized that
discriminatory immigration practices should be abolished (Ashabranner, 1999).
Congress removed “national origin” as the basis for American immigration in
1965 and was an amendment to the 1952 McCarran-Walter Act. Under this act, the quota
for Asia stood at 2,990 compared with 146,667 for Europe and 1,400 for Africa. From an

30
abysmally low admission of 14,092 Africans between 1951 and 1960, the number of
admissions increased to 80,779 between 1971 and 1980.
African immigration into the United States was further boosted under the
Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986. IRCA was a comprehensive
reform effort that (a) legalized the status of aliens who had resided unlawfully in the
United States since January 1, 1982; (b) established sanctions prohibiting employers from
hiring, recruiting, or referring for a fee aliens known to be unauthorized to work in the
United States; (c) created a new classification of temporary agricultural worker and
provided for the legalization of such workers; and (d) established a visa waiver pilot
program allowing for the admission of certain non-immigrants without visas. This law
vastly increased the number of African immigrants into the United States.
The portion of the law that legalized illegal aliens had a very important effect on
African immigrants, since after legalizing their status they were able to bring family
members from Africa, which substantially increased the population of African
immigrants in the United States. In addition, the 1995 Immigrant Diversity Program
established by Congress substantially increased the African immigrant population in the
United States. The State Department's National Visa Center holds the lottery every year
and chooses winners randomly from all qualified entries. Anyone who is selected under
this lottery is given the opportunity to apply for permanent residence. If permanent
residence is granted, the individual is authorized to live and work permanently in the
United States. The individual is also allowed to bring his or her spouse and any
unmarried children under the age of 21 to the United States. Each year, 50,000 immigrant
visas are made available through a lottery to people who come from countries with low

31
rates of immigration to the United States. None of these visas are available to people who
come from countries that have sent more than 50,000 immigrants to the United States in
the past five years. Although African immigrants comprised only 5.9 percent of the total
number of immigrants in the 1995 fiscal year, the 42,456 African immigrants admitted
into the country were up until then the most ever recorded for Africa.
Most of the increase in African immigration from 1994 and 1995 was due to
admissions under the Diversity Immigrant Lottery Program. Between 1994 and 1996,
African immigration nearly doubled from 26,716 in 1994 to 52,889 in 1996. These
favorable immigration policies, regulations and laws together ushered in a significant
increase in the number of African immigrants admitted into the United States. Between
1991 and 2000, over 350,000 African immigrants were legally admitted into this country.
This number represents over 50 percent of the total number of African immigrants
admitted between 1820 and 2000.
African Immigrant Settlement Patterns
Unlike African Americans, who are present in large numbers in many metro
areas, Africans are dispersed throughout the country. Only a quarter of Africans live in
one of the ten largest metropolitan regions for the group, and these metro areas are
geographically dispersed. In contrast, Afro-Caribbeans, for example, are heavily
concentrated in just a few metro areas, all on the East coast. Washington, D.C. and New
York have the largest African-born populations, 80,281 and 73,851, respectively. The
1990-2000 growth rates exceed 100 percent in all the top metro areas for this population,
save Los Angeles-Long Beach at 53.5 percent. Minneapolis-St. Paul saw a 628.4 percent
increase in its African population, largely due to refugees from East Africa, and account

32
for over 15 percent of the non-Hispanic black population. Africans in Boston comprise
almost 10 percent of all non-Hispanic blacks. In the ten metros listed in Table 2 below,
most Africans were born in West Africa (mainly Nigeria and Ghana) or East Africa
(Ethiopia or in the “other East Africa” category that includes Somalia). East Africans are
the larger source in Minneapolis (61%) and they approximately equal West Africans in
Los Angeles-Long Beach (37%) and Dallas (40%). Elsewhere West Africans
predominate: Washington (53%), New York (69%), Atlanta (48%), Boston (60%),
Houston (61%), Chicago (58%), and Philadelphia (53%).

Unique Characteristics of African Immigrants
The 2000 Census revealed significant data about African immigrants, showing
that educational attainment among Africans is 14.0 years; higher than Afro-Caribbeans at
12.6 years or African Americans at 12.4 years. The educational attainment of Africans is
higher even than whites and Asians. While this may suggest that Africans immigrate
selectively to the U.S. based on their educational attainment or plans for higher
education, the fact that a growing number of African immigrant children are graduating
Table 2
Metros with largest African-born Population 2000

African-born Percent of black total Percent of metro total Growth
1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990-2000
Washington, DC-MD-VA-WV 32,248 80,281 3.0 6.1 0.8 1.6 148.9
New York, NY 31,532 73,851 1.6 3.4 0.4 0.8 134.2
Atlanta, GA 8,919 34,302 1.2 2.9 0.3 0.8 284.6
Minneapolis-St. Paul, MN-WI 3,788 27,592 4.3 15.4 0.1 0.9 628.4
Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA 16,826 25,829 1.8 2.7 0.2 0.3 53.5
Boston, MA-NH 11,989 24,231 6.0 9.8 0.4 0.7 102.1
Houston, TX 9,882 22,638 1.6 3.1 0.3 0.5 129.1
Chicago, IL 8,738 19,438 0.6 1.2 0.1 0.2 122.5
Dallas, TX 7,373 19,134 1.8 3.6 0.3 0.5 159.5
Philadelphia, PA-NJ 5,098 16,344 0.6 1.6
Note:2000 Census Report

33
from high school and college at higher domestic rates in recent years cannot be
overlooked. Other pertinent data show that Africans have a median income of about
$43,000 and have the lowest rates of unemployment and impoverishment among blacks,
comparing favorably to Hispanics (see Table 3). African unemployment rate is less than
half the unemployment rate of whites (4.7%) and Asians (5.0%).

Table 4 shows segregation measures in the ten largest metropolitan areas for the African-
born. Africans’ exposure to whites declined significantly in all ten regions, especially in
New York (17.0%), but was near or above 50% in Minneapolis-St. Paul, Boston, Dallas,
and Philadelphia. Segregation from whites is high in all cases.

Table 3
Social and economic characteristics of non-Hispanic black populations in comparison with major U.S.
racia and ethnic groups, 1990 and 2000

Population
Foreign
Born
Years of
Education
Median
Household
Income

loUnemplo
yed
Below
Poverty
1990
African American 28,034,275 1.8% 11.7 $29,251 12.5% 32.8%
Afro-Caribbean 924,693 72.4% 12.1 $42,927 9.4% 17.8%
African 229,488 72.1% 14.3 $35,041 8.5% 24.7%
Non-Hispanic white 188,013,404 3.9% 12.9 $47,481 4.7% 11.3%
Non-Hispanic black 29,188,456 4.7% 11.7 $29,850 12.3% 32.3%
Hispanic 21,836,851 42.7% 10.2 $35,041 9.9% 27.0%
Asian 6,977,447 67.5% 13.1 $54,508 5.0% 15.9%
2000
African American 33,048,095 2.2% 12.4 $33,790 11.2% 30.4%
Afro-Caribbean 1,542,895 68.3% 12.6 $43,650 8.7% 18.8%
African 612,548 78.5% 14.0 $42,900 7.3% 22.1%
Non-Hispanic white 194,433,424 4.2% 13.5 $53,000 4.0% 11.2%
Non-Hispanic black 35,203,538 6.4% 12.5 $34,300 11.0% 29.7%
Hispanic 35,241,468 40.9% 10.5 $38,500 8.8% 26.0%
Asian 10,050,579 66.5% 13.9 $62,000 4.6% 13.9
Note:2000 Census Report

34
Table 4
Segregation of the 10 metro regions with largest African-born population in Census 2000

Exposure to
whites
Segregation
from whites
Exposure to
Blacks
Segregation
from Blacks
1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000
Washington, DC-MD-VA-WV 47.7 37.5 62.7 63.1 34.6 36.7 62.9 58.2
New York, NY 29.9 17.0 71.6 78.0 38.4 47.0 62.1 48.5
Atlanta, GA 53.1 39.4 67.2 63.6 39.7 43.2 57.4 54.0
Minneapolis-St. Paul, MN-WI 78.0 59.2 73.0 68.4 11.2 21.9 66.1 50.0
Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA 44.7 34.4 59.4 59.0 17.1 19.9 68.3 60.6
Boston, MA-NH 55.5 47.5 68.2 63.7 22.4 26.6 64.7 48.9
Houston, TX 46.8 33.0 68.2 67.9 23.7 27.3 71.3 64.7
Chicago, IL 51.7 45.1 78.0 72.7 29.1 31.0 80.5 71.2
Dallas, TX 66.4 49.0 64.8 60.0 15.5 19.6 74.3 64.2
Philadelphia, PA-NJ 56.8 49.2 78.1 70.2 34.5 38.7 72.2 61.9
Note: 2000 Census Report

According to the data, Africans are segregated from African Americans and Afro-
Caribbeans in most places except in Washington D.C. and Atlanta where African
neighborhoods may overlap more with those of other blacks (see Table 5). In Washington
and several other metropolitan areas where Africans live, the percent of individuals
holding college degrees is higher than the national average for white neighborhoods, such
as Atlanta, Los Angeles-Long Beach, Houston, Chicago, and Dallas, thus reinforcing the
notion that Africans have especially high levels of education. In New York and
Philadelphia, however, Africans live in generally low-income areas.

35

Impact of Culture on Education
Past studies in the United States have consistently found that culture and ethnicity
has varied effects on the educational outcomes of immigrant children. Derek Bok (2003)
stated, “The [achievement] gap is nationwide, it is substantial, and it has not diminished in
the last 15 years” (p. 20).
In California, Asians fare significantly better than whites in school outcomes such
as grade point average, while blacks and Hispanics fare significantly worse (CDE, 2007).
The capacity to classify experiences, and codify such classifications lays the foundation
for what we know as culture. We then become imbued with the capacity to teach such
experiences to others. Enculturation enables a younger generationto reproduce the values,
and attributes of the previous generation.
People make sense of the world and develop appropriate responses to the
environment as a result of their particular cultural lenses (Giger & Davidhazar, 2004).
Interactions in all cultures are governed by unstated rules arising from the culture’s
history, values, and social structure. These rules are taken for granted by a culture’s
Table 5
Neighborhood characteristics of the average African-born resident

Median
Household Income
Percent
Homeowners
Percent
College Educated
1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000
Washington, DC-MD-VA-WV $55,784 $57,143 47.0% 50.4% 37.5% 39.5%
New York, NY $40,145 $35,243 24.3% 24.2% 22.7% 20.3%
Atlanta, GA $43,049 $48,614 45.1% 49.8% 30.0% 30.5%
Minneapolis-St. Paul, MN-WI $36,321 $37,679 46.4% 44.0% 31.2% 27.9%
Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA $49,075 $47,009 41.9% 42.9% 26.9% 29.8%
Boston, MA-NH $43,138 $42,925 37.9% 40.2% 27.3% 28.2%
Houston, TX $41,298 $46,531 39.2% 48.8% 30.9% 30.9%
Chicago, IL $40,700 $45,509 41.0% 47.4% 30.7% 34.3%
Dallas, TX $45,671 $49,347 38.2% 43.6% 35.0% 33.1%
Philadelphia, PA-NJ $43,811 $41,647 60.2% 60.7% 25.4% 23.1%
Note: 2000 Census

36
members and are often unfathomable to outsiders. Hall (1976) classified cultures as high
or low context based on the relative importance of the social situation in determining and
interpreting behaviors.
The challenges of a more democratic and inclusive society should invite us to
reflect on establishing a sound multicultural teacher education curriculum given the
inherent challenges to understanding and studying culture. As Larkin and Sleeter (1995)
have pointed out, most education is conducted within a narrow dominant-culture
perspective. The overwhelming majority of school administrators in the United States are
white males. Over 90% of teachers are white and over 80% of elementary school teachers
are female. Mathematics, science, and industrial arts teachers are predominantly male,
whereas foreign language, English, and home economics teachers tend to be female
(Grant, 1996). People of color are often custodians and aides and over 90% of secretaries
are women. Prospective teachers grow up mostly in middle-class families and are from
white communities (Tellez, Hlebowitsh, Cohen, & Norwood, 1995). Meanwhile, by the
year 2020, almost one third of the school-age population will be non-White children, and
almost one fourth will live in economic poverty. It is within this context that Ghanaian
immigrant children are being educated; in a setting distinct from what their parents are
familiar with.
One of the most pressing issues within the U.S. education system is
understanding the various ways race, ethnicity, and culture influence student learning in
formal education settings. This issue engenders a high sense of urgency among Ghanaian
immigrants given the fact that the vast majority of students from some racial and ethnic
minority groups do not “achieve” in school at rates comparable to European-American

37
students or to students from particular racial and ethnic minority groups (Bok, 2003). In
order to examine how race, ethnicity, and culture might influence student learning, the
various assumptions underlying these concepts must be well understood.
Theoretical Explanations of Differing Academic Achievement and Learning
If current trends in educational underachievement continue, millions of students –
primarily poor African-American, Native American, and Hispanic – will not attain the
education necessary to fully participate in the economic and civic life of the country.
Furthermore, the inequality that results from differences in educational achievement of
children is likely to have a negative impact on the United States.
Differences in the academic performance of children appear early. For example,
the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NEAP) reports that students from low
socioeconomic backgrounds and many children of color consistently achieve below the
national average in mathematics and language skills, with the gap widening as children
continue through their school years (College Board, 1999). The longer some children
from minority populations stay in school, the greater the discrepancy between their
educational performance and that of white and Asian students. Gradually and inexorably,
“the chances for academic success diminish for poor and minority students as they are
launched into trajectories of failure” (Alexander & Entwisle, 1988, p.1)
In racially and ethnically diverse societies as the United States, there is a constant
search for understanding of how race, ethnicity, and culture influences student learning in
formal educational settings. This concern is critical because students from some racial
and ethnic minority populations are not achieving at comparable levels as those from the
majority white population. In order to examine this difference in achievement,

38
researchers over the years have developed theories based on cultural deprivation,
structuralism, genetics, societal resistance, multiculturalism, as well as cultural
differences and learning styles (Morris, 1996).
An important position within this range of theories suggest that students’ learning
and achievement in school, which reflect the values, beliefs, and traditions of some
racial/ethnic groups, may place less of an emphasis on achieving within the dominant
education context. John Ogbu’s (1986) scholarship captures the essence of this view by
linking the way different minority groups enter into society and, by extension, their
approach to schooling and thus detailing the extent to which members of some minority
groups fail in mainstream schools. According to Morris (1996), Ogbu’s comparative
research on immigrant and non-immigrant minorities radically shifted the discourse by
suggesting that a macro level of analysis should be considered when investigating why
students from some minority groups achieve in school at greater rates than others.
Ogbu’s theory was further supported by two 1986 publications: “Black Students’
School Success Coping with the Burden of Acting White,” a collaboration with Signithia
Fordham and To the Popular or Smart: The Black Peer Group, a book written by
Jawanzaa Kunjufu. The latter work asserted that involuntary minority groups develop
resistive cultural practices to insulate themselves against the vagaries of discrimination
and oppression. These may include, but are not limited to, students shunning rigorous
academic work for fear of being labeled by their peers as “acting white.” These resistive
cultural practices ultimately become impediments to academic achievement.
Ogbu’s thesis has been criticized by other researchers for the great emphasis it
places on social factors affecting the general group without due emphasis on how

39
individual students learn. O’Connor (2002) posits that ethnographic studies of
involuntary immigrant groups (e.g. African-American students) should not only address
the variety of ways that students approach schooling, but also the heterogeneity that is
present within social groups.
Academic Achievement among Immigrant Children
In recent years research has shown the culture of various immigrant groups to be
making a difference in school performance. According to Schmidt (1990), it is not just
the immigrant group's culture, but how that group and culture interfaces with U.S.
society. To the extent that educational performance is a strong predictor of future career
mobility, differences among students of various nationalities point to potential
inequalities in their eventual economic and social adaptation. Portes and Zhou (1993)
have used the term “segmented assimilation” to refer to what they see as major
differences in the success and opportunities of today's second generation. In their view,
some of the newly hyphenated Americans are on a rapid course of upward assimilation,
riding on the strength of family and community resources, while others have a high
probability of undergoing “downward assimilation” because of a compounded set of
family and community disadvantages.
Another theory emphasizes community differences that transcend the family and
its immediate social context. According to this view, the process by which immigrants
incorporate themselves into American society may have enduring effects in the patterns
of adaptation of both adults and children. Different modes of incorporation, determined
by governmental policy and public perceptions of different nationalities, may interact

40
with the cultural outlooks and aspirations of their members, producing diverse ethnic
communities (Mahler 1995a; Massey 1987; Portes & Rumbaut, 1996).
These communities subsequently condition the orientation of their members
toward the future. This in turn influences their perception of what is achievable in
American society and their mutual solidarity. Such contextual effects may transcend
those of individual and family characteristics, influencing all members of a particular
group, which ultimately has a profound influence on how the children from that
community may perform in school. According Rumbaut (1997b):
The diversity of contemporary immigration is such that, among all ethnic groups
in America today, native and foreign-born, different immigrant nationalities
account at once for the highest and the lowest rates of education, self-
employment, home ownership, poverty, welfare dependency and fertility… These
differential starting points, especially the internal socioeconomic diversification
of particular waves within the same nationalities over time, augur differential
modes of incorporation and assimilation outcomes that cannot be extrapolated
simply from the experience of earlier immigrant groups of the same nationality,
let alone from immigrants as an undifferentiated whole. (p. 500)

The cultural models of ethnic groups, according to Ogbu (1990), may provide the
framework for interpretation of educational events, and experiences. He further asserts,
“The more academically successful minorities differ from the less academically
successful minorities from the type of understanding they have of the workings of the
larger society and of their place as minorities in that working order” (pp.7-8). Therefore,
unlike involuntary minorities whose counter cultural practices inhibit education,
immigrant children develop a dual frame of reference, which allows them to utilize
education as a ladder for socio-economic advancement (Suarez-Orozco, 1989).
Conclusions drawn from recent ethnographic studies of immigrant groups have
made a strong case for the decoupling of Americanization from social mobility (Suarez-

41
Oroszco, 1989). Immigrants who develop an adversarial relationship towards mainstream
American values are less likely to succeed in the education system. Ironically, for certain
immigrant groups, the second generation’s strong affinity to their ethnic group may be
the key to socio-economic success. This was found by Suarez-Orozco (1987) in a study
of Central American immigrant students in the inner city schools. He found that
immigrant students’ dual frame of reference enabled them to contrast their experience in
the United States with that of their home countries and do well in school.
The Impact of Immigration on Education
The United States has one of the most extensive and diverse educational systems
in the world. Education in this country is notable for the many goals it aspires to
accomplish, including promoting democracy, assimilation, nationalism, equality of
opportunity and personal development. These diverse goals, as well as the complexities
of race, ethnicity, and culture, provide a challenging environment for educational
development. It is within this complex school environment, fashioned to accomplish
multifaceted and seemingly incongruous goals that the children from various immigrant
groups have to arduously navigate.
Increased immigration from so many countries has led to a substantial increase in
the number of children from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds enrolling in
the American school system. The United States is being transformed by continuing levels
of immigration and no American institution has been more forcefully affected by this
transformation than the school system. Among the students currently attending school the
percent of students born outside the country continues to grow. In many school districts,
teachers and school administrators are grappling with the sudden explosion of students

42
speaking languages never previously heard like Twi, Urdu, Amharic, Benghali, or
Vietnamese. The Washington Metropolitan area’s population for example, grew by 9
percent between 1990 and 1997, and nearly half of the growth was due to the net
international migration. African immigrants accounted for the 16 percent of the recent
immigrant population in the area.
The growth in the Ghanaian immigrant student population in major metropolitan
areas underscores the need for researchers to understand what may hinder or facilitate
learning and academic achievement among their students.

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CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
The study’s primary purpose was to explore how culture influences academic
achievement among Ghanaian immigrants in Southern California. In the context of this
study, the cultural factors explored include the attitude of parents and students towards
education, parent and community involvement in education, and available community
support systems. This chapter describes the design, instrumentation and methodology of
the study.
Sampling
Purposive sampling was utilized since the objective for the study was not to
maximize numbers but to become “saturated” with information on the topic (Padgett,
1998, p. 52). The main consideration for the selection of participants was the willingness
of respondents to speak freely with me. Twenty children between 12 and 20 years of age
were interviewed together with their parents throughout the summer of 2008.
Data Collection
Children and their parents who participated in this study were interviewed
separately and were conducted in the Twi language as needed. Twi is the predominant
language spoken in Ghana, but most interviews were done in English. Parents who were
more comfortable expressing themselves in their native language were given the
opportunity to do so. There were a few others who engaged in code switching using both
English and Twi at different times during the conversation. In such instances I reported
what was said in Twi, as accurate as possible in the English language, cognizant of the
fact that certain expressions may not have a strict English equivalent. It is hoped that in
such instances the translation correctly represented the gist of what was said.

44
The primary data collection method for this study was in-depth, open-ended
interviews, for which I used an interview guide to avoid losing focus and to ensure that
all relevant questions were asked. This interview guide enabled me to draw out detailed
information and comments from the respondents and provided the necessary structure
while maintaining a relatively high degree of flexibility (Patton as cited in Rubin &
Babbie, 2001). Respondents were thus given the opportunity to express their thoughts on
the topic of interest as freely as possible.
During the interviews, I recorded the following characteristics about students and
verified information subsequently through document checks where necessary:
1. Languages spoken by the child;
2. Current grade level;
3. Grade Point Average (GPA); and
4. Number of advanced placement (AP) or honors classes taken.
In addition, I discussed with both parents and students the amount of time spent on
homework, family participation in Ghanaian organizations, relationships with individuals
from other ethnic groups, and value placed on education by students and their families.
Additional data collection methods involved non-participant observation of community
events and reviews of documents related to student achievement. Archival research
included both electronic (i.e., Internet-based) and hardcopy newspapers as well as
minutes and reports of meetings, and similar documents. A field diary and logbook
detailing all my activities in relation to the study was kept to facilitate data collection and
analysis.

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Research Questions
The study aims to understand how culture may influence academic achievement
among Ghanaian immigrants in Southern California. The following sub questions were
answered by this study:
1. What role do Ghanaian immigrants play in the education of their children and
how is this influenced by their culture?
2. Does the Ghanaian immigrant child’s self identification and practices (speaking
Ghanaian language, attending community events, membership of a Ghanaian
church etc) have an impact on their academic achievement?
Role of the Researcher
This study was an attempt to present the voices of Ghanaian immigrants and to
reproduce their statements. As a teacher with nearly two decade’s worth of experience
teaching immigrant students in urban Los Angeles, I have had the opportunity to observe
immigrant students navigating through the school system. This unique background and
perspective offers a great opportunity to compare and contrast the experiences of
Ghanaian immigrants with what I have experienced daily in my classroom. Moreover, as
a Ghanaian immigrant conducting research about my own people, I strived for objectivity
by removing my emotions from the study and reporting only what I saw and heard.
Having served as the president of the Ghana Association of Southern California
for four years, I was able to use my access to the community to break into the rigid
boundaries most immigrant communities erect around themselves. Notably, I was not
constrained by ethnic, linguistic, and social barriers an outside investigator would have
encountered. On the whole, the benefits of my “insider” status far outweighed any

46
limitations it might have carried. Sensitive to the fact that in conducting this study, I may
come in contact with personal information, I made every attempt to assuage any fears
from respondents by explaining to them the purpose of the study. I have maintained a
non-judgmental attitude throughout the research, which has enabled me to observe and
describe group patterns, similarities and differences as they occurred.
Data Analysis
Content analysis was used to identify themes in the responses to the open-ended
questions (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Categories were defined to include children’s
current performance in school, pre-immigration education level, participation in
Ghanaian community events, Ghanaian languages spoken, and the level of parent and
community support and encouragement received.
Preliminary data analysis was conducted simultaneously with data collection, data
interpretation and narrative report writing. Theme and categories began to emerge during
the time the final data analysis was done (Patton, 1980). Thereafter the data presented
captured the impact of culture on academic achievement among Ghanaian immigrant
parents.
The analysis of interview transcripts and field notes was based on an inductive
approach aimed to identify patterns in the data by means of thematic codes. “Inductive
analysis means that the patterns, themes, and categories of analysis come from the data;
they emerge out of the data rather than being imposed on them prior to data collection
and analysis” (Patton, 1980, p. 306).
In sum, data were disaggregated and analyzed by means of thematic codes.
Themes gradually emerged as a result of the combined process of becoming intimate with

47
the data, making logical associations with the interview questions, and considering what
was learned during the initial review of the literature. At successive stages, themes
moved from a low level of abstraction to become major, overarching themes rooted in the
concrete evidence provided by the data.
Trustworthiness
Triangulation was used to establish credibility, ferreting out data from multiple
sources, in particular, interviews (supplemented with data from key informants), non-
participant observation, and document reviews. Interviews served as the main data-
gathering method and field observations were done to determine how what was observed
measured against what was said in interviews, especially as it relates to the activities of
the Ghana Association of Southern California. Approximately 40 documents were
reviewed and coded for analysis.
Data collected from parents were used to corroborate the children's information
including parent participation in their child’s education, community involvement and
attitudes towards education. Member checking also took place as data collection
transitioned into data analysis, which involved telephoning respondents to check the
accuracy of facts and observations. Crosschecking helped to maintain reflexivity by
encouraging self-awareness and self-correction. After the initial write-up of the study,
feedback on some of the findings was sought in the field from the leaders of community
organizations I studied as well as from community residents who did not participate as
interview respondents.

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CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS
Past studies have consistently found that ethnicity has varied effects on the
educational outcomes of children in the school system (College Board, 1999). In
California, results from the California Standardized Testing and Reporting (STAR)
assessment show Asians and whites faring significantly better than both blacks and
Hispanics (California Department of Education, 2007). This study seeks to explain the
effect culture has on the educational outcomes of Ghanaian immigrants in Southern
California, paying particular attention to the values and attitudes shared by Ghanaian
immigrant parents and their children towards education. This chapter presents the
findings of this study, and is organized according to parent participation and student
attitudes towards education.
Participation of Ghanaian Parents in the Education of their Children
Parent participation in the education of their children is one of the major
indicators of student success in the American education system. Parent participation
encompasses a broad range of parenting behaviors, such as homework assistance and
discussion, parent-teacher communications, participation in school events or activities,
and participation in school governance. In order to gauge the level and quality of parent
participation in schools among Ghanaian immigrants, I investigated home-school
communications, attendance of school functions, parents serving as classroom volunteers,
attendance of parent-teacher conferences, homework assistance/tutoring, home
educational enrichment, and parent involvement in decision making and other aspects of
school governance.

49
All twenty of the parent participants in this study hoped that their children would
become professionals, whether it be doctors, lawyers or nurses. These parents held
educators in high regard for their experience and professional judgment and deferred any
questions to them regarding their children's educational goals (Nicolau & Ramos, 1990).
John is a Ghanaian immigrant parent who came to this country after graduating from the
University of Ghana and currently works as a bank manager. He is very well regarded in
the Ghanaian community and actively participates in the Ghana Association of Southern
California. He said the following when asked about the aspirations he has for his
children:
I believe that my children who are high school students could go to any university
they want to attend, I have trained them to appreciate the importance of education.
Every one of them is expected to attend a University of California (UC) system
school.

In a follow up question about what classes his children need to take to attend the
college he referenced, it came to light that he was unaware of the classes his children
need to take, nor was he aware of the A-G requirements that must be met for admission to
the University of California system. These requirements include at least three years of
high school mathematics and two years of laboratory science among other coursework. In
public high schools across California students do not need to meet these requirements to
earn a high school diploma. This is not the case in Ghana where the requirements for the
high school diploma also help students meet the entry requirements to all universities. As
such, many parents believe that if their children have a high GPA and are graduating
from high school they must then qualify for any university of their choice. These parents
have high aspirations for their children, however they lack the necessary knowledge to
guide their child through the American high school and postsecondary systems. Because

50
this is an extremely challenging process, parents need to participate in events which
clarify differences between the Ghanaian and American educational systems.
Lack of time, money, safety and childcare concerns were not cited as the reasons
why parents were not participating in their children’s education. Rather cultural
differences and differing expectations between the U.S. school systems seem to explain
why parents do not participate in the education of their children. Akosua is a middle-aged
woman who immigrated to the United States from Ghana via Italy nearly five years ago.
She lives in the Crenshaw area of Los Angeles and her son attends a neighborhood public
school. She does not participate in the activities of the Ghana Association of Southern
California or that of any Ghanaian community organization. While she continues to face
economic challenges, she indicated that she is prepared to put in the time to support her
children, saying:
Even though I work two jobs and sometimes three, I would do whatever to
support my son. I don’t receive any bad telephone calls from school so I don’t go
there. My child doesn’t get into trouble like other children in this neighborhood. I
have never gone to my child’s school because I don’t have any reason to go there.

When asked about taking her child to the local library she said, “My son’s teachers have
never requested that I take him to the library.” Even though Paul, Akosua’s son, is an
average student with lackluster academic performance, the parent did not feel that she
needed to visit her child’s school or visit the library with her son because she apparently
had no cause for concern.
Other parents interviewed had similar attitudes, indicating their willingness to
support their children at all costs, yet failing to realize that parent participation is one of
the most important determinants of academic achievement (Epstein, J. (1992)). It is clear
from participant responses that even though parents may have two or more jobs they still

51
want to make time to participate in their children’s education. Unfortunately, they do not
know the intricacies of the American education system.
These parents shared they could not directly help their older children complete their
homework because of their limited schooling. About 25 percent of parents revealed their
inability to carry out home involvement activities, such as helping children with
homework, reading to them, establishing routines and engaging in home teaching
activities. Even for those who could assist their children in these activities, cultural
barriers, discussed below, appear to prevent them from maximum participation in the
education of their children.
Ghanaian parents are products of a school system that is modeled after the British
school system, which has different structures and expectations from the American
system. The statement below from Abena, a middle aged single parent with two children
in the public schools, further exemplifies the challenge most Ghanaian parents face.
Abena participates actively in the Ghana Association of Southern California and the
Asante Cultural Society. She immigrated to the United States fifteen years ago and lives
in Torrance. She shared:
I was shocked to know that despite my child’s very high GPA he could not apply
to UCLA because he had not met the A-G requirements. I never knew what the A-
G requirements were and did not know that students can decide to take more
advanced classes or any classes they wanted so far as they were meeting the
graduation requirements. This system is very different from the one I knew.

The value of education is cherished by Ghanaian immigrants, however, the
process of going through the education systems for which they are not well versed
confound them at times. Joseph works as a cab driver at Los Angeles International
Airport and has a middle school education from Ghana. He recounted that he did not

52
know anything about Magnet schools and would not complete the CHOICES application
form mailed to him from the Los Angeles Unified School District even though he wants
his daughter to attend a more challenging school. Joseph has lived in the United States
for about 12 years. His children were all born in Ghana and were brought here five years
after he came. He actively participates in Ghanaian community events and attends a
Ghanaian church with his children. He said:
I received a “Choices” form and threw it away several times until one day I
decided to take it to church and show it to a teacher I knew at Church. Today my
child is enrolled in magnet program due to the information I received from the
teacher that I go to church with. I didn’t know that filling out the Choices
application would enable the child get selected into a Magnet school. I didn’t
know what a Magnet school was and did not put any value on the application I
received in the mail.

In addition they seem to take for granted parent support activities such as taking
their children to the library. In a variety of cases it is either an older sibling or a
community member who shoulders the responsibility of assisting children from Ghanaian
immigrant families. Janice, a high school student stated the following:
My parents preach to me about studying hard at school and they encourage me to
read but I have never seen any one of them reading at home. They never took me
to the library. My older brother became my parent in this regard. We used to walk
to the library together and competed against each other to determine who would
finish first

Ghanaian Immigrant Children’s Self Identification and Cultural Practices
The effect of Ghanaian immigrant child’s self identification and practices
(speaking Ghanaian language, attending community events, membership of a Ghanaian
church etc) are likely to have an effect on academic achievement.
The following statement from Andrews, a middle school student presented an
opportunity to understand the emotional challenges children undergo in their American

53
journey and the challenges they confront after finally arriving in the “promised land.”
Like other immigrant children, Andrews’ father left Ghana when he was six and he lived
with his mother and later his grandparents and other family members before coming to
America to join his parents. He said:
I had always dreamt of coming to America. My mother left when I was five. My
father had left a year earlier and now my mother was gone. It was a time of great
anguish for me but I was very surprised when I went to school the next day and
everybody told me how excited they were to hear that my mother had also left.
My teacher and all my school mates were very happy. Finally, the time came for
me to leave for America. After three years of living with my aunt I finally left the
shores of Ghana on March 8, 2004. I arrived in Inglewood after a day and half of
flight time. I was filled with joy to see my parents and was not for the life of me
thinking of any challenges in school.

For some time now “coming to America” has been the ultimate dream of most Ghanaian
families. The journey to America is premised on the notion of creating an opportunity
they could not find in their home country. All students who were born and attended
school in Ghana prior to immigrating stated that they would have a much better
opportunity to attend college and pursue a career of their choosing.
Languages Spoken and Academic Achievement
Fifty percent of Ghanaian immigrant children who participated in the study spoke
at least one Ghanaian language fluently. Twenty percent were less fluent as they are able
to understand the language but are more comfortable speaking English. There was little
difference in academic achievement among the students in this study who are highly
fluent or semi-fluent in any Ghanaian language. Students who did not speak a Ghanaian
language were less likely to participate in Ghanaian community activities and were found
to experience more challenges in school. Place of birth was not the most important

54
determinant in Ghanaian language fluency as students who were born in the United States
spoke a Ghanaian language just as fluently as those who were born in Ghana.
The majority of children cited stereotypical remarks about Africa as the reason
why they lost interest in speaking a Ghanaian language. Salim was born to two Ghanaian
parents in New York City and lived there until he was seven when his parents relocated
to California. His parents spoke to him in both English and Twi when he was a child.
However, when he reached middle school he developed an aversion towards anything
African, largely stemming from negative images on television and teasing by his peers.
When he reached high school he stopped speaking Twi completely, saying “I didn’t want
my mother to speak the language when I was around my friends so I decided not to speak
it any more.” Andrews had a similar experience, noting, “I didn’t want my friends to
make fun of me so I stopped speaking Ghanaian language completely.” Most of these
students are currently in their junior and senior years in high school and regret their
decisions. Most of them indicated they wish their parents had enforced the speaking of
Ghanaian language.
It is apparent that language dominates the discourse on school success (or failure)
among recent immigrant groups. All students who participated in the study are fluent in
the English language. Proficiency in the English language was therefore not a major
determinant of academic success among them. However, it became clear that most of the
children who did not speak their native language seemed to have more academic
challenges in school than those who did. Out of the 20 students interviewed, 12 spoke a
Ghanaian language fluently while eight spoke only English. Of the 12 who did speak
fluently, eight (66 percent) had a GPA of 3.0 or higher. Among those who did not speak a

55
Ghanaian language only two (25%) had a similar GPA. Analysis of the data show that
students who spoke Twi were more likely to participate in Ghanaian community events,
form friendships among children who had similar challenges and goals and felt supported
in their education pursuits. Furthermore, these students were more likely to have other
adults in the Ghanaian community besides their parents who could offer support in
regards to school-related issues.
Participation in Ghanaian Community Events
Serwaa is currently enrolled in a charter school in South Los Angeles. Her mother is
from Ghana and her father is from Kenya. She was born in South Los Angeles and
indicated that she likes the fact that her parents are members of the Ghana Association of
Southern California. In addition to her family’s participation in the Association, Serwaa
attends a Ghanaian church every Sunday with her mother. When asked about her parents’
participation in the Ghana Association Serwaa replied, “I like attending community
events. The annual picnic is something I look forward to. It’s nice to see more Ghanaian
children. I get to talk to other children about school and life generally.”
According to the Ghana Association there are over fifteen thousand Ghanaians in
Southern California. These immigrants are spread across Southern California with major
concentrations in Santa Clarita Valley (10%), Los Angeles (30%), Fontana (10 %), South
Bay (25%), Anaheim (5%), and San Diego (10%). The geographical spread of Ghanaian
immigrants across Southern California makes it difficult for their children to get to know
each other. To ensure cultural and social cohesiveness, the Ghanaian community makes
up for the lack of geographical proximity by providing cultural and social events that
bring these individuals together on a regular basis. Community members participate in

56
church events, picnics, funerals and graduation ceremonies. These activities are
organized under the auspices of various community organizations including the Asante
Cultural Society, The Ewe Habobo Association and the Ghana Association of Southern
California. Two of these organizations are described below.
The Asante (Ashanti) Cultural Society of Southern California. One of the
founding leaders of the Asante Cultural Society indicated the Society was formed in
Southern California over twenty years ago to promote the retention of Asante cultural
values in children and to assist members who may fall on bad times. In addition, the
organization engages in philanthropic activities that support the Ashanti region of Ghana.
The Ewe Habobo Association of Southern California. The Ewe Habobo
Organization was formed in Southern California to serve the needs of the Ewe
community. The Association is a member of the Council of Ewe Associations of North
America (CEANA) and was formed to serve all the Ewe people of West Africa that are
domiciled in North America. The preamble of the organization’s constitution declares:
In solemn declaration we do hereby in the spirit of friendship and solidarity affirm
our hope in the formation of the Council of Ewe Associations of North America, a
framework of an organization which shall secure for ourselves the blessings of
prosperity and justice and the betterment of our motherland. (CEANA, 2009)

The organization is a not-for-profit, non-political, socio-economic, and cultural
organization. In addition to Ghana, the Ewe people are found in Togo and Benin. They
are essentially a patrilineal people; that is, the founder of a community was the
established chief, who was usually succeeded by his paternal relatives. The majority of
the students reported attending at least five community events during the year while their
parents reported having attended about six community events yearly.

57
Friendships and Personal Associations
Serwaa recounted an experience she had when her parents invited her to a funeral
celebration one summer evening.
I was scared when my parents told me we were going to a funeral in Los Angeles.
I was ten years old then and I was scared. I didn’t like the fact that I was going to
see a corpse. So I asked” why a funeral? Did somebody pass away that I didn’t
know of? Then they told me it was the funeral of a friend of friend’s mother who
passed away in Ghana. We arrived at Dorsey High School’s auditorium around
7:00 pm. The place was jamming with African music of various genres. People
were dancing and others were eating. Everybody was in a good mood as they
laughed, shook hands or hugged one another. There is nothing about this event
that makes it a funeral, I said to myself. That day my father introduced me to a lot
of people who are members of the Ghanaian community in Los Angeles. I met
other children who attended school in Los Angeles. We talked and shared stories
at the corner of the room away from our parents who seemed oblivious of the
happenings in the corner of the room. We were talking about school, our parents,
and oh, the funeral?

This experience of a second generation Ghanaian immigrant child is typical of most of
the study’s participants who regularly attend Ghanaian community events. These events
provide networking opportunities among children and professional adults, as well as
opportunities for Ghanaian children to develop support systems that will help them as
they go through the education system. In these cases where parent participation and
understanding of the American education system is limited, the children rely on other
adults within the community to help them navigate through this complex system.
Students who have a support network of parents, friends, and teachers are found
to be more resilient to the stressors associated with immigration (Krovetz, 1997). The
majority of the students who identify themselves as Ghanaians and participate in
Ghanaian community events are more likely to succeed in school. Among the 20
respondents, 11 indicated they participated in Ghanaian community events. Among this
group, nine had strong academic credentials, including a GPA of 3.0 or higher and

58
indicated that they have consistently obtained a “proficient” or “advanced” score on the
California Standardized Tests in the last three years. In addition students in this category
are more likely to have a friend from the Ghanaian immigrant community.
Church Attendance
Half of the participants regularly attend a Ghanaian Church. Though the majority
of children are initially forced by parents to attend church, with time they form bonds
with other children and willingly attend church on their own. They fondly spoke of the
church, calling it an extension of their family, providing them with numerous “uncles”
and “aunts” who cared about them. Janet was born in Ghana but came to America when
she was two years old. She is currently in tenth grade and attends a public school in South
Los Angeles. Though she said she does not remember anything about Ghana, she is
enjoying growing up in the Ghanaian community in Los Angeles. Janet attends church
with her parents every Sunday and on some weekdays and is a member of her church’s
youth choir. She said the following regarding her community experience:
Whenever I go to the Church of Pentecost I meet other children who are doing
well in school and therefore it motivates me to study hard. Also the church elders
encourage us to succeed in school. Every student who graduates from school
receives an award from the church.

The girls in the study indicated that they wear their Ghanaian traditional garbs almost
every Sunday because it is in church where they celebrate their Ghanaian heritage.
At the Los Angeles Assembly of the Church of Pentecost, where about a quarter
of the participants worship with their parents; Sundays are great days for celebration.
Church services resemble the community events in the Ghanaian villages, which include
drumming and dancing. The pastor is originally from Liberia and lived in Ghana before
immigrating to the United States. After hearing the drumming and dancing it was hard to

59
tell that the celebration was taking place in the United States. Congregants were dancing
to the tune of Ghanaian music before they heard a sermon that focused on Ghana’s
struggle for independence. I was at the church on the occasion of Ghana’s fifty first
independence celebration and met some of the participants in this study.
Adwoa is a high school student in South Los Angeles and has a GPA of 4.0. She
sings in the church choir and credits her success in school mainly to the support she
receives from her parents, friends and her church. She was born in the United States to
two Ghanaian parents who immigrated 20 years ago. Her parents barely have a high
school education and clearly yearn for their daughter to succeed in school, often telling
her how much they want her to succeed. Adwoa also feels supported by the other well-
educated church members, which include teachers, a pharmacist, nurses and a school
principal. She feels like these individuals serve as her guidance counselors since they
understand how the American school system works. The quote below by Adwoa seems to
capture her experience with her family’s involvement in her education:
My parents have no clue how the school system works here in the United States.
They provide me the moral support but I don’t get anything from them that point
me as to where to go with my education. I depend on the older people at church a
lot. Whenever I have any question about school I contact them. Some of them
have even helped me with homework sometimes.

Adwoa recounted an experience where she reminded her parents about attending “Back
to School Night.” The parents promised to go to the event but never showed up. When
she asked them why they were absent from the conference later on, they replied they did
not feel it was necessary to attend a parent conference when their child is excelling in
school. Most parents who participated in the study do not visit their children’s school due
to the understanding in the Ghanaian society that parents must trust that teachers will do

60
their best for children. Furthermore they understand that if children are doing well
academically parents do not have to bother the teachers and the school.
The Impact of Participation in Community Events
A stark contrast in academic achievement exists between those families who
participated in Ghanaian community events and those who did not. Unlike Adwoa, Abena
was born in Los Angeles, has highly educated parents and lives in Palos Verdes, an
exclusive neighborhood in Southern California. A visit to her high school nestled above
the Pacific Ocean shows that her school environment is worlds apart from that of
Adwoa’s school in South Los Angeles. Her parents rarely participate in Ghanaian
community events and she says she hardly knows any Ghanaians. She self identifies as
African American and only says that her parents are from Ghana. She chafes at the idea
of being a Ghanaian immigrant, or African. She says:
Unless I am specifically asked I don’t tell people that I am from Africa. I am not
African; my parents are. My mother speaks all the time with people from Ghana; I
don’t consider myself a Ghanaian. I am an African American.

Ken, another Ghanaian immigrant child, is facing serious academic challenges despite
coming from an upper middle class home and attending a top high school. His GPA
currently stands at 2.1, the lowest among all the students in the study. Studies have shown
that first-generation immigrants possess a dual frame of reference that is lacked by the
second generation, ultimately producing psychological differences between the two
generations. This is true among some first generation Ghanaian immigrants who are not
involved in the Ghanaian community and do not self identify as Ghanaian or Ghanaian-
American.

61
The extent to which Ghanaian children identify with their culture impacts their
academic achievement as well as their ability to handle these psychological bullying, a
problem revealed in the following quote from John:
“Do you guys live on trees?” one student asked. “Do you have MacDonalds?”
another asked from a different corner of the room. Before I could say anything the
entire class burst into an uncontrollable laughter. Tears started welling in my eyes.
Within a few seconds I began to cry. Not even this would stop the students who
continued on with their stereotypical remarks about Africa. They were all talking
about Africa I had no idea of. I have come from a middle class family in Ghana
with better houses than the one most of them may be living in here in LA. I was
sad, frustrated and I was scared that somebody may do something bad to me if I
was to respond in anger. All this time the teacher sat there and said nothing.

Agnes, a seventh grade student at Audubon Middle School, was born in the
United States to Ghanaian parents and says she lets everybody know that she is a
Ghanaian American and is very proud of her heritage. However, she says, "I know some
people that are African, but they're ashamed, to say they are from Africa." This comment
from Agnes is a sentiment expressed by all participants in this study and illuminates the
challenges Ghanaian students face in addition to the other typical challenges they
experience during adolescence.
Her statement further reminded me of the challenges I faced as a substitute
teacher in the Los Angeles Unified School district. I constantly faced a barrage of
questions from students about Africa. Through my substitute teaching I met African
students who did not want anybody to know that they were from Africa.
Jonathan, currently a senior in a public school in Los Angeles, recounted how he
had to conceal his Ghanaian identity by telling his friends that he was from Belize until a
Ghanaian substitute teacher who came to his school revealed his true identity. He thought
he had to hide his Ghanaian identity in order to feel accepted. The more these students

62
drift from their Ghanaian culture the more they lose the resiliency that is associated with
those who embrace their Ghanaian roots. Parents who participated in this study shared
their fears of their children losing their Ghanaian identity and all the perceived social and
cultural capital that comes with it. Eno, a parent of three children exemplifies these fears
when he said:
I am afraid that my children will lose their Ghanaian identity. Because of this I
have taken them to Ghana several times so that they can understand what it is to
be a Ghanaian. If I am not able to transfer my culture to them I am not sure of
how they would fare in the future. I want them to become successful in this
country and I think they can do that if they can identify their roots…I moved to
Torrance when my children were young so that I could find a better school for my
children. When we lived in Inglewood my children came home and cried every
single day. Students would tease them about Africa at every opportunity they
could get so we moved. Everything thing changed when we moved to Torrance.
The kids were able to settle down to learn. Other children were more respectful
and accommodating. They told me they made friends faster since most students
were curious about learning about Africa and wanted to be close to them, one of
the social studies teachers used them as a resource for a unit he was teaching
about Africa. They would give presentations about Africa in his class.

Torn between retaining their cultural distinctiveness and adopting American values,
Ghanaian immigrant parents fear their children may adopt similar attitudes as children in
the inner city who have abysmal academic performance. Further analysis of data leads to
the manifestations of some aspects of segmented assimilation.
Segmented assimilation theory is based on the recognition that American society
is now extremely diverse and segmented, with an underclass residing in central cities
where many new immigrant families first settle upon arrival (Greenman, & Xie 2006). It
is therefore theorized that different groups are available to which the new immigrants
may assimilate, and that as a result they may take divergent assimilation pathways
towards assimilation which is distinct from linear or upward assimilation. Portes and

63
Rumbaut (1996; 2001) derived their segmented assimilation theory from a study of
immigrant children in Miami and San Diego.
According to Portes (1996) assimilation is no longer linear and no longer
predicated on a white mainstream culture. The intricacies and the tensions between these
different "paths" of integration are evident in Orozco and Orozco's (1995) comparison of
recent Mexican immigrants with U.S.-born Mexican Americans (second generation) in
their book, Transformations. According to Orozco and Orozco, first-generation
immigrants often possess a "dual frame of reference," an alignment of their previous life
before migration to their current life. Such a frame of reference enables recent Mexican
immigrants to feel that their life in the United States is markedly better than the life they
left behind. Children of immigrants, not having access to a dual frame of reference, do
not see their current status as one of being "better off;" rather, they see themselves as the
marginalized group compared to the dominant culture.
A very telling comment was made by Ekua, a ninth grade student in Los Angeles,
when she said “My mom wants me to be a loser.” Asked to clarify, Ekua indicated that
losers are students who go to the library immediately once school is over. “I rather go
window shopping in the mall with my friends.” Ekua does not see her self as an African
immigrant. She quickly reminds people that she is from the United States and that her
parents are from Africa.
Ekua indicated that her friends are all African Americans and Latinos and she
rarely associates with other Ghanaian children. Her grades are very low with a GPA of
about 2.2. She is currently in her sophomore year at a high school in the Los Angeles

64
Unified School District and her parents are concerned about her chances of succeeding in
high school and beyond.
Ghanaian immigrant children indicated in the study that they have been handed
folk stories from their parents that speak to the virtues of hard work and determination to
succeed. However, in their attempt to shun their African cultural values and identity some
Ghanaian immigrant children may also shun the basis and source of their strength.
In place of the mores that are likely to enable them to advance and prosper is the seed of
despair and desperation and the lack of willingness to strive to succeed. Second-
generation students somehow grow to believe that the American dream is far beyond
their capabilities. These children are thus likely to take on the attributes, referenced by
Ogbu, that are more often found among involuntary minorities.
Summary of Findings
Immigrant students undergo changes at once. For those who may be going
through adolescence at the time of immigration, the process becomes even more complex
as they struggle with both personal and social identity formation. As they grapple with
linguistic and cultural differences they must in addition learn the institutional cultures of
their schools in order to be successful (McCollum & Garcia, 1996). Like other
immigrants many Ghanaian children find themselves in schools that know very little
about their culture, their language, or the educational system from which they are
transferring, particularly if they are first generation. The challenges faced by these
students include:
1. Shortage of school personnel trained to meet the specific needs of immigrant
students;

65
2. A school system that fails to give immigrant students access to core academic
concepts and skills;
3. Lack of appropriate assessment policies and procedures for immigrant students;
and
4. Few curricular and programmatic alternatives for immigrant students who need to
develop language, academic, and life skills to prepare them for options beyond
high school.
The response of Ghanaian immigrant children to the challenges they confront in the
school systems demonstrates their capability to excel or otherwise in high school and
beyond.

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CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION
Many studies on the education of immigrant children have raised issues and
questions that bring to the fore the complex nature of educating immigrant children in
contemporary American society. According to Portes and Rumbaut (1996), acculturation
patterns interact with contextual factors—racial discrimination, urban subcultures, and
labor market prospects—to affect adaptational outcomes of children. The professional
preparation and development approaches for teachers working with immigrant groups,
effective and relevant pedagogical practices for classrooms, language proficiency, as well
as the equitable allocation of resources are but a few of the challenges schools across the
U.S. are confronting. However, as important as these factors are in influencing the
academic achievement of immigrant children, perhaps the most critical factor that has the
greatest impact on overall academic success of an immigrant community is the culture
they bring and how that culture promotes and values education.
Stevenson and Lee (1990) found that the significance placed upon academic
achievement varies between cultures. They further found that parents and teachers
believe that the greater the emphasis on effort, the more likely it is that they (parents and
teachers) can be helpful in aiding children in their academic achievement. Ghanaian
parents believe that education changes people for the better, and the only way to
“success” is through education. Thus, they believe that helping children to strive for
academic excellence is one of their most important tasks as parents.
The Ghanaian culture emphasizes tradition, obedience, and respect for authority.
Yet, it also discourages individualism, placing emphasis instead on communal wellbeing.
It is therefore no surprise that family loyalty and unity are considered paramount virtues

67
in the Ghanaian community. Ghanaian children are expected to be obedient to their
teachers and other adults. In most cases children are not expected to voice their opinions
on important family issues that affect them.
Torn between retaining their cultural distinctiveness and adopting American
values, Ghanaian immigrant parents dread that their children may adopt inner city
American attitudes towards education. They are also wary of the fact that their children
may adopt attitudes that will devalue education and academic achievement. Since most
Ghanaians live in urban areas, they are concerned that their children may be caught up in
attitudes that have led to the abysmal academic performance among other minority
groups.
Ethnic identity formation derives mainly from the immigrant group’s response to
the host society’s treatment. As such, Ghanaian immigrant children have to make
significant adjustments to their new society, particularly in regards to learning a new
language, a new cultural framework, and a new settlement pattern. This, together with
the skills, culture, and tradition they bring from their home country, shapes their ethnic
identity formation and that identity further shapes how they value education.
Brief Description of Research Methodology
Using a qualitative research approach, ethnographic data was collected from
Ghanaian immigrant children and their parents through semi-structured interviews and
observations. The attitudes of parents and children towards education, parent involvement
in the education of their children as well as community influences on academic
achievement were gleaned from these data collection methods. During the interviews

68
conducted, the following characteristics about students were determined and
subsequently verified through document checks where necessary:
1. Languages spoken by the child;
2. Current grade level;
3. Grade Point Average (GPA); and
4. Number of advanced placement (AP) or honors classes taken.
In addition, I discussed with both parents and students (a) the amount of time spent on
homework; (b) family participation in Ghanaian organizations; (c) relationships with
individuals from other ethnic groups; and (d) the value placed on education by students
and their families.
Research Questions
The central question guiding this study is “How does culture predict academic
achievement among Ghanaian immigrant children?” The following underlying questions
are answered by this study:
1. What role do Ghanaian immigrants play in the education of their children and
how is this influenced by their culture?
2. Does the Ghanaian immigrant child’s self identification and practices (speaking
Ghanaian language, attending community events, membership of a Ghanaian
church etc) have an impact on their academic achievement?
Key Findings

Analysis of the data collected produced the following key findings:

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The Role of Ghanaian Immigrant Parents in the Education of their Children
The role of parents in the education of their children cannot be overemphasized.
This role assumes even greater importance as students navigate a complex education
system within challenging urban settings. Throughout the various Ghanaian immigrant
communities across the country, education is seen as the only sure way of achieving
economic and social mobility. Ghanaian immigrant parents therefore place a significant
emphasis on education, seeing a strong connection between higher education and higher
status. There were several common goals among Ghanaian parents in this study that they
believe will help their children attain eventual success and happiness. Parents indicated
that they expected their children to earn postsecondary degrees (master’s degree and
beyond) that will ensure financial security.
The United States offers free education and opportunities for economic
advancement. Ghanaian immigrant parents indicated that they are determined to
assimilate their children into the mainstream of American society. The parents
interviewed indicated that they came to America so that their children could have a better
opportunity to go to college and develop careers. However those who did not have
children prior to immigrating said their initial intent for immigrating was to make quick
money and then return to Ghana. However, things quickly changed when they began
having children.
Ghanaian parents in Southern California are concerned about the education of
their children. They do not feel that the schools can provide a quality education, which
they yearn for. It is not surprising then that most of the parents in the study stated they
have in the past moved (at least twice) to different cities within Southern California in the

70
hopes of finding a better school for their children. During the interviews, all of the parent
participants said they were not satisfied if their children got "C's" or “D’s” on their report
cards. All the parents hoped that their children would become doctors, lawyers, nurses or
other professionals.
Ghanaian parents believe that the role of the parent is limited to supporting their
children at home whereas teachers are better equipped to support their children at school.
Despite the importance Ghanaian parents attach to the education of their children and the
sacrifices they are willing to endure to educate their children in the United States, the
irony is that parent participation in the education of their children was minimal or almost
non-existent. Most of the parents interviewed for this study rarely communicated with the
teachers of their children. With the exception of attending discipline related parent
conferences, most of them indicated that there was no need to visit their children’s school
if they are doing well and have not been contacted by the school directly.
These parents view educators with high regard and defer to their experience and
professional judgment on questions regarding their own children's educational pursuits
(Nicolau & Ramos, 1990). Navarrette (1996) reports that while parents understand the
importance of homework, they may not realize the academic importance of everyday
activities like children talking to adult members of the family, reading and writing for
fun, playing board games, or participating in sports. While speaking with the parents I
came to the incongruous realization that although they had high aspirations for their
children, parents lacked the skills to help students attain these aspirations.

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Parent Child Relationships
Ghanaian immigrant parent-child relationships present issues, particularly cultural
and language barriers when children seemingly adopt American attitudes. Most Ghanaian
parents are typically more authoritative and expect their children to respect the authority
of teachers and school administrators. Ghanaian immigrant parent-child relationships,
however, change as a result of Western influence. Second generation children who
participated in the study tended to be more open-minded, expressed their opinions more
freely, and had more independence, which can be seen as American traits. Parents also
noted that the longer they reside in America, the more their authority seems to decline.
American methods of child rearing, by comparison seem more tolerant. Abena, a parent,
noted the following:
I have come to realize that I raised my older child who I brought with me from
Ghana differently from the other three who were born here. By the time I had the
younger ones I had come to understand how to raise children in America; I
became less controlling as the years went by.

All the children under the study indicated that they try very hard to meet their parents'
demands and expectations for doing well academically. Obeying authorities and keeping
their parents' sacrifices in mind are considered proper behaviors among Ghanaian
immigrant children. Ghanaian students bring this cultural knowledge of behavior to the
classroom, and are able to expend energy in other more productive endeavors. Kofi, a
student in this study who attends a charter school in Los Angeles, shared that his parents
always remind him to respect his teachers and school staff.
An interesting discovery concerned language and the impact on parent-child
relationships. When English becomes a child's primary conversational language,
Ghanaian parents seem to have difficulty communicating with them in their native

72
tongue. Subsequently, poor communication between parents and their children may lead
to the unintended consequence of learning and behavioral problems in schools.
Understanding the U.S. Education System
Ghanaian immigrant parents have difficulty understanding the organization of the
U.S. education system. The results of this study reveals that most Ghanaian immigrant
parents do not understand the American education system enough to assist their children
as the curriculum, the length of schooling and the cultural environment of the school
system of their home country is far different from that of the United States.
Yet Ghanaian parents have expressed frustration over this country’s education
system, which mainly emanates from their misunderstanding of how the school system
works. The Ghanaian education system, like other education systems around the world, is
highly centralized and run by the education bureaucracy with very little parent and
community participation. Until recently, there was a seventeen-year pre-university
system with opportunities for bright students to skip some grades in middle school by
testing out. Even though the number of years has now been reduced to twelve, the system
is based on the 6-3-3 structure (six years of elementary, three years of middle school and
three years of senior secondary). This makes it distinct from the American structure since
most school districts, have reconfigured to the 5-3-4 (five years of elementary, three
years of middle school and four years of senior secondary).
Role of Ghanaian Community Organizations in Education

The core theoretical model used to characterize immigrants’ residential location is
the spatial assimilation model. This model assumes that upon entry, immigrants cluster in
neighborhoods that are not the highest quality, mainly with their co-ethnics. Once they

73
attain higher education and social status, they may opt to leave the ethnic neighborhoods
as they begin to translate their socioeconomic mobility into residential attainment.
Ethnic enclaves are areas of concentrated ethnic entrepreneurship and residential activity.
Portes and Rumbaut (2000) hypothesize that the emergence of ethnic enclaves has
depended on three conditions:
1. The presence of a number of immigrants with substantial business expertise
normally acquired in their home countries;
2. Access to sources of capital; and
3. Access to labor.
Ghanaian immigrants, like other Africans, have not created ethnic residential
enclaves. The closest to an ethnic enclave Africans can boast of in Los Angeles is the
Ethiopian shops and restaurants on Fairfax Street in Los Angeles. In November 2002, the
area was named Little Ethiopia by a unanimous proclamation of the Los Angeles City
Council. Even though there may be substantial numbers of them in certain areas like
Worcester, MA, Greater Washington, D.C., Greensboro, NC; Columbus, Ohio, Bronx,
NY, and Southern California, Ghanaians have not formed what may be described as an
ethnic enclave.
The new immigrants who arrive live with those who are established and move to
live on their own once they have a found a job. In Southern California, professionals are
more likely to live in the suburbs, while the new immigrants and the non-professionals
mainly settle in the inner cities for easy access to transportation, jobs, and other services.
In Southern California, the over 15,000 Ghanaian immigrants are widely spread over the
entire region. This phenomenon has robbed Ghanaians, as well as other African

74
immigrants, of the notice and recognition that comes with an immigrant group forming its
own geographical center.
Fifteen out of the 20 students who were interviewed indicated that the Ghana
Association of Southern California, Ghanaian churches and other community
organizations take a proactive role in education and this impacts their perception
regarding the importance of education. They mentioned the Ghana Association’s Student
Recognition program through which high school and college students are presented
certificates of recognition. John a high school senior stated his appreciation in the
following manner:
I was surprised that they would care about me so much as to present me with a
certificate of recognition. To be frank I never thought they would do that,
especially given the fact that my parents don’t seem to care much about my
education. I thought all Ghanaians were like that until they recognized me after
graduating from Crenshaw high school.

Ghanaian immigrants have largely maintained their kinship and family bonds and
have steadfastly held on to their cultural values. Hardly a week passes by without hearing
an announcement of a child naming or a wedding ceremony within the Ghanaian
community. Ghanaian immigrants have formed great networks comprised of ethnic or
national associations. Among the ethnic associations the most vibrant and more
organized are the Ashanti Cultural society and the Ewe Habobo Association. As
previously noted, Ashantis have a queen and a chief in Southern California and they
performed an elaborate ceremony recently during the inauguration of a new chief. The
event, which was attended by over twenty thousand people, formed part of the African
Marketplace and Cultural Faire’s event sponsored partly by the Cultural Affairs
Department of the City of Los Angeles. In the presence of the representative of the King

75
of the Ashanti Kingdom, the newly installed chief and his elders swore an oath of
allegiance to the people and King of Ashanti.
Portes (1995) identifies three types of resources that operate both additively and
interactively to shelter immigrant children from downward assimilation and poverty.
These resources include: (a) government assistance programs to ease the transition for
political refugees; (b) exemption from prejudice for certain groups due to their lighter
skin color, higher education level, professional or political status, (such as Cubans,
Hungarians, Czechs, and Russian Jews); and (c) ethnic networks that provide “a range of
moral and material resources well beyond those available through official assistance
programs” (p. 74). Among Ghanaian immigrants, the study reveals that what has aided
the success of students stems mainly from ethnic networks developed through the Ghana
Association of Southern California, a myriad of churches, extended family networks and
other community organizations.
Ghanaian community organizations play the dual role of supporting children to
maintain their culture as well as promoting education achievement. Most parents are not
fully equipped to assist their children and therefore ethnic resources and networks in the
Ghanaian immigrant community are utilized to support the schooling of children. The
Ewe Habobo and the Asante Cultural Society pay more attention to cultural maintenance
while the Ghana Association of Southern California focuses on activities that enhance
education.
Ghanaian children, as other minority groups, encounter challenges as a result of
exposure to divergent cultures, and which ultimately impacts how well they learn in
school. The results of this study suggest that Ghanaian immigrant children who associate

76
closely with their culture are more likely to benefit from community support that can help
augment whatever support they receive from their parents, mitigating some of the
challenges of living in two distinct worlds. It is therefore not surprising that Ghanaian
immigrant children who associate more with the Ghanaian immigrant community are
more likely to succeed in school. Nearly 30 percent of the students who participated in
this study are struggling in school, facing behavioral and academic challenges. Among
these students are those who do not self-identify as Ghanaians or Africans and do not
participate in any Ghanaian community events. Most of the children in this category
experience communication difficulties with their parents.
Unlike involuntary minorities whose counter cultural practices inhibit education
success, immigrant children develop a dual frame of reference that allows them to utilize
education as a ladder for socio-economic advancement (Suarez-Orozco, 1989).
Conclusions drawn from recent ethnographic studies of immigrant groups have made a
strong case for the decoupling of Americanization from social mobility. Immigrants who
develop adversarial relationship towards mainstream American values are less likely to
succeed in the education system. For second-generation immigrants, a strong affinity to
one’s ethnic group and resisting certain kinds of Americanization may be the key to
socio-economic success.
The frame of reference developed by Ghanaian immigrants is molded by the
social, economic and political institutions they are establishing. These structures in turn
influence how Ghanaian students view education and advancement within American
society. Even though as voluntary immigrants they possess the cultural ethos necessary
for survival in the American school system, they face daunting academic and cultural

77
challenges. Ghanaian immigrant children face conflicts between two divergent cultures:
the culture they acquire at home and the culture they acquire at school. A statement
below by Ekuah captured the cultural dichotomy Ghanaian immigrant children face.
I got in trouble in third grade because I will not look in teacher in the eye. Ms.
Smith a stern teacher who had reminded me to look her eyes when she is talking
to me called my parents and requested for a parent conference as she could no
longer deal with disdain for me and cited my admission of guilt in wrongdoing
demonstrated by my refusal to look her in the eye. The meeting went very well
since my parents were able to explain to her that my refusal to look her in the eye
is rather a show of respect since Ghanaian immigrant children are trained at home
not to look in eye of adult. But I also learned an important lesson to change my
cultural ways when I am in school or with American.

Ghanaian immigrant children continue to subscribe to the Ghanaian construct of
hard work as a tool to condition the mind. Kluckhohn (1961) symbolically divided the
family identity into three categories: (a) the individual comprised of each member's
perspective of the greater family unit; (b) the collective, a family unit's perspective on the
larger society lineage; and (c) the function of chronological relationships within a family.
The Ghanaian family views intergenerational obligations as paramount to those within
the nuclear family. Parents have a vested interest in rearing their young to respect their
elders. Like children from other societies where respect for adult authority is paramount,
Ghanaian children learn best in well-structured, quiet environments and are less likely to
reveal their opinions and seldom challenge their instructors. Peterson (1983) indicated
that the greatest strength of American education may be in the preparation of critical and
individualistic thinkers. Ghanaian students are disciplined and selfless and can succeed in
this environment when provided adequate support.
The Ghanaian education system emphasizes rote memorization and drill instead
of critical thinking and an appreciation for learning. Therefore new immigrant children

78
from Ghana face challenges transitioning to this country’s teaching and learning
methodology. In this study the children who were born in Ghana recounted the
challenges they encountered during their first year in the American school system. They
described how hard it was to initially adapt to the new learning approach. However, once
they understood what the expectations were, it was much easier for them to excel. Every
student affirmed that rote memorization was too hard and they prefer their new way of
learning. The high school students indicated that they performed poorly in creative
writing and analytical commentary during their first year in America. Ghanaian children
are inclined to seek the teacher's approval and to make decisions based on the teacher's
choices.
However, the road which connects the best of both worlds is a bumpy and
difficult path to follow. Stevenson and Lee (1990) pointed out that, in American culture,
the individual is responsible for his or her accomplishments and difficulties. In contrast,
as the African proverb says, "It takes a village to raise a child," in the Ghanaian culture.
Members of the family, teachers, or a larger group are expected to share in this
responsibility. As the interdependence among individual’s increases, their mutual
obligations to each other also increase. Ghanaian children are not only expected to work
hard to satisfy their own goals but also to meet the goals set by their family. Among
Ghanaian immigrants the success of the group is valued just as highly as the success of
individuals within the group.
Where American cultural values look ahead to the up-and-coming generation,
Ghanaian culture reflects back upon ancestors and the generations of the elders.
Traditionally, in Ghana, parents generally decide what is good or bad as well as the future

79
of their children. This is reflected in a statement by Janice, a junior at a high school in
South Los Angeles, who said:
We were attending church in Beverly Hills for over ten years. I had a lot of
friends there and had become used to the church so much. One day my mother
told me that we were changing our place of worship and would not offer me any
valid reasons. Later on she told me that she wanted to join her Ghanaian friends
who attended our new church. She ignored the fact that I had friends too.

Most Ghanaian immigrants attend churches organized by Ghanaians and those
churches offer a supportive environment for the social and academic development of
Ghanaian children. Since the 1990s there has been an increase in the number of Ghanaian
churches in the U.S. To many Ghanaian immigrants, the church has become a substitute
for the extended family to which they belonged to prior to immigrating into America.
Some of these are independent churches established by Ghanaian immigrants themselves
for their spiritual awakening and growth. Others are branches of American churches
especially established for the Ghanaian immigrant community. The last category of
churches is those that are branches of major churches in Ghana. The fastest growing
Ghanaian church in the United States, the Church of Pentecost, has branches in over 30
states in the United States.
Conclusion
Apart from Asians, whose school success has drawn attention from the popular
media and from researchers in a number of fields, other minority children have been
caught in a web of underachievement (College Board, 1999). However, Ghanaian
children seem to be weathering this storm very well. Ghanaian immigrant parents place
great emphasis on education and they see the lack of education as the missing link in any
group’s inability to empower themselves socially and economically (Arthur, 2000).

80
Parents indicated that they stress the importance of education, social responsibility,
respect for authority, hard work and community involvement. Despite the Ghanaian
immigrant parents’ commitment to the education of their children, they face a critical test
as to how they would be able to steer their children away from an urban culture that
devalues education.
For those who immigrate to America during school age, they have to grapple with
English language proficiency and the lack of teachers or aides who speak their native
language. Furthermore, differences in curriculum and instructional strategies may make it
hard for new students to comprehend content.
Negotiating cultural identity involves reconstruction and redefinition of the
process of interpreting reality (Arthur, 2000). The Ghanaian culture is being redefined in
the United States of America. The symbolic messages representing the essential features
of the Ghanaian culture will be exchanged, altered, and negotiated depending on the
social, economic and political exigencies confronted by Ghanaian immigrants. This
redefinition is likely to affect how well Ghanaian students perform academically within
the American school system.
Henderson, Marburger and Ooms (1986) categorized barriers to successful
parental involvement into two major categories: logistical and attitudinal. Villarreal and
Barnwell (1990) added expectations as a third category of barriers. Most of the parents
who participated in the study did not cite logistical barriers, such as time, money, safety,
child care concerns, and segmentation of programs as reasons for not being able to visit
their children’s school. Instead, 75% percent of parents indicated that they could not help

81
directly with their older children's homework because of their limited schooling or
English.
Despite all these challenges Ghanaian immigrant children in this study seem to be
excelling in Southern California’s public schools. A possible explanation for their
academic success may be attributed to familial support and communal bonds as well as
sacrifice and obligation (on the part of parents and their children, respectively), which are
the essential building blocks of academic success. Ghanaian immigrants are developing
an “ethno theory,” highlighting the importance of education. However the long term
prediction of Ghanaian immigrant children’s ability to maintain high level of academic
achievement is uncertain as a similar trend has been seen among West Indian immigrant
(Waters, 1999).
Recommendations
The following recommendations have been made to enhance and sustain the
academic achievement for Ghanaian immigrant children.
Recommendations for Ghanaian Community Organizations in Education
A notable finding in this study is that parents are not fully equipped to assist their
children academically. As such, ethnic resources and networks in the Southern California
Ghanaian immigrant community must be fully utilized to support children’s schooling.
The current efforts of the Ghana Association of Southern can be enhanced through a
coordinated effort with other Ghanaian community organizations to promote the success
of Ghanaian immigrant children. Given the challenging school environment that most
Ghanaian children in Southern California find themselves and the lack of parent

82
knowledge regarding the workings of the school system it is clear that the public schools
alone may not be sufficient to ensure all Ghanaian children's educational success.
Based on the issues raised by the study, it is imperative for community
organizations like the Ghana Association of Southern California to shift focus from an
organization assisting with social events like “funerals” and child naming ceremonies to
efforts focused on community development with a clear emphasis on helping parents to
educate their children. In addition, Ghanaian community organizations can provide extra
opportunities for children to improve their academic skills upon arrival in the United
States by attending Saturday school similar to what is offered by the Korean and Chinese
communities. It is impossible for newly arrived Ghanaian immigrant children to be taught
in English and their native language in the public schools as there is no concentration of
Ghanaian children in one particular public school. The Saturday school may also enable
Ghanaian immigrant children born in the United States to maintain their Ghanaian culture
by maintaining their native language. In addition educators from Ghana who work in the
various schools around Southern California could be recruited to teach in a Saturday
school program.
According to Zhou and Kim (2007), the success of Korean and Chinese students
in Saturday schools suggests that cultural values and behavioral patterns require
structural support. The Ghanaian immigrant community needs to build such social
support structures in order to sustain community forces that value education. The
Ghanaian churches, entrepreneurs, media, and other institutions could play a critical role
in circulating valuable education-related information to Ghanaian families. In
conjunction with the Saturday Academy, the Ghana Association could organize parent

83
workshops focusing on topics that empower parents to participate in the education of
their children. Given the unique needs of the Ghanaian immigrant parent, such workshops
would better equip them to participate fully in the education of their children by helping
them to understand how the American education system works, and their role in helping
their children attain their academic goals.
Recommendations for Educators Working with Ghanaian Immigrant Children
Recent waves of immigrants have further diversified the U.S. population, and
racial and ethnic identity is becoming increasingly complicated as American society
becomes more heterogeneous. Educators who work with immigrant children need to
change their simplistic assumption that race relations in America are mostly binary.
Although this may still be true in many parts of the country, dramatic increases in
immigration over the past three decades has redrawn the map of racial and ethnic
composition in many communities: the multi-ethnic split is now among White, Black,
Latino, and Asian. In recognizing this new split educators should still not loose sight of
the profound intra-group diversity among Asians, Latinos and Blacks. The Black
community, it must be noted, is not as monolithic as some may still believe. Rong and
Brown (2001) summarized several major recommendations for educators who work with
Black immigrant students. First, educators must understand that the Black community is
not a monolithic one, but rather is an amalgamation of different ethnicities and cultures
from Central America, South America and Africa. Educators need to move away from
the idea that Blacks are a homogenous culture with a single identity. In line with this,
teachers should understand that Ghanaian immigrant student’s attitudes and behaviors,
educational aspirations, and academic performance may be different. Teachers should

84
therefore devise instructional strategies that are appropriate for teaching students from
diverse backgrounds.
Second, guidance counselors and teachers must understand the cultural
backgrounds of students in order to adequately serve them. Due to the dispersed nature of
their settlement patterns, Ghanaian immigrants do not receive special attention from the
school system. Counselors and administrators are invariably unfamiliar with the school
systems from which they come from. Hence, a considerable number of Ghanaian
immigrant students may receive incorrect placement during the first few years after
immigrating to the United States.
Third, educators have a great deal to learn about contextual interactions that
promote or impede the educational achievement of immigrant and native minority
children, as indicated in the findings of this study. Ghanaian immigrant children come to
schools that differ greatly from schools in their home country. People speak and dress
differently in this country than in their home country. As such, schools and teachers need
to become these children’s advocates, encouraging and providing opportunities for them
to learn in a positive environment.
Furthermore, teachers need to reconstruct learning environments in such a way
that diverse conditions and resources are acknowledged and accommodated.
Schools are excellent arenas for promoting awareness and exchanging a wide range of
identities and cultural competencies. Teachers must conscientiously promote cultural
interaction and cross-nurturing among Americans and Ghanaian immigrants. As the study
revealed, a major challenge Ghanaian immigrant children face in their schools are
stereotypes of their home country via unkind jokes and other commentaries. All of the

85
study participants recounted at least five instances where they had been targets of such
practices by their fellow students.
To counteract this bullying, teachers can help American students understand the
Ghanaian immigrant students by asking American students to imagine that they have
moved to a new country and had to go to a new school, for example. Students may be
asked to imagine not speaking the same language as one’s teacher or classmates and
wearing different clothes or play with different toys than the other students. How would
he or she feel? Teachers can further ask American students to reflect on the youth culture
and behavior in the United States. The Ghanaian student (if they are new arrivals) may be
asked to spend a day or more observing and recording aspects of their daily life that are
tied to American youth culture, such as language, dress, music, television, relations to
adults and authority figures, and friends.
Where such stereotyping may be rampant in a class setting the entire class may
address the following questions:
1. How is American youth culture different from Ghanaian culture? For example,
Ghanaian socializing is often intergenerational.
2. How is American youth culture similar to Ghanaian culture?
What aspects of American youth culture might Ghanaian immigrant families not
want their children to adopt? What aspects of American youth culture would
Ghanaian immigrant youth want to adopt? Why?
Recommendations for School Administrators
The findings from the study show that most Ghanaian parents do not participate in
the education of their children because they do not understand the importance of such

86
participation. In areas with large concentrations of Ghanaian immigrant children, schools
may provide a one-page notice to parents in their native language, which emphasizes the
importance of parent participation in education. During registration, administrators may
introduce parents to school policies, procedures, grading structure, and programs. Parents
who were educated in Ghana may not be familiar with the structure and format of the
United States educational system. Though this introduction is best accomplished through
face-to-face communication, if this format is not possible, a video-taped summary in their
native Ghanaian language may be created for on-site viewing or home check-out.
Teacher-to-parent contacts should encompass all forms of home-school
communication (e.g., informational letters for parents, school newsletters, picture day
flyers). Additional strategies may include sending home several pre-printed memo sheets
with the teacher’s name on top, which could be dropped off at the school and placed in
the teacher’s box.
Parent-teacher conference preparation should include consultation with
individuals familiar with the parent’s culture and behavioral “do’s, don’ts, and maybe’s.”
The school may contact a local Ghanaian organization for assistance with translating
needs. At least one conversational meeting can be planned to develop an understanding of
the parent’s background and culture and their expectations of the school system. To
minimize parent inconvenience, this informal meeting may be planned jointly with other
teachers and school personnel working with the family. To reinforce the social
atmosphere of the meeting, both the teacher and parent might plan to bring food or snacks
to share.

87
Finally, educators who work with Ghanaian immigrant children should promote
parental participation and involvement in school-community interactions by creating a
welcoming environment in and out of the classroom. Schools may develop handouts
emphasizing the importance of parent involvement. Schools can expand the concept of
“volunteerism” and actively recruit Ghanaian immigrant parents as classroom volunteers.
Teachers may invite parents to speak on history or geography units dealing with Africa in
general and Ghana in particular. In addition a volunteer parent may serve as a mentor for
newly arriving parents and students. School administrators should be mindful of the
following while encouraging Ghanaian parents to participate in the education of their
children:
1. Factors exist that detract, inhibit or deter parents from school involvement;
2. It is the school's responsibility to ascertain which of these factors are present in
the lives of their school's parents and recognize them as legitimate concern; and
3. Home visits will break down communication barriers and establish a firm
foundation for lasting parent and school partnership.
Where home visits are not possible meetings may be held outside of the school,
preferably at sites frequented by parents. Successful first meetings are primarily social
events; business goals are reserved for subsequent meetings (Nicolau & Ramos, 1990;
Procidiano & Fisher, 1992). Teachers may also personalize the invitation to Ghanaian
parents to attend school functions. School administrators must make an extra effort to
make schools welcoming for Ghanaian immigrant parents and also to help them
understand that their presence is always cherished and needed. In addition school

88
administrators who work with Ghanaian children may contact Ghanaian community
organization for translation support.
Recommendations for Policymakers
America's experience of immigration should give it a lead in the developed world
for several decades to come.... But it is not numbers alone that will give America
an advantage. Even more important, the country is culturally attuned to
immigration, and long ago learned to integrate immigrants into its society and
economy.... The one big obstacle to the full integration of recent immigrants in
America is the poor performance of American public schools. —Peter Drucker
(Economist, 2001)

America cannot afford to squander opportunities that immigration offers. The
education policy for disadvantaged families and communities should not be limited to
conventional education policy that focuses on language proficiency alone. The attendant
cultural dynamics should be tackled by policymakers. Furthermore, policymakers should
not only concentrate on the issues affecting immigrant groups with substantial
populations in the United States, but they should as well take a critical look at immigrant
groups from other parts of the world especially Africa.
Educational policymakers need to understand that attitudinal barriers will be
lowered by recognizing that it is not a matter of poor attitudes toward education per se
that prevent parent involvement. Rather, it may be that parents who are new to this
country may not be aware of the expectations held by the educational system in the
United States (Montecel, Gallagher, Montemayor, Villarreal, & Reyna, 1993; Nicolau &
Ramos, 1990; Sosa, 1993). A more responsive parental education program which
includes workshops on expectations and roles of parents could be offered if welcome
centers through community organizations like the Ghana Association of Southern
California are established and supported. Parent involvement programs recognize that

89
parents are not just passive recipients of services but are viewed as contributors and
collaborators. Procidiano and Fisher (1992) stress the need for demonstrating an
understanding of both the importance of respect and the individual's dignity when dealing
with immigrant parents.
School boards of education across the country should begin to enact policies that
encourage schools to develop partnership with immigrant community organizations that
serve non-dominant immigrant groups who come from various parts of the world.
Through such partnerships, promotional materials could be developed in the native
languages of such groups and Saturday schools will promote academic and social
development.
Recommendations for Parents
Research provides evidence that there is a link between parent involvement and
academic achievement (Chavkin, 1993; Epstein, 1996; Floyd, 1998; Petersen, 1989). As
such, Ghanaian immigrant parents must make every effort to participate in the education
of their children. Contrary to the United States where it is important for parents to get to
know their children’s teachers and participate in school events, in Ghana the scope of
parent participation is very limited and teachers are expected to perform almost all the
critical functions which enable a child to succeed in school. Ghanaian immigrant parents
in the United States therefore face the challenge of adjusting to the American education
system in which a child’s success is invariably linked to parental involvement and
support.
Furthermore, Ghanaian parents must understand that participation goes beyond
participation in formal activities such as parent conferences, school events, meetings, or

90
volunteering as a teacher assistant. Informal activities at home, such as reading, listening
to children read, checking homework assignments, obtaining tutorial assistance, instilling
cultural values, and sending children to school prepared with all needed materials are
considered part of the parent involvement process.
Get involved. Ghanaian parents must also explore opportunities to participate in
their children’s education by becoming active members of the Parent Teacher
Organization at their child’s school. In addition they should enquire about becoming
members of the School Site Council—an organization at each school that’s supposed to
involve parents in decision-making. Parents can learn about these and other parent groups
from the principal, school secretary, or parent liaison.
Navigating the education system. Ghanaian parents must help one another to
navigate the education system. Those parents with more experience in educating children
in the United States schools may seek out recent immigrant and lend assistance. Parents
may also seek assistance from other individuals in their community organizations who
are teachers or education administrators.
Ghanaian immigrant children have the possibility of expanding their learning
skills as part of the task of integrating into the American school system and society as a
whole. However, in order to accomplish this, the involvement of all stakeholders in the
education system especially parents is extremely important.
Recommendations for Further Studies

Many of the topics of inquiry within this study need to be extended to other
communities in the United States where there are substantial Ghanaian immigrant
populations in order to gain a better perspective on how Ghanaian immigrant children are

91
adapting to the United States education system. Hopefully this study will stimulate
interest for replication of similar studies elsewhere. A compilation of data from this study
of Ghanaian immigrant children in other parts of the country would provide a more
accurate baseline of exemplary models of parent and community participation that can
support education in Ghanaian immigrant communities across the United States. Further
studies could reveal how community organizations may collaborate with schools and
school districts to create friendly and welcoming environments within the schools for
Ghanaian immigrant children. In addition such a study could unveil opportunities to help
parents in the following areas:
Understanding student assessment. American schools send out progress reports
prior to the end of the semester. This is different from the traditional report cards known
in Ghana, which mainly showed student grades at the end of the semester. In some
American schools, report cards offer a comprehensive representation of the student’s
performance during the term. In these cases parents are encouraged to study the contents
carefully and schedule a parent conference to discuss their child’s work. Parents also
need to understand the tests their children take and the growth analysis provided.
Ghanaian parents must further understand that in the United States final grades are not
based solely on student’s final tests and that the grade may include homework, projects,
class work quizzes and tests. It is therefore important that parents pay equal attention to
homework as they do with quizzes and tests.
Most Ghanaian immigrant parents initially express shock and frustration at the
amount of homework children in U.S. schools have to complete. They lament that in
Ghana, children did most of the work at school and rarely brought a high volume of work

92
home. In order to ensure the effective completion of homework and other assignments,
parents must set a special place aside in the home free of undue distraction where
students could concentrate on their assignments. This location must be away from the
bedroom where the child might be tempted to fall asleep while doing homework. The
location should also be far away from a TV, in a well lit area with a desk or table, pencils,
paper, and any other books or equipment-such as rulers, calculators, and reference or text
books.
Parents must ask to see their child’s school agenda or planner to see which
homework is assigned at the end of each school day. They may also check to see if there
is a telephone homework hotline service in their area to make use of when assisting their
children do homework. Some schools and community organizations make provisions for
students to be assisted on their homework through a dedicated telephone hotline.
Working with children at home. In a study of a group of Hispanic parents who
became involved in a leadership program (Aspiazu, Bauer & Spillett, 1998), researchers
found that as parents became more involved in structuring and monitoring homework,
their children demonstrated greater self-esteem and improved grades. The rate of
illiteracy in Ghana at the time western education was implemented on a mass scale led to
the limiting of homework since most parents could not help their children at home. When
homework was assigned, care was taken to ensure they were assignments that children
could meaningfully complete on their own. At the high school level the volume of
homework however was higher since most students attended boarding schools.
Finally, many school districts have addressed challenges immigrant students face
through a variety of ways including providing instruction in the children’s primary

93
language and the establishment of programs to facilitate immigrant transition such as
newcomer centers. In cases where they need to be taught in their first language, it is
virtually impossible to do so because a critical mass of Ghanaian immigrant students is
not available at any individual school site. For lack of better placement, Ghanaian
immigrant children who are English Language Learners may be placed into Spanish
speaking English Language Development (ELD) classes.

94
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APPENDIX

Immigrant Children Survey Instrument
Respondent I.D. Number_______________
1. Gender
01___male 02___female
2. How old are you? (Please check all of the following)
01___5-12
02___13-18
03___19-25
04___26-45
05___45-55
06___55+
07___no answer

3. Country of birth
01___Ghana 02____USA 3 Other (Please State) _________________
4. If you grew up in Ghana how long have you been in the United States?________
5. How old were you when you immigrated to the U.S.?
01___under 9 years
02___between 10 and 14 years
03___between 15 and 19 years
04___between 20 and 24 years

102

6. In what year did you immigrate to the U.S.? _________________________
7. Which of the following best describes you?
a) African American
b) Black
c) Ghanaian-American
d) Ghanaian

Section Two
1. What languages do you speak? Please name them. If you don’t speak any Ghanaian
language please explain why?
2. Are your parents affiliated with any Ghanaian community organization? If yes could
you please name them and briefly describe what those organizations do.
3. Describe to me any Ghanaian community events you have participated in.
4. If you went to school in Ghana, please describe to me your experiences in your
Ghanaian school(s)?
5. Please describe your educational experiences in America (school’s physical
environment, peer interaction, relationship with your teachers etc.) If you went to
school in Ghana please describe your experiences on your first day in an American
school?
6. What do you like most about going to school and what do you like least?
7. What has been your experience with other students from different ethnic groups?
8. Has your parents ever visited your school? If so please state why they were there.

103
9. Are you involved in Ghanaian community organizations like churches and
associations?
10. Please describe any situation in your school that made you feel very uncomfortable
or
11. Can you describe how this situation was resolved?
12. What are your academic and professional goals?
Immigrant Parent Survey Instrument
1. When did you first come to America and how long have you lived here?
2. What would you say was the principal reason for immigrating into the United States?
3. What was your profession in your native country?
4. What is your current profession?
5. Are you satisfied or unsatisfied with your child’s education experience in this
country? Please explain why or why not?
6. How would you compare the teachers of your children here in the United States with
those in Ghana?
7. How different do you think your educational experience is compared to
that of your children.
8. What do you to support your child in his or her education like school visit,
homework assistance, membership of Parent, Teacher Organization (PTO).
9. How often do you visit your child’s school? Describe your impressions after your
first visit to your child’s school.

104
10. How involved are you in the Ghanaian community in Southern California? What
organizations are you involved with?
11. Could you describe to me how active you are in the US political process at the city,
county, state and national.

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Past studies in the United States have consistently found that culture has varied effects on the educational outcomes of immigrant children. In California Asians fare significantly better than whites in school outcomes such as grade point average, while blacks and Hispanics fare significantly worse. Conclusions drawn from recent ethnographic studies of immigrant groups have made a strong case for the decoupling of Americanization from social mobility. Immigrants who develop an adversarial relationship towards mainstream American values are less likely to succeed in the education system. For second-generation immigrants, strong affinity to one’s ethnic group and resisting certain kinds of Americanization may be the key to socio-economic success.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Adutwum, Yaw O. (author)

Core Title The impact of culture on academic achievement among Ghanaian immigrant children

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Education (Policy, Planning and Administration)

Publication Date 08/07/2009

Defense Date 04/29/2009

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag academic,achievement,culture,education,ghana,Immigrants,OAI-PMH Harvest,School

Place Name California (states)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Cole, Darnell (committee chair), Baca, Reynaldo R. (committee member), Simic, Andrei (committee member)

Creator Email yadutwum@hotmail.com,yaw.adutwum@newdesignscharter.net

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m2533

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Document Type Dissertation

Rights Adutwum, Yaw O.

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Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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