University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Social entrepreneurship and urban tourism as economic development: best practices from Long Beach, California

(USC Thesis Other)

Social entrepreneurship and urban tourism as economic development: best practices from Long Beach, California

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content SOCIAL ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND URBAN TOURISM AS
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: BEST PRACTICES FROM
LONG BEACH, CALIFORNIA
by
Elton Fred Massey II
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE SCHOOL OF POLICY, PLANNING,
AND DEVELOPMENT
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF POLICY, PLANNING, AND DEVELOPMENT
December 2008
Copyright 2008Elton Fred Massey II
ii

DEDICATION
This document is dedicated to God, because without his help, I would have
neither applied to the program nor been able to finish my dissertation.
iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I acknowledge that this document would not have come to fruition without the
assistance of Dr. Eduardo Miranda, Beverly Pearce, Dr. David Abrahams, Dr. Sharon
R. Amos, Audra Henson, and Harry Richardson. Ed has been my friend and trusted
confidant. Beverly gave me a place to work and help with my life. David’s wisdom and
advice assisted me in clarifying my thoughts and my skills as a researcher. Also, I
would like to thank (respectively) my friend and aunt, Audra Henson and Dr. Sharon R.
Amos, for their eagle eyes as editors and their kind hearts. I thank my advisor, Harry
Richardson, for his advice, encouragement, and confidence in my work.
I thank my entire cohort: Greg, Shane, Barney, Ed, Jim, Lynn, and Professor
Niraj Virma.
I thank Imani Brown, James Thomas, Beverly Pearce, David Kubit, Kwabena
Sabby, Ola Wayne Johnson, Dennis Bobo, Keith Womack, Archie L. Amos, Jr., and
Dixon Oriola.
I thank my committee members: James Steele, Mike Manigault, Harry Richard-
son, and Tridib Banerjee.
I thank my family for my mental toughness and emotional strength.
Finally, I thank God for making me such a “bad man.” With his help I plan to
use this document as a blueprint to help people of African descent to rise to their right-
ful place in the world.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION. ..................................................... ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.............................................iii
LIST OF TABLES. .................................................. vii
LIST OF FIGURES. ................................................. vii i
AB S TR AC T. ....................................................... ix
Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION. ........................................ 1
Overview..................................................... 1
Organization of the Dissertation. .................................. 1
Purpose of the Project. .......................................... 2
Focus of the Case Study. ........................................ 3
Research Questions. ......................................... 3
Methodology and Analysis. ...................................... 4
Terms and Concepts. ........................................... 4
Chapter 2: METHODOLOGY AND RESEARCH DESIGN. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Research Design: The Case Study Model of Analysis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Qualitative Research Methods: A Discussion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Method of Analysis: Interview. ................................. 8
Chapter 3: THE SOCIAL ENTREPRENEUR AND SOCIAL ENTERPRISE. . . . 9
Social Entrepreneurship Scholarship. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Attributes of Social Entrepreneurs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Public Entrepreneurs. ........................................ 15
Nonprofits and Entrepreneurs................................... 17
Private Entrepreneurs. ........................................ 17
Entrepreneurship: Literature Review. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Economic Development. ...................................... 23
Social Capital Literature Review. ............................... 27
Chapter 4: THE SOCIAL ENTERPRISE. ............................... 31
Literature Review: Civil Society................................... 31
Social Enterprise. .............................................. 34
Chapter 5: LONG BEACH, CALIFORNIA............................... 35
A Brief History of Long Beach. ................................... 35
v
The Development of Downtown Long Beach.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
CityPlace. ................................................. 46
The Park at Harbor View. ..................................... 47
Aqua Condominiums. ........................................ 48
Promenade Development. ..................................... 49
1500 Ocean................................................. 49
1000 Ocean................................................. 50
West Ocean................................................. 50
100 E. Ocean. .............................................. 51
Low-Income Residential Developments. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
Chapter 6: LONG BEACH’S COMPETITION: SAN DIEGO AND
PASADENA. ................................................. 56
San Diego. ................................................... 56
Pasadena. .................................................... 58
The Themes of San Diego and Pasadena. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
Chapter 7: GLOBAL AND SOCIAL FORCES SHAPING CITIES. . . . . . . . . . . . 62
The Network City. ............................................. 62
Tourism: Literature Review. ..................................... 65
Tourism as Economic Redevelopment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
Chapter 8: THE MODERN TOURIST. ................................. 75
The Tourist. .................................................. 75
Literature Review: The Creative Class. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
The Act of Sightseeing. ......................................... 77
The Types of Travelers. ......................................... 79
Chapter 9: THE MODERN TOURIST ATTRACTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
The City as the Attraction. ....................................... 83
Literature Review: Placemaking and Place Promotion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
Place Promotion. ............................................ 85
The Theme. .................................................. 88
Literature Review: Theming the Postmodern City.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
The Theme Formation Process.................................. 93
The Tourist Attraction Life Cycle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
Chapter 10: ELEMENTS CONSTITUTING THE THEME AND
ENVIRONMENT OF A DOWNTOWN AREA. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
Placemaking: The Local Population. ............................... 97
Culture of the Local Population. .................................. 98
The Community................................................100
vi
Literature Review: Cultural Hybridity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .101
Distinctive Locations............................................103
Chapter 11: PLACEMAKING: THE PHYSICAL LOCATION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .105
Heritage Tourism...............................................105
Crime and Safety...............................................109
Climate and Location. ..........................................113
I nf r a s t r uc t ur e . ..............................................113
Chapter 12: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS. . . .115
Research Questions. ............................................115
Global Forces. ................................................116
The Modern Tourist. .........................................116
The Theme. ................................................117
The Physical Location. .......................................117
The Cities of Long Beach and Pasadena. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .118
Conclusions and Recommendations. ...............................118
Best Practices Defined. .......................................119
Economic Development. ......................................120
Social Entrepreneur. .........................................121
The Social Enterprise. ........................................123
General Management Issues....................................124
The Theme. ................................................126
Long Beach Recommendations. ................................128
Suggestions for Future Research...................................129
G L O S S A R Y . ......................................................131
REFERENCES. ....................................................136
APPENDICES
A. INTERVIEW QUESTION. ...................................152
B.PLACEMAKER INTERVIEW QUESTIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .159
C.MAP OF DOWNTOWN LONG BEACH, CALIFORNIA. . . . . . . . . . .161
D.DETAILED PROJECT MAP OF DOWNTOWN LONG BEACH,
CALIFORNIA. .........................................162
E.LONG BEACH LOCAL TRANSIT MAP. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .163
F.LONG BEACH CITY COUNCIL BOUNDARY MAP. . . . . . . . . . . . . .164
G.MAP OF GASLAMP DISTRICT AND DOWNTOWN SAN
DIEGO, CALIFORNIA. ..................................165
H.MAP OF “OLD TOWN” PASADENA, CALIFORNIA. . . . . . . . . . . . .166
I.BUTLER'S TOURISM AREA LIFE CYCLE MODEL. . . . . . . . . . . . . .167
J. HANDY'S SIGMOID CURVES................................168
vii
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1:Characteristics of a Social Entrepreneur. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Table 2:The Social Entrepreneurs of Long Beach, California.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
Table 3:Monthly Rental Rates for the Premiere at CityPlace, Long Beach,
California. ................................................. 47
Table 4:Monthly Rental Rates for The Park at Harbor View, Long Beach,
California. ................................................. 48
Table 5:Summary of Development in Downtown Long Beach, California.. . . . . . 54
Table 6:San Diego and Pasadena: Social Entrepreneur Characteristics. . . . . . . . . 61
Table 7:Long Beach Police Department’s Annual Crime Statistics. . . . . . . . . . . .110
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Strategy or urban tourism. .................................... 71
Figure 2:Primary elements of tourist attractions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
ix

ABSTRACT
From the rise of civilization, cities have acted as marketplaces for the exchange
of goods and ideas. Globalization has transformed the city and its citizens. The future is
bright for such global metropolitan regions such as Los Angeles and New York; how-
ever, the individual communities that constitute those regions have become secondary
places and must become distinct places in order to survive. This Planning, Design, and
Development project provides a best practices for social entrepreneurs to use themed
urban tourism to direct the economic development activities of their communities.
The research question that guided this study was the following: What practices
can the social entrepreneur employ to determine and direct a downtown district’s theme
formation process? Related questions include the following:
1.What is the effect of globalization on the world’s cities, and how is tourism
being used to respond?
2.Who is the modern tourist?
3.What makes a city a tourist attraction?
4.What local themes can the social entrepreneur use to initiate and manage the
transformative process?
This study used downtown Long Beach, California, as a case study to develop
the best practices, employing opinions, evaluations, and scholarly sources to answer the
research questions. Collected data interviews with government officials, real estate
professionals, and the researcher’s professional contacts.
x
Selected findings were as follows:
1.Cities are global places and are subject to global forces.
2.Tourism has become an important economic force. Many cities now consider
tourism as their economic lynchpin.
3.Distinctiveness is determined by the degree a city’s theme connects a people
to a place and transforms that place into an attraction.
4.Civic leadership is a key element of community survival and growth.
5.A community’s theme can be derived from the local population’s culture and
hybridity.
Conclusions and recommendations were the following:
1.A successful economic development program can use a theme to appeal to
all social classes.
2.The social entrepreneur can study a community history and culture to find a
marketable theme to brand.
1
CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION
Overview
This Planning, Design, and Development Project identified the best practices of
social entrepreneurs to use themed urban tourism to economically revitalize a down-
town district. This project’s focus was the second-tier California coastal cities that
desire to make their downtown districts attractive to tourists. A case study of Long
Beach’s Pine Street/Ocean Boulevard/Golden Shore Avenue area was prepared because
the city used tourism to transform its downtown district.
Organization of the Dissertation
The dissertation is composed of five sections that organize its 11 chapters. The
first section provides background for the project’s later sections and is composed of
chapters 1-4. The first chapter describes the organization of the dissertation, the re-
search question, and the limitations of research. The second chapter examines the dis-
sertation’s methodology and research design. The third chapter focuses on the role and
attributes of the social entrepreneur by examining the literature of economic develop-
ment, entrepreneurship, social entrepreneurship, and social capital. Chapter 4 examines
the attributes of the social enterprise.
The second section, chapters 5 and 6, focuses on Long Beach and its competi-
tion. The fifth chapter examines Long Beach; chapter 6 examines its competition, San
2
Diego and Pasadena. Finally, there is a brief analysis of how the social entrepreneurs of
San Diego and Pasadena used themed development to shape their downtowns.
The third section, chapters 7-9, focuses on how globalization has transformed
cities, tourists, and the elements of an attraction. The seventh chapter examines the
global forces shaping tourism and how cities use themed tourism to drive economic
development. The eighth chapter analyzes the global tourist by examining the work of
MacCannell (1999) and Florida’s (2002a, 2003) “creative class.” The ninth chapter
analyzes the attributes of a successful urban tourist attraction and how the Resort Life
Cycle Model illustrates the role theme that plays in the long-term vitality of a down-
town district.
The fourth section’s chapters 10 and 11 focused on the elements that can consti-
tute the theme. The 10 chapter begins with an examination of local culture and cultural
th
hybridity as sources of local theme. Next, the 11 chapter examines the elements of the
th
physical environment where themes could be derived and exploited.
The 12 and final chapter summarizes the dissertation and identifies the best
th
practices of the social entrepreneur.
Purpose of the Project
The purpose of this project was to provide a general guide to the social entrepre-
neurs of numerous communities and small towns as they revitalize their communities.
3
Focus of the Case Study
The focus of this project was urban downtown districts. As such, the assump-
tions were that the district was located within an established community and that the
community had the basic infrastructure and desire required to transform the downtown
district into an area that was attractive to both local residents and regional guests. The
best practices detailed within this project were targeted to second-tier southern Califor-
nia cities; as such, the city of Long Beach was examined as a case study to help identify
these practices.
Research Questions
The study examined the following main research question: What are the best
practices the social entrepreneur can employ during the theme formation process of a
downtown district?
Sub-research questions were as follows:
1.What is the effect of globalization on the world’s cities, and how is tourism
being used to respond?
2.What is the role of the social entrepreneur during the themed economic
revitalization of a downtown district?
3.Who is the modern tourist?
4.What is a tourist attraction?
5.Where are the sources of a local theme, and how does the social entrepreneur
manage the process?
4
Methodology and Analysis
This project used the case study approach. Interviews were conducted with
regional and local economic development officials, real estate developers, real estate
brokers, bankers, tourists, and area merchants to obtain their opinions and evaluations
concerning downtown Long Beach (see appendix A). Data obtained from interviews
and a study of scholarly sources provided answers to the research questions and led to
the project’s conclusions (see chapter 11).
Terms and Concepts
This dissertation contains various terms such as attraction, tourist, theme, and
brand in various chapters. The glossary at the end of the last chapter contains an alpha-
betized list; however, due to their importance to the overall discussion, the terms social
entrepreneur and creative class are defined in this section.
The term social entrepreneur describes an operative who enlists the local
population to transform the downtown into a themed district. The social entrepreneur
may begin as a solitary figure but will enlist any relevant stakeholders required to create
a locally significant force. This project primarily considered social entrepreneurs who
were private, for-profit individuals or organizations; however, the social entrepreneur
can constitute any person, group, or tandem.
Due the extensive use of the concept of the creative class in this document, the
operative definition describes a new cultural class that is college educated, diverse, and
5
seeks to live and work in environments that incorporate a more “bohemian” lifestyle
rise due to enhanced economic prosperity (Florida 2002a, p. 8).
Limitations
The purpose of this project was to provide a general guide to the social entre-
preneurs of numerous communities and small towns as they redevelop and revitalize
their communities; thus the limitations of the research are listed below:
1.This project did not attempt to explore the required fiscal and social tools re-
quired to develop a community but instead described the attributes that a successful
social entrepreneur should examine to determine the theme of a downtown district.
2.The focus of this project was the urban downtown districts, as such, this
project was based on the assumption that the district was located within an established
community. There was the assumption that the city had the basic infrastructure and
desire to transform the downtown district into a place that is attractive to both local
residents and regional guests.
3.This project limited itself to the conceptual nature of the city as the attraction
and did not focus on any single attraction.
4.This dissertation does not attempt to provide a quantitative or qualitative
evaluative analysis; it simply attempts to highlight the importance of the longevity of an
attraction.
5.The best practices detailed within this project targeted second-tier southern
California cities. A case study of the city of Long Beach created a research aide to
6
illustrate those practices; however, this project does not include any specific recommen-
dations for the cities of Long Beach, Pasadena, or San Diego.
7
CHAPTER 2

METHODOLOGY AND RESEARCH DESIGN
The goal of the study was to create guidelines for a social entrepreneur to use
with themed urban tourism to redevelop a downtown district. In turn, this dissertation
used a methodology and research design that would provide results that could be imple-
mented by policy leaders.
Research Design: The Case Study Model of Analysis
This section details the rationale for the research design and the method of anal-
ysis. The goal was to find best practices and, as such, the case study method was the
best method to illustrate actual practices (U.S. General Accounting Office [GAO],
1991). Traditionally, the case study method was a mixture of both qualitative and quan-
titative research methods that created a story that became the case study (Kvale, 1996).
This study used the qualitative method of standardized, open-ended, in-depth inter-
views along with statistics derived from local census data and other local resources to
create a case study of Long Beach.
Qualitative Research Methods: A Discussion
Qualitative research has three general techniques which includes observations,
surveys, and interviews. The object of this study was neither environmental nor cultural
but rather an analysis of the results of the decisions that created Long Beach’s new
downtown (Kvale, 1999). The object of the research was to collect information from
8
primary resources through the interview process (Kvale; McNamara, 1999). The obser-
vation method was considered; however, the type of data that can be derived by this
method was not applicable to the discussion. The survey method would not have prop-
erly engaged community leaders, legislators and businessmen in a manner that would
solicit a creditable response since most have neither the time nor inclination to com-
plete a survey (Kvale; McNamara 1999; U.S. GAO, 1991).
Method of Analysis: Interview
This section details the various interview types, their attributes, and rationale for
selection. Finally, there will be a brief discussion of the interview approach used during
interviews and the preparation of questions.
The interview questions were prepared in advance in order to focus the conver-
sation (Foddy, 1993; Kvale, 1999). Generally, there are two interview types: (a) struc-
tured interviews; and (b) in-depth, open-ended interview (Kvale; U.S. GAO, 1991).
Two types of interviews are used in evaluation research: structured and in depth.
A structured interview asks an individual to choose a response from a set of carefully
written questions (U.S. GAO, 1991). The structured interview is very similar to the
survey method. This project engaged in the in-depth interview or standardized, open-
ended interview, which attempts to capture the respondent’s perceptions about a subject
(Foddy, 1993; Kvale, 1999; McNamara, 1999; U.S. GAO).
9
CHAPTER 3

THE SOCIAL ENTREPRENEUR AND SOCIAL ENTERPRISE
“Social entrepreneurs are people who use techniques of business to achieve
positive social change” (McConachie, & Simpson, 2003, p. 2). “Social entrepreneurship
is about starting growing business ventures that simultaneously contribute to your or-
ganizational capacity nation impact and financial bottom line” (Hornell & Pepin, 2002,
p. 1). “Social entrepreneurship, with its focus the social benefits and sitting regenera-
tion, allows the creation of learning programs and environments that will produce
citizens who will enhance communities” (McConachie Simpson, p. 5).
For centuries, cities were marketplaces for the exchange of goods and ideas.
Traditionally, the place of exchange was called downtown. The activity and prominence
of a city’s downtown district can a gauge a city’s status (Davis, 2005).
The prominence of a city is not a function of its size but rather a function of how
well a theme connects a people to a place. A successful theme transforms a place into
an attraction. A well-themed development activity has both local and regional appeal
because the theme appeals at an emotional level.
Tourism has become an important economic force, and many cities consider
tourism as one of their main economic lynchpins. Tourism encompasses a number of
large and substantial global industries that cut across all economic and social arenas.
This study forwarded the assumption that the social entrepreneur must enlist
local populations to transform downtown into a themed district. The social entrepreneur
10
can constitute any person, group, or tandem; but regardless of the composition, the goal
is to enlist all significant community and economic stakeholders required to create a
locally significant force. In this effort, the social entrepreneur may create an organiza-
tion that will have an institutional memory and the power to brand the theme and to
influence the community’s growth.
The strategy of a social entrepreneur is to find the theme that links a people to a
place and creates an attraction for tourists to celebrate (see appendices A and B). Clas-
sic examples of social entrepreneurs can be seen in the creation of Washington, DC,
through the actions of George Washington, Pierre Charles L’Enfant, and Benjamin
Banneker; or Thomas Jefferson’s founding of the University of Virginia as an “aca-
demic village” in Charlottesville, Virginia; The Body Shop’s business practices and
products; the creation of the University of Life; the Get Sorted Crew; and the creation
of Silicon Valley.
Thomas Jefferson built Monticello as the community’s capital and idyllic home.
Bugsy Siegel and the East Coast crime syndicates were modern social entrepreneurs
with the development of Las Vegas, Nevada, as a gambling haven. A significant private
company that uses social capital to enhance their financial bottom line is The Body
Shop. The Body Shop markets the transparent environmental practices it uses along
with the quality of its products to enhance shareholder return (Thompson, 2000). A
prominent public social entrepreneur is Margaret Handfourth, who started the Castle-
ford Community Learning Center that provides job training facilities for local women.
The organization is now called the University of Life (Thompson). Another prominent
11
public social entrepreneur is Rotterdam’s Genya Johnson, who started the Get Sorted
Crew so that the local youth could have afterschool activities. Get Sorted Crew is a
center that gives children a place to develop their musical abilities and has been the
source of hundreds of young musicians who have formed hundreds of bands, including
its most famous graduate—the band Simply Read (Thompson).
Finally, a world-changing prominent social entrepreneur is Frederick Terman,
who was the founder of the Silicon Valley. Dr. Terman was born in 1900 in Palo Alto,
California, and received his doctorate in electrical engineering from the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology in 1924. In 1927, he began to teaching at Stanford University
and later became the Dean of the School of Engineering and University Provost, and
later Vice President of the university (Sorkin, 1992). As a university leader, he at-
tempted to create a “community of scholars” (Sorkin, p. 37) that had strong institutional
links with the outside business world. Dr. Terman realized that skilled people were very
valuable, and he helped created a community that used a very compassionate and
humanistic approach to with the students, scholars and entrepreneurs. Moreover, Dr.
Terman used the mild California climate to attract and retain students and professionals.
Some of Dr. Terman’s earliest students included William Hewlett and David Packard,
who created Hewlett Packard and solidified the valley’s strong culture of applied intel-
lectual pursuits (Sorkin).
This chapter will examine elements of the social entrepreneur within the schol-
arly literature of entrepreneurship, economic development, and social capital.
12
Social Entrepreneurship Scholarship
Social entrepreneurs are able to identify the needs of the local population, ana-
lyst to help of other agencies and individuals, engage members of the local
community, empower people to access services, enable agencies to identify and
made contact with individuals, and engineer pride in a local community.
(Ghalamkari, & Jenkins, 2002, p. 2)
The goal of social entrepreneurship is to change social systems. Social entrepre-
neurship is a new field that has its roots in the poverty alleviation programs of the past.
Social entrepreneurs mobilize resources to alleviate social issues and problems. There-
fore, small organizations can address large social ills in a small setting that can, over
time, have large societal repercussions (e.g., the civil rights movement or the environ-
mental movement; Alvord, Brown, & Letts, 2002).
Social entrepreneurship has not been the subject of much research but is begin-
ning to become increasing focus within various academic disciplines (Thompson,
2002). Scholarship into social entrepreneur scholarship can be traced to the works of
Galbraith (1992), who examined entrepreneurial efforts that expanded beyond
individual profit. Waddock and Post (1991) expanded on the work of Galbraith and
coined the term social entrepreneurship. Cornwall (1998) asserted that entrepreneur-
ship is the building block of community development and the regeneration of cities.
Some researchers have stated that the context is most important. Denzin (1989) asserted
that all actions and enterprises must be evaluated by their context to society
(McConachie & Simpson, 2003). Leadbeater (1987) argued that social capital can be
harnessed to empower disadvantaged people so that they can control their communities.
The intangible assets that constitute social equity can give social entrepreneurs a source
13
of equity that can be commoditized and bankable. As such, Leadbeater determined that
entrepreneurs who see the community as their business, evaluate the gaps in services,
and see opportunity within their community should prosper. Leadbeater (as cited in
Thompson, 2002) identified four attributes that all entrepreneurs share in common: (a)
envisioning, (b) engaging, (c) enabling, and (d) enacting. Leadbeater (as cited in Dart,
2004) stated that social entrepreneurship arose to meet nonprofit organizations’ con-
temporary social challenges that lie beyond the scope of their current funding sources.
The Double Bottom Line
Emerson and Twersky (1996) described the double bottom line against which
social entrepreneurs measure themselves as they attempt to meet social needs while
being financially self-sufficient (Dart, 2004). Kermit Tesdell, President of the Commu-
nity Development Venture Capital Alliance (2004) was credited with coining the term
double bottom line, which is defined as “the simultaneous pursuit of financial and
social returns on investment—the ultimate benchmark for a social enterprise or a social
sector business” (p. 2).
Brehm (2003) asserted that the double bottom line is a myth because social
issues will always come second to economic concerns. In turn, Schmitt (2004) asserted:
VE [venture capital funds] distinguishes between returns and financial perfor-
mance because the former is a mathematical calculation, e.g., the net IRR [inter-
nal rate of return] for an individual fund; the latter is the net return relative to an
appropriate benchmark. The appropriate benchmark is selected based upon
vintage, stage and industry focus. (p. 2)
Social entrepreneurs have a major advantage over the traditional entrepreneurs
because they attempt to link their enterprise to the community and are allowed access to
14
the community’s financial and labor resources (Greve & Salaff, 2003). Social entrepre-
neurs tend to be based within ethnic enclaves (e.g., Chinatown, Little Tokyo, Crenshaw
District, etc.; Aldrich & Waldinger, 1990; Atterton, 2007; Davidsson & Honig, 2003).
The variables of their success include (a) dedication to the success of the venture, (b)
access to capital, (c) public acceptance, (d) composition of the staff, (e) public/private
cooperation, (f) the market, and (g) experience.
Attributes of Social Entrepreneurs
A social entrepreneur must see the beauty of the area and in its people prior to
the theme selection process because the people will serve as the community’s perma-
nent cheerleaders and champions. The success of a redevelopment effort results from
the inclusion of community stakeholders, including local and regional government,
nonprofit groups, local businesses, multinational tour operators and hoteliers, airlines,
and most importantly the local population. All parties must work together to produce a
credible attraction or the site as an attraction may fail (Brown, 1995). The attributes of a
successful entrepreneur include honesty, passion, flexibility, and permanence.
With these qualities, the social entrepreneur recruits a team that can determine,
develop, and later brand the community. The stakeholders include (a) residents, (b)
small business owners, (c) civic organizations, and (d) local government (Carapico,
2000; Markey & Vodden, 2000). Civic congruence describes the atmosphere that the
entrepreneur created that fostered the establishment of an organizational structure for
the purposes of tourism development, the creation of synergistic relationships among
15
organizations, and development of the educational programs beneficial to the com-
munity. To paraphrase Carapico, the goals of civic congruence are threefold: (a) to
educate businesses, government, and the public about the economic impact of tourism
and its advantages to the local economy; to develop a hospitality training program to
improve interactions; and (c) to improve communications and cooperation between
local organizations in tourism activities. Additionally, civic congruence is the process
that describes how the entrepreneur attempts to align all relevant community stake-
holders in a certain direction or path.
Civic congruence is sometimes called politics or marketing and requires the
input of influential stakeholders—for example, President George Washington during
the creation of Washington, DC, or Bugsy Siegel during the creation of Las Vegas.
Types of Social Entrepreneurs
As stated above, the social entrepreneur can constitute any person or group, but
the goal of the social entrepreneur is to determine the community theme and then
engage it during the theme formation process. The following section examines three
major classes of stakeholders that must be enlisted in order to make a locally significant
social entrepreneur successful. The stakeholders are the local government, nonprofit
groups, and the private market (see Table 1).
Public Entrepreneurs
Local elected leadership can be considered the last great community entrepre-
neurs because they can use the community’s resources to begin the revitalization
16
Table 1
Characteristics of a Social Entrepreneur
Developer
Community
focus
Financial cap-
italization
Target pop-
ulation
GovernmentInfrastructureTypically able to build
more than one project at a

time
Everyone
PrivateCommercial ventures (ho-
tels, restaurants, tours)
Typically able to invest in
more than one project at a

time
Customers
NonprofitHistoric preservation, ed-
ucation, low-income
services
Typically focused on one
issue or project at a time
Low income,
senior, or special
needs
process when the private sector cannot or will not take that risk (Harvey, 1990). In
becoming an attraction, cities attempt to determine and shape their own destinies. In
turn, social entrepreneurs must believe their city is unique and can compete in the
global marketplace (Padderson, 1993).
Local and regional governments are the key entrepreneurs of the placemaking of
an attraction. They enable private entrepreneurs to complete the government’s job of
creating an attraction. Kirlin (1996) stated that governments perform three functions:
protecting communities, delivering services, and providing a forum for political dis-
course.
17
Local governments must always protect the local economy and tax base of the
citizens during downward economic times. In this effort, local governments may be
forced to find unique and sustainable economic opportunities to ensure the continued
viability of the community.
Nonprofits and Entrepreneurs
Generally, nonprofits aid the community and generally have the community’s
trust. Most nonprofits initially provided community services and later moved into
economic development with the belief that they would revitalize the community and
existing residents (Dees, 1999; Walker, 1993). Those groups that focused on the devel-
opment of affordable housing did so to combat the forces of gentrification (Walker).
These nonprofits tried to direct their efforts to combat gentrification in housing and
retail amenities and included residents at all income levels. These efforts include mix-
ing retail development with residential units, adaptive reuse, and redeveloping brown-
fields. Nonprofits are ideally structured (from a tax perspective) to become successful
because of their access to public funding. Their projects must be financially viable yet
serve populations most at-risk (Dees). The philosophical dilemma that the modern non-
profit faces is balancing the role of community service with self preservation.
Private Entrepreneurs
Generally, the motivation of private developers is to generate profits. Typically,
private developers look for profitable business projects and have the ability to develop
18
more than one project at a time (Markey & Vodden, 2000). Most importantly, private
developers only have to answer to themselves and investors.
Entrepreneurship: Literature Review
“Entrepreneurship impacts on organizational culture as it is the single most
important force to create economic and social mobility” (McConachie & Simpson,
2003, p. 2). Entrepreneurship is a complex field because it involves both economics and
psychology. Classic literature asserts that the entrepreneur acts when they see an imbal-
ance in the marketplace and believe the imbalance an opportunity (Audretsch, 2002).
The imbalance can come from personal motivations that can transform a person into an
entrepreneur. The factors include anything that separates the entrepreneur from his
desired state of the satisfaction which could include unemployment, personal crises,
low wages, etc. These factors drive the entrepreneur and ultimately determine the
success of the venture (Hofstede et al., 2004).
The project’s core assumption is that the social entrepreneur is a key competent
of urban revitalization. This assumption is congruent with the work of J. A. Schumpeter
(1934, 1942), whose research helped shape the study of entrepreneurship into its current
form with academic canons of economics, sociology, psychology, and other fields
(Audretsch, 2002). This section examines the history of modern entrepreneurial schol-
arship. The next section examines the three scholarly traditions of entrepreneurship,
followed by an examination of the scholarship of Schumpeter and how his scholarship
is being reinterpreted.
19
Richard Cantillon (1680-1734) was the field’s first academic pioneer. He iden-
tified the three main economic actors: landowners, entrepreneurs and employees. He
asserted that an entrepreneur was someone who did business within an uncertain envi-
ronment and believed that entrepreneurship activity was based in imperfect knowledge
(as cited in Wennekers & Thurik, 1999). Adam Smith asserted in his seminal work, The
Wealth of Nations (as cited in Stevenson & Jarillo, 1990) that the balance of trade
would require agents of change. Max Weber (1904) asserted that the Protestant work
ethic was the spirit that drove modern capitalism and that work ethic was the key to
democracy and social reform. He asserted that the work ethic was the driving engine
behind the Reformation, which made the nations of northern Europe the economic
titans of the Middle Ages, such as Spain, Portugal, France and Italy (Stevenson &
Jarillo).
Modern entrepreneurial scholarship has developed three distinct intellectual
traditions: the Austrian school, the German school, and the Chicago School. Each
tradition was based in established academic tradition with used its unique schools to
interpret the motivations and actions of the entrepreneur.
The Austrian tradition is based on the work of von Mises, Kirzner, and Shackle,
who rooted their research in social psychology. They asserted that the entrepreneur
attempts to combine resources to fulfill currently unsatisfied needs and improve or meet
market inefficiencies or deficiencies (as cited in Audretsch, 2002). David McClelland
(1976, as cited in Stevenson & Jarillo, 1990) researched the psychological basis of
entrepreneurial success and identified a desire to achieve a standard of excellence as
20
one the driving motivations of successful entrepreneur. Moreover, entrepreneurs are
“people who develop successful businesses. They tend to be proactive, determined, not
limited to one field of business, well-informed, forward thinking and have a wide and
varied networks” (Ghalamkari & Jenkins, 2002, p .2).
The Chicago tradition is based on the work of Knight and Schultz (as cited in
Audretsch, 2002). Their scholarship asserted that entrepreneurs provide market equilib-
rium with their activities. Moreover, they asserted that mainstream modern neoclassical
economists do not include the entrepreneur in their formalized model.
Modern entrepreneurial research is based on the German tradition that is based
on the work of von Thuesen and Schumpeter, which asserts that entrepreneurship is a
phenomenon of market inefficiency. The work of economist Joseph Schumpeter (1883-
1950) made entrepreneurs an object of valid academic scholarship by linking their
activities to economic growth. Schumpeter (1934) forwarded in book, Theory of Eco-
nomic Development, the concept of creative destruction, which described how new,
hungrier firms replaced older, less nimble organizations. In 1942, Schumpeter asserted
in his book, Capitalism and Democracy, the rational response for individuals to gener-
ate above normal profits with “new combinations.” This work pioneered research in the
field and became the cannon of traditional studies of entrepreneurship (Bolton & West-
lund, 2003; McConachie & Simpson 2003). Schumpeter (1942) argued that large cor-
porations were blind to new market forces whereas smaller, younger firms could exploit
these changes (Audretsch, 2002; Stevenson & Jarillo, 1990). He asserted that all ac-
tivities and ventures require someone with vision to start the process of creation. The
21
act of entrepreneurship involves crossing all organizational structures, lines of busi-
nesses, industries, and geography in search of new and innovative activities (Audretsch,
2002). Moreover, Entrepreneurs are different than managers because they act as the
decision makers, contractors, the main employees, and the risk takers (Aldrich & Wal-
dinger, 1990). Schumpeter (1934) defined entrepreneurship as bringing about a differ-
ent use of national resources that are . . . employed and subjected to new combinations”
(p. 20).
Based on the work of J. A. Schumpeter, scholars furthered the research of entre-
preneurship by examining the keys of a successful entrepreneurial venture that include
information and capital (Shane & 2000). Moreover, many scholars have expanded the
field in many directions in the process and redefined the definition of entrepreneur and
entrepreneurship to fit their research.
Many scholars assume that entrepreneurship was an attempt to establish a new
practice or technique or the establishment of a new industry (Audretsch, 2002); how-
ever, from this basis, their definitions differed according to their usage. Jonvanic (1982,
as cited in Shane & Venkataraman, 2000) first coined the concept noisy selection,
which describes the process by which entrepreneurs discover their level of ability and
discover whether they can exceed their expectations or whether their expectations
exceed their ability. Scholarship has asserted that an asymmetry of information can
result in the discovery of “new means-ends relationships” (Shane & Venkataraman, p.
220).
22
Many scholars have asserted the following regarding entrepreneur: “exploit [sic]
of opportunities is more common when people have greater financial capital” (Shane &
Venkataraman, 2000, p. 223). Moreover, “for the entrepreneur to obtain control over
these resources in a way that makes the opportunity profitable, his or her conjecture
about the accuracy of resource prices must differ from those of resource owners and
other potential entrepreneurs” (p. 220).
The definitions of an entrepreneur are as numerous as those who study it or its
attributes. This section includes definitions from prominent scholars in the field begin-
ning with Herbert and Link (1989), who devised a “synthetic” definition of an entrepre-
neur: “the entrepreneur is someone who specializes in taking responsibility for and
making judgmental decisions that affect the location, form, and the use of goods, re-
sources, or institutions” (p. 47). Audretsch (2002) defined entrepreneurship as follows:
“entrepreneurship is about change, just as entrepreneurs are agents of change; entrepre-
neurship is less about the process of change” (p. 2). Furthermore,
entrepreneurs are agents of change in the growth in a market economy and they
can accelerate the generation, dissemination and application of innovative ideas.
. . . Entrepreneurs not only seek out and identify potentially profitable economic
opportunities what are also willing to take risk to see if their hunches are right.
(Organization for European Co-operation and Development [OECD], 1998, p.
11)
There are a multitude of attributes that describe an entrepreneur; however, this
dissertation will use the definition first articulated by Silberman (1956). An entrepre-
neur
may be a private individual, the head of a cooperative society, or member of the
board of a nationalized industry. In any guise, the manner in which he makes his
23
economic decisions and adapts them to new area—many of them stagnant,
economic uncertainty. (p. 34)
Entrepreneurship is seen as a key source of job creation and economic develop-
ment (Stevenson & Jarillo, 1990). Entrepreneurs are sometimes considered self-
employed or businessmen. However, entrepreneurial activity and bridge the gamut from
marginal business ventures such as door-to-door salesmen to chief executive officers
(CEOs) of multinational organizations, such as Steven Jobs of Apple Computer
(Audretsch, 2002; Stevenson & Jarillo).
Economic Development
This section attempts to explain the major driving issues in domestic urban
economic development. As such, there will be a general background of modern eco-
nomic development, with a brief explanation of financial tools used to assist with re-
development activities.
The academic underpinnings of economic development can be traced to Schum-
peter’s (1934) work, The Theory of Economic Development, wherein he asserted that
economic development was the byproduct of an inefficient marketplace. The practice of
modern economic development can be traced to the efforts by the federal government to
alleviate the effects of the Great Depression of the 1930s. During that era, the current
pillars that buttress national, state, and local programs were founded or enhanced—for
example, the Federal Home Loan Corporation, Fannie Mae, and the like (Fitzgerald &
Leigh, 2002). The major change that occurred within the field is the belief that the eco-
nomic development must focus on more than just market-driven solutions to include
24
social justice and community development. In general, there have been five eras of
economic development, beginning in the 1930s and lasting until the 1960s, where the
federal government began to use a variety of programs to build the nation’s infrastruc-
ture, including the federal highway system, municipal aqueducts, bridges, dams, and
other large-scale projects (Fitzgerald & Leigh).
In the 1940s, World War II drove the industrialization and mechanization of
America from coast to coast. After World War II, the modern corporation began to
focus regional and local economic development policies to enhance commercial suc-
cess. By the 1950s, United States was an industrial juggernaut, and economic develop-
ment stopped being a backwater activity (Fitzgerald & Leigh, 2002).
The second era of economic development began after the unrest of the 1960s,
when nation cities fell into decline and the modern field of economic development
began to flourish. Soon after, the third era began for policymakers and scholars began to
consider the underlying causes of urban decay and civil unrest (Fitzgerald & Leigh,
2002). During this era, the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) was
founded along with Freddie Mac as sources of finance and technical assistance for both
cities and their residents. In the 1970s, Molotch (1976) proposed the concept of the
growth machine, whereby he asserted that jobs and businesses simply transfer from one
location to another, which, in turn, create an era of “smokestack chasing”(Wolman &
Spitzley, 1996).
The fourth era began during the 1980s. Modern economic development activity
can be traced to Marris (1982),who asserted that the United States was deindustrializing
25
and asserted that the role of local governments was to maximize utility of the jurisdic-
tions’ resources and, as such, to make themselves attractive to business. Current era
derives from the mid-1990s’ work of scholars such as Michael Porter (2000), who
proposed that American cities were considered emerging markets and that market-
driven problems could be solved with market-driven solutions. During this era, eco-
nomic development was defined by Fitzgerald and Leigh (2002) as “preserving and
raising the communities standard of living through a process of human physical infra-
structure development based on the principles of equity and social sustainability” (p. 3)
The latest era of economic development has created a toolbox that is wide and
varied (White, Bingham, & Hill, 2003). In general, equity instruments are used as a
means to organically develop the community, whereas debt instruments are used to
attract parties from the outside. In turn, there will be an explanation of the more popular
equity and debt instruments used in the economic development field. The equity tools
include low income tax credits (LIHTC), new market tax credits (NMTC), and com-
munity development venture capital (VC). The debt instruments include tax increment
financing (TIF), municipal bonds, HOME funds, community development block grants
(CDBG), and local and federal enterprise zones (Fitzgerald & Leigh, 2002). The key
attributes of both equity investments and debt instruments are described below:
1.LIHTC—In 1986, the Tax Reform Act was the most sweeping overhaul of
the U.S. tax code in recent history. The law provided an incentive to invest in low-
income rental housing (Fitzgerald & Leigh).
26
2.NMTC—This program matches private investors with commercial develop-
ments or new businesses in low-income areas. The program was created in 2000 with
the Community Renewal Tax Act in order to address the commercial needs of low-
income communities (Fitzgerald & Leigh).
3.The HOME program is a federally funded block grant program that states
and localities can use to meet affordable housing requirements (Fitzgerald & Leigh).
4.CDBG—This is a federally funded grant that is given directly to state and
local governments for revitalizing neighborhoods, economic development, and services
(Fitzgerald & Leigh).
5.Small business investment companies (SBICs) and specialized small busi-
ness investment companies (SSBICs) are financial institutions created by the U.S.
Small Business Administration to finance small businesses (Fitzgerald & Leigh, 2002;
M. Manigault, Vice President of Affordable Housing, Bank of America, Los Angeles,
personal communication, November 20, 2006).
6.Angel investors are private persons who provide startup capital and technical
assistance (Fitzgerald & Leigh).
7.Apprenticeships combine private job training with public funding and class-
room reinforcement to trains apprentices to receive certifiable levels of education
within a particular trade (Fitzgerald & Leigh).
8.In 1993, the Empowerment Zones Act was passed by Congress and gives
zone designees access to over $100 million in federal funds for job creation and training
(Fitzgerald & Leigh).
27
9.TIF includes all “tax breaks” that come in the form of abatements, credits,
and exemptions. A tax abatement may reduce the real estate property tax (Fitzgerald &
Leigh).
Economic development affects each aspect of a community; as such, local and
national partnerships create projects that will shape the community. Using the tools
listed above, economic development is a viable long-term strategy that can aid commu-
nities and ensure their future.
Social Capital Literature Review
Social capital labels and quantifies the benefits of trust and cohesion in social
networks (Astone, Nathanson, Schoen, & Kim, 1999; Coleman, 1988, DeFilippis,
2001; Putman, 2000; Sobel, 2002). The component parts of the theory include trust and
human capital. Social capital is the accumulation of human capital (Coleman, 1988),
which is the skills, experience, and qualifications of individuals who accumulate social
networks and use them for their benefit. Moreover, these social networks usually have
some form of bond, such as culture or location, that allows members to trust the actions
of another member because an act of dishonesty would jeopardize membership in the
community (Bourdieu, 1985; Coleman, 1988; DeFilippis). Florida (2002a) used the
definition for social capital articulated by Coleman (1988); as such, the present study
uses the same definition:
Social capital is defined by its function. It is not a single entity but a variety of
different entities, with two elements in common: they all consist of some aspect
of social structures, and they facilitate certain actors . . . with the structure. Like
other forms of capital, social capital is productive, making possible the
28
achievement of certain ends that in its absence would not be possible. Like
physical and human capital, social capital is not completely fungible but may be
specific to certain activities. A given form of social capital that is valuable in
facilitating certain actions may be useless or even harmful for others. Unlike
other forms of capital, social capital inheres in structure of relations between
actors and among actors. (Florida, 2002a, p. 5)
Social capital, a relatively new concept, has been written about extensively;
however, some assert that social capital is a concept that has been in use since the idea
of citizenship was implied in Plato’s The Republic. Furthermore, DeFilippis (2001
asserted that social capital can be observed in the concept of the “unseen hand” in
Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations and in Max Weber’s (1925) examination of the
role of social networks in The Theory of Social and Economic Organization. Also,
social capital’s underlying principles can be seen in Coase’s (1988) concept of “trans-
action costs” and in the work of Jane Jacobs (1961, as cited in DeFilippis, 2001).
In a modern sense, the concept was first articulated in scholarship by Loury
(1976). Later, the theory was first redefined by Bourdieu in 1986 and later defined by
Coleman (1988). The measure of social capital is difficult and imprecise because of the
theory’s relative youth and lack of focus (DeFilippis, 2001).
Florida (2002a, 2002b) detailed the habits of a new class of global citizen who
attempts to reduce the elements of community to an individual level. Florida (2002a)
called this group the creative class. It is noteworthy that Florida (2002a) received con-
siderable criticism because he used data from surveys of small populations to justify his
theoretical concepts. Moreover, the following discussion outlines the main criticisms of
social capital:
29
1.The theory is not new but instead labels ideas that have been implied since
Plato argued the concept of citizenship in The Republic and Adam Smith with the
“unseen hand” in The Wealth of Nations (DeFilippis, 2001).
2.The inclusive nature of criminal enterprises creates positive social capital for
the organization, yet the organization creates negative social capital for society (Bour-
dieu, 1985; Portes, 1998).
3.Is there methodology that is used to measure trust and sociability (Lochner,
Kawachi, & Kennedy, 1999; Sobel, 2002)?
4.Social capital is based on the assumption that there are viable social net-
works to help its members, but this may not be the case for the poor (DeFilippis).
Social capital literature discusses the attributes that constitute a community:
boundary, purpose, rules, commitment, and self-determination. To summarize Markey
and Vodden (2000) and Susman (2003), a community can be defined as a group with a
defined relationship versus a place that is a defined physical location that can act as
barrier to outsiders. This barrier allows members to develop trust within their social
network. Communities have many purposes, but mainly it is the self-preservation of the
group (Putnam, 2000). A viable social network is self-governing with the ability to
accept, reject, or eject members as required (Gomez & Santor, 2001).
Social entrepreneurs must believe that the area is beautiful and just in need of
improvement, because they are the area’s primary cheerleaders and spiritual centers. A
social entrepreneur must be just that—an entrepreneur who searched for the commu-
nity’s theme and then promoted it to the world. In order to derive the theme of the
30
community, the entrepreneur must be honest about who and what is the community.
Finally, the entrepreneur must be a team builder and engage the community’s signifi-
cant stakeholders in order to ensure the successful implementation of the theme.
31
CHAPTER 4

THE SOCIAL ENTERPRISE
“Social entrepreneurship is about starting growing business ventures that simul-
taneously contribute to your organizational capacity nation impact and financial bottom
line” (Hornell & Pepin, 2002, p. 1). The information age influences both governments
and citizens and is the driving issue of the 21 century. Social entrepreneurs establish
st
social enterprises with the goal of solving the community’s problems with innovative
solutions while addressing its economic inequalities (Ghalamkari & Jenkins, 2002;
McConachie & Simpson, 2003). As such, the social enterprise incorporates “moral
legitimacy” within its business plan, which give social enterprises an outsize influence
in the public and civil sectors (Dart, 2004; Hornell & Pepin).
Literature Review: Civil Society
The social entrepreneur combines the efforts and expertise of many stakeholders
to form an organization. This organization is part of the civil society or third sector and
is considered an informal economy that has become a source of experts for both the
private and public sectors. The civil society attempts to “fill in the gap” and address
issues and populations that the private and public sector cannot or will not address
(Feldman, 1997). In turn, organizations have begun to usurp the power formally held by
local and national governments. Many areas created organizations with the purpose of
promoting local or regional tourism. Many organizations had powers and budgets that
superseded those of any single local government (Benthall, 2000).
32
The civil society has emerged because cities must address their issues of risk
management and environmental decay. This new world has given rise to a civil society
that believes that many parties are valid stakeholders in the internal issues of a city
(Gindl & Wukovitsch, 2003). There are many definitions of civil society; however, this
project will use the widely accepted definition provided by the London School of
Economics, Centre for Civil Society on its Web site, as follows:
Civil Society refers to the arena of uncoerced collective action around shared
interests, purposes and values. In theory, its institutional forms are distinct from
those of the state, family and market, though in practice, the boundaries between
state, civil society, family and market are often complex, blurred and negotiated.
Civil Society commonly embraces a diversity of spaces, actors and institutional
forms, varying in their degree of formality, autonomy and power. Civil Societies
are often populated by organisations such as registered charities, development
non-governmental organisations, community groups, women’s organisations,
faith-based organisations, professional associations, trade unions, self-help
groups, social movements, business associations, coalitions and advocacy
groups. (Centre for Civil Society, 2006, p. 1)
The civil society can include private businesses and institutions that support an
issue. These organizations allow individuals and institutions to create functional com-
munities” that allow for disparate parties to align their interests for a common cause
(Gindl & Wukovitsch, 2003; Skjelsback, 1971). Regardless of their size, all organiza-
tions have several common characteristics: (a) nonprofit organizations, (b) sources of
area expertise, (c) advocacy function roles, and (d) system changers.
The definition of the organization is less important than understanding its role
and its financial sponsors. In determining the role of the organization, the following
elements should be considered (Simmons, 1998):
• Goals: What is the organization’s ultimate goal and who benefits?
33
• Membership: Who are the members? What is the geographic range, and who
are the personnel?
• Funding sources: What are the dues, assessments, contracts, or donors?
• Activities: What is the function of the organization? What is the organiza-
tion’s area of operation? Who is its target population?
The concept of governance describes power relations and details the organiza-
tion’s influence or activities in a nonformal manner. Nye and Donahue (2000) defined
governance as “the processes and institutions, both formal and informal, that guide and
restrain the collective activities of a group” p. 12). Governance during the combined
theming process directs and ensures that all stakeholders are considered. Also, unbiased
governance will continue the momentum during the theming process. The organization
will attempt to exert influence on nonindustrial areas that have the option of being con-
sidered a tourist attraction. The money and prestige generated by a tourist attraction are
a powerful and direct form of tourism as governance. Nye and Donahue stated that
governance can be either “thick” or “thin” within these new networks. However, the
increasing levels of governance within these networks affect local and national regimes
by either weakening or strengthening their traditional spheres of influence. In some
cases, the realigned networks have been “hollowing out” cities. An example of this
phenomenon can be seen in metropolitan Detroit, where the automobile industry has
moved out of Detroit’s legal boundaries to the Auburn Hills section of suburban De-
troit, yet the city is still “Motown” (Stiglitz, 2002).
34
Social Enterprise
The social enterprise can be nonprofit, private, or public; however, regardless of
their legal structure, many social entrepreneurs form an organization because the orga-
nization can act as an honest broker and minimize local political rivalries. These organi-
zations can speed up the process policy acceptance. Social enterprises can range from
basic everyday services, such as janitorial and landscaping businesses, to technology
firms that cater to universities and professionals. (Audretsch, 2002). Due to the large
number of volunteers who assist with their mission, social entreprises can use social
capital to enhance their economic success (Thompson, 2002).
The goals of social enterprises include (a) job creation, (b) use of the physical
environment, (c) volunteer support, and (d) focus on the local population (Thompson,
2002). Moreover, the attributes of the social enterprise are the following: (a) organiza-
tional nation core values, (b) leveraging of assets and capabilities, (c) addressing unde-
fined community needs, (d) financially solvent, and (e) having a higher likelihood of
employing its clients (Hornell & Pepin, 2002). However regardless of the enterprise,
professional management is an absolute necessity (Thompson, 2002).
35
CHAPTER 5

LONG BEACH, CALIFORNIA
A Brief History of Long Beach
Long Beach was a classic example of a secondary city that used tourism as the
economic lever to transform its downtown from its industrial past to a city with a
future. In recent past, Long Beach was the home of a varied and vibrant aerospace and
military industry that dated back to the days of Howard Hughes and lasted until the
early 1990s. The end of the Cold War hastened the closing of the area’s U.S. Naval
base, which caused Long Beach to experience severe economic cutbacks (Denning,
2004; T. Fields, Chairman of the Board, Long Beach Redevelopment Agency (RDA)
and Marketing Vice President for the Vault 350 and the Malibu Inn [nightclubs],
personal communication, March 12, 2007; Florida, 2005; Pearce, 2007). During the
downturn, Long Beach became a seedy place; as a result, city fathers decided to trans-
form downtown Long Beach into a tourist mecca (appendices C and D).
Long Beach was the fifth largest city in California and second largest in Los
Angeles County with a gross area of about 50 square miles. Most residential develop-
ment, businesses, and tourist attractions were located near the city’s 35 miles of
beaches. In 2005, Long Beach had a population of 463,885 residents and 170,000+
housing units (U.S. Census, 2005).
The city is located 22 miles from Los Angeles and 10 miles from Disneyland. It
is home to the largest container port in the United States and is the fifth busiest port in
On January 9, 1992, Long Beach placed 26 of its 50-square-mile area into a
1
Federal Enterprise Zone. The zone’s certification expired (unless renewed) in Janu-
ary 8, 2007. There was over 7,000 businesses located within the enterprise zone. The
benefits of being located within the zone were many, including the provision that
permits businesses to receive over $27,000 in state tax credits for each full-time em-
ployee hired over a 5-year period (City of Long Beach, 2005).
36
the world. Long Beach receives over 4.3 million visitors annually who stay in the over
5,000 hotel rooms (PFK Consulting, 2005). The latest boom in development affected a
great deal of downtown Long Beach. As of 2006, the city’s racial makeup was 36%
1
Latino, 33% White, 14% African American, 12% Asian American, and 5% other
(Myers, 1999; U.S. Census, 2005).
The city is located within Los Angeles County. The county is home to over 88
individual cities, including Long Beach. The region is composed of five counties: San
Bernardino, Riverside, Orange, Ventura, and Los Angeles County (U.S. Census Bureau,
2005) and is home to over 16.3 million people with cultural ties to every country on
earth. Los Angeles County is the economic engine that drives the southern California
region and is home to Hollywood, other various attractions, and is close to Disneyland
in neighboring Orange County (Anderson, 1996; Caughey & Laree, 1977; Dear, 2002a,
2002B; McWilliams, 1999; Myers, 1999; Soja, 1996).
In regard to transportation, the city is served by California Route 1 (Pacific
Coast Highway and the 710, 91 605, 110, 105, and 405 freeways, as well as Greyhound
and the Metropolitan Transit Authority (MTA) light rail transit line and its own local
bus system (appendix E). Moreover, the city’s airport is home to a national airline, Jet
Blue, and the city is located just 20 minutes south of the Los Angeles International
37
Airport and 35 minutes north of John Wayne Airport in Orange County (McWilliams
1999).
Modern Long Beach can be traced to Cabrillo, who in 1542 was the first Euro-
pean explorer to enter the South Bay Harbor and named it Behia de Los Fumos (Bay of
Smokes). In 1602, Vizcaino renamed the harbor San Pedro Bay. In 1784, California
Governor Fages gave Manuel Rieto 200,000 acres (a land grant that stretched from the
foothills of Santa Ana to the San Gabriel River to the sea). At his death, Rieto’s heirs
received five smaller ranchos that included Los Cerritos, Los Balsas, Los Alamitos, Los
Coyotes, and San Gertrudis. In 1850, California was admitted to the United States as
the 31 state (Berner, 1990).
st
In 1881, William L. Wilmore optioned 10,000 acres for $100,000 in order to
create Wilmore City (as a temperance city), which would become the forerunner of
modern-day Long Beach. Wilmore planned the city’s current layout, basing it on the
development of Ocean Avenue (which runs north/south) along the ocean bluff that was
intercepted by 10 streets that would run east/west (the current Long Beach Boulevard,
Atlantic Avenue, Pacific Avenue, California Avenue, and all the streets named after
trees; Berner, 1990).
1882, Pine Avenue was established as the city’s commercial center with the de-
velopment of the city’s first hotel, The Bay View. In 1884, Wilmore’s option expired;
the town was renamed Long Beach and incorporated in 1888. Due to the city’s prohibi-
tion on alcohol sales, the city elected to unincorporate in 1896. In turn, Los Angeles
County attempted to place its heavy tax burden on the city’s residents in order to pay for
38
the county’s infrastructure; as a result, in 1897, the city reincorporated itself as a non-
temperance city (Berner, 1990).
In 1904, the city’s first pier was built, and in 1921 oil was discovered. In 1925
the city built the first breakwater, and the Naval Reserve Base was opened in 1928. The
harbor was constructed in 1929. In 1930, the Jackrabbit ride at The Pike was replaced
with the Cyclone roller coaster. In 1933, much of the downtown was destroyed by 6.4
earthquake. In 1934, construction began on the Long Beach Airport, and in 1939 the
Navy began construction on what became the world’s largest dry dock shipyard
(Berner, 1990).
During World War II, the southern California region became home to the
defense and aircraft industries; the development of subdivisions exploded spread
rapidly into the early 1960s (Anderson, 1996; Dear, 2002a; Myers, 1999; Soja, 1996).
During the 1950s, the city became the home to a U.S. Navy and a Marine base. During
this era, a breakwater was built to ease the treacherous surf; however, this, in turn, pol-
luted the beach. The breakwater does not allow the waste from the Los Angeles River
basin to wash out to sea but instead restricts the pollution to the South Bay. In the early
1990s, the aerospace industry and research firms downsized and the region suffered an
economic decline (Anderson; Soja).
From the 1970s, Los Angeles became the transit point and final destination for
millions of immigrants. The latest influx of immigrants has included Latinos and
Asians. Moreover, this latest wave established communities that tended to be culturally
homogenous and insular; for example, enclaves included Monterey Park (Chinese),
39
Carson and Torrance (Korean), Santa Ana (Mexican), Irvine (Chinese, Japanese, and
Korean), and Garden Grove (Vietnamese; Dear, 2000; Myers, 1999).
Long Beach’s employment sector shifted from manufacturing (1990) to tourism
and services (2000). Overall, in that decade the number of jobs based in Long Beach
decreased by10% (186,615 to 168,420 jobs). Employment provided by the manufactur-
ing sector decreased by 32% from 40,260 to 27,248 jobs. In 2000, tourism provided
12,384 new jobs to the Long Beach economy (City of Long Beach RDA, 2004; T.
Fields, personal communication, March 12, 2007; U.S. Census Bureau, 2005).
The Social Entrepreneurs of Long Beach
By the early 1990s, Long Beach was considered a city at its nadir after suffering
social and economic blows that ranged from the naval base closing, the decline of the
aerospace industry, racial tensions of the 1992 riots, and a national recession. At that
time, the city’s social entrepreneurs reimagined the city as a place that would be attrac-
tive to members of the creative class—a city that was simultaneously a convention
magnet, a regional business hub, and a dining and entertainment center. Regional and
local economic development officials hoped that Long Beach would attract three
distinct classes of tourists: daytime businessmen, conventioneers, and the late-night
party goers.
Downtown Long Beach has been shaped by eight distinct and powerful stake-
holders, and this project will brief analyze the key actors and their perspectives:
•Downtown Long Beach Associates
•City of Long Beach RDA
40
•Visitors and Convention Bureau
•Long Beach Convention Center
•California State University, Long Beach (CSULB), campus
•Office of the Mayor
•First District City Councilman’s Office
•Second District City Councilman’s Office
•California Coastal Commission
It is a very rare occurrence when all eight of these stakeholders are congruent in
their general goals. The current plan they all generally agreed on was to create a “Uni-
versity by the Sea,” where CSULB would begin to hold events and classes in the down-
town district that would be open to current students and the general public (T. Fields,
personal communication, March 12, 2007; K. Kojian, President, Downtown Long
Beach Business Associates, personal communication, November 21, 2006; B. Magug-
lin, Director of Public Relations, Long Beach Area Convention and Visitors Bureau,
personal communication, November 3, 2006; Manigault, personal communication,
November 20, 2006; B. Pearce, commercial real estate agent servicing Long Beach,
Pasadena, and San Diego, personal communication, March 15, 2007).
In the section below, Long Beach’s social entrepreneurs will be described in
more detail. The Downtown Long Beach Associates is an organization founded by the
merchants and restaurateurs of Pine Avenue in 1937, when the city’s beach was con-
sidered a resort area. The organization was a response to the businessmen’s desire to
market the entire downtown area to the public who bypassed the district for the beach.
Commercial activity: In the first quarter of 2005, there were over 4,201,893
2
square feet of retail office space available in downtown Long Beach (T. Fields, personal
communication, March 12, 2007; K. Kubit, personal communication, January 5, 2007;
City of Long Beach, 2005). The average lease price for that square footage ranged from
$1.61 for Class C buildings to $2.20 for Class A buildings. The occupancy levels for all
building classes were 85.20% (City of Long Beach, 2005). In the remainder of Long
Beach, there was 4,560,234 gross square feet of office space with 696,093 square feet
located in the Bixby Knolls area and leased for an average of $1.37 a square foot, with
an occupancy level of 79.85%. The 405/710 freeway corridor area contained over
921,688 square feet that was being leased for an average of $1.56 per square foot and
had an occupancy level of 94.87% (City of Long Beach, 2005).
41
By the 1970s, downtown Long Beach was considered a place with a multitude
of tattoo parlors, bars, and prostitutes. In this environment, the Downtown Long Beach
Associates helped spearhead the designation of the downtown district as a Business
Improvement District, which gave the organization the power to levy its members and
draw funding from municipal sources to begin improving the area (K. Kojian, personal
communication, November 21, 2006; D. Kubit, real estate project owner, downtown
Long Beach, personal communication, January 5, 2007). In 1996, the organization had
2
a real property tax passed by the city government in order to accelerate the revitalization
of the area. In 1999, the assessment was renewed to 2005; in 2003 it was extended until
2012 (see appendix D).
During the 1990s and early 2000s, as the military bases closed and the aerospace
industry faltered, Long Beach Mayor Beverly O’Neal persuaded the City Council (see
appendix F) and the Long Beach RDA (which has bonding capacity) to develop the
city’s capacity in the following industries popularly known as the “Three T’s” (City of
Long Beach, 2003; T. Fields, personal communication, March 12, 2007):
42
•Technology
•Trade
•Tourism and retail
The mayor’s office considered the city’s downtown district as a tool to advance
the last of the two Ts, Trade and Tourist and Retail (T. Fields, personal communication,
March 12, 2007; City of Long Beach, 1998). To attract and retain business, the city
used its bonding capacity and that of the RDA to bridge the development of downtown
until the private sector believed the downtown was viable (T. Fields, personal commu-
nication). The private sector built a home for the creative class in the form of condo-
miniums and other developments (T. Fields, personal communication; D. Kubit, per-
sonal communication, January 5, 2007).
The California Coastal Commission controls Long Beach’s coastal area and has
repeatedly rejected the city’s request to address the breakwater issue because it believes
that the riptides would endanger the ships that use the Ports of Long Beach and Los
Angeles (T. Fields, personal communication, March 12, 2007). Based upon Regulation
30255, the Commission’s jurisdiction varies from several hundred feet to 5 miles in
rural areas and includes 3 miles of ocean:
Coastal-dependent developments shall have priority over other developments on
or near the shoreline. Except as provided elsewhere in this division, coastal-
dependent developments shall not be sited in a wetland. When appropriate,
coastal-related developments should be accommodated within reasonable
proximity to the coastal-dependent uses they support. (California Coastal Com-
mission, 2007, chapter 3, section 30255).
43
The City of Long Beach and its public/private partners have spent in excess of a
billion dollars to revive downtown. The investments have included tax breaks, subsi-
dies, direct investment, and permit relief, yet the city’s social entrepreneurs all have
different themes, agendas, and marketing focus for downtown Long Beach (T. Fields,
personal communication, March 12, 2007). As the city was marketed, there were no
consistent images or themes that bridged all aspects of downtown or the city. Each
agency attempted to market the entire city; as such, the city government has marketed
the city as the “International City” and now as “Hip” (City of Long Beach RDA, 2004).
The Long Beach Visitors and Convention Bureau, which is separate from the Conven-
tion Center, calls Long Beach a “Waterfront Wonderland” (S. Goodling, President,
Long Beach Area Convention and Visitors Bureau, personal communication, Novem-
ber 3, 2006; B. Maguglin, personal communication, November 3, 2006; E. Margoni,
Vice President of Special Events, Long Beach Area Chamber of Commerce, personal
communication, November 3, 2006) in an attempt to market the entire downtown area
to convention planners. The Convention Center competes with other second-tier con-
vention locations such as Anaheim, as it focuses on the city’s lounging and entertain-
ment amenities (T. Fields, personal communication).
The Downtown Long Beach Associates markets itself as the place to be and be
yourself (K. Kojian, personal communication, November 21, 2006). The organization
views its competition as other beach cities such as Santa Monica, Venice Beach, and
Huntington Beach. Meanwhile, Long Beach centers its marketing focus on hosting the
multitude of local and regional festivals that are based in the district (City of Long
44
Beach RDA, 2004; S. Goodling, personal communication, November 3, 2006; K.
Kojian, personal communication; B. Maguglin, personal communication, November 3,
2006).
Long Beach’s social entrepreneurs do not view the city as a destination itself but
instead as a stage where other activities occur. The real estate community markets the
city as California’s last affordable beach community (T. Fields, personal communica-
tion, March 12, 2007; K. Kubit, personal communication, January 5, 2007). All these
descriptions are accurate; however, until the city’s stakeholders agree what the city is,
Long Beach remains a second-tier city that is better known as the hometown of the
gangster rapper Snoop Dog (D. Flores, Senior Marketing Manager, Gaslamp Quarter
Association of San Diego, personal communication, November 21, 2006; S. Rose,
Marketing Manager, Pasadena Old Town District, personal communication, Novem-
ber 27, 2006). See Table 2.
The Development of Downtown Long Beach
Long Beach has undergone a tremendous transformation over the past 10 years.
According to the City of Long Beach, there are 15 projects under development or con-
struction in the downtown area that consist of 1,809 residential units. Over 3,300 units
are planned. Each new project should have a positive impact on the overall local econ-
omy. A summary of major commercial, market rate, and low-income residential down-
town developments are discussed below.
45
Table 2
The Social Entrepreneurs of Long Beach, California
Entrepreneur Powers Theme Competition
Downtown Long
Beach Associates
To levy businesses lo-
cated in the downtown
district
“The Place to Be and
Be Yourself”
“Hip”
Other beach cities (e.g.,
Santa Monica, Venice
Beach, Huntington

Beach)
City governmentLegal regulation of the
a

city
“The International
City”
San Diego, Las Vegas,
Anaheim
CSULB campusHome to thousands of

students
“University by the
Sea”
None
Redevelopment
A gency
Bonding capacity
within the downtown
district
To be a better place
than it was in the early
1990s
San Diego, Las Vegas,
Anaheim, Pasadena,
Venice Beach, Hunting-

ton Beach, Santa Monica
Visitors and Con-
vention Bureau
The right to represent
the city; preference in
booking events at the
convention center and

local hotels
“Waterfront Wonder-
land”
San Diego, Las Vegas,
Anaheim
Long Beach Con-
vention Center
Controls the city’s con-

vention center
A good place to do
business
San Diego, Las Vegas,
Anaheim
California Coastal
Commission
Controls all coastal de-
velopment
Preservation of the
coastal environment
None
Note. CSULB = California State University, Long Beach.
The government is a combination of the Mayor, the First District City Councilman, and the Second
a
District City Councilman.
46
CityPlace
CityPlace is an urban, mixed-use retail/residential development at the northern
heart of downtown Long Beach within the Pine Avenue area. It covers eight city blocks
bounded by 3 Street to the south, Pine Avenue to the west, 6 Street to the north, and
rd th
Elm Avenue to the east. CityPlace replaced an enclosed mall and reopened Fourth and
Fifth Streets through the project. Street-level retail is being constructed below residen-
tial units. The master developer of CityPlace is Developers Diversified Realty Corpora-
tion (DDR) in partnership with Prudential Real Estate Investors (PREI) and Coventry
Real Estate Partners (City of Long Beach RDA, 2004, 2006; T. Fields, personal com-
munication, March 12, 2007; D. Kubit, personal communication, January 5, 2007).
CityPlace features approximately 450,000 square feet of retail space and 341 residential
units (120 residential condominiums and 221 apartment rental units). The retail is
anchored by a 134,144-square-foot Wal-Mart, a 58,058-square-foot Albertson’s super-
market, a 14,740-square-foot Sav-On drugstore, a 30,216-square-foot Nordstrom Rack,
and a 28,248-square-foot Ross Dress or Less. All retail buildings and offsite improve-
ments are complete. The apartments and retail on Pine Avenue have completed con-
struction. The condominiums along 4 and Elm Streets are under construction by West
th
Millennium Development. The total estimated project value is $100 million. CityPlace
was expected to generate approximately $1.9 million per year in sales taxes, property
taxes, and other revenues for the City of Long Beach. The project was expected to
create approximately 850 new permanent jobs.
47
In April of 2005, Archstone leased 95% of its rental units along Pine Avenue at
the Premiere at CityPlace. Units range from 578 square feet for a studio to 1,175 square
feet for two-bedroom/two-bath units. The monthly rental rates are listed in Table 3.
Table 3
Monthly Rental Rates for the Premiere at CityPlace, Long Beach, California
TypeSquare FeetMonthly RentRent/S.F.
Studio578$1,200-$1,250$2.08-$2.16
One-bedroom/one-bath672-742$1,375-$1,475$1.85-$2.19
Two-bedroom/two-bath1,099-1,270$1,750-$2,100$1.38-$1.91
The Park at Harbor View
The Park at Harbor View is a new, mixed-use apartment/retail/condo complex
located south of Ocean Boulevard, west of Pine Avenue, and directly north of the Pike
at Rainbow Harbor across from the Long Beach Convention Center. Camden REIT is
the developer. Phase I included 538 luxury apartments and was completed in June 2004.
Phase II was developed by IntraCorp, which planed to build two towers of 246-unit
high-rise condominiums. The rental units were available in March 2003, and the apart-
ments had occupancy of greater than 90% with an absorption rate of 30 units per month.
Table 4 contains a summary of rental rates (City of Long Beach RDA, 2004, 2006; T.
Fields, personal communication, March 12, 2007; D. Kubit, personal communication,
January 5, 2007).
48
Table 4
Monthly Rental Rates for The Park at Harbor View, Long Beach, California
TypeSquare FeetMonthly RentRent/S.F.
One-bedroom/one-bath585-973$1,389-$2,059$2.12-$2.37
Two-bedroom/one-bath950$1,849$1.95
Two-bedroom/two-bath1,000-1,280$1,860-$2,369$1.73-$2.01
Three-bedroom/two-bath1,290-1,442$2,280-$2,380$1.65-$1.77
Aqua Condominums
Aqua Condominiums (formerly Ocean Villas), located on 350 E. Ocean Boule-
vard, is a 556-unit, high-rise condominium project. It was developed as a luxury for-
rent project with condominium entitlements as a rental property. The projects consist of
two 17-story towers that broke ground in July 2003. The first 278 units took reserva-
tions in February 2005, with the balance through 2006. Project features include one-,
two-, and three-bedroom units of approximately 640 to 2,500 square feet, with an
average unit size 1,030 square feet. Eleven floor plans include 9'10" ceilings, private
terraces, concrete interior walls, slate entry foyers, private garages for some units,
private storage, optional individual alarm systems, washer/dryer hookups, and individ-
ual air conditioning units. Units sold in the mid-$300,000s with a 25% premium for
views and 4% average premiums per floor. The overall average unit price is in the
$400-450-per-square-foot range. Fifty percent of the units are one-bedroom units; 45%,
two-bedroom units; and the balance, three-bedroom town homes. Each phase released
49
was sold out (City of Long Beach RDA, 2004, 2006; T. Fields, personal communica-
tion, March 12, 2007; D. Kubit, personal communication, January 5, 2007).
Promenade Development
Promenade Development represents a residential, retail, and mixed-use project
planned between 1 and 3 Streets, just south of CityPlace in downtown Long Beach.
st rd
The mixed-use project is two blocks west of Cedar Court at 3 Street. The project had
rd
approximately 327 housing units with 62,000 square feet of ground level retail. The
RDA board selected three developers (City of Long Beach RDA, 2004, 2006; T. Fields,
personal communication, March 12, 2007; D. Kubit, personal communication, January
5, 2007).
Lennar was to develop 68 condominium units over 10,000 square feet of retail.
Lyon Realty Advisors was to develop 112 rental units, and The Olson Company was to
develop 120 condominium units. Olson began construction in mid-June 2005 and
Lennar, in mid 2006.
1500 Ocean
Located at 1500 Ocean Boulevard, this project represents traditional luxury con-
dominium housing built by Anastasi Development. The project was completed in
February of 2000 and sold out in July of 2003. Unit sizes range from 1,356 to 1,620
square feet and sold from $420,000 to $800,000, or $281 to $551 per square foot (City
of Long Beach RDA, 2004, 2006; T. Fields, personal communication, March 12, 2007;
D. Kubit, personal communication, January 5, 2007).
50
1000 Ocean
Located at 1000 Ocean Boulevard, this is a new traditional luxury condomin-
ium. The project had a total of 66 units, all ocean views. Developed by Anastasi Devel-
opment, the project features sun decks overlooking the ocean; a pool with separate
whirlpool spa; hardwood or travertine flooring; custom radius drywall corners; Decora
rocker light switches; extensive recessed lighting; gas fireplace; crown molding; pre-
wiring for a satellite dish; interior laundry with a Whirlpool washer and dryer; white
thermafoil, square-raised European style cabinets; a gourmet kitchen; stainless steel
Whirlpool appliances; and master baths with Hydro Systems jetted bath tub and double
sinks. The project opened in April 2003, and all units were sold with an average absorp-
tion rate of 8.2 units per month. Base prices ranged from $550,000 to $1.15 million for
units ranging in size from 1,500 to 2,100 square feet (City of Long Beach RDA, 2004,
2006; T. Fields, personal communication, March 12, 2007; D. Kubit, personal commu-
nication, January 5, 2007).
West Ocean
Located at the 400 West Ocean Boulevard, this property is across the street from
the Los Angeles County Superior Courthouse and city hall, and 1½ blocks southwest of
the 245 West Broadway and Cedar Court properties. West Ocean was announced in
May 2004, with floor plans ranging in size from 984 to 3,420 square feet. The property
is a high-rise residential luxury condominium designed to be 29- and 22-story towers
overlooking the Pike at Rainbow Harbor, the Long Beach marinas, and the Port of Long
51
Beach. The first phase, 132 units in a 29-story building, was sold out and construction
began in late February 2005. The property finished the foundation of the first building
and began construction of the first-floor garage in late June 2005. The second phase. a
116-unit, 22-story tower, is accepting interested reservations (City of Long Beach RDA,
2004, 2006; T. Fields, personal communication, March 12, 2007; D. Kubit, personal
communication, January 5, 2007).
100 E. Ocean
100 E. Ocean Boulevard is situated at the corner of Ocean Boulevard and Pine
Avenue, adjacent to the Long Beach Convention Center and across the street from the
Pike at Harbor View. The project was to be 22 stories high with 155 traditional luxury
condominium units. The site is being developed by the Ensemble Company (the former
owners of the Long Beach World Trade Center office building) and was sold to James
Ratkovich & Associates. The project was valued at $150 million. It was announced in
August 2004 as a high-amenities condominium with floor plans ranging in size from
990 to 3,600 square feet and priced from the high $400,000s to over $4 million. The
project is undergoing a design change to accommodate additional units. The ground-
breaking was in mid-2005 and completed in 2006 (City of Long Beach RDA, 2004,
2006; T. Fields, personal communication, March 12, 2007; D. Kubit, personal commu-
nication, January 5, 2007).
52
Low-Income Residential Developments
The need for housing in Long Beach crosses all socioeconomic lines. In 2000,
the poverty rate in Long Beach increased by 20%. For many of Long Beach’s current
residents, affordable housing is a dream and not a reality. According to the U.S. Depart-
ment of HUD (2004), over 20 million families earned less than $30,000 annually. The
number of low-income households grew while the housing stock aged (McIlwain,
2004). In 2003, the City of Long Beach, like many parties trying to abate the growing
crisis, commissioned a report to study the feasibility of establishing a Housing Trust
Fund for Long Beach. The recommendations included the creation of an “Inclusionary
Housing Ordinance” and the institution of a “Nexus Fee” to be paid by commercial
developers (T. Fields, personal communication, March 12, 2007; D. Kubit, personal
communication, January 5, 2007; M. Manigault, personal communication, November
20, 2006). Downtown projects are discussed below.
West Gateway Development. This represents a large, seven-block, mixed-use,
affordable development located between Broadway and 4 Street (T. Fields, personal
th
communication, March 12, 2007; D. Kubit, personal communication, January 5, 2007;
M. Manigault, personal communication, November 20, 2006):
1.Lennar/Greystone Homes proposed a 164-unit housing project.
2.Jamboree Housing Corporation proposed 64 units of “work force” housing.
3.Lyon Realty Advisors proposed 345 rental units.

4.Olson Company proposed construction of 190 units.
53
The Villages at Cabrillo Apartments. This project is a 196-unit, single-room-
occupancy (SRO) ,garden style apartment complex located on a former Navy base. The
project was developed by USVETS, a nonprofit developer, and received its award of
tax credits in 1999. West Long Beach was the former site of a U.S. Navy base located
near the Long Beach/Los Angeles port area. The project is bordered by the Long Beach
Police Station, Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo High School, the Job Corps Center, and the
Technology Center of CSULB. The project was developed as an infill location and
acted as a complement to the local renewal effort. It targets homeless veterans and
provides job placement assistance and drug rehabilitation services to the residents (T.
Fields, personal communication, March 12, 2007; D. Kubit, personal communication,
January 5, 2007; M. Manigault, personal communication, November 20, 2006).
Table 5 contains a summary of the downtown Long Beach developments dis-
cussed. The producers included real estate developers, local redevelopment officials,
real estate brokers, and executives at private financial organizations who primarily
cared how and why the city was developed in relation to their investments. The con-
sumer class included local marketing officials and tourists who saw the city as an at-
traction. Local marketing officials attempted to package the city’s attractions to appeal
to conventioneers and other definable leisure classes. They saw the city as something to
be sold. The tourists saw the city as place to “eat, drink, and be merry” and did not care
how or why the city was transformed but instead simply enjoyed the amenities.
54
Table 5
Summary of Development in Downtown Long Beach, California
Project Type
No. of
units Comments/completion date
The Walker Bldg.loft condo 46Sold out in 2002. Resales, June 2003-De-
cember 2003, from $323 (non-view units)

to $493 per S.F. (penthouse units).
Kress Loftsloft condo 49Sold out in 1997. Resales June 3003-De-

cember 2003 from $315 to $462 per S.F.
Tempe Loftsloft condo 82Adaptive reuse of 50 units + new construc-
tion of 32 units; 50 units sold as of August

2005.
Lofts on 4loft condo 34
th
(8 are affordable)
New construction with 100% of units re-
served as of October 31, 2003; completed

in early 2006.
Courtyard Loftsloft condo 16Sold out—buys moved in January 2005.
CityPlace Lofts
(Phase I; 4 Street
th

Lofts)
loft condo

70New construction—framing stage units
sold in October 2005; completed in early

2006.

CityPlace Apts.rental 22195% leased.
Park at Harbor

View
rental 538Completed and 92% leased.
Insurance Ex-
change Bldg.
Loft condo 11Adaptive reuse predicated on development
of neighboring properties that will provide

parking; completed in September 2005.
West Ocean Con-
dominiums (Park
at Harbor View)
traditional
condo (mod-
erate to high
end
248First building 29 stories; 132 units were
presold. Ground breaking was in Decem-
ber 2004. Average selling price was $450/
S.F. for nonview and $500/S.F. for view.
Sizes ranged from 950 to 3,400 S.F. Com-
pleted in late 2006. Second tower (116

units) in presells.
55
Table 5 (continued)
Project Type
No. of
units Comments/completion date
Aqua (formerly
Ocean Villas)
traditional
condo
556First building constructed in September

2005; second tower 75% reserved.
Broadway Lofts
(248 E. Broad-

way)
loft condo 50New construction, fully entitled.
CityPlace Lofts
(Phase II)

loft condo 40Project approved by the RDC.
Promenade Lofts
(Lennar)
traditional
condo (mod-
erate)
52New construction of traditional condomin-
iums (i.e., divided rooms but with high

“loft”-like ceilings).
100 E. Oceantraditional
condo (lux-
ury)
155New construction to break ground in late
2007; 22-story glass tower located at Pine
Street and Ocean Blvd., next to convention
center.
Note. S.F. = square foot or square feet; RDC = Redevelopment Agency.
56
CHAPTER 6

LONG BEACH’S COMPETITION: SAN DIEGO AND PASADENA
There is a pitched competition between Long Beach’s Pine Avenue downtown,
San Diego’s Gaslamp District, and Pasadena’s Old Town district for supremacy in
southern California’s dining and entertainment market. The themes of the cities’ down-
town districts are very similar, yet the applications are very different. The theme of
Pasadena is “Main Street USA,” a celebration of midwestern values and perfect
weather. Pasadena’s theme formation process is the oldest and, as such, its residents
now act as the community’s social entrepreneur and guardian of the theme. The city of
San Diego has billed itself “America’s Greatest City” and has attempted to project the
idealized image of the southern Californian lifestyle. Brief histories of San Diego’s
Gaslamp District and the city of Pasadena focus on those cities’ social entrepreneurs
during the theme formation process.
San Diego
San Diego’s city officials have used the downtown district to attract national
convention business and anchor development in other parts of the city (Apple, 1998; D.
Flores, personal communication, November 21, 2006). San Diego’s theme is “Amer-
ica’s Finest City”; the downtown district is a 16½-block area called the Gaslamp Dis-
trict (appendix G) that has become a national convention destination because it has
blended elements of Americana with an ideal climate. The district has successfully inte-
grated itself with the city’s other attractions.
57
The Gaslamp District is an old area that was revived in the mid-1980s after the
construction of the convention center and the Horton Shopping Plaza. The district is
one of the largest architecturally significant areas in the country that is home to over 90
buildings listed on the National Register of Historic Buildings (Apple, 1998; D. Flores,
personal communication, November 21, 2006). The district is home to over 120 eater-
ies, 85 retail stores, and 35 licensed nightclubs. Annually, the district has 13 street fes-
tivals and over 10 million visitors. National conventions bring in over 50% of the
district’s annual restaurant and retail business (City of San Diego, 2007; Flores).
San Diego’s waterfront was established by William Heath Davis, who attempted
to develop the land near Market Street. Heath failed, and in 1867, Alonzo Horton con-
tinued developing the waterfront with the purchase of 800 acres for 33 cents an acre.
Two years later, Horton paid $4,000 for the remaining 160-acre lot that is now known
as downtown San Diego. After World War II, the city prospered as a major Naval hub;
however, by the 1970s, the city witnessed the closing of multiple military bases dim-
ming the city’s future (Engstrand, 2003; Lockwood, 1974). At that time, Pete Wilson,
the mayor, conceived of the area as a historic district that would be the city’s social
center. Mayor Wilson worked to give the area fiscal and the political support required
to designate it as a historic district that would be welcoming to business. After a few
years, the district had its first hit restaurant, Croce’s, which signaled the permanence of
the area along with the development of Petco Park baseball stadium, and the rebirth of
the Gaslamp District (Apple, 1998; City of San Diego, 2007; D. Flores, personal com-
munication, November 21, 2006).
58
Pasadena
Pasadena is home to the internationally known Rose Bowl football game and
parade. Pasadena’s city fathers consciously attempted to create a “Nirvana” where mid-
western values resided against the backdrop of the San Gabriel Mountains under the
canopy of the southern California’s climate (Bundy, 1994; S. Rose, personal communi-
cation, November 27, 2006).
The city is home to many members of the creative class because of the presence
of institutions such as California Institute of Technology and the California School of
Design. Pasadena’s residents feel a sense of pride and are very protective of the com-
munity. In addition, the city has maintained a small-town feel in the development and
maintenance of the downtown area on Colorado Avenue in Old Town Pasadena, a 22½-
block commercial area (T. J. McCoy, commercial real estate agent, March 15, 2007; B.
Pearce, commercial real estate agent, personal communication, March 15, 2007; S.
Rose, personal communication, November 27, 2006; see appendix H).
During the winter of 1873, Dr. Thomas Balch Elliott of Indiana assembled 100
families, calling them the California Colony of Indiana, who desired a temperate year-
round climate and the ability to maintain their community. The cultural underpinnings
of Pasadena were thus established. During the summer of 1874, Daniel M. Berry, Dr.
Elliott’s brother-in-law, optioned over 50,000 acres in California’s San Gabriel Valley.
On Christmas Day of 1874, the Colony purchased almost 4,000 acres of the San Paschal
Ranch from Benjamin D. Wilson and John S. Griffin for $25,000 (Bundy, 1994; S.
Rose, personal communication, November 27, 2006).
59
Calvin Fletcher devised the city’s original layout starting with Orange Grove
Boulevard and began the city’s reputation for beauty. In 1883, Fair Oaks and Colorado
Avenues were included, and the town’s first businesses were opened: a bank and hotel.
Pasadena soon became a winter resort and incorporated in 1886. The genesis of the
Rose Parade can be traced to New Year’s Day 1890, when horses and carriages were
decorated with flowers and paraded down Pasadena’s streets. The event became known
as the Tournament of Roses Parade, and in 1902 the Tournament of Roses included a
football game. The first game was between Stanford University and the University of
Michigan; however, it was won by Michigan, which caused the sponsors to cancel the
game until 1916 (Bundy, 1994; S. Rose, personal communication, November 27, 2006).
In 1920, William L. Leishman, the Tournament of Roses President, hired Myron
Hunt and William A. Taylor to build a stadium for the football game. Leishman wanted
a stadium similar to Yale’s football stadium. The original stadium seated 57,000 specta-
tors, but after several renovations, the stadium currently seats over 100,000 spectators.
The Rose Parade and the Rose Bowl football game attract more than a 1,000,000
visitors and over 100 million television viewers in over 90 countries (S. Rose, personal
communication, November 27, 2006).
The Themes of San Diego and Pasadena
There are differences in theme for San Diego and Pasadena, even though both
cities have based their themes upon their geography. Pasadena celebrates its midwestern
roots, whereas San Diego celebrates its weather and proximity to the ocean.
60
The underlying philosophy of each city articulates the belief that southern Cali-
fornia is paradise. Pasadena uses the Rose Bowl to frame the city’s blessing. Moreover,
the city has leveraged its location to enhance the community’s values that became at-
tractive to the creative class. San Diego also uses its climatic blessings to attract na-
tional conventions by integrating the Gaslamp District with the city’s other attractions
(e.g., San Diego Zoo, Lego Land, Balboa Park, and Coronado Island). San Diego
visitors typically stay downtown, go to a baseball game at Petco Park, journey through-
out the city to the attractions, and then return to the Gaslamp District (D. Flores, per-
sonal communication, November 21, 2006; B. Pearce, agent, personal communication,
March 15, 2007).
Both cities’ social entrepreneurs used southern California’s climate as the theme
for their respective cities. In the case of San Diego, Mayor Pete Wilson knew that if the
downtown district died, San Diego would die. Mayor Wilson attempted to link the
downtown district with the other parts of the city by recreating the district as an adult
playground that was connected to the other attractions of San Diego.
The social entrepreneurs of Pasadena have always been its residents, beginning
with the families who migrated from Illinois to the creative class. The families created a
place that would be springtime year-round. From the city’s inception, the theme was the
“community” (T. J. McCoy, March 15, 2007; S. Rose, personal communication,
November 27, 2006; see Table 6).
There is no competition between the downtown districts of Long Beach, San
Diego, and Pasadena for the crown of dining and entertainment hub of southern
61
Table 6
San Diego and Pasadena: Social Entrepreneur Characteristics
Target
CityEntrepreneursThemepopulation
San DiegoAlonzo Horton, Pete Wilson,America’s Greatest Cityconventioneers,
Croce’snew residents
Pasadenalocal population, Dr. ThomasMain Street U.S.A.local, regional,
Balch, William L. Leishmannational
California. The theme for each city is attractive to members of the creative class’s
desire for a community. San Diego projects an idealized image of the southern Califor-
nia lifestyle; however, because of the commonality of regional climate, this image is
more attractive to visitors from outside the region than within. Long Beach is the
youngest attraction and is still a work in progress. Long Beach does not have the con-
vention or entertainment capacity of San Diego; however, because of its location, it is
far enough not to be considered direct competition. Pasadena has a much more devel-
oped sense of self, yet many of its residents travel to Long Beach for entertainment.
62
CHAPTER 7

GLOBAL AND SOCIAL FORCES SHAPING CITIES
The Internet revolution has democratized trade and created a world with many
spokes and very few hubs (Nye & Donahue, 2000). Castells (2002, 2005) asserted that
the term network society can also be used to describe the industrial era of the past as it
transformed into its current manifestation where information, money, and the service
industry are the raw materials of this new age. This phenomenon sped up the world and
made it a smaller place where “time pressed forward” (Harvey, 1990, p. 350). This
faster world required faster access to information and capital that led to the rise of a
new global class, the network society. This section gives background summarizing the
forces of globalization and the network society. The examination focuses on ways that
globalization has created global cities and secondary cities such as Long Beach (Freitag,
2003).
The Network City
The term network society was first used in 1991 by Jan van Dijk in his book
Netwerkmaarschappij (as cited in Castells, 2005). The network society involved the
transformation of social network into an expansive and open network where people and
territories can be switched on or off. Castells (2005) asserted that people within those
networks shared cultural values that allow the networks to operate smoothly, requiring
traditional communities to change to fit within this new age (Florida 2002a; Milligan,
2003). These new communities were mobile and flexible, yet linked by common
63
interests or culture (Casey, 2004). Castells (2000) examined the changing role of eco-
nomic and social institutions that created a generation that sought to reduce the attrib-
utes of community to a portable level.
Researchers such as Michael Clough (2002) have built upon Castells’s theories
and determined that the information age made the distance between places less relevant
than the distances between global spaces. In the information age, some places became
more valuable than others because key industries clustered where there was a conver-
gence of labor and resources. However, Clough asserted that the information revolution
was less dependent on any one place and, as such, allowed older or smaller spaces to
become relevant.
Nye and Donahue (2000) claimed that this latest round of globalization had a
component that was absent in the past: the Internet. The network society thickened with
the advent of the Internet. Globalization turned the world into one macronation where,
in the wagon wheel of the world, many cities acted as spokes but only a few cities were
hubs.
According to Sassen (2001), globalization was the result of an information
revolution that allowed its members to be global players while having little to no con-
tact with local constituents. This informational disconnectedness gave rise to discrimi-
nation and commodification of both people and places (Doyle, 2004). As such, the tra-
ditional scale and governance of cities changed from local to regional. Thus, social
enterprises did not need to be located within the actual boundaries of a city to receive
64
all the benefits traditionally available only to organizations located within the city’s
borders but instead within the city’s metropolitan area (Simmons, 1998).
The heightened mobility of businesses and residents has caused a crisis of cities,
placing their traditional roles into flux as other cities and towns within the growing
metropolitan regions began to retard their economic base and unbalanced their tradi-
tional governance relations. Population could move to the suburbs and yet still be as
connected as if they were in the central business district. Nonindustrial enterprises
could develop individually (per enterprise), virtually (on the Internet), or in close phys-
ical proximity (e.g., Silicon Valley). Technology has allowed for the formation of the
network enterprise, which shifted people from traditional business areas to more village
like settings. The network state created the network enterprise, lowered the barriers of
location, and forced the development of new regional governance structures and rela-
tionships (Castells, 2005).
Globalization has centered in the regions where international culture and
finance are abundant. Sassen (2001) defined global cities as
the select cities that have become the epicenters of the world: these cities in-
clude Paris, Tokyo, New York, Los Angeles and London because of their influ-
ence in international events and finance and each is home to vibrant secondary
industries that service the elite classes. (p. 4)
These cities’ financial districts had greater connections with one another than they had
with their local physical communities (Denning, 2004; Newman & Thornley, 2005;
Sassen). The move from industrial to informational economy was seen in Detroit and
other cities of America’s “rust belt.” They are living examples of the shift in technology
65
that can transform any city from relevant to irrelevant. For example, the city of Buffalo,
New York, was once a prosperous transit port for manufactured goods for decades;
however, with the shift of manufacturing from the Great Lakes region to offshore loca-
tions in Asia and Latin America, the city has fallen on hard economic times within the
time span of a generation (Freitag, 2003; Heikkila, 2004; Sassen).
The attributes of a global city include a large population, a major international
airport, an advanced communications infrastructure, a modern transportation system,
and a cultural mecca. These metro areas dwarf the cities themselves and blur the line
between suburban and urban (Davis, 2005). Global cities were places where a number
of global spaces developed while other parts remained local (Denning, 2004; Newman
& Thornley, 2005; Sassen, 2001).
Tourism: Literature Review
Tourism scholarship is over 100 years old, but it was dominated by researchers
who focused on economic factors. Within the last 25 years, other social sciences have
begun to examine tourism and made insightful scholarly inroads in the fields of anthro-
pology and sociology (Chambers, 1997;Chi, 1997; Frow, 1991; Urry, 2002).
The modern tourist can be traced to the Middle Ages (Borocz, 1992; Chi 1997;
Dukore, 1987). Whereas the method of travel differed from the modern tourist, the
motivation of the tourist then and today remains the same: finding an authentic cultural
experience. The seminal work in the study of the tourism was MacCannell’s (1999)
book, The Tourist which researchers continue to use as a touchstone for their research.
66
Originally published in 1976 with updates in 1989 and 1999, the work used the modern
tourist as a tool to examine the tourists themselves rather than the places they visited. In
turn, McCannell relied heavily on the work of Levi-Strauss and his 1966 classic work,
Savage Mind, and Debord’s (1970) The Society of the Spectacle. Strauss’s work postu-
lated that the modern man is attracted to places that are home to less industrialized and
more authentic people. Debord’s work theorized that tourism is a consumptive act
based on capitalism’s excesses and that it destroys the gaps between reality and impres-
sion for attractions (Debord, 1998).
MacCannell (1999) synthesized the two arguments to create the operative
definition of a tourist:
The Tourist is used to mean two things . . . it designates actual tourist, sightse-
ers, mainly middle-class, who are at this moment deployed throughout the entire
world in search of experience . . . the tourist is a actual person, or real people are
actually tourist. At the same time, “the tourist” is one of the best models avail-
able for modern man in general. . . . Our first apprehension of modern civiliza-
tion, it seems to me, emerges in the mind of the tourist. (p. 1)
MacCannell asserted that the modern tourist is a creation of globalization. This can be
seen as development shifted from a central business district to a decentralized, multi-
modal growth pattern with many smaller centers of commerce and culture (Burgess,
Park, & McKenzie,1925; Dear, 2002a, 2002b). Furthermore, the shift degraded tradi-
tional social bonds and the sense of community within Western nations because as the
global information networks thickened, the local networks thinned (Putnam, 2000).
Modern mass travel can be traced to the “grand tours” of the 18 century, which
th
were considered a fundamental part of the education of the British elite (MacCannell,
67
1999). Three hundred years ago, as travel became easier, scholars and nobles traveled to
exchange ideas and debate theories. Lords and economic elite traveled all over Europe,
but most notably they journeyed to places of cultural or historic distinction. They felt
that travel provided a sense of freedom and in-depth knowledge. They believed that the
duration of the visit enhanced their trip, with longer visits allowing for greater integra-
tion and understanding of host cultures. In the 19 century these lords, en masse, began
th
to visit warmer locations in southern Europe (Borocz, 1992).
The modern vacation, as it is known for the masses, was invented by the British
because it was the first country to industrialize. The gains of the industrial revolution
required ever larger pools of workers in central locations. The industrial revolution
created a new form of capitalism, monopolistic capitalism, which created robber
barons (who displaced the aristocracy as the true lords of the empire) and masses who
worked longer hours for lower wages. The aforementioned working conditions created
a fertile environment for labor reform and the union movement. These unions helped to
institutionalize the 8-hour work day, child labor laws, and the creation of the modern
vacation (Urry, 2002).
Unions forced their employers to offer their employees the vestiges of job secur-
ity when they were away from work. Initially, paid vacations were not available to the
working classes, but this situation changed over time (Borocz, 1992). Mass travel de-
veloped because of the following conditions: (a) improvements in technology, (b)
worker recognition of the benefits of leisure time, and (c) the railroad and automobile.
68
The railway brought more areas within distance of urban areas. The father of
modern tourism, Thomas Cook, saw the industry’s potential and became the world’s
first great tour operator. In England, the passage of the Bank Holiday Act in 1871
granted workers the right to take a vacation, paid or unpaid, and the tourist industry
developed rapidly. The combination of short holiday periods, the creation of tourist
infrastructure, and the ability to transverse greater distances in shorter times meant that
resorts and other tourist attractions could be developed to service a growing working
class (Borocz, 1992).
With the rise of the automobile and air travel made previously remote areas
become accessible and attractions. After World War II, the vacation package tour
became popular; in recent years, the public’s level of disposable income has increased,
thereby making vacations very accessible. Consequently, niche tourism became more
popular, particularly the following forms: adventure, cultural, heritage related, and
(MacCannell, 1999; Roche, 1992; Simpson, 1999; Urry, 2002). The World Tourism
Organization (WTO; 2004a, 2004b, 2004c, 2004) has forecast that international tourism
will continue growing at the average annual rate of 4%.
Tourism as Economic Redevelopment
Over a billion dollars has been spent on economic development. Tourists have
access to many local attractions and the city’s profile is rising and getting better.
We sell the city as a “Waterfront Wonderland” that is still a big urban city on
the beach. The marketing effort has been very successful because the convention
center is fully booked for the next 18 months to 2 years. Over the last 5 years,
hotels have had an occupancy rate between 76% -77%. We now have over 100
restaurants. (Long Beach Downtown Marketing Officer #3; appendix A)
69
Many cities saw tourism as the balm to soothe their economic ills (Fitzgerald &
Leigh, 2002; Haider, 1992). However, tourism can be a very expensive solution unless
a well-chosen theme can serve as a guide to direct redevelopment efforts. This project
does not attempt to give any specific tools to assist a community in its specific redevel-
opment activities; instead, it deals with a community’s use of the arts as a means to
begin large-scale economic ventures (Law, 1992).
Long Beach has undergone a tremendous transformation over the past 15 years
and has become one of the premier dining and entertainment locations in southern Cali-
fornia. With over 15 projects under development or construction in downtown, Long
Beach has over 3,300 units planned, and each new project is expected to appeal to the
global tourist class (see chapter 8; T. Fields, personal communication, March 12, 2007;
D. Kubit, personal communication, January 5, 2007; T. J. McCoy, personal communi-
cation, March 15, 2007; B. Pearce, personal communication, March 15, 2007).
One example is Pine Avenue in Long Beach’s original downtown retail district.
The city began to revitalize the western section of Pine Avenue 10 years ago. Running
north/south and located one block east of Cedar Court, Pine included a high concentra-
tion of restaurants that offered live music and dancing in pedestrian-friendly areas (T.
Fields, personal communication, March 12, 2007; D. Kubit, personal communication,
January 5, 2007; T. J. McCoy, personal communication, March 15, 2007; B. Pearce,
personal communication, March 15, 2007).
Many local businesses and governmental organizations in the region have at-
tempted to mimic Long Beach due to the perceived positive economic impact of
70
tourism, yet many municipalities failed to consider the high barriers to entry required to
achieve their desired results (see appendices A and B; Bayliss, 2004; Fitzgerald &
Leigh, 2002). The academic literature covering arts management has emphasized that
investments in arts events and cultural institutions yielded significant benefits for their
host location’s economies (Law, 1992; McCarthy, Ondaatje, Zakaras, & Brooks, 2004).
As a result, the merits of the arts as economic development became more recognized
(Americans for the Arts, 2002; see Figures 1 and 2).
The creation of an attraction may create a local cast of elites who could greatly
benefit from the process (Ateljevic, 2000). In turn, the social entrepreneur must provide
as many available jobs as possible to locals, even if they are low-wage and low-skill
activities that leave them out of the economic renaissance (Silberman, 1956). Long
Beach has hosted many festivals and cultural events that included the Long Beach Jazz
Festival, the Long Beach Blues Festival, the Long Beach Grand Prix, and the Gay Pride
Parade (City Long Beach RDA, 2004; S. M. Goodling, personal communication,
November 3, 2006; K. Kojian, personal communication, November 21, 2006; B.
Maguglin, personal communication, November 3, 2006). Many other communities
turned to tourism as source of nontransferable local jobs; however, the jobs created in
Long Beach did not replace the high-wage/benefit positions that were lost and that these
communities crave. Instead, these attractions have only provided an increase in low-
wage or volunteer positions. Many of these positions had potentially created a second-
class status among workers (Cohen, Schaffer, & Davidson, 2003; Fitzgerald & Leigh,
2002; Haider, 1992). These positions could create a bias about the local population that
71
72
will translate in their attitudes and dealings with visitors. Entrepreneurs should ensure
that transnational enterprises not be the prime beneficiary for the promotional efforts,
yet at the same time be welcoming of their arrival (Ioannides, 1995). The “growth
machine” of tourism allows social entrepreneurs to profit from the attraction, but it also
Figure 2. Primary elements of tourist attractions. From “Urban Tourism and Its
Contribution to Economic Regeneration,” by C. M. Law, 1992, Urban Studies,
29(3-4), p. 603.
Many researchers have studied the benefits and economic multipliers of various
3
forms of urban development. Multipliers are used to capture the secondary effects of
visitor spending in a region. Radich (1992) identified two basic kinds of secondary
effects in a study of the economic impacts of arts commissioned by the National En-
dowment of the Arts. He asserted that type I multipliers measure the direct effects of
tourism on sales, jobs, and income and that type II multipliers capture both direct and
indirect effects from businesses that supply tourism-related firms. The multipliers range
from a fraction of each investable dollar to as high as six or seven dollars per invested
dollar. For example, the 1996 Melbourne arts festival generated a type I multiplier of
1.1, whereas the arts festival at Grahamstonville and generated a type I multiplier of just
0.18 and 0.22 at the Edinbourgh arts festival from 1990 to 1991 (Bryan, Hill, Munday,
& Roberts, 2000; Radich; Snowball & Antrobus, 2002).
73
creates slow growth or antigrowth entrepreneurs who attempt to limit or stop economic
policies that are inherent in the place-making process of an attraction (Schneider &
Teske, 1993).
There are many estimates of tourist multipliers; however, for the purposes of
3
clarity, a 2.0 figure will be used as the base estimate. These projects had a better return
than many other ventures due to the advantage of having volunteer labor (Law, 1992;
Pitock, 2004).
An example of an arts-based attraction is “Memphis in May” in Memphis,
Tennessee, which holds a multiday arts and cultural festival that draws thousands of
attendees. In 1996, Partners for Livable Communities, a local Memphis nonprofit,
estimated that nonlocal visitors spent more than $11 million on hotels, concessions, and
other services during the festival. The impact of the festival would most likely be
limited in the number of jobs created because the engines of attraction—for example,
museums and concert halls—were not labor-intensive enterprises like factories. These
events would not provide the permanent jobs promised to the region or city because
74
many of these jobs were actually unpaid volunteer positions. However, job creation
could be found in the growth and development of the supporting businesses to the arts
and the employment needed to support an attraction site (Stanziola, 1999).
Globalization changed the marketplaces from local to global and the goods
exchanged from physical to digital assets. In turn, downtown districts were forced to
reshape and renew themselves or risk irrelevance. The tourism industry became an
important force, and many cities bet their economic futures on it. The impact of tourism
can be oversimplified, and the results are frequently misinterpreted, sometimes leaving
policymakers and the general public with a distorted and incomplete understanding of
its economic impacts. In many cases, the economic benefits of tourism touted by local
businessmen and governmental officials are defined by those with a vested stake in
bringing the industry to an area. They claim that tourism will improve the community’s
economic profile and give the area greater respect in the business community and the
public in general; as a result, policies favorable to tourism often must begin with com-
munity support. Hence, community members must understand the importance of tour-
ism to their region, and the selection of a theme can aid a community in development
efforts.
75
CHAPTER 8

THE MODERN TOURIST
We are trying to give visitors an authentic experience and we are trying to
convince the creative class that this is a viable gathering place where they can
experience everyone.
As we try to market the city, we are attracting three types of visitors: the
daytime customer—11 a.m. to 5 p.m.—the “Happy Hour” visitor, and the night
clubber. The last group does not need to be marketed because they come always
come to the clubs. They set the economic tone for the city. There is another
group that folds into the first two classes: the conventioneers. (Long Beach
Downtown Marketing Officer #1; appendix A)
The Tourist
The global tourists are a creation of the technological age who live in an artifi-
cial reality and use the vacation to find simpler places that can be described as authentic
or “sacred” places. Many scholars have described this new class of tourist with names
such as network society and the creative class. Regardless of the name, this new class of
tourists uses its economic clout to reshape the world’s cities by sightseeing, or what
scholars call gazing.
Over the past 15 years, downtown Long Beach has transformed itself into a
tourist mecca (K. Koijan, personal communication, November 21, 2006; M. Manigault,
personal communication, November 20, 2006; T. J. McCoy, personal communication,
March 15, 2007; B. Pearce, personal communication, March 15, 2007). As stated in the
above statement by Long Beach Downtown Marketing Officer #1, Long Beach attracts
three classes of tourists; however, the creative class is the driving force behind the
76
city’s night life and residential development; as such, this chapter will attempt to
describe this group and their motivations. MacCannell (1999) defined the forces that
shape their preferences as follows:
Modern society is the coming to consciousness of industrial society, the result of
industrial society’s turning in on itself, searching for its own strengths and
weaknesses and elaborating itself internally. The growth of tourism is the cen-
tral index of modernization so defined. . . . Historization works is through a
reading of tourism as an allegory of modernity—where tourism and modernism
are understood as facts of experience of consciousness. (p. 129)
This section of the paper examines the tourist through the interpretive lenses
provided within the academic literature of social capital’s creative class. At the end of
this discussion is an examination of the different attributes of these tourists.
Literature Review: The Creative Class
In Florida’s (2002a) work, The Rise of the Creative Class, the author asserted
that the baby boomer generation’s economic growth (in metropolitan areas) can be
directly traced to the emergence of a new cultural class (Florida, 2002b, 2003). This
new diverse group is college educated and seeks to live and work in environments that
incorporate a more “bohemian” lifestyle (see appendices A and B). These bohemians
strive to enjoy their work as much as their leisure time. Moreover, this lifestyle is based
on technological advances that would not have been possible prior to the information
age (Boschken, 2003). This bohemian class is attracted to areas where high technology
and information are major economic forces (Florida, 2002a, 2002b, 2003; Milligan,
2003). Kotkin (2000) asserted that the creative class is attracted to cities that are im-
proving their infrastructure and social amenities. The author postulated that members of
77
this class travel differently than other classes. The creative class is a community that
takes expeditions to common and unusual places to gaze at something or because they
consider these places to be special. Finally, this group journeys to remote places in
order to “find themselves.” Their common linkages include being workers who are
creative, flexible, and extremely mobile. This new class has turned locations around the
world into social causes and vacation destinations.
According to Florida (2002a, 2002b, 2003), these bohemians are attracted to
areas where university centers and high technology are major economic forces. Further-
more, he asserted that sometimes homosexuals act as beacons of community change
because members of this community many times do not have spouses or children to
limit the neighborhood selection process.
These communities are constituted by persons of common cultural or economic
bonds. Florida (2002a) viewed communities either as traditional communities that do
not embrace new members and, in turn, are dying or as many nontraditional communi-
ties that are vibrant and inclusive (see Milligan, 2003). In turn, the moves of the crea-
tive class do not form traditional communities; they instead developed new virtual
outlets for community involvement.
The Act of Sightseeing
The act of sightseeing allows the tourist to journey with a people or place and
gaze at an attraction, to paraphrase Urry (2002). The gaze is defined as follows:
78
Things are read as signs of themselves. A place, a gesture, a use of language are
understood not as read as given bits of the real but as suffused with identity,
giving on to the type of the beautiful, the extraordinary, or the culturally authen-
tic. (Urry, pp. 1-2)
MacCannell (1999) focused on the role of sightseeing in the evaluation of both
the guest and host societies and asserted that the tourist attempts to make a location or
people sacred. The acts of sightseeing, photography, and souvenir collection are merely
acts of worship; as such, MacCannell defined the act of sightseeing as “a kind of collec-
tive striving for a transcendence of modern totality, a way of attempting to overcome
the discontinuity of modernity, of incorporating its fragments into a unified experience”
(p. 15). MacCannell continued with a more practical definition of attraction that this
project utilized: “Tourist attractions are not merely a collection of random material
representations. When they appear in itineraries, they have a moral claim on the tourist”
(p. 127). MacCannell’s definition of sacred was “a location that gives the tourist a sense
of authenticity and a perceived sense of cultural inclusion by the local inhabitants” (p.
44).
The tourist’s search for the sacred is an ancient human trait that can be used to
explain the erection of various religious monuments at the same locations. The sacred
acts (i.e., historic acts) give value to both people and ceremony and infuse themselves
onto the built form to create an attraction with the act of worship itself (e.g., the Haj to
Mecca ). The nature of attractions and their symbolic meaning can be enhanced by
markers and reproductions. The creation of a marker, which is defined as “a piece of
information about a sight” (MacCannell, 1999, p. 41), or placeholder serves the same
79
role as the original site. Moreover, the marker can achieve in itself a value separate
from its original purpose. The concluding concept asserts that the creation of a park or
other man-made reproduction can have as much or more value as any historic or natural
attraction (MacCannell).
The Types of Travelers
“Long Beach is perceived as a diverse place that is very hot with new hipsters
and gay friendly” (Real Estate Broker #2; appendix A).
The literature analyzes many types of tourists that include the traditional mass
market tourist, the business traveler, the academic, and the pleasure traveler (“sun lust”
or “wanderlust”; Chambers, 1997; MacCannell, 1999; Urry, 2002). The traditional mass
market tourist visits places such as Disneyland or takes a prepackaged trip with the
family. This type of trip accounts for the majority of Western travelers, and the hospi-
tality industry is geared to meet their expectations. The mass market tourist desires and
receives comfort and convenience at all stages of the journey.
The business traveler is another major traveling class that is very similar to the
mass market (appendix B). Regardless of the motivation, the business traveler seeks
comfort and convenience during his/her journey. The business traveler generally takes a
trip for one of four reasons: (a) conventions and professional gatherings, (b) individual
sales or coordination meetings with clients or staff, (c) project or project site visit or
research, or (d) professional development or team building exercise.
80
Pleasure travel can be divided into sun lust and wanderlust. Sun lust is charac-
terized as facility oriented, whereas wanderlust can be characterized as resource ori-
ented. Sun lust tourists seek to enjoy an environment that allows them to be momen-
tarily free of their reality, whereas tourists with wanderlust are more interested in
searching the physical environment, both man made and natural (Chambers, 1997;
Urry, 2002).
The traveler or the creative class attempts to find a pure cultural experience and
challenge in nontraditional locations. Hence, the micro- and mesa-history (Dear, 2002b)
become sacred places to the traveler. These travelers are in search of experiences in
various places to fulfill their personal needs—for example, traveling through the Ama-
zon jungle in order to commune with nature. The trip has value because the jungle is
home to malaria, sleeping sickness, and a multitude of poisonous reptiles. Because the
jungle is dangerous, devotees consider the trek spiritually and emotionally cleansing.
On the other hand, the modern traveler also uses vacation to do activities considered
spiritually worthwhile, such as helping to rebuild housing in the Lower Ninth Ward of
New Orleans, Louisiana (Chambers, 1997; MacCannell, 1999; Urry, 2002). Conversely,
some view a vacation as a challenge in and of itself and attempt to travel extensively in
a short period of time, such as traveling from the United States to Europe and returning
the same weekend. In turn, there are several assumptions implied:
1.They are travelers and not tourists.
2.The traveler knows what is authentic.
3.The traveler will go off the beaten path.
81
4.The trip may be unique.
5.The traveler can afford the trip.
6.The traveler has an agenda.
Whether finding an “undiscovered” beach in Mexico or fly fishing in a virgin
stream in Canada, the key component of a vacation for the creative class is that it must
not be the traditional tourist location and must not populated by unsophisticated masses.
82
CHAPTER 9

THE MODERN TOURIST ATTRACTION
Long Beach is a great place to party because it has a lot of good restaurants and
festivals. I consider Long Beach to be a big small town and different than any
other beach city. It has all of the amenities of the larger cities—in fact, it may
have more amenities than many larger cities yet it feels like a small town. (Tour-
ist #1; appendix A)
Over the past 10 years, many southern California cities have attempted to
recreate themselves as hip urban locations that encourage human interaction with the
aim of combining urban East Coast chic with southern California’s climate to mimic
other places that are already home to creative classes, such as Washington, D.C., New
York City, and Santa Monica. Since the early 1990s, Long Beach has ridden the same
wave of urban redevelopment that other cities have ridden. The wave is slowing, and
many cities have renovated their downtown areas in hopes of transforming these often
barren landscapes. Long Beach has invested over $1 billion dollars in redeveloping its
downtown, but the investment was made without a unifying theme.
The fact that members of the creative class are interested in visiting unique
places has given them the power to dictate how a city is perceived, which can make
everywhere an attraction if they perceive it as “authentic.” The art and science of mak-
ing a tourist attraction is called placemaking, and the scholarly literature is based on the
concept of place promotion. The key component of successful placemaking is theme
selection, which dictates the roles and degree of influence that the social entrepreneur
has to shape development.
83
The object of this chapter is to describe the conceptual attributes of an urban
tourist attraction that would draw members of the creative class. The first section will
examine the scholarly literature of place promotion, followed by an examination of the
concept of “theme” and Butler’s (1980) Tourist Area Lifecycle Model to illustrate how
a community can use themed development to extend the lifecycle of a downtown
district.
The City as the Attraction
MacCannell (1999) asserted that Karl Marx was correct in his prediction that the
central business core would become less important; however, it became less important
because economies shifted from an industrial to technological base (Dear, 2000;
MacCannell; Malpas, 2005; Norris, 1990, 1993).
McCannell (1999) asserted that the framework outlined by Karl Marx did not
adequately describe the modern world and that the modern city can be perceived as an
attraction. The definition of an attraction is a “tourist/sight/marker” (p. 41). A tourist
attraction is a function of the tourist and uses a marker to define a sight. Later MacCan-
nell enhanced the definition of an attraction as follows:
Tourist attractions are not merely a collection of random material representa-
tions. When they appear in itineraries, they have a moral claim on the tourist
and, at the same time, they tend toward universality, incorporating natural,
social, historical and cultural domains in a single representation made by the
tour. (p. 45)
Community and place are interdependent, not independent; however, in general
there are two types of attractions: the first place based and the other, community based.
84
A place-based approach puts the highest value on the place itself; individuals and insti-
tutions may have to be brought in or pushed out as required to serve the place in ques-
tion (Spretnak, 1997). Most downtown areas use a community-based strategy where the
preservation of local residents is emphasized and social and economic improvements
are considered paramount.
Literature Review: Placemaking and Place Promotion
A key component in the construction and maintenance of an attraction is local
culture. However, the fluid nature of globalization has destroyed the distinctiveness of
many cities and, as a result, they are not attractions themselves but home to many indi-
vidual attractions.
The art of creating an attraction is called place promotion. The goal of the at-
traction is to encourage human interaction. Paddison (1992) defined it as follows:
“Placemaking is the process of creating great places that attract people because they are
pleasurable, interesting and offering the chance to see other people” (p. 11).
Successful attractions include cultural centers (e.g., administrative offices, a
theater), farmers’ markets, apartments (artist lofts), condominiums, retail space (as well
as space set aside for a cultural center or artistic store), and underground parking
garages. Activities should be fun and attract a broad range of people.
The investment required to become a tourist attraction is significant; however,
this includes an investment in the population as well as the infrastructure. Infrastructure
includes convention centers and hotels, along with the maintenance and expansion of
85
other physical elements that maintain an attraction. However, many attractions fail to
invest a similar amount of money, time, and effort into the local population (Fitzgerald
& Leigh, 2002). The local population can improve along with the infrastructure because
the attraction’s long-term success is completely dependent on that local population (Nel
& Binn, 2002; Wu, 2003).
Place Promotion
The key element of place promotion is the theming city’s cultural hybridity (see
chapter 7). The majority of literature in the field of place promotion includes case
studies that focus on the bottom line of redevelopment activities and economic benefits
(Nel & Binn, 2002). Place promotion must include an analysis of the wider social
implications of becoming an attraction. Nevertheless, based upon the work of Paddison
(1992), place promotion can be defined as
the adoption of targeted forms of marketing to bolster directly the process of
image reconstruction. Rather than advertising per se a place, the motion has
sought to rebuild and reconstruct the image of the city . . . allied to which has
been a strategy of targeting specific types of activity which both reflect and
bolster the image. (p. 11)
The scholarship of place promotion began with MacCannell’s (1999) work, The
Tourist. Scholars have advanced their investigation of place-based tourism with
MacCannell’s writings, but Urry (2002) saw MacCannell’s view of attractions as a new
form of colonization, asserting that he did not sufficiently analyze the effects of com-
moditization on the attraction and its inhabitants. Urry referred to the work of Debord
86
and his analysis that the attraction transforms the space and inhabitants into amusement
for the tourist (also see Gotham, 2002; Ioannides, 1995).
Phillips (2004) warned developers that “too much ‘commodification’ can occur,
leaving a community without the benefits of social and cultural links” (p. 112). When
the attraction does not take into account the local community, it utilizes development
objectives that compete with other locales or changes the demographics surrounding
areas that can result in gentrification (Phillips). However, Williams, Shore, and Huber
(1995) pointed out that some localities have taken advantage of this “commodification
of culture” (p. 74) to sell themselves as tourist destinations where visitors literally
consume culture (and spend large amounts of money) through easy access and market-
ing.
In general, gentrification is not considered a positive occurrence for the commu-
nity’s residents because overall housing costs rise and displace current residents. Never-
theless, gentrification is an identifiable sign of a downtown area becoming an attraction.
A social entrepreneur can preempt a market and maintain the attraction by spotting the
early signs of gentrification. The indicators of change include the following (Fitzgerald
& Leigh, 2002; Hovinen, 2002; Hull, 2001):
1. Historic communities—areas with historic structures that gentrify quickly as
opposed to areas with a large number of generic structures.
2. Small and independent shops/Restaurants/cafes—appearance of new hip
bars, restaurants, and coffee shops with a new hip clientele.
87
3. Changing social makeup—increased presence of hip young people and
“artsy types” into a community, which is a sign that the area has become fashionable.
4. The gay community—increased presence of the gay community in an area
being a sign that the area has become fashionable.
5. Early signs of property developer interest—The economics justifying the
construction of new developments and the rehabilitation of smaller redevelopment
properties.
It must be stated that creating an attraction and theming a location tame a place
by freezing a certain image of the place for the tourist to consume (Gotham, 2002;
Jamieson, 1998; Larson, Ashcroft, Griffiths, & Tiffin, 1995). This taming process dims
local culture and the culture becomes a commodity to be sold, which can result in a
backlash at the grassroots level if the locals believe they are being exploited (Chang,
2000). In turn, the attraction’s inhabitants must welcome the transition to becoming an
attraction.
Place promotion dictates the future of the city. Hence, the selection of any local
or regional theme as it translates into infrastructure enhancement must be decided upon
very carefully because cities have long lead times. City marketing tends to focus pri-
marily on services as opposed to goods (Larson et al., 1995). The goals of place promo-
tion remain heightened profiles for the city that accentuate the positive aspects and
reshape the area’s negative aspects (Paddison, 1992).
88
The Theme
“The city of Long Beach does not have a plan or underlying theme that connects
the downtown. We have tried to fulfill the goals of the three T’s: Technology, Trade,
Tourism and Retail” (Long Beach Downtown Marketing Officer #3; appendix A).
The choice of theme is the future of the city as an attraction. A theme is “a
master narrative with a series of smaller decentralized micro and meso narratives”
(Dear, 2002a, p. 2). It is a story that focuses on the community’s style and individual
narratives that may have been overwhelmed or underappreciated during previous times
(Adler, 1989; Azeredo, 2002; Bendix, 1989). A successful theme is simple and enlists
an emotional response. The theme is clear and concise such as Nashville’s is the “Home
of Country Music” or Las Vegas’ is “Sin City.” The listed themes are based on history,
but communities such as Jackson Hole, Wyoming, and South Beach in Miami, Florida,
used the media and marketing to remake their images. For example, over the past 40
years, Jackson Hole’s city fathers transformed a former fur trading outpost into a world
renowned vacation resort. Jackson Hole has been able to foster activities in all seasons.
During the spring and summer, it is home to numerous dude ranches, as showcased in
the movies City Slickers (Underwood, 1991) and the sequel City Slickers II (Weiland,
1994). In the colder months, the community has world class skiing and other winter
activities.
Until the late 1970s, the South Beach section of Miami, Florida, was generally
known as a retirement community and home to a large Cuban community. In the early
1980s, the area became home to a new wave of arriving Cuban immigrants and South
89
American narcotic traffickers who received notoriety in the movie Scarface (De Palma,
1983) and the television show Miami Vice (Shepard, 1984-1989). With aggressive law
enforcement, targeted redevelopment efforts, savvy media management, and the aid of
the celebrities such as Madonna and the fashion designer Gianni Versace, Miami lifted
the city’s image from an exciting but dangerous port city to that of a world class resort
city where everyone is beautiful. It became a secure place to bring the family for large
events such as the Super Bowl or just for casual sun worshippers. In both cases, the
communities redefined themselves and their perceptions with a simple concept.
Literature Review: Theming the Postmodern City
MacCannell (1999) asserted that Marx’s conceptual framework breaks down
when used to value such intangibles as experiences, trips, and information. This paper
will not attempt to give a treatise on Karl Marx (Dear, 2000; Malpas, 2005; Norris,
1990, 1993); however, it must be noted that the grand narrative that underlies classic
Marxist thought is that capitalism and its offshoot, tourism, is oppressive. In Marx’s
view, cities are places where production occurred and the role of the city would be de-
termined by the various stages of capitalism. In the end, Marx felt that as the capitalist
bourgeois lost power, cities would become obsolete. Marx was correct in his prediction
that the central business core would become less important; however, it became less
important because Western economies have shifted from an industrial to technological
base. In turn, the capitalist’s requirement of placing the means of production in one
90
central point has decreased. MacCannell asserted that the framework outlined by Karl
Marx does not adequately describe the postmodern world.
Postmodernism by its very nature defies definition; however, postmodernism
can be seen as a shift of focus from a master narrative to a series of smaller, decentral-
ized micro- and meso-narratives. This shift allows for a focus on styles and narratives
that may have been overwhelmed or underappreciated during previous epochs (Adler,
1989; Azeredo, 2002; Bendix, 1989). In turn, this broader focus stretches the bound-
aries of what is acceptable and allows almost everything to be acceptable. This shift can
be seem in the urban development with the shift from the central business district as the
main focus of urban growth to a decentralized, multimodal growth pattern where there
are many smaller centers of commerce and culture (Dear, 2002b; Burgess et al., 1925).
The critics of postmodernism will assert that postmodernism’s underlying principles are
all inclusive and without form, which in itself is a new grand narrative (Norris, 1990,
1993).
The permissiveness allowed by postmodern theory has had a negative effect on
the social bonds and sense of community within Western nations because, as the infor-
mation networks have thickened, the local networks have thinned. Moreover, postmod-
ern thought is running against the stream of current events in that this is a time of strife
and collision between the global tribes of Islam and the Western nations.
In turn, postmodern theorists attempt to explain that the world has entered a new
age of information where it appears that the old age is being strengthened with the new
tools. The rise of manufacturing in China and Southeast Asia is a classic example that
91
tools of the postmodern age are being best used to advance the industrial aims of those
societies. China’s large population is its primary source of strength that allows it to
manufacture goods more cheaply than anywhere else in the world. This manufacturing
capacity has provided the world’s largest consumer market wages to spend on local
goods that are aided by local, regional. and national tariffs (Castells, 2000).
Themed development allows small communities to direct growth in a sustain-
able manner, which allows these communities to distinguish themselves within the
larger metropolitan area. Michael Sorkin (1992) was the editor of the book, Variations
on a Theme Park: The New American City and the End of Public Space, where he
asserted that the postmodern city has reduced the elements of a city to three essential
characteristics: physical realities of cultural boundaries, concern and communities mode
of segregation, and finally the city becoming a place of simulations (“Book Review,”
1993). Sorkin asserted that
this “place” is fully ageographic: it can be inserted equally in an open field or in
the heart of the town; and his answer [is to] be a featureless greensward as it is
to teeming unclaimed downtowns. With his components reduced to repetitive
minimum, space is departicularized. (p. x)
Additionally, “computers, credit cards, phones, faxes, and other instruments of instant
artificial adjacency are rapidly eviscerating historic politics of propinquity, the very
essence of the city” (p. xi).
Sorkin’s (1992) second assertion was that cities’ main concern was determining
the mode of population segregation in terms of security and crime. He stated: “The new
city is obsession with ‘security,’ with rising levels manipulation and surveillance over
92
its citizenry and with a proliferation of new modes of segregation” (p. xiii). Sorkin’s
final assertion was that a city has become a place of simulations, much like a theme-
park: “The new city has a power simply not only to bypass the traditional scenes of
banality but to co-opt them, to relegate them to intersections on a global grid for which
time and space are indeed obsolete” (p. xv). He further stated that
this new realm is a city of simulations, television simulation, the city as theme-
park. This is nowhere more visible than its architecture, and buildings will live
for their authority on images drawn from history, from a scurrilous lead up to a
point to pass a subset substitutes for more eggs accident and examine present. In
most American cities, the “historic” has become the only complicit official
urban value. (p. xiv)
Cities have become “hermetically sealed atrium hotels cloned from coast to coast; in
uniform “historic” gentrifications and festive markets; in the disaggregated sprawl of
endless new suburbs without cities” (p. xi).
The book’s eight chapters were written by a variety of scholars who examined
the postmodern cityscape, as defined by Sorkin (1992). Following are highlights from
the individual writers, beginning with Margaret Crawford, who wrote the first chapter
and examined the rise of the shopping mall and the decline of the urban downtown.
Landon Winner examined the rise of Silicone Valley and the rebirth of Holly-
wood (Sorkin, 1992). Neil Smith examined the gentrification of New York City’s lower
East side and its effect on the indigenous residents. Mike Davis examined Los An-
geles’s reduction of public space through time. Edward Soja examined Orange County,
California, and discussed how the uniformity of the area provides a sense of security to
93
its residents. Trevor Boddy discussed the role that bridges, tunnels, and sidewalks play
in cities (“Book Review,” 1993).
The emotional impact that theme implies is a key facet in selecting a successful
theme that describes to the tourist the essential nature of the attraction visited. The
theme must enlist a visceral response such as South Beach, which has attained the dis-
tinctive quality of being known as the home of beautiful people in a beautiful place. The
proper selection of a theme can raise the profile of a city to a distinctive place in the
global marketplace (Chang, 2000).
The Theme Formation Process
A key component in forming and selecting a theme is resident input, because the
residents are not only the source of the attraction but the main consumers. too (Florida,
2003). The process of theme formation can occur in two ways:
• Organically: A theme can be derived from a person or event that makes the
community significant. It is important to note that this event can be either a
tragedy or a source of pride, because over time all events can be reshaped to
reflect triumph over adversity (Bruner, 1996; Dukore, 1987).
•Artificially: An entrepreneur can create a theme based upon a time frame,
event, or quality that places the community in its best light (Anderson, 1996;
Crompton, 1999; Frow, 1991).
The process of theme creation is not a public process because an entrepreneur
attempts to highlight some parts of the community identity while not highlighting
94
others. The selection process should be done in private because those in the community
that are not highlighted may not be happy with the results (Fitzgerald & Leigh, 2002;
Law, 1992).
The Tourist Attraction Life Cycle
In 1980, Butler conceptualized the lifecycle of an attraction with his Tourism
Area Life Cycle model (see appendix H; also see Baum, 1998). This project will use
this model to visualize the role that theme plays in the life of an attraction. This section
describes the elements and attributes of the model. It is necessary to note that there has
been much scholarly dispute and discussion about Butler’s model and its applicability
because it is based on cold water tourist attractions in the United Kingdom and United
States.
This study used the model in appendix H to discuss a themed urban tourist at-
traction in a downtown district with an integrated community. The implied slope of the
model is that of a parabola, where the x/y intercept is involvement by the local popula-
tion and exploration of the attraction by tourists (Butler 1980, 1998). The consolidation
phase occurs when the physical development improves and increases the amenities
available for the tourist (Cooper, 1992). The next stage is stagnation. Finally, points A
through E highlight the redevelopment process of an attraction, whereas points A and B
show different stages of rejuvenation (Baum, 1998). Points C through E show the at-
traction’s various paths of decline (Agarwal, 1994).
95
The graph in appendix J illustrates how a theme allows an attraction to continu-
ously move from the involvement/exploration phase to other phases much faster. The
graph moves from point C1 (decline) to point B2 (renewal) of a new development cycle
instead of decline. The process could continue indefinitely if a solid emotional theme is
engaged. The graph also shows that the emotional chord will encourage repeated visits
to the area and spur private development activity that will lengthen the periods between
consolidation and stagnation. New Orleans, Louisiana, provides an example of ways
that a theme lengthens the development cycle, with the cultural blueprint of Bourbon
Street directing the rebuilding efforts of the entire region (Haywood, 1986; Hovinen,
2002).
A tourist attraction is a business that is developed, exhibits growth, and then
becomes either stagnant or revitalized. A theme attraction extends the life cycle of the
attraction and shifts the role of social entrepreneur from a sponsoring entity to that of
the local population (Baum, 1998). The revenues generated from tourism have allowed
the cities to redevelop their cityscapes and waterfronts. These large projects have re-
quired significant public/private partnerships in order to build, maintain, and market the
facilities (Hovinen & Plog, 1974). Despite the benefits of becoming a tourist attraction,
many projects have a boom and bust life cycle sometimes called the “resort life cycle”
(Ioannides, 2002; Nel & Binn, 2002). Moreover, tourism as an industry does not get the
same respect as the industrial sector because there is the perception that tourism pro-
vides low-wage jobs.
96
Tourism is seen as a potential remedy for fiscal deficits and sources of tax
revenue. Often tourism is perceived to be the great panacea. However, tourism can be
seasonal and become an “enclave” that can exacerbate social and economic ills due to
the perceived loss of local economy. In addition, tourism is a multiproduct industry that
includes many activities that may or may not be used by the local population. In turn,
identifying the multiplying effects of tourism is difficult, if not impossible (Chambers,
1997; Urry, 2002 ).
While previous sections detailed the role of globalization in reshaping the urban
landscape and described the attributes of the global tourist and the creative class, this
section describes the attributes that constitute an attraction. The art of placemaking and
place promotion based on themed attractions can lengthen and extend a community’s
development cycle. A properly themed downtown quarter allows an area to develop a
local and possibly a national identity where, after a critical mass of retail and residential
development has occurred, a continuous cycle of urban renewal follow (i.e., the Las
Vegas Strip). This organic development reduces the need to consistently renew and
revise a city’s physical and social template. Instead, it spurs outsiders to preserve the
local culture of a city.
97
CHAPTER 10
ELEMENTS CONSTITUTING THE THEME AND ENVIRONMENT

OF A DOWNTOWN AREA
In the past, doing projects in Long Beach was a tough sell because of the city
had really undesirable demographics; however, a new city is rising up from the
old. The new visitors are actually new residents who choose to live in the city
because of its social amenities . . . within the development community, Long
Beach was perceived as the last great undeveloped coastal area in California.
(Real Estate Developer #1; appendix A)
Placemaking: The Local Population
This section describes ways that the social entrepreneur should perceive the
local population and what elements of local culture the entrepreneur can use to deter-
mine a community’s theme. Social entrepreneurs must understand the great influence
that the placemaking process has on local communities. Culture can transform an area
with considerable economic potential to an economic juggernaut if tourists believe that
they are in the presence of a sacred or at least interesting people (Bayliss, 2004).
To the global tourist, Rio de Janeiro is a classic example of an authentic space.
Brazil’s African population made Brazil its home, while Brazil’s economic lords ac-
cepted some African and Indian traditions that created a new, hybrid culture. The trav-
eler is drawn to Rio because it attempts to embrace all of its history, including slavery
and miscegenation, and has created a society that, while economically dualist, attempts
to embrace all elements. Rio’s acceptance of her past allowed for hybridization to occur
98
and transformed the city into an authentic space (Freyre, 1946, 1970; Martin, 1933;
Pierson, 1947).
This chapter begins with a description of the lenses through which the social
entrepreneur should evaluate the local population (see appendix B). The next section
reviews the pertinent culture, cultural hybridity, and unique events that can be used to
determine a community’s theme.
Culture of the Local Population
Urban tourism exploits and preserves unique cultures and local history (Cham-
bers, 1997; Giannecchini, 1993). The social entrepreneur must figure out the personal-
ity of a people and then ensure that the people are perceived as special. Meanwhile, the
entrepreneur must meet the financial requirements required to protect that very environ-
ment (Giannecchini; Simpson, 1999). From the perspective of economic diversity,
entrepreneurs should consider the following issues:
1.Protection of the integrity of the population and the value of their homes;
2.Avoidance of unneeded additional developments; and
3.Enlistment of the respective governments, local organizations, and the
private sector with the sustainability of the community.
Lees (2000) asserted that gentrification can be seen as “financification” (p. 392)
of a community and that globalization is pushing gentrification from the largest cities to
the smaller cities. She noted that “at the lower levels, the much-heralded opportunities
99
for participation in self-actualization often look more like paternalism and the denial of
autonomy” (p. 48).
Gentrification can cause a loss of local culture (Grünewald, 2002). The local
culture can be the source of significant local distinction—for example, New York
City’s poorest community, Harlem, has been the source of the nation’s cultural center
for almost a century. New Orlean’s Black population created many elements that have
made the city itself a tourist attraction because these Black people distributed their
music, food, and celebratory rituals that derive from the very institution in which they
were enslaved (Gotham, 2002). The latest example of significant cultural change arising
from the elimination of music programs in New York City’s public school system in the
1970s was the rise of the hip-hop movement. After the New York City school system
deemphasized its music program and, in turn, the students transformed the only musical
apparatus available, the record player, into an instrument then used underlying beats
and songs on existing records as the backdrop to a new form of lyrical expression. Hip-
hop has become a global phenomenon that embraces music, dance, clothing, and is a
lifestyle.
In the case of Long Beach, it is a racially and culturally diverse city, yet the city
has been redeveloped to the overall benefit of nonlocal residents, students from the
local university, and the buyers of the new downtown condos. Economic pressures
forced many of Long Beach’s longtime residents to move to north Long Beach (Myers,
1999; U.S. Census Bureau, 2005). North Long Beach has not developed along with
downtown (T. Fields, personal communication, March 12, 2007; U.S. Census Bureau).
100
Moreover, Long Beach’s social entrepreneurs did not adequately enlist the local popula-
tion as they repositioned local properties that could give the local population more
viable employment opportunities that would match the area’s development activity. If
the local population is not enlisted in the redevelopment process, Long Beach’s local
communities will grow indifferent and can become openly hostile, experience slow
growth, and undermine the city’s planning efforts.
The Community
In order to theme a community, there must be an examination of the elements of
a community: persons with similar backgrounds, income levels, or ethnic heritage who
settled as a group (Heaton, 2003; Markey & Vodden, 2000; Susman, 2003). In reality, a
community either declines or improves but is never static. In turn, the economic and
social forces that change residents change the community (Markey & Vodden).
Most private developers driven by short-term economic gains can “commodify”
a community, which can leave it without the social and cultural links that made its
culture valuable (Phillips, 2004, p. 74). However, others have asserted that some locali-
ties have taken advantage of this commodification and sell themselves as tourist desti-
nations where visitors literally consume culture through sightseeing (Haider, 1992;
Williams et al., 1995).
A tourist attraction involves both environment and people. Promotional activi-
ties can center on either or both; however, in selecting a theme, the social entrepreneur
should consider the city’s cultural hybridity, climate, location, and history. An attraction
101
should have amenities as well and actual points of interest in order to be successful.
Investment in infrastructure and facilities must be married with a targeted marketing
plan to attract the desired clientele. However, for many local municipalities, tourist
facilities are typically last on the list of funding priorities.
Literature Review: Cultural Hybridity
Nederveen Pieterse (as cited in Heikkila, 2004) asserted that hybridity is the
backbone of culture. He stated that globalization is another form of hybridization, a
process that westernizes the world. However, scholars have not solved the inherent
problem of hybridization, where dominant culture suppresses and subjects other cul-
tures during the process. Network society theory asserts that the network homogenizes
the world’s cultures; as such, any unique culture or subgroup actually becomes more
sacred and precious. In turn, as the people become an attraction, the city becomes an
attraction; therefore, a social entrepreneur should examine the local culture to search for
a theme. Susman (2003) defined culture as “the way of life for an entire society and
includes the codes of manners, dress, language, religion, rituals, norms of behaviour,
and systems of belief” (p. xx).
In the case of Long Beach, the city’s diversity could be celebrated and promoted
to tourists who travel in limited durations but hope to experience something interesting
or see something of importance. During a trip, the traveler must believe that he is
leaving the ordinary and transitioning to a spiritual or sacred experience with a unique
or hybridized culture. Dear (2005) stated that “Cultural Hybridity is the production of
102
novel cultural forms and practices through the merging of previously separate
antecedents. Hybridization is different from integration, in which interdependences
develop while the antecedents remain unaltered” (p. 2). In contrast,
integration is mutually agreeable contact leading to interdependencies that
cause little or no change in contact partners and does not require their geograph-
ical proximity, merging or adjacency . . . contact partners remain(s) [sic] intact,
sovereign and unaltered, whereas hybridization is contact that creates novel
forms and practices that exist independently of antecedent forms and practices,
requires that engaged agents be geographically adjacent for their production to
occur (p. 3)
The elements of culture are similar regardless of the size and location of the
society examined. In turn, the primary purpose of culture is its attempts to give its
members rules or values to manage society (Susman, 2003; see appendix B). “Culture is
a learned process where ‘acculturation’ allows all members of a society to have a shared
understanding” (Susman, p. xx). Culture is habitual and perceived as natural (Cham-
bers, 1997). The elements of a culture include the following:
•Artifacts: physical items that are reminders and triggers
•Histories, myths, legends—transmitted through stories, or humor and jokes
•Rituals, celebrations: the process or sets of actions that contain a specific
meaning
•Heroes: people who are cultural prototypes
•Symbols: act as triggers to remind the culture of its rules, beliefs; used to
indicate status within a culture
•Beliefs and assumptions: a manner to share beliefs and lenses to understand-
ing the world
103
•Attitudes: the external displays of underlying beliefs to signal group mem-
bership
In many ways, culture is society and it gives members habits and a distinctive social
framework.
Distinctive Locations
Every place is special and unique, and every community has something special
or infamous. The entrepreneur could identify significant local history from the follow-
ing topics: area history, famous events, famous residents, and/or famous area alumni.
Regardless of the theme there are two ways to celebrate the theme: single event or
continuous celebration.
A single event can be Carnival, as in Rio de Janeiro, or continuous events as
seen in Las Vegas where “vice” is the lure. Las Vegas was built by the American Mafia,
yet it is a place where all the great vices of man can be safely indulged. Regardless of
the mode of theme reaffirmation, if the theme is properly selected, it yields significant
benefits to the host location’s economy and population by casting a positive shadow
over the entire city (Law & Mann, 1999). For example, the theme of Memphis’s Beale
Street is the Blues, yet Beale Street is about as long as Long Beach’s Pine Avenue
district. Beale Street has defined the entire eastern Tennessee region. Regardless of the
mode of celebration, the selection of the theme determines the length and method of the
celebration. In turn, the place adjusts to the chosen manner of the celebration. Long
104
Beach is home to numerous festivals; however, it seems to only serve the role of venue
as opposed to participant.
105
CHAPTER 11

PLACEMAKING: THE PHYSICAL LOCATION
“Developers must have vision” (Y. D’oyen, owner and lead designer for D’oyen
Design, personal communication, March 12, 2008). Tourists seek unique and distinc-
tive locations that allow them to gaze at authentic and historic locations. Any place can
become a themed attraction, and the social entrepreneur must perceive and direct the
cultural significance of the physical environment. A classic example of a global tourist
attraction is Rio de Janeiro, known for Carnival, and despite its sometimes extreme
domestic crime situation, it is still considered to be a cidade maravilhosa (marvelous
city).
The social entrepreneur must determine how to transform a space into places
when shaping and directing the physical elements of the downtown district (appendices
A and B; Canan & Hennessay, 1989; Chambers, 1997). This section will examine heri-
tage tourism. Following will be an examination of the role that safety plays in theme
formation, with a special emphasis on the sidewalks. Finally, there will be an examina-
tion of the roles that infrastructure and transportation play in an attraction.
Heritage Tourism
Many cities look to heritage tourism as the answer to their economic woes
because they believe their present is so bleak that they can only sell their past (Canan &
Hennessey, 1989). The elements of heritage tourism include handicrafts, language,
cuisine, art, music, architecture, a sense of place, historic sites, events, religion, and
106
education. Heritage tourism tries to strike a balance between the interests and enjoy-
ment of the visitor (Jamieson, 1998).
The heritage tourist has made both real and unreal places into attractions. Loca-
tions of famous events have become attractions in themselves. For example, an office
where a famous author worked, his hometown, or places where the author wrote about
in his works are all valid attractions (Herbert, 2001). The biggest decision a social
entrepreneur makes is addressing the long-term viability of the theme. Thus, a social
entrepreneur decides what elements of the physical environment are distinct as the city
integrates the selected theme.
A tourism attraction is composed of both cultural and physical elements (Asley
& Garland, 1994). However, the attraction must have the infrastructure to manage the
tourist’s trade; otherwise, the attraction cannot sustain itself (Dear, 2002a; Urry, 2002).
The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)
(2007) defined cultural heritage as follows:
Heritage is the instrument of this two-way process between past, present and
future. As a receptacle of memory, it embodies the symbolic value of cultural
identities and constitutes a fundamental reference for structuring society. Insofar
as it enables us to understand ourselves, the cultural heritage is one of the keys
to understanding others. Our respect for and appreciation of human diversity
hinges on our capacity to be surprised and to marvel at others. And insofar as it
contributes to an uninterrupted dialogue between civilizations and cultures since
the dawn of time, the heritage contributes to establishing and maintaining peace
between peoples. (n.p.)
The theme should have a solid historical connection to the location of the at-
traction which would both enhance the authenticity and lower development costs (Fitz-
gerald & Leigh, 2002). The entrepreneur should consider the role that local architecture
107
played in shaping the community and ways that the history of the community shaped
the architecture. The pursuit of authenticity may require the entrepreneur to completely
overhaul the current town. “Historic structures are often owned by national govern-
ments, and restoring them may require significant investment” (Bruner, 1996, p. 297).
Hence, the restoration effort may not involve every building but instead focus on struc-
tures that have distinctive features or unique histories that can receive legislative and
economic support (Canan & Hennessy, 1989).
“Heritage projects usually consist of the restoration or the conservation of man-
made structures such as military forts, historic houses, cultural projects, or special cele-
brations” (Canan & Hennessy, 1989, p. 228). Afterwards, the social entrepreneur can
entrust such projects to a social enterprise to oversee rehabilitation and protect the
interests of all parties (Carapico, 2000). All the while, the entrepreneur must instruct
and train the community to enhance the selected theme (Frenkel & Walton, 2000).
The management of heritage tourism includes community tourism planning,
cultural product development, technology, site/attraction management, marketing, and
community involvement. Cultural heritage tourism can have negative impacts on the
very attraction it celebrates (UNESCO, 2007). For example, traffic congestion, in-
creased housing costs, and overaggressive development ventures downgrade the social
values that are the cause of the initial attraction, all of which can result in a degradation
of the uniqueness of environment. Moreover, Social entrepreneurs can fall into the trap
of treating the community’s heritage as a commodity rather than a cultural resource
(MacCannell, 1999).
108
The social entrepreneur can greatly advance the theme formation process by fol-
lowing a philosophy that encourages recognition—for example, erecting historic and
interpretive signs at important locations. The social entrepreneur should sponsor a
“Tour of Historic Homes”; publish historical writings; and tell stories about significant
local people, places, and events (Gotham, 2002). Finally, the social entrepreneur must
constantly work to advance the downtown revitalization process and attract businesses
(e.g., antique stores) that tie the theme to the place (Markey & Vodden, 2000; Nel &
Binn, 2002; Urry, 2002).
The biggest hurdle and largest economic burden are convincing local businesses
to support the attraction’s theme, because local businesses will be expected to sell
goods and services that enhance the experience (Gotham, 2002). Hence, local entrepre-
neurs will require significant economic assistance until the success of the theme can be
determined (Frenkel & Walton, 2000). It must be noted that the attraction may only
benefit a few local players because of the enormous economic assistance required to
prime the pump of a successful attraction. The placemaking process involves significant
time and takes away from other community priorities and constituencies that can be
relegated to a secondary importance (Canan & Hennessy, 1989). As a result, local
industry may decline as the forces of community beautification become forces in the
local economy.
However, a successful theme can mean an economic renaissance for local
merchants; a successful attraction can gain the attention of national and transnational
tour operators, hotel owners and developers, and restaurateurs. Social entrepreneurs
109
must encourage these outside actors to invest in the local community because other-
wise, they may redirect the entire economic windfall outside the community. An attrac-
tion’s success can simultaneously enhance and destroy the sense of community because
by its very nature, a cultural attraction is selling the culture of the local inhabitants
(Gotham, 2002; Jameison, 1998). In the case of Long Beach, housing prices, space, and
commercial rent will rise to match the new demand generated by affluent tourists who
may drive out the locals. The result can be that a successful theme may undercut vessels
of culture: the people. Therefore, a cultural attraction must include consideration of the
well-being of the native population.
Crime and Safety
Tourists come to an area to sightsee and engage in an authentic experience.
Consequently, the sidewalk is the stage that showcases the community’s theme. The
social entrepreneur must secure the sidewalk and make it appear safe and inviting so
that residents feel a sense of community that transfers to the tourists. Afterwards, the
entrepreneur can secure the area’s homes and businesses (Miller & Schwartz, 1998).
I was just checking out Long Beach because I have not been there in years. The
last time I was here, it seemed that the city was composed of just sailors and
prostitutes. (Tourist #3; appendix A)
There is an abundance of Mexican and Black people that can make downtown
seem more dangerous to other people. Yet, downtown is the safest area in Long
Beach. If something happens in downtown, things just get magnified. (Long
Beach Downtown Marketing Officer #2; appendix A)
The statements above describe how Long Beach has been perceived for a long
time; however, the city was able to partially reverse that perception by engaging the
110
residents to lower the crime rate. In 2002, there were 34,509 crimes committed in Long
Beach. The Second District had the highest number of incidents at 5,139, and the Sev-
enth District had the lowest with 2,826. In 2002, the number of reported crimes de-
clined in the Eighth District from 3,406 to 3,338 incidents and increased in the Ninth
District from 3,667 to 3,694 (LB Report.com, 2003). See Table 7.
Table 7
Long Beach Police Department’s Annual Crime Statistics
Crime type 2005 2004 2003
Murder/manslaughter424850
Forcible rape104137136
Robbery1,4031,5311,411
Aggravated assault1,8592,0361,984
Burglary2,9533,2443,002
Larceny/theft6,8047,4368,074
Auto theft3,7393,8253,749
Arson110169207
Totals1 7,01418,42618,613
Note. From Police Department, Public Safety Section, by City of Long Beach, 2007b,
Long Beach, CA: Author.
The City of Long Beach has attributed the large number of incidents to the
heightened vigilance of the downtown area. In 1998, the city instituted a Neighborhood
Improvement Strategy (NIS) that derived policy from the data of area population,
demographic shifts, incidents and types of crime, and the general socioeconomic
111
characteristics of the area. The goal of the NIS program was to have police personnel
use community policing techniques to work with the local population and other local
stakeholders to lower the crime rate (City of Long Beach, 1998; LB Report.com, 2003).
Policies included focusing on several areas: (a) extending community policing to the
entire city, (b) encouraging the public to assist in safety issues, (c) increasing the focus
on youth, (d) developing emergency preparedness, and (e) eliminating neighborhood
nuisances.
The city is attempting to use community policing to create a safer environment
where visitors can begin to feel a sense of community (Long Beach, 1998; LB
Report.com, 2003). The city is a much safer place than it was; however, the stigma of
past lawlessness still haunts the city. The criminal offenses that occur downtown
receive a great deal of media attention. The following concerns should be considered
when drafting police policies pertaining to public safety (Long Beach RDA, 2004): (a)
youth nuisance, (b) elimination of ineffective communication among various govern-
ment agencies, (c) distribution of information to local residents regarding community
safety issues, and (d) involvement of local residents with community safety matters.
The atmosphere developed is family friendly and can be achieved with some of
the following programs (Long Beach, 2004):
•Graffiti elimination programs
•Sidewalk maintenance programs
•Storefront renovation programs
•Pedestrian policing efforts
112
•Foliage and the greening of sidewalk areas
•Bright street lighting
•Extended retail and restaurant hours
•Litter control
The sidewalk either links or repels people to a place and should be the focus of
crime prevention and public safety measures (MacCannell, 1999; Miller & Schwartz,
1998). The police must be instructed to protect everyone and be visible, yet be unseen
in their efforts. One of the most effective tools in keeping the police unseen and chang-
ing a community’s perception is by establishing a local “crime watch.” If residents are
properly trained, they can monitor the community for criminal activity and make the
area a difficult place for a criminal. A crime watch program does not eliminate crime,
but over time it can make the area a more welcoming place ( City of Long Beach 1998,
2005; LB Report.com, 2003; Long Beach RDC, 2004; Miller & Schwartz,1998).
The ambience of a community allows it to be marketed as a new hip location to
be seen and consumed by the creative class (MacCannell, 1999). Consequently, the
social entrepreneur ensures that tourists are viewed as part of the community. It is im-
portant to note that after the theme is determined, a reputable marketing firm should be
engaged to market and brand the community’s theme.
The attractiveness of downtown districts correlates directly to the risk that a
tourist perceives of becoming a victim of a criminal act. Tourism is about merging
dreams with reality, whereas crime merges reality with nightmares. Historically, many
downtown areas were allowed to decay due to the civil unrest of the 1960s and the
113
economic declines of the 1970s and 1980s (Haynes & Stough, 1997). The perception of
cities changed from being places to work and live to becoming places to avoid, which,
in turn, led to the growth of the suburbs and hastened the decay of the downtown areas
(Haider, 1992). Finally, the social entrepreneur must be vigilant of the community’s
reputation and ensure that the community continues to grow and thrive. However, vigi-
lance must be tempered so that the local population continues to view the downtown as

“their” downtown and not a place just for outsiders.
Climate and Location
Southern California cities use their climate as an exploitable attraction. The
climate allows for a variety of activities to be hosted, such as outdoor festivals and
celebrations. Long Beach’s mild climate allows visitors to lengthen and expand their
experience. The climate also allows for a variety of indigenous activities such as surf-
ing, whale watching, and other activities that would be considered exotic to land-locked
locations. The city expanded and exploited its geographic blessings by hosting a multi-
tude of outdoor festivals and celebrations such as the Long Beach Jazz Festival, the
Long Beach Blues Festival, and the Gay Pride Parade (K. Kojian, personal communi-
cation, November 21, 2006; B. Maguglin, personal communication, November 3,
2006).
Infrastructure
I was born and raised in Long Beach, but I party all over the L.A. area. The city
is convenient and easy to get around, but the city could expand the free public
transportation system beyond the downtown areas. (Tourist #5; appendix A)
114
The theme of a community may or may not reflect the current amenities avail-
able in the community; however, the selection of the theme should consider the impact
of growth on the area as an attraction. Social entrepreneurs must determine the capacity
for the city to absorb and handle the increased use of the community’s existing infra-
structure and determine how to adjust it to fit their vision of the area as a tourist attrac-
tion (Chambers, 1997; Urry, 2002; see appendix E).
The infrastructure of a successful downtown district includes adequately sized
airports able to handle significant passenger capacity, along with appropriate mainte-
nance. The city should consider the needs of visitors who may utilize the water supply,
electricity, sewage system, solid waste disposal, drainage, employee housing, and com-
munity services (Chambers, 1997; Urry, 2002). Moreover, tours are blamed for height-
ened pollution in the community. Consequently, the social entrepreneur must embrace
the concerns of the urban environmentalists and address the implied impact of an
attraction in order to maximize the economic benefits to the community.
115
CHAPTER 12

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The stated purpose of this project was to determine the best practices of the
social entrepreneur to use themed urban tourism to direct redevelopment of a downtown
district. The previous chapters examined how a themed downtown district can lengthen
a district’s development cycle and the role that the social entrepreneur plays during this
process. This section summarizes the key concepts of each chapter and discusses how
each relates to the research question. Finally, there is a detailed summary of the best
practices of the social entrepreneur during the revitalization process.
Research Questions
The dissertation answered the following main research question: What are the
best practices the social entrepreneur can employ during the theme formation process
of a downtown district? Subquestions were the following:
1.What is the effect of globalization on the world’s cities, and how is tourism
being used to respond?
2.What is the role of the Social Entrepreneur during the transformation of a
downtown district into a tourist attraction?
3.Who is the global tourist?
4.What is a global attraction?
5.Where are the sources of a local theme, and how does the social entrepreneur
manage the process?
116
Global Forces
The project began with a discussion of the general background to globalization
and Long Beach, the network society, tourism, and ways that cities have used tourism to
advance urban development efforts. Globalization created a system whereby two types
of cities have arisen: the global city and the rest. Secondary cities must determine ways
to stay relevant in the global age. Ohmae (2001) argued that global city regions have
weakened nations; people are linked closer to one other than they are to their physical
neighbors. The historic basis of tourism allows some cities to use tourism as a lever for
their economic development efforts.
The importance of the social entrepreneur cannot be overstated because it
shapes and manages a community’s theme. The goal of the social entrepreneur is to
change the perception of that community. The function of nongovernmental organiza-
tions (NGOs) is to align all relevant community stakeholders into functional communi-
ties” with civic congruence during the theme formation process.
The Modern Tourist
Globalization and technology created a new tourist class that uses sightseeing to
reshape the world’s cities. Florida’s (2002a) The Rise of the Creative Class asserts that
communities should have members of the creative class in order to be successful. This
new class of tourist is college educated and diverse, and members give attention to both
work and leisure. They travel differently from other classes because they take
117
expeditions to common and unusual places in order to gaze at something or somewhere
special. This new class turned much of the world into a vacation destination.
The Theme
The conceptual attributes of the attraction and the literature of place promotion
identify what makes an attraction sacred to the new tourist and explains the elements
that constitute a theme, a community. Finally, the examination of Butler’s (1980)
Tourist Area Lifecycle Model illustrated ways that the use of theme can extend the
economic life of a downtown district.
The theme derives from the lenses that the social entrepreneur uses to perceive
the local population and physical environment. The local population and the elements
of cultural hybridity, culture, and unique events can be used to find a community’s cul-
tural theme. However, the discussion addressed the commodification of a community
that can leave a community without social and cultural links that originally gave the
community its value.
The Physical Location

This section addressed how the social entrepreneur evaluated the physical envi-
ronment of the attraction. The social entrepreneur must perceive the entire community
as a place of historic value where everything is part of the attraction. This includes
issues concerning the perception of safety and the role of the sidewalk in an attraction.
118
The Cities of San Diego and Pasadena
The final section examined the themes of San Diego’s Gaslamp District and
Pasadena’s Old Town area. The last section focused on the role of the social entrepre-
neur and theme creation for both cities. San Diego’s social entrepreneur linked the
climate and the downtown district with the other parts of the city to create “America’s
Finest City.” Pasadena’s social entrepreneurs successfully integrated residents with the
physical environment to form the theme of “Pasadena: Main Street U.S.A.”
Long Beach currently lacks the “it” factor that allows the city to become the
attraction itself. The city has redeveloped its downtown to be attractive to the creative
class; however, it does not have an aura that allows it to be symbolic, and it is not con-
sidered a sacred place like Pasadena. To be sacred, the city must value its population
and associate it with the place.
Conclusions and Recommendations
This study has indicated that a social entrepreneur can constitute any person,
group, or tandem; however, with globalization making nearly everywhere an attraction
and the global tourist reshaping the world’s cities, is the social entrepreneur required to
be local?
In the age of globalization, there are new forces that have given rise to better
organized regional, national, or global social entrepreneurs. For example, Bruner (1996)
described how the African Americans who visit the slave castles of Cape Coast and
Elmina, Ghana, changed the history of the sites according to their interpretation by
119
having the two sites designated as world historic sites by UNESCO. Currently, native
Ghanaians are not allowed to enter the castles and give racially based tours. European
or White visitors were typically told the castle’s entire 500-year history, while the Afri-
can Americans’ tour emphasized the castles role in the slave trade (Eltis, 1994). The
previous story is an example of ways that the perceptions of the global tourist trans-
formed a local military fort into a global slave castle.
Newman and Thornley (2005) described how public-private partnerships” in
secondary cities advance “soft issues” such as environmental preservation (Krueger,
1998). The merging of social causes has made the vacation a tool of global governance
and form of neocolonialism.
Best Practices Defined
The goal of this project was to derive some best practices for the social entrepre-
neur during the theme formation process. The practices listed below are classified as
either the theme or social entrepreneur. The theme formation best practices are catego-
rized under the following headings: Purpose, Role in Economic Development, Source
for Themes, and Marketing. The social entrepreneur’s best practices are categorized
under the following headings: Purpose, Attributes, Stakeholders, the NGO, and General
Management Concerns.
120
Economic Development
Tourism could be a “growth machine” and would allow cities to profit as attrac-
tions; however, tourism’s economic impact could be overstated (Schneider & Teske,
1993).
•Local economies look to tourism as their communities last hope. Cultural
heritage tourism could be used as a source to finance redevelopment (Asley
& Garland, 1994; Azeredo, 2002).
•A well-chosen theme can mean an economic renaissance for the downtown
districts (Fitzgerald & Leigh, 2002; MacCannell, 1999).
•Local businesses must support the theme of downtown because local busi-
nesses will be at the front line of the theme. Hence, local businesses require
economic assistance to prime the pump and become viable and self- sustain-
ing attractions (Fitzgerald & Leigh; Frenkel & Walton, 2002; Hull, 2001).
•A well-chosen theme encourages the community to restore unique local
architecture and encourages the study of local history (Canan & Hennessy,
1989; Gotham, 2002; Jamieson, 1998).
•The theming process may take significant time and financial assistance away
from other community constituencies (Canan & Hennessy).
•The theming process may decrease the labor pool (Fitzgerald & Leigh;
Frenkel & Walton; Hull).
•Housing prices, commercial space, and rent (commercial and residential) rise
because more affluent residents drive out the locals who are the vessels of
121
culture: the people. Therefore, an attraction gives consideration to the well-
being of the native population (Fitzgerald & Leigh; Frenkel & Walton; Hull).
•The theme of a community may or may not reflect a community’s current
amenities; however, the selection of the theme should consider the impact of
growth on an attraction (Fitzgerald & Leigh).
Social Entrepreneur
The social entrepreneur can constitute any person, group, or tandem that will
include all locally significant community and economic stakeholders required to theme

a community.
Purpose. The social entrepreneur uses the theme to link a people to a place and
create a space to celebrate that link:
•The primary role of a social entrepreneur is to change the perception of the
downtown. The change can be completed in several ways but must begin
with visible security, the marketing of safety, vigilance, and the creation of
atmosphere (City of Long Beach, 2007a).
•The social entrepreneur must manage the perception that short-term eco-
nomic gain can “commodify” a community, thereby leaving the community
without social and cultural links that originally made its culture valuable
(Haider, 1992; Williams et al., 1995).
122
•Many attractions are managed by unsophisticated managers, yet the social
entrepreneur must perceive and direct the cultural significance of the physi-
cal aspects of a downtown district (Giannecchini, 1993).
•The social entrepreneur must establish synergistic relationships within the
community and with tourists.
•The social entrepreneur must select a theme from the perspective of longev-
ity (MacCannell, 1999).
Attributes. The social entrepreneur should use civic congruence to align all
relevant community stakeholders in a certain direction or path; however, while on this
path, the entrepreneur must be rigorous in evaluation of both the local population and
physical environment.
•The social entrepreneur must be vigilant of the community’s reputation.
•The social entrepreneur must evaluate the local population as if the site were
a ecotourist location and treat the local populace as an integral part of the at-
traction. Therefore, the social entrepreneur must invest in the local popula-
tion and downtown will thrive (Fitzgerald & Leigh, 2002; Giannecchini,
1993; Simpson, 1999).
•The social entrepreneur must evaluate the physical surroundings from the
perspective of preservation, because typically renovations look better and are
less expensive than new construction (Canan & Hennessy, 1989; Fitzgerald
& Leigh).
123
•Civic congruence is a process that describes how the entrepreneur aligns
relevant community stakeholders to a certain direction or path (Carapico,
2000).
•A social entrepreneur must have the following traits: honesty, passion, and

flexibility.
Stakeholders. The social entrepreneur is everyone during the theming process.
•Cities should be considered the last social entrepreneur (Harvey, 1990).
•Stakeholders include residents, small business owners, civil organizations,
local government, and NGOs (Lanza, 1999; Markey & Vodden, 2000).
•Nonprofit organizations serve the communities most at risk (Harvey, 1990).
•Generally, the private developer’s motivation is profit (Markey & Vodden).
The Social Enterprise
Social enterprises allow individuals and institutions to create functional com-
munities and allow for disparate parties to align their interests during the theming
process.
•Governance describes power relations, and it details the ways that social
enterprises influence activities in a nonformal manner (Nye & Donahue,
2000). Governance in the theming process directs and ensures that all
stakeholders are considered and maintain the momentum of the theming
process (Skjelsback ,1971).
124
•Globalization has been weakening local governments and their traditional
spheres of influence in “hollowed out” cities (Nye & Donahue). NGOs fill in
the gap and address issues where the private and public sector cannot or will
not address (Feldman, 1997; Gindl & Wukovitsch, 2003).
•Social enterprises allow individuals and institutions to create functional
communities to allow disparate parties to align for a common cause (Gindl &
Wukovitsch; Skjelsback).
•The social enterprise acts as a honest broker or proxy that helps alleviate
political rivalries (Gindl & Wukovitsch; Skjelsback).
•The social enterprise has become a source of expertise for the private and
public sectors (Newman & Thornley, 2005).
General Management Issues
The management of tourist attractions is based on partnerships and includes
product development, technology, site/attraction management, marketing, and commu-
nity involvement. Following are some guidelines:
•Educate businesses, government and the public about the economic impact
of tourism on the local economy (Fitzgerald & Leigh, 2002).
•Develop a hospitality training program to improve interactions (Fitzgerald &
Leigh; Frenkel & Walton, 2002).
•Improve communications and cooperation between local organizations in
tourism activities (Fitzgerald & Leigh; Hull, 2001).
125
•Enable all stakeholders to successfully initiate, design, and implement part-
nerships for sustainable development (Fitzgerald & Leigh; Hull; Partners for
Livable Communities, 1996).
•Enable all stakeholders to effectively monitor and evaluate their partnership
efforts and learn from their experiences (Fitzgerald & Leigh; Hull; Partners
for Livable Communities).
•Enable all stakeholders to effectively use their experience and expertise in
policy (Fitzgerald & Leigh; Hull; Partners).
•Plan and develop linkages to the overall community development plan (Fitz-
gerald & Leigh; Hull).
•Coordinate transportation, parking, water, and sewer policies with all gov-
ernment departments at all levels (Fitzgerald & Leigh; Hull).
•Coordinate tourism operators who have commitments from the financial
community (Fitzgerald & Leigh).
•Impact analysis and assessment should be made of the sites themselves, with
physical social and cultural parties involved as primary and secondary agents
(Fitzgerald & Leigh; Hull; Partners for Livable Communities).
•The establishment of tourism operation guidelines will include education and
training of the local population (Fitzgerald & Leigh; Hull).
126
The Theme
A theme is a master narrative with a series of smaller decentralized micro- and
meso-narratives. The choices of theme direct the short- and long-term future of a city
(Dear, 2002a; MacCannell, 1999).
Purpose. The theme could determine the role of the social entrepreneur as well
as the branding efforts:
•A theme is a master narrative that dictates the future of the city (Dear, 2002a;
MacCannell, 1999).
•The theme determines the role and degree of involvement that is required of
the social entrepreneur(s).
•The selection of a successful theme could direct and encourage the commu-
nity to take care of the people and preserve places (Law, 1992; MacCannell).
•A well-chosen theme could shift a downtown district from the phases of
decline to the rejuvenation phase, whereas a poorly chosen theme could push
an attraction directly from the development phase to decline (Agarwal, 1994,
1998; Baum, 1998; Butler, 1980).
Source for themes. The theme should have a solid historical basis that will
enhance the authenticity and lower development costs. However, the source of the
theme is less important than the belief that the travelers are leaving their ordinary lives
and transitioning to a spiritual or sacred experience in a hybridized culture.
127
•Every place is special and unique, and every community has something
special or infamous (MacCannell, 1999).
•Tourists seek unique and distinctive locations, and the social entrepreneur
can find a theme in anything. However, the entrepreneur should find a time
frame, event or quality that places the area in its best light (MacCannell;
Urry, 2002).
•Theme formation can occur organically and can be based on a person or
event that makes the community significant (MacCannell; Urry).
•A theme can be tragic because over time, any event can be reshaped to reflect
triumph over adversity (MacCannell; Urry).
•Cultural hybridity is the backbone of culture (Heikkila, 2004).
•A theme can come from both real and unreal places (Herbert, 2001).
•The local population is the source of culture and its members’ habits and
social framework are the source of what is distinctive and describable
(Chambers, 1997).
•The theme should have a solid historical basis for the location of the attrac-
tion that would both enhance the authenticity and lower the development
costs of the site (MacCannell; Urry).
Marketing. Every tourist activity occurs on the sidewalk, and it is the stage that
showcases the theme to the tourist. Sidewalks must be safe and inviting.
128
•The selection of a theme will determine the marketing channels used to
brand an attraction.
•Marketing efforts should be specific and not general (Fitzgerald & Leigh,
2002; Hull, 2001).
•The sidewalk is the stage for the theme of a community.
•Visitors must be guests and part of the community (Fitzgerald & Leigh,
2002).
•It is necessary to erect historical interpretive signs at important local loca-
tions (Gotham, 2002).
•Enlist the local historic societies to publish short historical writings and give
tours of local places (Gotham).
•Visitor comforts include access to water supply, lodging, food services, and
public restrooms in an ever-increasing capacity, yet remaining authentic
(Fitzgerald & Leigh; Hull).
•There must be a focus on convenience of movement and easy access to major
forms of transportation (Fitzgerald & Leigh; Hull).
Long Beach Recommendations
This dissertation’s primary recommendation is that Long Beach consider in-
volving the entire city in its development efforts. Other recommendations are listed
below:
129
•Development activity falls off significantly after Seventh Avenue, and pro-
jects should be spread throughout the city.
•Long Beach must address the local secondary educational system. The city
will never become an attraction to the creative class until the city’s primary
educational system is both safe for the students and staff while being aca-
demically rigorous.
•Long Beach must remediate beaches and the breakwater because currently
there is a dirty beach and the city cannot leverage its largest natural asset.
During the beach cleanup and breakwater reconstruction, the city should
engage engagement both the Ports of Long Beach and Los Angeles.
•The city should establish and then expand entrepreneurship training and
funding programs and then engage the local population.
•The city of Long Beach should give local residents an institutional discount
to local events which could spur greater local attendance and participation.
Suggestions for Future Research
This study determined that globalization has made the field of tourism and
theme formation a matter of economic survival for cities and communities. Further
academic research is suggested, including the following:
1.Is the traveler’s quest to find new locations simply a new permutation of
traditional mass market tourism?
130
2.Globalization seems to have turned the entire world into a larger macro-
nation where diverse cities serve the world differently. However, will some cities con-
tinue to act like Ellis Island while others will be vacation destinations?
3.Tourism is emerging as a powerful tool of global governance. Do cities have
the capacity to handle the demands of tourism?
4.Tourism is perceived as a growth industry, yet is it de-industrializing the
world’s cities?
5.The creative class spent a generation questioning the traditional role of local
institutions and governments; consequently, their roles in the global community should
be reexamined.
131

GLOSSARY
Attraction
The definition of an attraction advocated by MacCannell (1999) was “[tourist/
sight/marker] attraction” (p. 41). MacCannell asserted that a tourist attraction is a func-
tion of the tourist and uses a marker to define a site. Further along, MacCannell again
defined tourist attractions that are not merely a collection of random material represen-
tations. “When they appear in itineraries, they have a moral claim on the tourist and, at
the same time, they tend toward universality, incorporating natural, social, historical
and cultural domains in a single representation made by the tour” (p. 45).
Brand
It is defined as the process of marketing and selling the theme of a community.
In order to build a brand, the theme must first be defined. A theme is the spiritual or
perceived essence of a community. For example, New Orleans, Louisiana, has been
traditionally a party town and is marketed as a party town.
Capacity building
It is defined as the mobilization of individual and organizational assets from the
community and the combining of those assets with others to achieve organizational and
community goals (Hull, 2001; Partners for Livable Communities, 1996).
Civic congruence
To paraphrase Carapico (2000), civic congruence refers to a process that de-
scribes how the entrepreneur attempts to align all relevant community stakeholders in
certain direction or path.
Civil society
The Web site of the Centre for Civil Society (2006) of the London School of
Economics defines civil society as
the arena of uncoerced collective action around shared interests, purposes, and
values. In theory, its institutional forms are distinct from those of the state,
family, and market; though in practice, the boundaries between state, civil
society, family, and market are often complex, blurred, and negotiated. Civil
Society commonly embraces a diversity of spaces, actors, and institutional
forms, varying in their degree of formality, autonomy, and power. Civil Societ-
ies are often populated by organizations such as registered charities, develop-
ment nongovernmental organizations, community groups, women’s organiza-
tions, faith-based organizations, professional associations, trade unions, self-
help groups, social movements, business associations, coalitions, and advocacy
groups. (p. 1)
132
Commodification
Commodification describes a process that “occurs when an attraction changes
the demographics of the surrounding area and visitors literally consume culture” (Wil-
liams et al., 1995, p. 74).
Community
To paraphrase Heaton (2003), Markey and Vodden (2000), and Susman (2003),
a community is defined as collection of persons with similar backgrounds, income
levels, or ethnic heritage, settled as a group.
Creative class
The creative class describes a new cultural class that is college educated, di-
verse, and seeks to live and work in environments that incorporate a more “bohemian”
lifestyle rise due to enhanced economic prosperity (Florida 2002a).
Culture
“Culture is defined as the way of life for an entire society and includes the codes
of manners, dress, language, religion, rituals, norms of behaviour and systems of belief”
(Susman, 2003, p. xx).
Cultural heritage
Cultural heritage is defined as follows:
Heritage is the instrument of this two-way process between past, present and
future. As a receptacle of memory, it embodies the symbolic value of cultural
identities and constitutes a fundamental reference for structuring society. Insofar
as it enables us to understand ourselves, the cultural heritage is one of the keys
to understanding others. Our respect for and appreciation of human diversity
hinges on our capacity to be surprised and to marvel at others. And insofar as it
contributes to an uninterrupted dialogue between civilizations and cultures since
the dawn of time, the heritage contributes to establishing and maintaining peace
between peoples. (UNESCO, 2007, n.p.)
Cultural hybridity
Cultural hybridity is defined as “the production of novel cultural forms and
practices through the merging of previously separate antecedents” (Dear & Burridge,
2005, p. 2).
Economic development
Economic development was defined by Fitzgerald and Leigh (2002) as “pre-
serving and raising the community’s standard of living through a process of human
physical infrastructure development based on the principles of equity and social sus-
tainability” (p. 3).
133
Entrepreneur
One may be a private individual, the head of a cooperative society, or member
of the board of a nationalized industry. In any guise, the manner in which he
makes his economic decision and adapts them to new areas—many of them
stagnant, economic uncertainty. (Silberman, 1956, p. 34)
Gaze
To quote Urry (2002), the tourist gaze is defined as
things [that] are read as signs of themselves. A place, a gesture, a use of lan-
guage are understood not as read as given bits of the real but as suffused with
identity, giving on to the type of the beautiful, the extraordinary, or the cul-
turally authentic. (pp. 1-2)
Global city
Global cities are the select cities that have become the epicenters of the world—
Paris, Tokyo, New York, Los Angeles, and London—“because of their influence in
international events and finance and each is home to vibrant secondary industries that
service the elite classes” (Sassen, 2001, p. 4).
Governance
Governance is defined as “the processes and institutions, both formal and in-
formal, that guide and restrain the collective activities of a group” (Nye & Donahue
2000, p. 12).
Integration
“Integration is defined as mutually agreeable contact leading to interdependen-
cies that cause little or no change in contact partners and does not require their geo-
graphical proximity, merging or adjacency” (Dear & Burridge, 2005, p. 3).
Marker
“A piece of information about a site” (MacCannell 1999, p. 41).
Network society
To paraphrase Castells (2005), the “network society” describes the transforma-
tion of local social networks into an expansive and open network where people and
territories can be switched on or off.
Theme
A theme describes the concept that links a people to a place with the glue of
history or culture and is a “a master narrative with a series of smaller decentralized
micro and meso narratives” (Dear, 2002, p. 2; also see MacCannell, 1999).
134
Tourist
“‘Tourist’ is used to mean two things . . . it designates actual tourist, sightseers,
mainly middle-class, who are at this moment deployed throughout the entire world in
search of experience” (MacCannell 1999, p. 1).
Sacred
Sacred is defined as “a location that gives the tourist a sense of authenticity and
a perceived sense of cultural inclusion by the local inhabitants” (MacCannell 1999, p.
44).
Sightseeing
MacCannell (1999) defined the act of sightseeing as “a kind of collective striv-
ing for a transcendence of modern totality, a way of attempting to overcome the discon-
tinuity of modernity, of incorporating its fragments into an unified experience” (p.15).
MacCannell continued with a more practical definition that this dissertation used:
“Sightseeing as tourist attractions is not merely a collection of random material repre-
sentations. When they appear in itineraries, they have a moral claim on the tourist” (p.
127).
Social capital
“Social Capital attempts to label and quantify the benefits of trust and cohesion
seen in social networks” (Coleman, 1988, p. 5).
Social entrepreneur
The social entrepreneur is defined as a person who enlists the local population
to transform the downtown into a themed district.
Social enterprise
To paraphrase Benthall (2000) and Carapico (2000), a NGO is an organization
that can act as a proxy and can constitute any person, group or tandem that will include
all locally significant community and economic stakeholders required to advance the
cause of themeing the community.
Placeholder
To paraphrase MacCannell (1999) and Paddison (1992), a “marker” or place-
holder serves the same role as the original site.
Placemaking
It is the “process of creating great places that attract people because they are
pleasurable, interesting and offer the chance to see other people” (Paddison, 1992, p.
11).
135
Place promotion
Place promotion is defined as
the adoption of targeted forms of marketing to bolster directly the process of
image reconstruction. Rather than advertising per se, place promotion has
sought to rebuild and reconstruct the image of the city, allied to which has been
a strategy of targeting specific types of activity that both reflect and bolster the
image. (Paddison, 1992, p. 11)
136
REFERENCES
Adler, J. (1989). Travel as performed art. American Journal of Sociology, 94, 1366-
1391.
Agarwal, S. (1994). The resort cycle revisited: Implications for resorts. Recreation and
Hospitality Management, 5, 194-208.
Aldrich, H. E., & Waldinger, R. (1990). Ethnicity and entrepreneurship. Annual Review
of Sociology, 16, 111-135.
Alvord, S. H., Brown, L. D., & Letts, C. W. (2002). Social entrepreneurship and social
transformation: An exploratory study (Working Paper No. 15). Cambridge, MA:
Hauser Center for Nonprofit Organizations.
Americans for the Arts. (2002). The arts and economic prosperity: The economic
impact of nonprofit arts organizations and their audiences. New York: Author.
Anderson, S. (Ed.). (1996). A city called heaven: Black enchantment and despair in Los
Angeles. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Apple, R. W., Jr. (1998, September 18). Blessing of a city beside the sea. New York
Times, p. 31.
Arts and Economic Prosperity. (2002). The economic impact of nonprofit arts organiza-
tions and their audiences. Washington, DC: Author, Retrieved August 14, 2007,
from http://64.233.167.104/search?q=cache:KDRSPY9pMWIJ:www.artsusa.org/
pdf/information_resources/research_information/services/economic_impact/aepiii/
summary_report.pdf+%22arts+and+economic+prosperity%22+%22economic+imp
act+of+nonprofit%22&hl=en&ct=clnk&cd=2&gl=us
Asley, C., & Garland, E. (1994, October). Promoting community-based tourism devel-
opment: Why, what, and how? Research discussion paper prepared for the Namibia
Ministry and Environment and Tourism and the Directorate of Environment Af-
fairs.
Astone, N. M., Nathanson, C. A., Schoen, R., & Kim, Y. J. (1999). Family demogra-
phy, social theory, and investment in social capital. Population and Development
Review, 25(1), 1-31.
Ateljevic, I. (2000). Staying within the fence: Lifestyle entrepreneurship in tourism.
Journal of Sustainable Tourism, 8, 378-392.
137
Atterton, J. (2007). The “strength of weak ties”: Social networking by business owners
in the highlands and islands of Scotland. Sociologia Ruralism, 47, 228-245.
Audretsch, D. B. (2002). Entrepreneurship: A survey of the literature. Brussels, Bel-
gium: European Commission, Enterprise Directorate General.

Baum, T. (1998). Taking the exit route: Extending the tourism area life cycle model.
Current Issues in Tourism, 1(2), 167-175.
Bayliss, D. (2004). Creative planning in Ireland: The role of culture-led development in
Irish planning. European Planning Studies, 12, 497-515.
Bendix, R. (1989). Tourism and cultural displays: Inventing traditions for whom?
Journal of American Folklore, 102, 131-146.
Benthall, J. (2000). Civil society’s need for de-deconstruction. Anthropology Today,
16(2), 1-3.
Berner, L. (1990). A step back in time. The Society of Long Beach Journal 1989-1990,
n.v., 1-72.
Bolton, R., & Westlund, H. (2003). Local social capital and entrepreneurship. Small
Business Economics, 21, 71-113.
“Book Review.” (1993). Journal of the American Planning Association, 59(1), 113-
128.
Borocz, J. (1992). Travel-capitalism: The structure of Europe and the advent of the
tourist. Comparative Studies in Society and History, 34, 708-741.
Boschken, H. L. (2003, August). Global cities, systemic power, and upper-middle-class
influence. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science
Association, Boston. Retrieved August 14, 2007, from http://www.allacademic
.com/meta/p66010_index.html
Bourdieu, P. (1985). The forms of capital. In J. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory
and research for sociology of education (pp. 241-258). Westport, CT: Greenwood
Press.
Brehm, B. (2003). The myth of the double bottomline. Shelterforce Online, 127, 1-4.
Brown, R. M. (1935). The business of recreation. Geographical Review, 25, 467-475.
138
Bruner, E. M. (1996). Tourism in Ghana: The representation of slavery and the return of
the black diaspora. American Anthropologist, 98, 290-304.
Bryan, J., Hill, S., Munday, M., & Roberts, A. (2000). Assessing the role of the arts and
cultural industries in a local economy. Environment and Planning, 32, 1391-1408.
Bundy, D. (1994). For Zion’s sake: A history of Pasadena/Point Loma College. Wes-
leyan Theological Journal, 29, 65-167.
Burgess, E. W., Park, R. E., & McKenzie, R. (Eds.). (1925). “The growth of the city”:
The city suggestions for investigation of human behavior in the urban environment.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Butler, R. W. (1980). The concept of a tourist area cycle of evolution: Implications for
management of resources. Canadian Geographer, 24, 5-12.
Butler, R. W. (1998, February). Still pedaling along: The resort cycle two decades on.
Paper presented at the Progress in Tourism and Hospitality Research Symposium,
CAUTHE Conference, Gold Coast, Queensland, Australia.
California Coastal Commission. (2007). California Coastal Act of 1976. Sacramento,
CA: Author. Retrieved April 4, 2008, from http://www.coastal.ca.gov/fedcd/
cach3.pdf
Canan, P., & Hennessy, M. (1989). The growth machine, tourism, and the selling of
culture. Sociological Perspectives, 32, 227-243.
Carapico, S. (2000). NGOs, INGOs, GO-NGOs and DO-NGOs: Making sense of non-
governmental organizations. Middle East Report, 214, 12-15.
Casey, E. S. (2004). Between geography and philosophy: What does it mean to be in the
place-world? Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 91, 683-693.
Castells, M. (2000). The rise of the network society (2 ed.). Malden, MA: Blackwell.
nd
Castells, M. (2002). Local and global: Cities in the network society. Geografie, 93,
548-558.
Castells, M. (2005). Space of flows, space of places: Materials for a theory of urbanism
in the information age. In B. Sanyal (Ed.), Comparative planning cultures (pp.
45-66). New York: Routledge.
139
Caughey, J., & Caughey, L. (1977). Los Angeles: Biography of a city. Berkeley: Uni-
versity of California Press.
Centre for Civil Society. (2006). What is civil society? London: London School of
Economics, Centre for Civil Society. Retrieved April 2, 2007, from http://www
.lse.ac.uk/collections/CCS/pdf/CCSDL_LeafletJuly06.pdf
Chambers, E. (Ed.). (1997). Tourism and culture: An allied perspective. Albany: State
University of New York Press.
Chang, T. C. (2000). Theming cities, taming places: Insights from Singapore. Geo-
grafiska Annaler, Series B, Human Geography, 82(1), 35-54.
Chi, R. (1997). Toward a new tourism: Albert Wendt and becoming attractions. Cul-
tural Critique, 37, 61-105.
City of Long Beach. (1998). Long Beach 2010: A strategic plan for the City of Long
Beach. Long Beach, CA: City Council.
City of Long Beach. (2003). Proposed three-year financial strategic plan: Fiscal year
2004 through 2006. Long Beach, CA: Author.
City of Long Beach. (2004). Housing Action Plan: Fiscal years 2005-2009. Long
Beach, CA: Author.
City of Long Beach. (2005). Quick guide to doing business. Long Beach, CA: Author.
Retrieved June 4, 2008, from http://www.longbeach.gov/ecd/
business_assistance___resources/quick_guide_to_doing_business.asp
City of Long Beach (2007a). Long Beach 2010: A strategic plan for the City of Long
Beach from the City Council. Long Beach, CA: City Council.
City of Long Beach. (2007b). Police Department, public safety section. Long Beach,
CA: Author.
City of Long Beach Redevelopment Agency. (2004). Downtown Long Beach redevel-
opment project area five-year implementation plan: October 1, 2004 to September
30, 2009. Long Beach, CA: Author.
City of Long Beach. Redevelopment Agency. (2006b). Redevelopment Agency quar-
terly project status report: July, August and September. Long Beach, CA: Author.
140
City of San Diego. (2007). Important facts and figures. San Diego, CA: Author. Re-
trieved August 17, 2007, from http://www.sandiego.gov/economicdevelopment/
glance/sdfacts/shmtl
Clough, M. (2002). Globalization, digitalization, and Hollywood. In E. J. Heikkila & R.
Pizarro (Eds.), Southern California and the world (pp. 17-47). Westport, CT:
Praeger.
Coase, R. H. (1937). The nature of the firm: Meaning. Journal of Law, Economics, and
Organization, 4(1), 19-32.
Cohen, R., Schaffer, W., & Davidson, B. (2003). Arts and economic prosperity: The
economic impact of nonprofit arts organizations and their audiences. Journal of
Arts Management, Law, and Society, 33(1), 17-31.
Coleman, J. S. (1986). Social theory, social research, and a theory of action. American
Journal of Sociology, 91, 1309-1335.
Coleman, J. S. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human capital. American Jour-
nal of Sociology, 94(Suppl.), 95-120.
Cooper, C. (1992). The lifecycle concept and strategic planning for coastal resorts. Built
Environment, 18, 57-66.
Crompton, J. (1999). Measuring the economic impact of visitors to sports tournaments
and special events. Ashburn, VA: National Recreation and Park Association.
Dart, R. (2004). The legitimacy of social enterprise. Nonprofit Management and Lead-
ership, 14, 411-424.
Davidsson, P., & Hong, B. L. (2003). The role of social and human capital among
nascent entrepreneurs. Journal of Business Venturing, 18, 301-331.
Davis, D. E. (2005). Cities in global context: A brief intellectual history. International
Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 29(1), 92-109.
Dear, M. (2000). The postmodern urban condition. Malden, MA: Blackwell.
Dear, M. (Ed.). (2002a). From L.A. to Chicago: Making sense of urban theory. Thou-
sand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Dear, M. (Ed.). (2002b). From the spaces of postmodernity: Readings in human geog-
raphy. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.
141
Dear, M., & Burridge, A. (2005). Cultural integration and hybridization at the United
States-Mexico borderlands. Cahiers de Géographie du Québec, 49, 138.
Debord, G. (1970). The society of the spectacle. Detroit, MI: Red and Black.
Debord, G. (1998). Comments on the society of the spectacle. London, UK: Verso.
Dees, J. G. (1998). Enterprising nonprofits. Harvard Business Review, 76(1), 12.
DeFilippis, J. (2001). The myth of social capital in community development. Housing
Policy Debate at the Fannie Mae Foundation, 12, 781-806.
Denning, M. (2004). Culture in the age of three worlds. New York: Verso.
De Palma, B. (Director). (1983). Scarface [Motion picture]. United States: Universal
Pictures.
Downtown Long Beach Associates. (2007a). Detailed project map of downtown Long
Beach. Long Beach, CA: Author. Retrieved August 15, 2007, from http://www
downtownlongbeach.org
Downtown Long Beach Associates. (2007b). Long Beach City Council boundary map.
Long Beach, CA: Author. Retrieved August 15, 2007, from http://www
downtownlongbeach.org
Downtown Long Beach Associates. (2007c). Long Beach local transit map. Long
Beach, CA: Author. Retrieved August 15, 2007, from http://www
downtownlongbeach.org
Downtown Long Beach Associates. (2007d). Map of downtown Long Beach. Long
Beach, CA: Author. Retrieved August 15, 2007, from http://www
downtownlongbeach.org
Doyle, M. W. (2004). The challenge of worldwide migration. Journal of International
Affairs, 57(2), 1-4.
Dukore, B. F. (1987). The author’s play: From red noses, black death to red noses.
Twentieth Century Literature, 33, 159-178.
Eltis, D. (1994). The relative importance of slaves and commodities in the Atlantic
trade of seventeenth-century Africa (Response to Ernst van den Boogaart). Journal
of African History, 35, 237.
142
Emerson, J., & Twersky, F. (Eds.). The new social entrepreneurs: The success, chal-
lenge, and lessons of nonprofit enterprise creation. San Francisco: Roberts Foun-
dation.
Engstrand, I., & Davalos, C. (2003). The San Diego Yacht Club: A history, 1886-2000.
Southern California Quarterly, 85, 486-488.
Feldman, S. (1997). NGO’s and civil society: (Un)stated contradictions. Role of NGOs:
Charities and Empowerment, 554, 46-65.
Fitzgerald , J., & Leigh, N. G. (2002). Economic revitalization: Cases and strategies for
city and suburb. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Florida, R. (2002a). The economic geography of talent. Annals of the Association of
American Geographers, 92, 743-755.
Florida, R. (2002b). The rise of the creative class and how it is transforming work,
leisure, community and everyday life. New York: Free Press.
Florida, R. (2003). Cities and the creative class. City and Community, 2(1), 3-19.
Florida, R. (2005). The flight of the creative class. New York: HarperCollins.
Foddy, W. (1993). Constructing questions for interviews. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge
University Press.
Freitag, B. (2003). Global cities in informational societies. Diogenes, 197, 71-82.
Frenkel, S., & Walton, J. (2000). Bavarian Leavenworth and the symbolic economy of a
theme town. Geographical Review, 90, 559-584.
Freyre, G. (1946). The masters and the slaves: A study in the development of Brazilian
civilization. New York: Knopf.
Freyre, G. (1970). Order and progress: Brazil from monarchy to republic. New York:
Knopf.
Frow, J. (1991). Tourism and the semiotics of nostalgia. October, 57, 123-151.
Galbraith, J. K. (1992). The culture of containment. London: Penguin.
Giannecchini, J. (1993). Ecotourism: New partners, new relationships. Conservation
Biology, 7, 429-432.
143
Gindl, M., & Wukovitsch, F. (2003, August). Partnerships contributing to sustainable
urban tourism. Paper presented at the 43rd European Congress of the Regional
Science Association, Paris.
Gomez, R., & Santor, E. (2001). Membership has its privileges: The effects of social
capital and neighborhood characteristics on the earnings of microfinance borrow-
ers. Canadian Journal of Economics, 34, 943-966.
Gotham, K. F. (2002). Marketing Mardi Gras: Commodication, spectacle and the
political economy of tourism in New Orleans. Urban Studies, 39, 1735-1756.
Greve, A., & Salaff, J. W. (2003). Social networks and entrepreneurship. Entrepreneur-
ship Theory and Practice, 28(1), 1-22.
Grünewald, R. (2002). Tourism and cultural revival. Annals of Tourism Research, 29,
1004-1021.
Haider, D. (1992). Place wars: New realities of the 1990s. Economic Development
Quarterly, 6(2), 127-134.
Harvey, D. (1990). The condition of postmodernity: An enquiry into the origins of
cultural change. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell.
Haynes, K. E., & Stough, R. R. (1997). The federal urban policy agenda: Recent past
and new realities. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science,
551, 73-88.
Haywood, K. M. (1986). Can the tourist-area lifecycle be made operational? Tourism
Management, 7, 154-167.
Heikkila, E. J. (2004), What is the nature of the 21st century city? Planning Theory and
Practice, 5, 379-387.
Herbert, D. (2001). Literary places, tourism and the heritage experience. Annals of
Tourism Research, 28, 312-333.
Hovinen, G. (2002). Revisiting the destination model. Annals of Tourism Research, 29,
209-230.
Hovinen, G., & Plog, S. C. (1974). Why destination areas rise and fall in popularity.
Cornell Hotel and Restaurant Quarterly, 14, 55-58.
144
Hull, A. (2001). Neighborhood renewal: A toolkit for regeneration. Geojournal, 51,
301-310.
Ioannides, D. (1995). Strengthening the ties between tourism and economic geography:
A theoretical agenda. Professional Geographer, 47(1), 49-60.
Jamieson, W. (1998). Cultural heritage tourism planning and development: Defining
the field and its challenges. APT Bulletin, 29(3/4), 65-67.
Kirlin, J. J. (1996). What government must do well: Creating value for society. Journal
of Public Administration Research and Theory, 6(1), 161-185.
Kotin, J. (2000). The new geography: How the digital revolution is reshaping the
American landscape. New York: Random House.
Krueger, A. O. (1998). Whither the World Bank and the IMF? Journal of Economic
Literature, 36, 1983-2020.
Kvale, S. (1996). Interviews: An introduction to qualitative research interviewing.
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Lanza, A., & Pigliaru, F. (1999). Why are tourism countries small and fast-growing? In
A. Fossati & G. Panella (Eds.), Tourism and sustainable economic development
(pp. 57-69). Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Kluwer.
Larson, C., Ashcroft, B., Griffiths, G., & Tiffin, H. (1995). Heroic ethnocentrism: The
idea of universality in literature. In C. Larson (Ed.), The post-colonial studies
reader (pp. 62-65). New York: Routledge.
Law, C. M. (1992). Urban tourism and its contribution to economic regeneration.
Urban Studies, 29, 599-618.
Law, R., & Mann, K. (1999). West Africa in the Atlantic community: The case of the
slave coast. William and Mary Quarterly, 56, 307-334.
LB Report.com. (2003). 2002 LB crime data by council district. Long Beach, CA:
Author. Retrieved August 14, 2007, from http://www.lbreport.com/news/feb03/
02cridat.htm
Leadbeater, C. (1997). The rise of the social entrepreneur. London: Demos.
Lees, L. (2000). A reappraisal of gentrification: Towards a “geography of gentrifica-
tion.” Progress in Human Geography, 24, 389-408.
145
Lochner, K., Kawachi, I., & Kennedy, B. (1999). Social capital: A guide to its measure-
ment. Health and Place, 5, 259-270.
Lockwood, H. W. (1974). Skeleton’s closet revisited: A light look at San Diego His-
tory. Journal of San Diego History, 20, 122.
Loury, G. (1976). A dynamic theory of racial income differences. In P. Wallace & A.
LaMond (Eds.), Women, minorities and employment discrimination (pp. 153-188).
Lexington, MA: Lexington Books.
MacCannell, D. (1999). The tourist: A new theory of the leisure class. Berkeley: Uni-
versity of California Press.
Malpas, S. (2005). The postmodern. New York: Taylor Francis Group.
Markey, S., & Vodden, K. (2000). Success factors in community economic develop-
ment: Indicators of community capacity. Vancouver, BC: Simon Fraser University,
Community Economic Centre.
Marris, P. (1982). Meaning and action: Community planning and conceptions of
change. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Martin, P. A. (1933). Slavery and abolition in Brazil. Hispanic American Historical
Review, 13, 151-196.
McCarthy, K., Ondaatje, E., Zakaras, L., & Brooks, A. (2004). Gifts of the muse: Re-
framing the debate about the benefits of the arts. Santa Monica: Rand. Retrieved
March 14, 2005, from http://www.rand.org/publications/MG/MG218/
McConachie, J., & Simpson, J. (2003). Social entrepreneurship: An Australian uni-
versity transforms a regional community through diversity and innovation. Queens-
land Journal of Educational Research, 19, 111-118.
McIlwain, J. (2004). LIHTC—Great program shows its age. Multifamily Trends, 7(3),
10.
McNamara, C. (1999). General guidelines for conducting interviews. Minneapolis,
MN: Authenticity Consulting.
McWilliams, C. (1949). California: The great exception. Berkeley: University of Cali-
fornia Press.
146
Miller, W. J., & Schwartz, M. D. (1998). Casino gambling and street crime. Annals of
the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 556, 124-137.
Milligan, M. (2003). The individual and city life: A commentary on Richard Florida’s
“Cities and the creative class.” City and Community, 2(1), 21-26.
Molotch, H. (1976). The city as a growth machine: Toward political economy of place.
American Journal of Sociology, 82, 309-332.
Myers, D. (1999). Demographic dynamism and metropolitan change: Comparing Los
Angeles, New York, Chicago, and Washington, DC. Housing Policy Debate, 10,
919-954.
National Governors Association Center for Best Practices. (2001). The role of the arts
in economic development. Washington, DC: Author.
Nel, E., & Binn, T. (2002). Place marketing, tourism promoting, and community-based
local economic development in post-apartheid South Africa: The case of the Still
Bay—The “Bay of Sleeping Beauty.” Urban Affairs Review, 38, 184-208.
Newman P., & Thornley, A. (2005). The impact of urban governance and policy. In P.
Newman & A. Thornley (Eds.)., Planning world cities: Globalization and urban
politics (pp. 32-53). New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Norris, C. (1990). What’s wrong with postmodernism: Critical theory and the ends of
philosophy. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
Norris, C. (1993). The truth about postmodernism. Malden, MA: Blackwell.
Nye, J. S., & Donahue, J. D. (Eds.). (2000). Governance in a globalizing world. Wash-
ington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.
Ohmae, K. (2001). How to invite prosperity from the global economy into a region. In
A. Scott (Ed.), Global city: Trends, theory, policy (pp. 33-34). London: Oxford
University Press.
Old Pasadena Management District. (2007). Map of the Old Town Pasadena. Pasadena,
CA: Author.
Paddison, R. (1993). City marking, image reconstruction and urban regeneration. Urban
Studies, 30, 339-350.
147
Partners for Livable Communities. (1996). Arts in living downtown: The next step—
Best practices. Washington, DC: Author.
Pennington-Gray, L., & Holdnak, A. (2002). Out of the stands and into the community:
Using sports events to promote a destination. Event Management, 7, 177-187.
PFK Consulting. (2005). The 2005 southern California lodging forecast: Los Angeles
County. Los Angeles: Author.
Phillips, R. (2004). Artful business: Using the arts for community economic develop-
ment. Community Development Journal, 39(2), 112-122.
Pierson, D. (1947). The masters and the slaves: A study in the development of Brazilian
civilization (Review). American Sociological Review, 12, 607-609.
Pitock, T. (2004). The Philadelphia story: Philadelphia has discovered the value of arts
and sport. Business Traveler, 28, 6.
Porter, M. (2000). Location, competition, and economic development: Local clusters in
a global economy. Economic Development Quarterly, 14(1), 15-34.
Portes, A. (1998). Social capital: Its origins and applications in modern sociology.
Annual Review of Sociology, 24, 1-24.
Putman, R. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community.
New York: Simon and Schuster.
Radich, A. J. (1992). Twenty years of economic impact studies of the arts: A review.
Washington, DC: National Endowment for the Arts.
Roche, M. (1992). Mega-events and micro-modernization: On the sociology of the new
urban tourism. British Journal of Sociology, 43, 563-600.
San Diego Gaslamp Quarter Association. (2007). Map of the Gaslamp District and
downtown San Diego. San Diego, CA: Author. Retrieved August 15, 2007, from
http://gaslamp.org

Sassen, S. (2001). The global city. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Schmitt, B. (2004). Financial returns and double-bottom line venture capital—what do
we know? New York: Community Development Venture Capital Alliance.
148
Schneider, M., & Teske, P. (1993). The antigrowth entrepreneur: Challenging the
“equilibrium” of the growth machine. Journal of Politics, 55, 720-736.
Schumpeter, J. A. (1934). The theory of economic development. Cambridge, MA: Har-
vard University Press.
Schumpeter, J. A. (1942). Capitalism, socialism and democracy. New York: Harper
and Row.
Searle, J. (1992). Rationality and realism: What is at stake? Daedalus, 122(4), 55-84.
Shane, S., & Venkataraman, S. (2000). The promise of entrepreneurship as a field of
research. The Academy of Management Review, 25, 217-226.
Sharir, M., & Lerner, M. (2006). Gauging the success of social ventures initiated by
individual social entrepreneurs. Journal of World Business, 41(1), 6-20.
Shepard, S. (Producer). (1984-1989). Miami vice [Television series]. New York: NBC.
Silberman, L. (1956). The evolution of entrepreneurship in the process of economic
development. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science,
305, 32-44.
Simmons, P. J. (1998). Learning to live with NGOs. Foreign Policy, 112, 82-96.
Simpson, F. (1999). Tourist impact in the historic centre of Prague: Resident and visitor
perceptions of the historic built environment. The Geographical Journal, 165,
173-183.
Skjelsback, K. (1971). The growth of international nongovernmental organization in the
twentieth century. International Organization, 25, 420-442.
Snowball, J., & Antrobus, G. (2002). Valuing the arts: Pitfall in economic impact
studies of art festivals. South African Journal of Economics, 70, 1297-1319.
Sobel, J. (2002). Can we trust social capital? Journal of Economic Literature, 40, 139-
154.
Soja, E. (1996). Los Angeles: 1965-1992: From crisis-generated structuring to restruc-
turing-generated crisis. In A. J. Scott & E. Soja (Eds.), The city: Los Angeles and
urban theory at the end of the twentieth century (pp. 390-425). Berkeley: Univer-
sity of California Press.
149
Sorkin, M. (Ed.). (1992). Variations on a theme park: The new American city and the
end of public space. New York: Hill and Wang.
Spretnak, C. (1997). The resurgence of the real: Body, nature and place in the hyper-
modern world. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.
Stanziola, J. (1999). Arts, government and community revitalization. Brookfield, VT:
Ashgate.
Stevenson, H. H., & Jarillo, J. C. (1990). A paradigm of entrepreneurship: Entrepre-
neurial management. Strategic Management Journal, 11, 17-27.
Stiglitz, J. E. (2002). The promise of global institutions. In J. E. Stiglitz (Ed.), Global-
ization and its discontents (pp. 3-22). New York: Norton.
Susman, W. I. (2003). Culture as history: The transformation of American society in
the twentieth century. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press.
Thompson, J. (2002). The world of the social entrepreneur. International Journal of
Public Sector Management, 15, 412-431.
Thompson, J., Alvy, G., & Lees, A. (2000). Social entrepreneurship: A new look at the
people and the potential. Management Decision, 38, 328-338.
Underwood, D. (1992). “Civilizing” Rio de Janeiro: Four centuries of conquest through
architecture. Art Journal, 51(4), 48-56.
Underwood, R. (Director). (1992). City slickers [Motion picture]. United States: Castle
Rock Entertainment.
United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization. (2007). UNESCO
world heritage: Cultural heritage. New York: Author. Retrieved January 2, 2007,
from http://www.unesco.org/culturalheritage
U.S. Census Bureau. (2005). 2005 industry code summary: ZipCode 90504, Long
Beach, CA. Washington, DC: Author. Retrieved April 3, 2008, from http://
censtats.census.gov/cgi-bin/zbpnaic/zbpsect.pl?Zip=90805
U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. (2004). Affordable housing.
Washington, DC: Retrieved September 15, 2004, from www.HUD.gov/affordable
housing
150
U.S. General Accounting Office. (1991). Using structured interviewing techniques.
Washington, DC: USGAO, Program Evaluation and Methodology Division.
Urry, J. (2002). The tourist gaze. London: Sage.
Waddock , S.A., & Post, J. E. (1991). Social Entrepreneurs and catalytic change. Public
Administration Review, 51, 393-401.
Walker, C. (1993). Nonprofit housing development: Status, trends, and prospects. The
Urban Institute: Housing Policy Debate, 12, 369-410.
Weber, M. (1904). The Protestant work ethic in the spirit of capitalism. New York:
Scribner.
Weber, M. (1925/1993). The theory of social and economic organization. New York:
Free Press.
Weiland, P. (Director). (1994). City slickers II: The legend of Curly’s gold [Motion
picture]. United States: Castle Rock Entertainment.
Wennekers, S., & Thurik, R. (1999). Linking entrepreneurship and economic growth.
Small Business Economics,13(1), 27-56.
White, S. B, Bingham, R. D., & Hill, E. W. (Eds.) (2003). Financing economic devel-
opment in the 21 century. New York: Sharpe, M. E. Wolman.
st
Williams, A., Shore, G., & Huber, M. (1995). The arts and economic development.
Regional Studies, 29(1), 73-80.
Williams, M. T. (1993). An expansion of the tourist site cycle model: The case of
Minorca (Spain). Journal of Tourism Studies, 4, 24-32.
Wolman, H., & Spitzley, D. (1996). The politics of local development. Economic
Development Quarterly, 10, 115-150.
World Tourism Organization. (2004a). International market receipts by country of
destination. Annex, 12, n.p.
World Tourism Organization. (2004b). International market receipts from 1950-2003.
Annex, 12, n.p.
World Tourism Organization. (2004c). Outbound tourism, international tourism expen-
diture. Annex, 12, n.p.
151
World Tourism Organization. (2004d). Tourism market trends. Annex, 12, n.p.
Wu, F. (2003). Globalization, place promotion and urban development in Shanghi.
Journal of Urban Affairs, 25(1), 55-78.
Prepared by Elton Fred Massey II.
1
152
APPENDIX A
INTERVIEW QUESTION
1
This section summarizes the interviews that were conducted in preparation for
this dissertation. The data were derived from the opinions and evaluations concerning
downtown Long Beach. Interviews were conducted with regional and local economic
development officials, real estate developers, real estate brokers, bankers, merchants,
tourists, and personal contacts.
Question
Why would someone visit Long Beach and not another city? Do you have any
suggestions for improvement?
Summary of the Interviews
Real Estate Developer #1
In the past, doing projects in Long Beach was a tough sell because of the city
had really undesirable demographics; however, a new city is rising up from the
old. The new visitors are actually new residents who choose to live in the city
because of its social amenities. These new residents chose Long Beach over its
main housing competitors in Huntington Beach, Santa Monica and other beach
cities.
For a long time, Long Beach had a lot of cheap land; a rarity in Califor-
nia. However within the development community, Long Beach was perceived as
the last great undeveloped coastal area in California. However, the city is being
over built and it is starting to feel more like Marina del Rey.
The city needs a faster approval process; it can take weeks to get an
inspector to approve a project. Also, the beach is filthy and by staggering the
breakwater, the beach would be able to clean itself up.
Real Estate Developer #2
Location, location, location, Long Beach is changing because Long Beach’saf-
fordability now makes the city more competitive than other beach cities. For a
long time, Long Beach was considered to be Compton by the Sea. Now, the city
is more like Huntington Beach, or a poor man’s Santa Monica or Newport
Beach. The city is maturing development market, and the easy sites are gone and
for all new efforts, pioneering will be required.
153
The local population made the place a slum and the school system is
horrible. The conditions of the schools limit the city’s attractiveness to families,
because many potential buyers are not going to send their children to school
system where their classmates are gang bangers. Finally, the city’s environmen-
tal issues reflect poorly on residential real estate values.
Regional Banker Official #1
Long Beach benefited from a low interest rate environment which substantially
contributed to the area’s general building boom and increased our business
opportunities.
It is an up and coming area that has lot of development activity. The
area’s condo developments are competing with those of downtown Los An-
geles, because both are chasing the same market. Both places have affordability
issues and the area may have an oversupply of new housing in the near term.
Residential Real Estate Broker #1
Long Beach now competes with Huntington Beach, Manhattan Beach, Marina
del Rey and Seal Beach for residents. Downtown Long Beach is convenient
place live and has the lowest cost of living compared to other beach cities.
Downtown is safe but not very family focused.
However, the number of condo’s is saturating the market and lowering
prices and the city beaches are dirty which is decreasing the value of condo units
on beach.
Residential Real Estate Broker #2
Long Beach is perceived as a diverse place that is very hot with new hipsters
and gay friendly. My clients buy in Huntington Beach, Manhattan Beach, Ma-
rina del Rey and Seal Beach. Long Beach is more of a full-fledged city than any
other beach city except for Santa Monica. However, the city should grow the 4th
Street Arts District because in the LA area, artistic people can be very prosper-
ous.
Even through the market is flooded with condo’s and the rental market is
very strong because Long Beach seems like it has a future where as with city’s
like Pasadena, it seems that if you do not own, you will never be able to own in
Pasadena.
154
Residential Real Estate Broker #3
For a long time, Long Beach was considered a poor city with a great location.
For real estate brokers, Long Beach is perceived as place of opportunity, buyers
can live on the beach cheaper than anywhere else on the west coast.
Long Beach’s main competitors are the new development in Huntington
Beach, Manhattan Beach, Rancho Palos Verdes, and the city of Lakewood
because many people think Lakewood is Long Beach.
Downtown Long Beach is fun because of the night clubs and restaurants;
however, from a business perspective Long Beach’s main asset is her location. It
is convenient to LA and Orange County and her airport. Also, the city has a
questionable environmental situation and should address the dirty beaches. The
city needs to cultivate more upscale domestic amenities like Huntington or
Manhattan Beach because at one point, the city had enough space to build a
Beverly Center and instead they built, a Wal-Mart center.
Long Beach Downtown Marketing Officer #1
The Downtown Long Beach Associates markets Long Beach as “the place to be
and be yourself.” The organization views it competition as other beach cities
such as Santa Monica, Venice Beach and Huntington Beach. We center our
marketing efforts on promoting the established local and regional festivals based
in the district. These festivals include the Long Beach Jazz Festival, the Long
Beach Blues Festival, the Long Beach Grand Prix, the Gay Pride Parade, etc. . . .
We are trying to give visitors an authentic experience and we are trying
to convince the Creative Class that this is a viable gathering place where they
can experience everyone.
As we try to market the city, we are attracting three types of visitors: the
daytime customer—11 a.m. to 5 p.m., the Happy Hour visitor and the night
clubber. The last group does not need to be marketed because they come always
come to the clubs. They set the economic tone for the city. There is another
group that folds into the first two classes: the conventioneers.
We still have challenges such as no surf, oil derricks, the port, and the
L.A. River. It will take 30 years for the image to change.
Long Beach Downtown Marketing Officer #2
We must change the city’s perception and work closer with developers. The city
does not have money to really market itself. We market Long Beach as LB Inc.
155
in a sense. The city has a good location and is near Orange County, a trade zone,
Los Angeles, regional transportation, a coastal city and the Wal-Mart is a re-
gional draw.
The nightclub Vault 350 has a budget of 1.5 million dollars, and 70% of
the customers are from out of town. Entertainment is show dependent and the
club successfully moved the crowd further up Pine Avenue to 4th Street.
Long Beach is not a “destination city” even through it is the same size as
Washington, DC but it does not have an independent media outlet or major
sports team. The city does not have a base of local wealth like Santa Monica or
Pasadena to depend on but instead traditionally we depended on companies like
McDonald Douglas and the federal government for our economic viability.
We have spent over 1 billion dollars in developing the city beginning
with the Long Beach Aquarium. It was the city’s first major development pro-
ject because it was the only project that the California Costal Commission
would approve. California Costal Commission is forcing Gameworks out be-
cause it does not conform to their requirements.
Long Beach is undervalued and currently there is an abundance of sub-
standard housing. North Long Beach is the city’s source of the city’s affordable
housing option.
There is an abundance of Mexican and Black People that can make
downtown seem more dangerous to other people. Yet, downtown is the safest
area in Long Beach. If some thing happens in downtown, things just get magni-
fied.
The local business people are greedy and will not work together for the
common good of area.
Long Beach Downtown Marketing Officer #3
The city of Long Beach does not have a plan or underlying theme that connects
the downtown. We have tried to fulfill the goals of the three T’s: Technology,
Trade, Tourism and Retail.
Over a billion dollars has been spent on economic development. Tourists
have access to many local attractions and the city’s profile is rising and getting
better. We sell the city as a ‘Waterfront Wonderland” that is still a big urban city
on the beach. The marketing effort has been very successful because the conven-
tion center is fully booked for the next 18 months to 2 years. Over the last 5
156
years, hotels have had an occupancy rate between 76% -77%. We now have
over 100 restaurants.
Long Beach is focusing on the convention business. Our conventions are
typically between 2,500 to 7,000 people. Since 9/11, Las Vegas’s tourist busi-
ness fell off and now traveling to Vegas is expensive but Long Beach is much
cheaper location than Las Vegas. In 1994, we expanded the convention center,
and now we compete against many other 2nd-tier cities such as Anaheim, Pasa-
dena, San Diego, San Jose, Seattle, St. Louis for convention business but we
have a better organization than many cities.
We have some major disadvantages like we do not have a big commuter
hotel, we have a problem attracting and retaining businesses to the downtown,
private developers do not want come because the land is not as affordable as it
once was and finally Snoop Dog is the most identified resident.
San Diego Downtown Marketing Officer #1
The Gaslamp District attempts to leverage our climatic blessings to the national
convention visitor. We have been very successful in integrating San Diego’s
other with the Gaslamp District and Petco Park. We try to get visitors to stay
downtown, then maybe go to a baseball game and see the rest of the city. The
evening is the best time to enjoy the district.
Convention business is 50% of the Gaslamp District in retail and restau-
rant sales. The district has driven the growth in local residential developments
with over 30,000+ units of new housing downtown and 80,000+ units of new
housing for the region. In the mid 1980's, we built the Convention Center and
Horton Plaza both which put the Gaslamp District on the map. The construction
of Petco Park sealed the deal. We have a number of special events such as our
Mardi Gras celebration. In total, we have 13 annual events.
The district is anchored by entrepreneurial groups such as the Cohen
Restaurant group that have over five restaurants in the district.
The district came to formation in the 1970s with the branding efforts of
Mayor Pete Wilson. Mayor Wilson believed that the historic buildings should be
preserved with tax breaks and designating the area as a historic district.
In the 1980s, after the Convention Center was built, Bob Croce’s wife
opened Croce’s Restaurant and helped make the Gaslamp District a place to be.
Los Angeles resident, Caucasian female, age mid 30s, single, and college
2
educated.
Inglewood resident, African American male, age mid 20s, single, and a college
3
student.
Los Angeles resident, Caucasian male, age mid 30s, single, and college edu-
4
cated.
Los Angeles resident, Caucasian male, age mid 30s, single, and college edu-
5
cated.
157
Also, we began to court travel writers and Super Bowls and the organic devel-
opment of the district began to occur.
Tourist #1
2
Long Beach is a great place to party because it has a lot of good restaurants and
festivals. I consider Long Beach to be a big small town and different than any
other beach city. It has all of the amenities of the larger cities. In fact, it may
have more amenities than many larger cities, yet it feels like a small town.
I party in Huntington Beach, Newport Beach, Manhattan Beach and
Santa Monica, but Long Beach is a great place to go clubbing because it has a
compact downtown and a lot of pretty girls. However, downtown Long Beach is
thugged out, and that keeps me from coming more often. They need to add more
bars.
Tourist #2
3

Long Beach has southern California’s best nightclubs and restaurants.
Tourist #3
4
I was just checking out Long Beach because I have not been there in years. The
last time I was here, it seemed that the city was composed of just sailors and

prostitutes.
Tourist #4
5
Long Beach has better clubs and restaurants than Universal City Walk or Down-
town Disney. I would normally go to Santa Monica’s Third Street Promenade,
Hollywood or Newport Beach but I am giving Long Beach a chance.
Long Beach resident, Mexican American female, age mid 20s, married, and not
6
college educated.
158
It seems that you can get into the clubs and the restaurants easier and cheaper
than in other parts of L.A. The clubs and restaurants close too early, and it is not
very safe but they should put a club on the beach.
Tourist #5
6
I was born and raised in Long Beach, but I party all over the L.A. area. The city
is convenient and easy to get around, but the city could expand the free public
transportation system beyond the downtown areas. [See appendix E.]
159
APPENDIX B
PLACEMAKER INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
1.Please describe placemaking.
Placemaking is the art and science of creating places where all feel welcome.
2.What themes influence your placemaking efforts?
I want to create a healthy environment, a place where families feel welcome.
3.During the placemaking process, how do the tastes and desires of the Creative Class
influence your work?
I do not know what is the “Creative Class,” but I have built projects targeted to
Yuppies.
4.During the placemaking process, please describe how the local population inte-
grated and protected with your projects?
Depends on the project.
5.Generally speaking, please describe the key steps of the placemaking process?
You deal with the developer and contractor from beginning to end.
6.During the placemaking process, how are principles of smart growth and green
movement integrated with your placemaking efforts?
We try, but the developers drive the process. Developers must have vision.
7.After a project’s completion, what qualitative and quantitative tools or yardsticks
does your organization use to measure the long-term integration of a place with a
population?
Repeat business and referrals are clearest sign that we meet our client’s needs.
8.Generally speaking, please describe any hard-learned lessons that were not ad-
dressed within these questions? Surprises? Failures? Successes?
160
I have not had any major setbacks, but I have learned in my practice that devel-
opers and bankers are not very creative people. My greatest success has been to
influence the thinking of some very rigid business people in realizing that a
place is more than just an economic investment.
161
APPENDIX C
MAP OF DOWNTOWN LONG BEACH, CALIFORNIA
Figure C1. Map of downtown Long Beach, California. From Map of Downtown
Long Beach, by Downtown Long Beach Associates, 2007d, Long Beach, CA:
Author, retrieved August 15, 2007, from http://www.downtownlongbeach.org. Re-
printed with permission.
162
APPENDIX D
DETAILED PROJECT MAP OF DOWNTOWN LONG BEACH,

CALIFORNIA
Figure D1. Detailed project map of downtown Long Beach, California.
From Detailed Project Map of Downtown Long Beach, by Downtown
Long Beach Associates, 2007a, Long Beach, CA: Author, retrieved August
15, 2007, from http:// www.downtownlongbeach.org. Reprinted with
permission.
163
APPENDIX E
LONG BEACH LOCAL TRANSIT MAP
Figure E1. Long Beach, California, local transit map. From Long Beach local
tramsit map, by Downtown Long Beach Associates, 2007c, Long Beach, CA:
Author, retrieved August 15, 2007, from http://www .downtownlongbeach.org.
Reprinted with permission.
164
APPENDIX F
LONG BEACH CITY COUNCIL BOUNDARY MAP
Figure F1. Long Beach, California, City Council boundary map. From Long Beach
City Council boundary map, by Downtown Long Beach Associates, 2007b, Long
Beach, CA: Author, retrieved August 15, 2007, from http://www
.downtownlongbeach.org. Reprinted with permission.
165
APPENDIX G
MAP OF GASLAMP DISTRICT AND DOWNTOWN
SAN DIEGO, CALIFORNIA
Figure G1. Map of Gaslamp District and downtown San Diego,
California. From Map of Gaslamp District and Downtown San
Diego, by Gaslamp Quarter Association, 2007, San Diego, CA:
Author, retrieved August 15, 2007, from http://www.gaslamp
.org. Reprinted with permission.
166
APPENDIX H
MAP OF “OLD TOWN” PASADENA, CALIFORNIA
Figure H1. Map of “Old Town” Pasadena, California. From Map of the Old Town
Pasadena, by Old Pasadena Management District, 2007, retrieved August 15, 2007,
from http://www.oldpasadena.org. Reprinted with permission.
167
APPENDIX I
BUTLER’S TOURISM AREA LIFE CYCLE MODEL
Figure I1. Butler’s Tourism Area Life Cycle Model. From “Taking the Exit Route:
Extending the Tourism Area Life Cycle Model,” by T. Baum, 1998, Current Issues
in Tourism, 1, p. 168.
168
APPENDIX J
HANDY’S SIGMOID CURVES
Figure J1. Handy’s sigmoid curves. From “Taking the Exit Route: Extending the
Tourism Area Life Cycle Model,” by T. Baum, 1998, Current Issues in Tourism, 1,
p. 168.

Abstract (if available)

Abstract From the rise of civilization, cities have acted as marketplaces for the exchange of goods and ideas. Globalization has transformed the city and its citizens. The future is bright for such global metropolitan regions such as Los Angeles and New York

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Adaptive reuse as economic development in downtown Los Angeles: a resource guide for start-up developers, community based organizations, and stakeholder groups

PDF

Urban conservation in the Middle Eastern historic cities: globalization and lack of identity

PDF

Productive frictions and urbanism in transition: planning lessons from traffic flows and urban street life in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam

PDF

Place production in globalizing middle eastern cities: a study of Cairo and Dubai

PDF

From “squatters” to citizens? Slum dwellers, developers, land sharing and power in Phnom Penh, Cambodia

PDF

Governance and urban design: Omaha by design

PDF

The twilight of the local redevelopment era: the past, present, and future of urban revitalization and urban economic development in Nevada and California

PDF

The crisis of potable water in Mexico City: institutional factors and water property rights as conditions for creating adequate metropolitan water governance

PDF

Structure, agency, and the Kuznets Curve: observations and implications for sustainability planning in U.S. cities

PDF

Spaces of market-culturalism: the case of Chungking Mansions, Hong Kong

PDF

The film industry and urban development in metropolitan Los Angeles, 1920-1975

PDF

A framework for evaluating urban policy and its impact on social determinants of health (SDoH)

PDF

Jobs, not jail: Homeboy Industries, a radical approach to redirecting adolescents away from the criminal justice system

PDF

The geography of Black commerce and culture: Los Angeles, California, and beyond

PDF

Emerging technology and its impact on security policy

PDF

Urbanization beyond the metropolis: three papers on urbanization patterns and their planning implications in the contemporary global south

PDF

Curating gastronomy: restaurants and social media in the cultural economy

PDF

Civic expression in Little Tokyo: how art and culture empowers communities and transforms public participation

PDF

A view from below: the development and role of organizational social capital in neighborhood regeneration in Los Angeles

PDF

Urban universities' campus expansion projects in the 21st century: a case study of the University of Southern Calfornia's "Village at USC" project and its potential economic and social impacts on...

Asset Metadata

Creator Massey, Elton Fred, II (author)

Core Title Social entrepreneurship and urban tourism as economic development: best practices from Long Beach, California

School School of Policy, Planning, and Development

Degree Doctor of Planning and Development Studies

Degree Program Policy, Planning, and Development

Publication Date 09/17/2008

Defense Date 12/12/2007

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Community development,creative class,culture,Economic development,entrepreneurship,Globalization,Long Beach,OAI-PMH Harvest,Real estate,social capital,social enterprise,social entrepreneur,themed development,tourism,Tourist Attraction,urban development

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Banerjee, Tridib (committee member), Manigault, Michael (committee member), Steele, James T. (committee member)

Creator Email emassey@theithacagroup.com,emassey@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m1599

Unique identifier UC1129766

Identifier etd-Massey-1545 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-94534 (legacy record id),usctheses-m1599 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Massey-1545.pdf

Dmrecord 94534

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Massey, Elton Fred, II

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu