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Power party girls, good looking crowds and one hellish boss: The portrayal of the female entertainment publicist on reality television
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Power party girls, good looking crowds and one hellish boss: The portrayal of the female entertainment publicist on reality television
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Content
POWER PARTY GIRLS, GOOD LOOKING CROWDS AND ONE HELLISH BOSS:
THE PORTRAYAL OF THE FEMALE ENTERTAINMENT PUBLICIST ON
REALITY TELEVISION
by
Camille Renée Hashem
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF ARTS
(STRATEGIC PUBLIC RELATIONS)
May 2011
Copyright 2011 Camille Renée Hashem
ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the people who have helped me along the way in
writing this thesis. To Kjerstin Thorson, my committee chair, who gave up many
of her hours to read draft after draft, and who steered me in a better direction of
writing. Without your help, I would still be staring at my computer screen with a
bunch of unorganized words. I appreciate all of the time you took out of your own
hectic schedule to help me better my analytical writing skills.
Thank you to my family, Claude, Helen and Danielle, whom I was barely
able to see thanks to weekends that consisted of locking myself in my apartment
to research and write. I can answer my phone now! Particularly to my mother,
who constantly encouraged me that I would have a finished product soon enough
– here it is!
To the other people who have helped me reach this point in my education,
including those I interviewed for this thesis and my other thesis readers. Thank
you for your contributions.
Finally, to my boyfriend Matt, who was patient with me throughout this
entire eight month writing process despite my numerous breakdowns and tears.
Thank you for always seeing the positive in every hurdle and reminding me that
there is always light at the end of the tunnel. I will finally be able to clean my
apartment and make dinner with you again. There is no way I could have
completed this without you.
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgements ii
List of Figures iv
Abstract v
Chapter 1: Introduction 7
Chapter 2: Literature Review 12
Portrayals of Professions on the Screen 12
Impact of Onscreen Professional Portrayals 14
Women in the Workplace and Stereotype Pertaining to Them 19
The Portrayal of Women on Screen 21
Onscreen Portrayal of the Female Journalist 24
Previous Research Pertaining to the PR Professional on Screen,
the Perception of PR, and Stereotypes Found Amongst Those
in the Industry 27
Chapter 3: Methodology 32
Content Analysis Design 33
Interview Design 38
Chapter 4: Results 40
Content Analysis 40
Opposing Images of the Female Entertainment Publicist on
Reality TV: PR Bunnies and Party Girls vs. the Masculine Bitch 41
The Portrayal of “No Experience of Professionalism Needed”
for Entertainment Public Relations 47
Public Relations is Still Glamorous Even on Reality TV 51
Interview Findings 54
Chapter 5: Conclusion 61
Implications of the Female Entertainment Publicist in Reality
Television 65
References 69
Appendix 74
iv
LIST OF FIGURES
Appendix Figure 1: Lizzie Grubman and The Power Girls 74
Appendix Figure 2: Kelly Cutrone and Her Team 74
Appendix Figure 3: The Spin Crowd 75
Appendix Figure 4: Lauren’s “Appropriate” Work Attire 75
Appendix Figure 5: Power Girls Flaunt Their Assets 76
Appendix Figure 6: Hell on Earth, Kelly Cutrone 76
v
ABSTRACT
This thesis is an examination of the portrayal of the female entertainment publicist
shown in reality television. With the large success rate of Samantha Jones from Sex and
the City in the 1990s, female interest in public relations has increased, and good or bad,
Jones has served as one of the predominate images of the publicist in the entertainment
industry. Those who have performed critical analysis of the image of the public relations
practitioner have deemed these representations as showing negative characteristics of
those in the profession. While there has been previous research on the image of public
relations in media, analysis of the female entertainment publicist in reality television has
been left untapped.
The project consisted of a content analysis as well as interviews with various
women in entertainment public relations. Three reality television shows featuring female
entertainment publicists were watched: MTV’s PoweR Girls (2005), Bravo’s Kell on
Earth (2010) and E! Network’s The Spin Crowd. After conducting this analysis, the
author found that the female publicist is put in one of two gender categories, the
masculine bitch or the overtly sexy “PR Bunny.” Other findings inferred that the
dominant images within each series suggested that public relations is overall an easy field
to enter, with little or no experience or professionalism needed. Finally, although the
three series had some subtle differences, public relations is still shown as a glamorous
job.
Interviewee responses showed that the negative representations of entertainment
publicists on reality television are not indicative of the real life job itself, but that media’s
vi
representation of it has led others to believe false or skewed images of the profession.
Since these three shows’ target demographics include young women about make a career
decision, the impact they may have on this demographic, and how it may affect the future
of public relations and the expectations of those about the enter the industry, is also
discussed.
7
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
We are surrounded by the richest, most glamorous people; there’s trays of
champagne and mixed drinks, and the only way to survive in this business is to
not get taken down by those things. –Kelly Cutrone, Kell on Earth
People love or hate public relations, and its fragmentation across the world makes
it hard to harness in a single study (Morris & Goldsworthy, 2008, pp. x – xi). Despite its
mystique, there has been a steady increase of public relations practitioners in the recent
years. In 2000, the U.S. Census Bureau reported 211, 395 people who declared public
relations as their job (“Census 2000 EEO”). The Bureau of Labor statistics also predicted
growth within the industry from 2008 to 2018, projecting 24% and 12.9% increases in
public relations specialists and managers. (“Selected Occupational Projections,” 2008).
Even internationally, there is an influx of people entering the field. In China, the annual
growth rate of public relations is over 30%, and Russia and Turkey have seen growth
around 40% and 60%, respectively (Morris & Goldsworthy, 2008, p. 1). There is also a
heightened interest in PR among students at universities. According to
CollegeBoard.com, a non-profit organization that connects students with college options
and opportunities, there are now 275 colleges that offer a degree in public relations
(“College Matchmaker,” 2011).
As these numbers continue to rise, the number of women entering the
communication field is also increasing. The International Association of Business
Communicators (IABC) boasted a 70/30 female to male ratio in 2002, where every three
out of four members were women (Taff, 2003, p. 10). This trend is also prevalent in the
communications niche of public relations. Frohlich and Peters (2007) stated that public
8
relations is female dominated, primarily because women are thought to be more naturally
suited for the requirements of the job (pp. 229 & 232). In the United States alone,
approximately 65% of PR professionals are women, and the Public Relations Society of
America (PRSA) has a 90% female membership (Morris & Goldsworthy, 2008, p. 15).
Younger women are also finding interest in public relations; both university public
relations majors and entry-level candidates and employees are predominately women. At
the University of Westminster in London, the undergraduate courses in PR are 80%
female. Postgraduate courses are comprised of 90% female. These figures are similar at
Kent State University in Ohio (Morris & Goldsworthy, 2008, p. 15). At University of
Southern California, the 2010 class profile for incoming master’s students specializing in
public relations was 86% female and 14% male (“Fall 2010 Class Profile”).
This new awareness of the industry led to the appearance of public relations
characters in entertainment genres such as television and movies. Two major studies
examined the portrayal of fictional public relations professionals from 1930 – 2008
(Miller, 1999 & Ames, 2010). These studies analyzed various films and books,
concluding that in general, the stereotypes of the public relations professional were
negative (Miller, 1999 & Ames, 2010). Morris and Goldsworthy (2008) also found that
the overall perception of public relations was that it is a very glamorous job to have,
always on trend and fashionable, and somewhat superficial (pp. 6 – 7). One of the most
noted characters that exude all three of these perceptions is Samantha Jones of Sex and
the City.
9
In episode one of the series, Jones makes a bold statement to her friend Carrie
Bradshaw, “Hey, I’m as good looking as a model, and I own my own business.” A PR
executive who owns her own company with “an insatiable appetite for sex,” (Kim, 2010,
p. 83) Samantha Jones has become an international icon for women in public relations
(Morris & Goldsworthy, 2008, p. 3). There is no doubt that Samantha reached a large
audience; the show featured 96 episodes and aired from 1998 to 2004, tallying 10.6
million viewers total, and an average of 6.1 million viewers during its last eight episodes
(“Fast Track,” 2004). The series won three Golden Globe awards and an Emmy, and The
New York Times raved that it was “a sociological event” (Smith, 2004). After it was
syndicated on TBS, Sex and the City’s average viewer was somewhere in between 18 –
49, (Hibberd, 2006, p. 3) which included young adult women about to embark on a
college degree and/or to choose a career path.
The character of Samantha Jones has influenced many young adults in choosing
public relations as their career. Morris and Goldsworthy (2008) state that:
Samantha Jones of Sex and the City has been a highly effective ambassador of
PR, with a reach far greater than that of any PR organization: indeed plenty of PR
students, male and female, have told the authors [Morris and Goldsworthy] they
were drawn to PR by her example (p. 4).
Jones is a confident woman who often uses her sexuality to gain clients, and is a firm
believer in mixing business with pleasure. For example, her biggest conquest in season
four was getting hotel mogul Richard Wright to be her client, and, subsequently, her
lover. Later in the series, she meets Jerry Jared, her waiter at a restaurant, and finds out
after sleeping with him that he is a struggling actor. Jones changes his name to Smith
10
Jared, promises to make him a star by becoming his publicist, and gets him a billboard in
Times Square – all while having a sexual relationship with him.
Sex aside, Samantha gives the perception to viewers that public relations is about
celebrities and the good life, and that there is no real hard work in the profession. She
gets hired to throw an A-list Bat Mitzvah; lunches with Lucy Liu and uses the actress’
name to get an Hermes Birkin bag; and “called some designers” to dress Smith for his
MTV premiere. These glamorous events may have contributed to the perception of public
relations within Sex and the City’s young adult audience. Frisina (2003) states that:
Some incoming PR students think that public relations is a glamorous entree into
the world of fluff. They see themselves wearing designer clothes and sipping
cosmopolitans at lavish functions, with no understanding that those events are
meticulously planned as just one part of an overall campaign (p. 19).
However, even for those who aren’t avid Sex and the City fans, Jones’ image of
the female PR professional has been plastered on HBO for six years and syndicated on
numerous networks, making her character a household name. She exudes an image often
seen in female publicists on screen – an exciting life working with the rich and famous,
always in the know about the latest and greatest (Morris & Goldsworthy, 2008, p. 6). Her
reach is large, and she was a dominant figure of the late 1990s and early 2000s for the
female PR practitioner in popular culture.
Within five years after the series ending, reality television in the United States has
taken the fictional Samantha Jones and made her “real” with shows such as Power Girls,
Kell on Earth and The Spin Crowd, all featuring female PR practitioners in the
entertainment industry. Reality television has become one of the most popular television
genres (Ferris, Smith, Greenberg, & Smith , 2007, p. 490); A total of seven reality
11
television shows appeared on broadcast television in 2003, and only one year later, the
number jumped to 23 reality shows, not including those on cable networks (p. 490).
While previous portrayals of the public relations professional were fictional, this new
“real” publicist provides a new set of imagery for the PR professional in popular culture.
Although previous research analyzed male and female characters in PR, research
on only women in the industry is somewhat limited. With such a significant percentage of
women in public relations, scholars must look at the image of the female publicist in
popular culture, which is indicative of the field as a whole. This new imagery of the
female entertainment publicist, specifically on reality television, provides a new area to
study in the realm of the PR professional in today’s media. This paper analyzes how the
female entertainment publicist is portrayed in the three previously mentioned reality
television series. It includes interviews with female publicists within entertainment PR to
determine if these "real" images are indeed realistic representations; and finally,
discusses how these images influence the audience, and look at its possible effect on the
future of public relations.
12
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
PORTRAYALS OF PROFESSIONS ON THE SCREEN
The workplace is a common setting for television shows. Since the early years of
television, viewers have embraced such diverse workers as bus driver Ralph Kramden,
shoe salesman Al Bundy, housemaid Hazel, and top defense attorney Perry Mason. On
ABC, nine of its 2010 – 2011 primetime series revolve solely around a work
environment, with shows like Grey’s Anatomy and Private Practice set in hospitals;
Rookie Blue, Castle and Detroit 1-8-7, set on the streets and showing the work of cops
and detectives; and even Super Nanny set in an in-home environment, but a workplace
nonetheless (“ABC”). Over on CBS, The Good Wife features a lawyer; Blue Bloods
tracks three generations of NY policemen, and the various CSI series show us the inner
workings of a forensics lab. Not to be left out, NBC gives us behind-the-scenes
workplace glimpses in The Office and 30 Rock. While these are fictional programs, cable
television channels such as Bravo show the workplace in a reality television setting.
These include Million Dollar Listing, about high-end real estate; Tabatha’s Salon
Takeover, where a hair professional revamps struggling salons; and The Rachel Zoe
Project, about a celebrity stylist. Other reality shows by Bravo are in competitive format,
such as Top Chef, a contest for professional chefs to win the “Top Chef” title; and Project
Runway, where professional fashion designers fight their way to win money to launch
their designs.
This proves the popularity of the workplace setting in television, whether it is a
fiction or reality series. As workplace images become more prominent in television
13
programming, the viewer then sees more images of a particular workplace representation
and views these as real accounts of the profession, suggested by cultivation theory
explained below.
14
IMPACT OF ONSCREEN PROFESSIONAL PORTRAYALS
How Fictional Portrayals Impact Viewers
Onscreen portrayals have the potential to impact audiences watching that show,
and in particular, portrayals of professions on screen can affect how the audience sees
that profession (Miller, 1999, p. 4; Pfau, & Mullen, 1995, p. 325). In support of this
claim, there are two distinct theoretical approaches that help us see how media portrayals
impact viewers. We must first look at George Gerbner’s cultivation theory, which
suggests that images in the media influences our perceptions. Cultivation explores how
television viewing affects viewer’s conceptions of social reality. (Morgan & Shanahan,
2010, p. 339). Gerbner claimed that mass communication was the mass production of
messages, and that, for example, those who watch a lot of television “are more likely to
perceive the real world in ways that reflect the most common and recurrent messages of
the world of fictional television” (Morgan & Shanahan, 2010, p. 337). Although
television is a system of images that is produced for a large audience and different
programs target different segments, the images are often complementary and consistent
with ideologies of society. These recurring images appear in various programming, so
even the regular viewer sees these presented images and makes conclusions about “the
real world” (pp. 4 – 5). This theory focuses on uncovering recurring images over a long
period of time rather than one viewing, and Gerbner suggests that those who spend more
time watching television process those images and accept them as real-life norms.
Television viewing cultivates ways of seeing the world – those who spend more
time “living” in the world of television are more likely to see the “real world” in
terms of the images, values, portrayals, and ideologies that emerge through the
lens of television (Bryant & Oliver, 1994, p. 35).
15
In 2009, Nielsen found that television viewership in America was up 1.9% from the
previous year, with audiences watching 153 hours of television per month (2009). As the
amount of television hours watched increases, the audience sees more recurring images
than before. Viewers are watching more hours of television, and cultivation is explained
as “those who spend more time ‘living’ in the world of television are more likely to see
the ‘real world’ in terms of the images, values, portrayals, and ideologies that emerge
through the lens of television” (Morgan & Shanahan, 2010, p. 47). One example of this is
“mean world” syndrome. Based on cultivation theory, Gerbner, Gross, Morgan,
Signorielli and Shanahan (2009) found that television images of violence and little
altruism led viewers to believe that the actual world is dangerous. (p. 52). Similarly,
when a viewer sees an image of a particular character or profession repeated over and
over again on television, this same cultivation of recurring images will happen and the
viewer may believe the characteristics of the fictional professional are synonymous with
the real-life counterpart.
Portrayals of specific professions in the media are not only repetitive in a
cultivation system, but they also shape society’s perceptions of those professions in real
life as negative or positive. Karen Miller (1999) stated, “Mass media images are often
influential, particularly in the absence of other sources of information such as personal
experiences… that entertainment media images can affect perceptions of certain
professions” (p. 4). This means that when the viewer sees a profession on screen that
he/she has no personal experience with, he/she assumes that what is seen on television
about that profession is true. For example, if a viewer of a law show does not know any
16
lawyers, that viewer may assume that whatever is depicted in the courtroom, for example,
is accurate. Similarly, Pfau and Mullen (1995) found that depictions of lawyers on
television shows, “were suggestive of public perceptions,” (p. 325) meaning that the
characteristics of lawyers shown on screen were the same characteristics that the public
perceived lawyers actually had.
Not only do these images affect how one perceives a profession, but the images
can also impact how one makes a career decision based off of the seen images. Hammer
(2008) points out that when women make decisions to enter a specific career, the
decisions are based on society’s expectations of that career as well as their own (p. 19).
Herman (2005) also found that the media did impact career decisions. One of Herman’s
respondents said that although after entering the field she realized these images were
fantasy, media portrayals of the journalist did in fact play a large part in her decision to
pursue journalism (p. 32). Therefore, when specifically talking about public relations,
media’s portrayals of the female publicist can oversell certain aspects of the profession to
attract women to work in the field, or brand female publicists in a particular way so that
others perceive these professionals with certain characteristics.
Reality Television’s Impact on the Viewer
Like fictional shows, reality television plays a large part in societal norms as to
what we perceive is true. Ferris, Smith, Greenberg, and Smith (2007) studied the
perception of dating based on reality dating shows, and found that viewers identified
more with reality stars than fictional characters because the viewer sees them as “real
17
people” instead of celebrities (p. 491). Their study also showed that respondents who
watched more hours of reality television than other programming were more likely to
believe the behaviors in the reality dating shows are both acceptable and realistic (p.
490). They drew on social cognitive theory to argue that:
televised models may teach or remind viewers of appropriate norms or standards
for interpersonal conduct in particular contexts. This theory proposes that people
are not merely passive viewers of content but are cognizant consumers who
reflect, regulate, and vicariously learn from the material projected on television
(p. 491).
According to social cognitive theory, the viewer is proactive, self-reflecting and self-
regulating, and has the capacity to understanding the surrounding environment by
evaluating images and symbols attributing meaning to each. However, unlike cultivation
theory, which focuses on the total amount of television viewing, social cognitive theory
suggests the specific content of each program is important because the human brain
processes, retains and codes particular images (Bandura, 2009, pp. 121 – 138).
Specifically in reality television, a viewer sees a portrayal showcased as a “real” image,
and processes and codes that image as correct and acceptable in society. Similarly, when
viewing a television show that presents an occupational representation, the viewer also
processes and codes these portrayals as indicative of the real world professional. Social
cognitive theory’s main focus is how the individual viewer learns and processes
acceptable behavior through media exposure and representations.
While cultivation theory and social cognitive theory both approach how the media
affects its viewers from different standpoints, they both support the argument that the
media does impact the viewer. Therefore, one can assume that by watching repeated
18
images of a particular reality television show, not only do viewers see a recurring image
and may accept that portrayal as real, they also process and code particular images and
behaviors as those that also exists in the real world.
Unlike Samantha Jones, the women analyzed in PoweR Girls, Kell on Earth and
The Spin Crowd are presented in reality television format. Like Ferris, Smith, Greenberg,
and Smith (2007) found, viewers identify reality television characters as more real than
fictional ones. In looking at how female PR practitioners are portrayed in these three
shows, it can therefore be assumed using cultivation and social cognitive theories that
viewers of these shows see the reality stars as real PR professionals, which creates the
perception that all women in the industry are like these characters, especially since they
are “real” women and not fictional.
19
WOMEN IN THE WORKPLACE AND STEREOTYPES PERTAINING TO
THEM
Since this research specifically discusses the image of the female publicist, it is
important to note the overall struggle that women in general have faced in the workplace.
Women have been fighting for equality in the public eye long before female
representation in the workplace existed on screen. Originally the women’s movement
focused on the right to vote and eventually shifted into the workplace. This struggle can
be attributed to the phenomenon of the 1970s known as the “Glass Ceiling” (“Women in
Management,” 1998, p. 79), a metaphor used to describe the barrier that prevents women
and minorities in the workforce from reaching top levels of management and chief
positions (Bily & Manoochehri, 1995, p. 33). The single, most important event in the
U.S. labor market in the 20th century has been the unparalleled entrance of large numbers
of women into the workforce (Gini, 1998, p. 17), and this can be attributed to the Baby-
Boomers, whose previously working mothers returned to the home after World War II
and passed on a “sparked interest” to their daughters to work (Bily & Manoochehri, 1995,
p. 33). The general idea of the Glass Ceiling has arisen because women, who have
generally had roles in the past as homemaker and child caregiver, have crossed over into
the work force.
Although the 1990s saw a significant rise in female workers (50% of women held
entry-level positions), the struggle to get to the top still existed, and the Glass Ceiling was
therefore very much in place (Bily & Manoochehri, 1995, pp. 33 – 34). More recently,
statistics show that in 2009, women accounted for 46.8% of the total U.S. labor force.
20
Seventy four percent of these women worked full-time. Twenty nine percent of women
held bachelor’s degrees, only one percent under men’s 30 (“Quick Stats,” 2009). If
entertainment media wants to attract the attention of these workingwomen, they must
include a more balanced representation that more accurately represents the gender
makeup of today’s work force – almost a 50/50 ratio.
A more recent gender bias similar to the Glass Ceiling is the “Velvet Ghetto.” It is
generally the term for a field “in which women experience drops in salary and status”
(Taff, 2003, p. 10). The idea of the Velvet Ghetto emerged in the 1980s and is similar to
the Glass Ceiling, but relates to particular fields that were previously male dominated and
then feminized by an increase of women in that given area. More traditional college
majors like liberal arts, communication and English have contributed to female interest in
PR jobs – jobs that were previously held by men. Public relations has seen a great
turnover in men in the profession, and despite the fact that women now dominate
employment in the field and are generally well paid, they still have yet to break through
to upper management (Straubhaar, 2006, p. 315). Although women in communication are
getting paid closer wages to men than those found in IABC’s
1
original 1985 Velvet
Ghetto study, they are still not getting paid equally despite their majority in the field
(Taff, 2003, p. 11).
1
The IABC Foundation’s “About Us” section on their website states that they provide
“real-world knowledge and applications for the communication professional” to “advance
the profession and demonstrate the value of communication in organizational
effectiveness.”
21
THE PORTRAYAL OF WOMEN ON SCREEN
As women began to break the glass ceiling in the 1970s and enter the workplace,
onscreen portrayals shifted to show women in the workplace instead of traditional in-
home roles. Earlier television shows including The Brady Bunch, Leave it to Beaver, and
Father Knows Best portrayed women in traditional roles like homemaking while the men
worked, explicitly showing a patriarchal ideology. Later, the 1970s introduced female
characters in both private and public spheres, such as The Mary Tyler Moore Show in
1970 (“Mary Tyler Moore”). These types of shows introduced women in the working
world, but the characters retained much of the homemaker, feminine qualities seen
previously. For example, although Mary was a working girl, she had yet to fully break the
Glass Ceiling as an executive. In nearly every episode, Mary has the added concerns of
keeping her house stylish and comfortable, preparing for dates or cooking meals for
guests. She was slender, fashionable, and cheery. It was not until the end of the series that
she moved on to be a successful career woman (Saltzman, 2003, p. 5).
In contrast, men have been portrayed with opposite characteristics. Fateri and
Kleiner (1992) state that, “Masculinity is broadly defined by scholars as objective,
logical, assertive and competitive; whereas feminine traits include subjectivity,
intuitiveness and spontaneity” (p. 14). We have come to view narrative of men as active
and devoid of emotion (Reinharz & Kulick, 2007, p. 257). Communication scholar
Jackson Katz (2003) states, “Persisting images of masculinity hold that ‘real men’ are
physically strong, aggressive, and in control of their work” (p. 341 – 358). Due to our
dichotomous way of thinking, we identify and relate the male body to masculinity, which
22
is therefore the opposite of what we consider the female body and femininity to represent.
Since Mary was not physically strong or aggressive, something categorized as masculine,
she can therefore be labeled as feminine. It was not until the 1980s that the Glass Ceiling
phenomenon really gained public attention. Finally, women were playing roles as
executives, and thus “masculinized” characters. Television series such as Murphy Brown
and Ally McBeal highlighted women in their attempt to break the glass ceiling,
showcasing a newscaster and lawyer, respectively (“Murphy Brown” & “Ally McBeal”).
Both shows portrayed women in professional fields and illustrated assimilation of
masculinity to find their place in those professions (Dow, 1992, p. 145 & Hammers,
2005, p. 167). As the female screen image stepped away from traditional female roles
seen in Leave it to Beaver and Father Knows Best, the media represented successful
women in a whole new light. It seemed as if the women who held professional executive
positions had given up their femininity. In an article by Bonnie Dow (1992), Murphy is
described as “workaholic, Amazon….tough,” which are characteristics that women
typically do not encompass (p. 145). In the case of Murphy Brown, Murphy “works hard,
loves hard, drinks hard, and smokes one cigarette after another” (Saltzman, 2003, p. 6).
She is one of the guys, participating in popular masculine behaviors seen in the media in
the 1930s and 1940s (p. 6), but possesses these “tough” characteristics that undoubtedly
label her masculine and opposite Mary Richards’ character in the preceding decade.
Richards begins her career as an insecure newsroom girl but eventually leaves for bigger
and better things as a confident professional by the end of the series. Brown, on the other
23
hand, portrays the image of the old-fashion workaholic broadcast journalist that smokes
and drinks, and is confident from the beginning of the series.
24
ONSCREEN PORTRAYAL OF THE FEMALE JOURNALIST
As certain portrayals of women have been portrayed on screen, scholars noticed
particular recurring images for certain characters. While research on the image of the
female publicist is limited, there is ample information about the onscreen portrayal of the
female journalist. Journalism is closely related to public relations, so it is important to
look at the image of the female journalist in popular culture to gain insight on other
portrayals of women in a communication field.
Joseph Saltzman (2003) addresses an ongoing dichotomous dilemma presented by
the media that women in the field often encounter:
How to incorporate the masculine traits of journalism essential for success – being
aggressive, self-reliant, curious, tough, ambitious, cynical, cocky, unsympathetic
– while still being the woman society would like her to be – compassionate,
caring, loving, maternal, sympathetic (p. 1)
Motion pictures provided the perfect medium to emphasize certain images of the female
journalist. Initially the female journalist battled men in the office for the top story instead
of the traditional “sob stories” that the majority of women were assigned, but gradually,
the portrayal of female journalists shifted, and they became self-confident reporters (p.
4). In the 1930s, these women on screen, dubbed “sob sisters,” underwent
masculinization, that is, adopting masculine characteristics, had male-associated names,
and donned wardrobes that were much less feminine, literally making them look more
like men (p. 4). This created two opposing images of the female journalist and the
dilemma that women had to encompass both masculine and feminine traits – to be a
woman while still doing what it took to be a successful editor or writer. Ghiglione (2003)
stated, “The contemporary newswoman, while regularly cast as a tough, talented pro,
25
often bears the burden of being depicted as an emotionally empty Super Bitch or Super
Whore” (p. 122). TV anchors have also been appealing to fiction writers and are either
“blond airheads who sometimes sleep their way to the top or tough-minded women
working in an all-male environment trying to prove their worth as reporters and not to be
seen as sex objects,” and have become the greatest stereotype of women in journalism
(Saltzman, 2003, p. 5). These two portrayals create opposing images of the female
journalist – that the female journalist is strong and therefore masculine and bitchy, or she
is feminine and therefore ditzy.
Sarah Herman (2005) examines how accurately portrayals of the female journalist
in popular culture represent real-life journalists. She maintains Saltzman’s claim that
there is an ongoing gender-based conflict within the female journalist, and after
surveying women in the journalism field, she found that although there is onscreen
evidence that supports the idea of a successful female journalist, this success must come
with sacrifice. After analyzing key points in various films and surveying women in the
field, Herman found that although there were some similarities between the films’
portrayals and real-life, there were also large disconnections between the two. Finally,
she concluded that the female journalist fits into one of four character slots: “the single
star, the miserable bitch, the unethical fool and the maternal deserter” (p. 30). In all four
character slots, the journalist has given up something in her life, whether that be a
relationship or journalism itself. For example, the maternal deserter character embraces
her feminine construct and chooses a family over her career, while the single star is
rewarded in her career, liked by her colleagues, buts lacking a relationship (p. 30).
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Herman’s work explains that although images of the female journalist appear, they are
often not representative of the actual female journalist. Based on the evidence that the
media influences audiences, this means that the viewer who sees a female journalist
onscreen is seeing an inaccurate portrayal, and therefore does not have accurate
knowledge of that professional.
Saltzman, Ghiglione and Herman all suggest that women in communication,
specifically journalism, are branded with two opposing stereotypes, which are not
necessarily accurate. In looking at the female journalist in popular culture, we are able to
see the common images of a profession closely related to public relations, and use these
characteristics as a starting point for analysis.
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PREVIOUS RESEARCH RELATING TO THE PR PROFESSIONAL ON
SCREEN, THE PERCEPTION OF PR, AND STEREOTYPES FOUND AMONG
THOSE IN THE INDUSTRY
A small amount of previous research on the negative portrayal of public relations
practitioners has been conducted. Karen Miller (1999) reviewed 67 films in and 51 books
between 1930 and 1995 that contained a character that worked in public relations, and
according to her results, concluded that most representations of publicists in media are
negative, with an occasional positive portrayal (pp. 4 – 5). The majority of the PR
characters worked in entertainment or government, and Miller commented that, “the
more glamorous jobs in PR were vastly overrepresented” (p. 8). After a content analysis,
Miller found these recurring negative images: ditzy, which was found more in female
characters than male characters; obsequious, characters without guiding principles that
would do anything to please the boss; cynical, overly sarcastic, edgy and angry;
manipulative, a shark that lies and cheats for the advancement of his/her career; money-
minded; isolated, and unfulfilled (pp. 8 – 11). With these recurring traits found in the
books and films Miller studied, she found that the media’s portrayal of public relations
professionals does, indeed, have a negative effect on the public’s perception of the field.
Carole Ames, (2010) who argued that the image of the public relations
professional in the media has improved, did a follow-up study to Miller’s research (pp.
164 – 165). She looked at examples from 1996 to 2008, but unlike Miller, did not review
books. Ames examined eleven films, analyzed the PR characters using the characteristics
listed by Miller, and found that three of the negative images (obsequious, money-minded,
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and isolated) were not even shown in the more recent films (pp. 168 – 169). To the
contrary, Ames stated that most practitioners told their clients the hard truth, none were in
PR for any monetary payoff, and all were “people persons.” Ames stated that cynical PR
people in film were a dying breed, however, the manipulative character still existed in
films like Wag the Dog and only three films showed the accomplished PR practitioner (p.
168). Overall, Ames claimed that although the negative stereotypes were still in film,
they are disappearing and have become less damaging.
While this research does support the author’s research question and provides a
benchmark for improvement in today’s portrayals, both studies looked at both male and
female characters instead of just assessing the portrayal each gender individually.
Additionally, the rise of popularity in reality television has provided a new platform for
society to see public relations life as “unscripted,” something that Miller and Ames were
unable to discuss in their research given the timeframe of their studies.
Morris and Goldsworthy (2008) also cite a stereotype they call “PR girls.” While
they did not did not look at specific films, they found that people’s perceptions were
often based upon media portrayals. Overall, people were attracted to the allure of PR
based upon large representations of “PR girls” that show the following: the PR
professional often works with celebrities; that people in PR are always “in the know” and
therefore cutting-edge; that the life of a “PR girl” is metropolitan and busy; and that
although the industry might be superficial, it is never boring (pp. 6 – 7). They also found
that public relations is portrayed as an easy industry to enter, supporting Miller’s claim of
ditzy professionals.
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More specifically, Frohlich and Peters (2007) interviewed various women in
public relations. They found a stereotype similar to what Morris and Goldsworthy
identified as the “PR girl,” but found that this stereotype was actually one ascribed to
women in the industry by other women in the industry (p. 229). They found that although
women believe females are better suited for public relations, there is also a branding of
the female publicist by other female publicists as the “PR bunny,” a stereotype that “adds
a negative touch to the female image as ‘natural born communicators’” (p. 229). Women
generally had positive thoughts when it came to women in the industry strictly because of
biology, stating that men lack certain characteristics needed in public relations such as
empathy and sensitivity to maintain clients and have good relationships with journalists.
At the same time, however, Frohlich and Peters uncovered a stereotype within the
industry, which they labeled as “PR bunnies” (pp. 240 – 244). One of their interviewees
stated that these women were “always hopping around at parties.… There are people who
are there just for fun. And there are people who spread their calling cards,” (p. 242) while
another suggested the lack of female publicists who are credible in their word. “Someone
who talks a lot but doesn’t actually say anything.… And there are really too many women
who walk around in trendy outfits and tell clients great plans, but they do not actually
deliver on any of them” (p. 242). However, all respondents that shared this view made it
clear that there is a difference between being a woman in public relations and deliberately
using that as a reason for unprofessionalism, and it was stressed to know the threats of
acting out the stereotype. One of Frohlich and Peters’ respondents stated, “…In the long
term you will not be successful with that. I believe that clients want somebody in their
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agency who really knows what they’re doing. That’s what they pay for: professional
consulting and top quality work.” (p. 243). This shows that not only is there this negative
stereotype, but that women who are actually in the industry are ascribing these
descriptions to their fellow female colleagues.
Frohlich and Peters also found that the stereotype of the “PR bunny” was
typically given to those in fashion and lifestyle over other areas in the field (p. 242).
Wardak’s work also suggests that there is some sort of hierarchy within industries,
positing that some portrayals show that some jobs are “less real” than others. Once again
looking at the similar field of journalism, Wardak indentifies sex columnist Carrie
Bradshaw in Sex and the City, and illustrates three separate occasions where the validity
of Bradshaw’s career as a sex columnist is questioned and not taken seriously, including
a time when she dates a politician who dumps her because his team thinks that dating a
sex columnist isn’t good for his image. Even Bradshaw is left pondering whether she
holds a “real job” when she compares her career to others more than once in the series
(pp. 8 – 9). Wardak shows that there is a stigma with the type of work that Bradshaw
does, suggesting a less prestigious role in journalism as a sex columnist instead of a
novelist, and a hierarchy within the industry itself.
In Wardak’s essay, Carrie Bradshaw questions herself when it comes to her
career, and sometimes believes that others do not take her as a serious writer when
introducing herself, despite Wardak’s argument that she appears educated and
professional (p. 8). This idea of hierarchy within an industry is reflected in Frohlich and
Peters’ study, where women see fashion and lifestyle as an area of public relations with
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less serious women in the field and those who are more likely to be less qualified and
hired only for their appearance (2007, p. 242). While other areas of public relations cover
more serious topics like crisis management, politics and corporate communication,
entertainment and fashion can somewhat be compared to Bradshaw’s role as a sex
columnist for a gossip paper rather than penning as an investigative reporter for The New
York Times, that is, not always taken as seriously as other PR paths.
Since the “PR bunny” stereotype more abundantly seen within fashion and
lifestyle, it should be interesting to see if the analyzed reality shows’ “real life” portrayals
mirror this same sort of hierarchal categorizing that actually exists within public
relations.
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CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY
This study is broken into two parts. First, there a qualitative content analysis of
three recent reality television shows that feature female PR professionals in the
entertainment industry: PoweR Girls, Kell on Earth and The Spin Crowd. Then, a series
of interviews were conducted with women who work in entertainment public relations or
are about to enter a career in entertainment public relations. This research was done to
identify modern stereotypes pertaining to the female publicist in entertainment, then talk
with women within the industry to compare and contrast the real-life actualities with the
images represented on television. It also will be interesting to note whether or not these
portrayals affected their careers or career choices.
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CONTENT ANALYSIS DESIGN
Criteria for Television Shows Watched
The criteria for the television programs included in the content analysis contained
three components. The items researched were television shows that 1) featured one or
more women in entertainment public relations, 2) aired after the finale of Sex and the City
in February 2004, and 3) are set in reality television format.
Using the characteristics identified by Miller and reinforced by Ames, the author
investigated whether or not these television shows showed the same characteristics seen
in film. This provided the ability to compare and contrast images seen on television and
film, and the opportunity to provide any new images found about public relations as a
whole. Because the research questions are specifically about the female entertainment
publicist, all of the shows analyzed needed to have one or more female character that
worked in any type of entertainment public relations.
Next, the shows had to air after Sex and the City completed to be able to
adequately analyze the lingering effect of the Samantha Jones character. The final
requirement was that the shows needed to be in reality television format. To see popular
culture’s portrayal of the female publicist, it was imperative to look at a genre that was
generally accepted by today’s society. Since reality television is one of the most popular
television genres (Ferris, Smith, Greenberg, & Smith , 2007, p. 490) and so widespread in
today’s society, it was important to look at and understand portrayals in this context.
PoweR Girls, Kell on Earth and The Spin Crowd fit all requirements. The shows feature
the PR executives and their relationship with their teams of account executives. While
34
women are the leaders in PoweR Girls and Kell on Earth (Lizzie Grubman and Kelly
Cutrone, respectively), The Spin Crowd’s highest ranking executive is Jonathan Cheban.
Cheban is a protégé of former boss Grubman, and other than one other male character,
Simon Huck, the rest of the employees are women. In Kell on Earth, all three executives
are women, and only a few men are part of the predominately female staff. Like the title
suggests, PoweR Girls is an all female company.
About the Shows
PoweR Girls aired on MTV in 2005 for one season. MTV has a target
demographic of men and women ages 18 – 24 (Time Warner, 2011), focusing on
groundbreaking trends in popular culture. The following description about PoweR Girls
is taken from the MTV website:
The life of a PoweR Girl at Lizzie Grubman's New York City PR firm is
sometimes glamorous, sometimes stressful but always exciting. Watch as Rachel,
Kelly, Millie and Ali plan nightclub openings and album launches, hobnob with
celebrities, wrangle the paparazzi, pitch Page Six and shop, all while fighting for a
permanent spot on Lizzie's team. Don't miss the drama take over their lives as
these four young ladies try to take over the celebrity party circuit all under the
watchful eye of Lizzie on PoweR Girls (MTV, 2011).
PoweR Girls takes place at Lizzie Grubman Public Relations, an entertainment firm
headed by Grubman that features four young women as her staff (Appendix, Figure 1).
Kell on Earth was a series on Bravo for one season in 2008. Bravo targets the
educated man and woman ages 18 – 49, who have upscale taste (Time Warner, 2011).
NBC Universal describes the television series:
Get a behind the scenes look at the high-powered and fast-paced world of fashion
PR when Bravo debuts its newest series "Kell on Earth," featuring public relations
35
guru Kelly Cutrone. Cutrone has been called one of the "coolest, most
intimidating persons ever," and, judging from her frank demeanor and fashion
world credibility, it's easy to see why. Bravo takes a no holds barred look into the
life of one of America's most legitimate tastemakers as she balances running her
wildly successful fashion PR company, People's Revolution, juggling Fashion
Weeks in New York and London, with being a single mother and one of New
York's most notable women about town (NBC Universal, 2010).
Cutrone owns People’s Revolution, an agency that specializes in organizing runway
shows, with her business partners Emily Bungert and Robyn Berkley. Although there are
a few male staffers, the majority are women (Appendix, Figure 2).
The Spin Crowd aired on E! mid-2010. E! Network is known as a 24-hour go-to
station for everything entertainment. Its target is men and women age 18 – 34 (Time
Warner, 2011), and the network describes The Spin Crowd as follows:
Mix one part brilliant but demanding boss with five parts capable but strong-
willed staff, place in the pressure-cooker world of celebrity PR, and you’ve got
The Spin Crowd (E! Entertainment Television, 2011).
Cheban is the owner of Command PR, opening Command PR West in Los Angeles along
with business partner Simon Huck and his staff of four women (Appendix, Figure 3).
Process of Analysis
While analyzing PoweR Girls, Kell on Earth and The Spin Crowd, an examination
of online biographies was conducted first. It was also important to watch every available
episode for each series, which included 16 episodes total. Kell on Earth consisted of 8
episodes, approximately 45 minutes each, and The Spin Crowd lasted 8 episodes,
approximately 20 minutes each. Episodes of PoweR Girls were unavailable, and so
newspaper or online reviews and were inspected in the same manner as the episodes
36
watched, and episode summaries on the MTV website allowed the author to learn about
what the specific episode entailed. Additionally, articles and reviews about the show and
the cast were researched to see if there were any other significant quotes or descriptions
not mentioned in the episode summaries.
Since previous studies and research concluded that public relations is typically
shown in a glamorous light (Miller, 1999, p.8; Morris & Goldsworthy, 2008, pp. 6 – 7),
specific comments and scenarios that supported this claim were noted. This included any
footage that showed or had a character talking about parties, celebrities, glamour, fame,
or anything related to these topics.
The overall portrayal of intelligence levels of the women on these shows was
carefully investigated as well. With Miller (1999) and Morris and Goldsworthy’s (2008)
claim that public relations is often thought of as ditzy or an easy field to enter, the author
wanted to see if reality portrayals of female public relations professionals affirmed or
debunked these arguments. Overall tone of conversation was looked at, as well as topics
discussed between colleagues, and any mention of previous education or “hard work.”
This also included a look at the relationship between executives and employees, and the
overall level of professionalism between both parties.
Lastly, the wardrobe of the women on these shows was analyzed. Morris and
Goldsworthy (2008) stated that those in public relations are shown as knowing the latest
and greatest in fashion, food, music, etc (p.6). Although the authors made this claim
about public relations as a whole, it seems natural that those in the entertainment industry
37
would be especially up to date on new trends and products given the specific nature of the
field.
General notes were taken about each episode, specifically looking for the
suspected images stated above, and a coding system was enacted. After re-reading the
notes, each category was highlighted to visually show what did or did not appear in each
episode. These particular highlighted sections of each episode were watched and
analyzed again, and then recoded according to category.
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INTERVIEW DESIGN
The first set of interviews conducted was with women already established in the
industry, and the second set of was with young adult women who want to make
entertainment PR their career. The primary goal of the interviews was to ascertain how
realistic reality television portrayals are to the actual career, and how media images have
or have not influenced these two groups.
The first set of respondents had extensive experience in entertainment public
relations, and could therefore provide accurate “real life” accounts of the people they
have encountered in their career. Since these women are well established in the field, they
were also able to provide feedback regarding younger PR hopefuls, and how media may
have influenced younger generations to perceive public relations. They were asked how
they entered PR, if they have encountered any stereotypes being in entertainment, how
the media has attributed to these stereotypes and if the accounts are accurate, and any
steps to remedy a seen negative stereotype.
Next, female public relations majors at undergraduate and graduate levels were
asked what made them interested in public relations, if they could identify a female PR
practitioner on television and if that also influenced their decision, and expectations that
they had for being an entertainment publicist. Interviews with students were particularly
necessary because they fit the target demographic of each show and about to make a
decision about their career. Each student was queried about her familiarity with PoweR
Girls, Kell on Earth and The Spin Crowd, and what they thought of the shows and about
whether media portrayals of the female entertainment publicist have affected how others
39
perceived them, or if they thought that would happen in the future. In other words, did
these onscreen portrayals influence the students’ desire to enter public relations as well as
the overall job roles in the profession?
After collecting answers from all four respondents, a side-by-side comparison was
enacted to show color-coded comments with similar themes or ideas. This was done in
order to visually see 1) similar responses to be used as “nuggets” of reoccurring answers
and 2) the frequency of how many times these were brought up in each interview.
Descriptions of Respondents
Purposive sampling was used for the interviews, where “researchers select sample
members because they meet special needs of the study based on the interviewer’s
judgment” (Austin & Pinkleton, 2006, p. 104). The first interviewee (Respondent A) is
the founder and previous president of her own fashion public relations firm in West
Hollywood, California. The second is a publicist who used to work in-house at an apparel
company, and then decided to start her own company in Los Angeles (Respondent B).
Among the student participants, one just recently graduated with a major in Public
Relations (Respondent C), and the other is currently a graduate student who will earn her
master’s degree in public relations this spring (Respondent D).
All four women live and work in the Greater Los Angeles area, and therefore the
sample unit is reflective of L.A. However, while the sample only contained those in Los
Angeles, the city is the number two media market, just behind New York, making these
statistics somewhat indicative of the population as a whole (Nielsen, 2009).
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CHAPTER 4: RESULTS
CONTENT ANALYSIS
Upon viewing these television series and analyzing them according to the
categories stated in the methodology, there are three significant findings about the reality
television portrayal of the female entertainment publicist. First, the women were shown
in one of two portrayals, either as the sexy girl who epitomizes the notion that “looks
trump all,” or with masculine attributes, heartless and unsympathetic. Second, although
the portrayals of the female entertainment publicist were split, there was an overall tone
affirming Morris and Goldsworthy’s (2008) claim that, for the most part, public relations
requires little education or professionalism, and is easy to enter (pp. 6 – 7). Finally, all
three series did maintain the image that the world of entertainment public relations is a
glamorous industry despite the work, or lack thereof, to produce an event or cultivate
press.
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OPPOSING IMAGES OF THE FEMALE ENTERTAINMENT PUBLICIST ON
REALITY TV: THE PR BUNNIES AND PARTY GIRLS VS. THE MASCULINE
BITCH
The PR Bunnies and Party Girls
PoweR Girls and The Spin Crowd provide a more traditional stereotype of the
female PR practitioner, which is the “PR bunny” and “PR girl” (Frohich & Peters, 2007,
p. 229; Morris & Goldsworthy, 2008, pp. 6 – 7). Frohlich and Peters believe that the PR
bunny is a devaluation of women’s roles within public relations (p. 242). The following
portrayals in PoweR Girls and The Spin Crowd affirm this devaluation since they
showcase the female publicist as someone who puts their looks as the top priority and
who is intellectually shallow.
In the case of The Spin Crowd, the two executives are male, and the rest of the
staff is female. While this does reflect the overall gender makeup of public relations, it
seems as though the staff are there to look good instead of actually work. In episode one
of The Spin Crowd, ironically titled “Image is Everything,” Lauren, a former model,
claims that she often has to prove that she has a brain in her head because she is blonde;
however, there are many instances where looks do trump smarts in the series. Cheban
proceeds to tell one of his newer employees Erika that she looks “homely” and has
Lauren, who has worked at Command PR West for some time, stand up to show her what
the “proper” work outfit is in the office (Appendix, Figure 4). Lauren’s outfit is “a thin
chiffon camisole with her breasts falling out” (Stasi, 2010). In the same episode, Erika
tells her coworkers:
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I work really hard, I have a good attitude, but I feel that more importantly, he’d
[Cheban] rather have me, like, not work as hard and look better and sexy and
more makeup… It’s like I want to fit in with the crowd, but I don’t want to
change Erika from San Diego, who I love.
But by the end of the episode, Erika shows up in a micro mini-skirt and heels, just like
the rest of her coworkers. Since this was the first episode of a brand new series, this was
the first impression that the audience got from the show. By starting the series with an
episode that primarily focused on looks, it gives the image to the viewer that this is in fact
the most important part of entertainment PR, and by Erika ultimately changing her
appearance, it pushes the message that image really is everything in the industry.
Throughout the series, the girls are always done up in short skirts and dresses, whether
they are in the office or at a professional meeting with a prospective client.
PoweR Girls also infers that good looks are imperative in PR. Grubman’s girls
even posed in lingerie in a spread in for Stuff Magazine (Appendix, Figure 5) that was
posted to Maxim’s website (“Power Girls,” 2005). Two of the character biographies for
the PoweR Girls cast have some sort of lengthy description involving looks. Kelly, like
The Spin Crowd’s Lauren, was also a model, and it can therefore be assumed that she is
good-looking. Ali, another employee, also emphasizes that her looks are a priority:
I collect bags and shoes and I am a grooming expert. I am professional at getting
blow-outs, manicures, waxing and everything else. Lizzie makes me get air-
brushed tans with her, and it is a fun outing but I am still porcelain a few days
later (MTV, 2011).
Although there are other interests described in these biographies, the mention of personal
looks appears within the first or second paragraph, and therefore the reader sees this
about the character before reading other facts about them.
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The Spin Crowd and PoweR Girls also perpetuate the idea of the PR party girl that
hops parties as suggested in Frohlich and Peters’ work. In a special 30-minute pilot of
The Spin Crowd (which was called The Spindustry at the time), one of the employees
Alex (who was not in The Spin Crowd’s actual series), states that she had a “party girl
past” with two DUIs and an incident where she woke up with both of her front teeth
knocked out after a night of too much partying. One character on PoweR Girls, Kelly,
prides herself on being a party girl. In the opening paragraph of her biography on MTV,
she writes:
I graduated from the prestigious school of California State University Chico in
northern California. Prestigious for what you ask? It was rated the number one
party school in Playboy magazine for years except the year after I graduated (I
think that's because I was not there)… (MTV, 2011).
Much like the principle shown that looks are the most important element in the field,
these characters display the idea that the women in public relations are more focused on
having a good time than being a responsible working adult. With Alex, this clip was the
first screen shot that showed her, and in Kelly’s online biography, this was in the first
paragraph. Likewise, these images therefore create a first impression with the audience.
The Masculine “Bitch”
Women are typically shown in film as “love goddesses, mothers, martyrs,
spinsters, broads, virgins, vamps, prudes, adventuresses, she-devils, and sex kittens,”
(Haskelly, 1999, p. 291) which is illustrated to a point with PoweR Girls and The Spin
Crowd. Alternatively in Kell on Earth, Kelly Cutrone and her business partners Emily
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Bungert and Robyn Berkley are portrayed in a new light that contrasts the typical “PR
bunny” stereotype as masculine women who are seen as industry bitches.
While this stereotype was previously addressed in Saltzman and Herman’s work,
which showed that the female journalist must adhere to the masculine traits associated
with journalism while upholding her feminine side (2003, p. 1; 2005, p. 30), the image of
the masculine bitch figure has a long rooted history in literature. The bitch figure was
first noted in the Chester Plays and remained commonly in literature throughout the
nineteenth century (Calvin, 2008 p. 54). Ostroy Weisser (1994) also noted, “…The Bitch-
rival figure also is herself aligned with desirably “masculine” traits such as aggression,
authoritativeness, self-assertion, autonomy, and emotional aloofness” (p. 269). Although
this character has been seen repeatedly through history and in the representation of the
closely related female journalist, the masculine public relations figure is a new set of
imagery to be added to the stereotype of the female publicist.
The first impression the audience gets of Cutrone, Bungert and Berkley are
completely different than those of the women on PoweR Girls and The Spin Crowd.
Cutrone’s opening line in the series premiere provides her cutthroat mentality of the
profession, and that she sees it as a very serious workplace. “The fashion industry is a
war, which is why we have a ‘take no prisoners’ kind of attitude.” Immediately after, the
first screen shot of the office shows her yelling on the phone, “Tell her to do what I tell
her. Send it to the fucking client.” Cutrone states her opinion about looks in public
relations in the very beginning, stating, “It’s not dress up, it’s not Barbie.” Her assistant
looks nothing like the girls on PoweR Girls or The Spin Crowd, a gothic man who
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Cutrone hired because she was tired of meeting “blonde girl after blonde girl.” Her
business partners are also shown in this same light. Below, Bungert is described in her
online biography:
She has a blunt and assertive approach to work, but her no-holds-barred attitude
sometimes puts her at odds with the other staff members. Emily has recently
assumed the guillotine lead from Cutrone – leaving her to be the head of the firing
squad this season (Bravo Media, 2011).
Additionally, Berkley’s biography states:
Her sweet exterior combined with her penchant for perfection and intolerance for
excuses has earned her the nickname – Snow White with Razor Blades (Bravo
Media, 2011).
Right away, Cutrone sets the tone of the series by suggesting that her firm is not like
others and that she wants to be taken seriously, and the online descriptions of her
business partners reflect the workplace ideology at People’s Revolution.
Throughout the series, these women embody and display the masculine
characteristics as well as those suggested on screen by Katz and Dow. Katz suggests that
masculinity involves the need to maintain workplace authority and control, and Dow
describes the workaholic tendencies of Murphy Brown as masculine (2003, p. 351; 1992,
p. 145). Cutrone is always at her office, literally living right above it, although she says it
is to be close to her daughter since she is a single mother (Press, 2010). Similarly, Robyn
also lives in the office, despite the fact that there are plenty of rentable spaces in New
York City. An article in The New York Times described Cutrone as a “hyperbusy
publicist” who “bullies and cajoles her way through the underbelly of the New York
fashion world” (Stanley, 2010). In addition to this attitude, Cutrone maintains a “no
crying in the office” rule and properly titled the book she co-authored, If You Have to
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Cry, Go Outside (Stanley, 2010). This rule, which essentially establishes no emotion in
the office, is the exact “unemotional aloofness” that is associated with masculinity.
They also maintain workplace authority by constantly nagging their employees to
get work done. In episode four, Berkley emails one of the assistants only 24 hours before
a fashion show, telling him to get certain editors tickets, and expecting him to get the task
done without an excuse. When Emily’s assistant takes time off to go to a wedding in
California, he decides to quit. “You get to a point where there’s just too much abuse.”
The partners are, however, aware of their workaholic tendencies, and Bungert defends
Kelly’s behavior as something necessary in the fashion world. “Sometimes Kelly can
come off as abrasive because she’s a tough woman and you have to be tough sometimes
with people in this industry because if you don’t, people will walk all over you.”
Although visually Robyn and Emily appear feminine in wardrobe styling, wearing
lipstick and having their hair done, Cutrone does not. The New York Times and The Los
Angeles Times both noted the lack of feminine clothing for the fashion publicist, writing
that she does not wear makeup and “dresses sloppily” and that “She's even a little
shlubby[sic] …like someone who's too busy to bother” (Stanley, 2010; Press, 2010)
(Appendix, Figure 6). In this sense, Cutrone’s wardrobe styling is less feminine, which
makes her visually look more masculine than her colleagues.
Cutrone’s no-nonsense attitude is what she believes has gotten her this far in the
business, claiming that, “there’s no rest for the wicked.” While the end results of the
fashion shows are beautiful productions, Cutrone and her partners have no problem in
yelling at their staff to get the job done since the show must go on.
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THE PORTRAYAL OF “NO EXPERIENCE OR PROFESSIONALISM NEEDED”
FOR ENTERTAINMENT PUBLIC RELATIONS
The Image of the Female PR Publicist Without Any PR Experience
The second major finding in the content analysis was the notion that public
relations is an easy field to enter, which requires little to no experience. This is first noted
in the cast of PoweR Girls, where three out of the four staff members lack previous PR
knowledge. Other than Ali, none of Grubman’s other employees had previous public
relations experience. Rachel got her internship with Grubman based off of no public
relations skill. She was working at the Hudson Hotel in New York City, when a man
approached her for date. She said the only way she would go on a date with him was if he
got her a job or internship with Lizzie Grubman PR. Kelly the party girl, who worked
alongside Rachel at the Hudson Hotel, also lacks public relations experience. She states
that Rachel was always inviting her to parties, so she inquired about a position with the
firm and got it. Finally, Millie states that because she has “a million friends, tons of
clothes and happen[s] to be bordering on a shoe obsession” (MTV, 2011), that she is
perfect for the PR world despite any previous experience. She believes that these alone
will make her a successful publicist, disregarding any other business skill like
communication or organization.
The Spin Crowd also sends the image that PR does not require any previous
experience. Lauren met Cheban while VIP hosting at a Miami nightclub, and her online
biography states that she pestered him for years until he finally hired her for his West
Coast office. While Summer does not have PR experience, she is an intern, not a full-time
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employee. Erika, however, is a full-time employee, and her online biography blatantly
shows her lack of PR knowledge:
Working at Command PR is Erika’s first job. She knows nothing about PR and
little about business culture in general (E! Entertainment Television, 2011).
While Kell on Earth also shows this image, the show proves that a lack of
experience is no excuse for poor performance at work. One of the characters, Stephanie
Vorhees, was a finance major and states in the second episode that she decided to switch
to public relations because she wanted something more “fun.” During the season, she
puts the wrong stamps on fashion show invites and even spells one of the designer’s
names incorrectly on a press release. Despite her lack of experience, Cutrone holds her to
the same expectations as the rest of the staff, and she is eventually fired.
These images reaffirm Morris and Goldsworthy’s claim that PR is shown as an
easy industry to enter, and requires no previous knowledge in the field (2008, pp. 6 – 7).
However, Kell on Earth illustrates somewhat of a different approach to this portrayal.
When Stephanie Vorhees did not meet the expectation, regardless of her experience, she
was let go. While there were some mishaps in the other television series, the employees
were not punished for their mistakes. Although the beginning of Kell on Earth showed
Stephanie Vorhees with a lack of experience, much like the women in PoweR Girls and
The Spin Crowd, there is one key difference in Kell on Earth: that although someone may
be hired as a publicist without previous experience, if the employee does not prove
themselves, they are no longer part of the team.
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The Image of the Entertainment Publicist as Unprofessional
Similarly related to a lack of prior experience is also a lack of professionalism,
which is most apparent in The Spin Crowd. In episode six, Cheban promises the girls a
trip to the Hamptons after an event in New York City. He decides to play a trick on them,
telling them they are not going. Lauren immediately snaps back, responding to her boss,
“Are you serious? Seriously, like we come all the way out her and put up with all this
crap from you… Seriously this is total bullshit,” before he tells the group he is joking.
Later in the episode, the girls decide to skinny dip in the ocean while their boss is present,
and he ends up stealing their clothes. Finally, Summer meets a guy at a party they are
attending together, makes out with him in front of her coworkers, and takes him back to
the house where they, including bosses Cheban and Huck, are all staying.
While this example of The Spin Crowd shows lack of professionalism between
staff and upper management, the series, along with PoweR Girls, also shows a lack of
professionalism when working with a celebrity client. In The Spin Crowd, there are
multiple episodes where Summer is in complete awe of meeting celebrities, even though
it is her job to work with them. In three of the eight episodes, Summer explicitly makes
comments about this in one-on-one camera interviews. She is shown throughout the
series saying, “I live, eat and breathe celebrities,” “I have such a crazy obsession with
celebrities,” and, “I am obsessed with Kelly Osbourne.” She even asks Cheban if she
could ask Kelly Osbourne to record a voicemail on her phone. This lack of
unprofessionalism with famous clients makes viewers think that Summer, along with
others in the industry, are only there to meet and befriend famous people.
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In episode two of PoweR Girls, Grubman and her team are in charge of
producing P. Diddy’s annual White Party. There, Kelly’s idol Paris Hilton arrives, and
instead of doing her job, she spends the entire night trying to hunt down the socialite, and
finally meets Paris and leaves with her in a limo. Ultimately, her photos end up on
various paparazzi web sites that say she was stalking Paris. Although her relationship
with Grubman was not affected, if anyone found out or knew that Kelly was one of the
publicists hired to work the party, the firm’s reputation would be tarnished as having
employees who are celebrity-obsessed.
Kell on Earth shows this same image and then once again dismisses it as
unacceptable for People’s Revolution. When Stephanie Vorhees attends an event for
Alternative Apparel, one of the companies that the firm represents, she ends up drinking
too much and is drunk in front of the clients and important editors. Vorhees is called into
a meeting with Bungert and Berkley, and this, along with her previous mistakes, gets her
fired. The image that there is a certain lack of professionalism in public relations is
shown in Kell on Earth, but the response seen in this show again challenges what is seen
as acceptable in the other two series.
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PUBLIC RELATIONS IS STILL GLAMOROUS EVEN ON REALITY TV
The third and final finding of the content analysis was that all three shows
maintained the notion that entertainment public relations is glamorous. Karen Miller
(1999) stated in her work that the majority of public relations representations were either
in government or entertainment, and that the glamorous side of PR is overrepresented (p.
8), which is supported in the work that each of these firms perform.
Lizzie Grubman Public Relations and Command PR West are both entertainment
firms that specialize in celebrity events. Grubman states, “People, places and things: I
make them famous,” (Heffernan, 2005) whose clients included Britney Spears and P.
Diddy. The show follows the team from the Hamptons to Miami and Los Angeles, and
every episode summary makes a reference to some sort of celebrity-studded event where
the staff mingles with the stars. The team hosts the opening of a nightclub, where the
mission is to find gossip about celebrities attending to tell the press; organizes P. Diddy’s
White Party in the Hamptons; produces a fashion show for Wyclef Jean’s wife; and
prepares a launch party for the rapper Ja Rule. In an interview with MTV senior vice
president of production, Tony DiSanto, he stated, “The goal of PoweR Girls is to pull
back the curtain on celebrity and nightlife publicity, while also examining all the real life
drama of this amazing group of characters" (Associated Press, 2004). DiSanto’s comment
regarding “real life drama” persuades the audience that PoweR Girls is an authentic
representation of entertainment public relations. By aligning a “real life” portrayal with a
celebrity driven television show, PoweR Girls suggests to viewers that celebrities are the
only element of entertainment PR.
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The Spin Crowd also uses reality television to propose that celebrity events are the
only aspect of entertainment public relations. Almost every episode shows some scene of
the girls working with celebrities. They host a party for a men’s tanning product with
Mario Lopez; throw a charity event for Kelly Osbourne; organize a ribbon cutting event
with Shannen Dougherty; fly to New York City to work with Kim Kardashian; and
promote Carmen Electra’s new line of sex toys. Like PoweR Girls, every episode
showcases some sort of celebrity event, and once again, the image is presented that
entertainment public relations is only about the celebrity.
While the episodes on Kell on Earth do not revolve around celebrities, they are
occasionally shown, and the glamour of the industry is still maintained. Despite the
problems and tension of the office that appear, the end result of a beautiful fashion show
or designer event is always shown. Cutrone and her colleagues are often shown talking
with the designers and introducing them to international magazine editors. In episode
two, Cutrone talks about people from Vogue attending one of the fashion shows, and is
shown escorting Martha Stewart to her seat. While the occasional mention or camera shot
may reference or show a celebrity, this is not the core of Cutrone’s business. However,
glamour is still portrayed throughout the series, showing the staff as “in the know” for the
latest in fashion. Whether it was a celebrity event or a spring runway show, all three
television shows maintain the stereotype shown by Morris and Goldsworthy (2008) that
public relations is a glamorous industry (pp. 6 – 7).
As seen in the examples cited from PoweR Girls, Kell on Earth and The Spin
Crowd, the overall portrayal of the female publicist is that she either a masculine bitch or
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a feminine ditz, typically lacks professionalism and prior PR experience, and that
entertainment public relations is glamorous.
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INTERVIEW FINDINGS
All four interviewees generally had the same responses about the media’s
portrayal of entertainment public relations, and confirmed the findings in the content
analysis. There were four recurring key points that were mentioned in each interview.
First, all respondents agreed that reality television heightens drama in a given scenario.
Like the results found in the content analysis, the respondents also believe that
entertainment public relations is shown as a much more glamorous job than it is, and that
the shows generally disregard any other daily activities that are not celebrity-related.
Next, they identified negative images they feel are associated with the entertainment
publicist by providing narrative from their own experiences. Finally, it was pointed out
that among the three shows analyzed and these negative depictions, Kell on Earth
provides the most realistic example of entertainment PR.
Reality Television is Drama
The respondents believed that even though reality television is supposed to
feature “real life,” that the portrayals are dramatically heightened to provide more
entertainment. There was one key difference between the reasoning of the two groups of
interviewees regarding this idea. The two women already in the industry felt that these
shows require an overly dramatic person, and due to the casting, provides a dramatic
experience. The two students believed that the people cast for these shows were
“normal,” and that it was post-production and editing that made otherwise non-dramatic
scenes seem so. Respondent A stated:
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I think the thing about reality TV that I know about is that they need drama. So I
think when you see shows like that where there’s a publicist on it, I don’t know
how real it really is, because I don’t think you’d really be in business if your life
were like that everyday.
Respondent B also had similar thoughts, agreeing that dramatic people are picked to be
on reality television because it provides an entertainment value. “The most colorful
characters make good TV. Unfortunately, in PR, to follow the level-headed professional
would be boring television.” While these two answers suggest that dramatic people are
specifically cast to star in a reality role, so therefore the show itself is dramatic, the other
two respondents believe that the editing of footage creates dramatic scenes, but that the
people themselves are not dramatic. Respondent D stated:
I think most of the footage is real and the interactions between the people on the
show are real, but many of the interactions are heightened. They splice together
all of the significant moments from the taping of the show and that's what we see
on TV.
Respondent C had a similar viewpoint, but mentioned that her knowledge of the
entertainment industry has attributed to her belief that post-production editing altered
scenes that were otherwise not dramatic:
Having friends who work in the entertainment industry, I have been made to
believe that much of the footage in any type of reality show has been either
scripted or altered to seem more dramatic.
While two of the respondents maintained that reality television is dramatic
because they cast dramatic people, the other two believe that the shows consist of non-
dramatic characters, but that scenes were altered to show more drama. Although Ferris,
Smith, Greenberg, and Smith (2007) claimed that viewers saw reality stars as “real
people,” (p. 491) each respondent interviewed acknowledged that reality television is not
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entirely “real” due to a casting requirement that requires a dramatic role or the
manipulation of footage.
The Glamorous PR Life is Over Glorified Through Media
Despite the belief that reality television is overly dramatic to create entertainment,
the respondents did believe that these reality representations, along with others, have in
fact influenced society to believe that entertainment public relations is abundantly
glamorous, although real day-to-day activities suggest otherwise. Respondent C believes
that although there are some “glamorous” parts of the entertainment industry, it is equally
filled with long work hours. Respondent B commented, “People think that fashion PR
people attend a ton of events and rub shoulders over lunch to get media attention. It’s not
that glamorous.” Respondent A also mentioned how others saw her position as
glamorous:
I think it’s all hard work, it doesn’t matter what kind of PR you’re doing, but I
think fashion and entertainment are perceived as being sexy. For me, it was hard.
With BlackBerry and Internet, I felt like I could work 24 hours a day because
there were events in London and Paris and New York. It was hard work, but
people saw it as very glamorous. People thought, “Oh gosh, you’re working with
celebrities, that must be really cool.”
This notion of an around-the-clock position was echoed in Respondent B, who stressed
that entertainment public relations is more than just being around celebrities:
To be in a senior or executive, full time role in PR, there is a real sacrifice. The
day does not start and end with “nine to five” hours. With BlackBerry technology,
you end up emailing media in the middle of the night. It’s very consuming.
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More specifically, Respondent D made a reference to Samantha Jones from Sex and the
City, stating that the show made her out to be a glorified party planner with the title of PR
executive. In addition to this she also stated:
I think many people see these shows and see public relations and they assume that
it is all fun and games – going to premieres, walking the red carpet, being the go-
to person for parties, but in reality being in entertainment public relations is very
stressful.
All respondents stated some sort of opinion regarding the portrayal of public relations as
a glamorous career. While there are certain aspects that do make PR glamorous,
respondents pointed out that there are many more daily job functions that are not
glamorous.
Media’s Portrayal of Negative Images of the Female Entertainment Publicist
In addition to the stereotype that entertainment PR is highly glamorous, there are
also negative images that were brought up in the interviews when regarding the image of
the entertainment publicist on screen.
Respondent D referenced Samantha Jones again as one of the catalysts
responsible for the negative image of public relations. She stated:
One of the first people that come to mind is Samantha Jones from Sex and the
City. She owned her own PR firm but she was never really "doing" anything. She
was always just having sex with people.
Respondents C and D also confirmed a presence of opposing images used to portray the
female entertainment publicist. Respondent D stated:
Entertainment publicists are above all things, bitchy. They are mean, aggressive,
snooty, they look down their nose at people and they don't have time for stupid
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questions and stupid people. They hate journalists and they are always trying to
spin a story to portray their clients in a positive light.
Similarly, Respondent C also stated that female publicists are shown with this masculine
attitude:
Workingwomen on screen are portrayed as being complete polar opposites –
either overly commanding and dominant, or extremely sensitive and ditzy. There
has sadly never been a modest figure portrayed on screen.
Like the content analysis suggested, female entertainment publicists are shown in one of
two stereotypes, the masculine bitch figure or the ditzy feminine figure first realized by
Miller (1999). These negative perceptions are also believed by the respondents to have a
negative impact on public relations and how people view them. Respondent B said, “I
think they [reality television shows] have done a disservice to PR. They have furthered
the assumption that everything is ‘spin.’ Respondents C and D also feel that these
negative images will affect how others will perceive them. Respondent C stated,
“Unfortunately, I do think people will perceive my career in a different light because of
how publicists are portrayed on television. For example, I feel friends who have an
“office job” unrelated to the media, feel their careers are far more difficult. This is a false
perception.” Respondent D agreed with this, but also pointed out that portrayals of the
entertainment publicist also affect those currently in other areas of public relations. Here,
she cites a problem encountered with public relations professionals who are her teachers:
I have had a number of teachers/professors scoff at the stereotypes of PR
practitioners on television. It seems like the professors that I have had place
entertainment in a completely different category. They don't see any value in it,
and they never discuss the profession seriously. Sure, there are a number of well-
known clients that they work for, but some professors say that publicists are just
glorified baby sitters. Ouch.
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This comment by Respondent D reiterates the hierarchical problem Frohlich and Peters
(2007) found within public relations, where women in the profession ascribe stereotypes
to other PR professionals in different industries, and reflects the lack of seriousness
attributed to fashion and lifestyle. While media over glorifies the glamour of public
relations, its negative portrayals affect not only those unfamiliar with public relations, but
those in other PR industry areas as well.
Kell on Earth as the “Most Realistic” Portrayal of the Entertainment Publicist
As mentioned earlier, Kell on Earth shows some of the common stereotypes of
entertainment public relations, but deems them as unacceptable, whereas PoweR Girls
and The Spin Crowd do not. Respondents C and D listed themselves as extremely
familiar with Kell on Earth, perhaps being drawn most to the show because of a more
realistic image of the entertainment publicist. Both respondents stated that Kell on Earth
provides a more accurate display of PR than the other two shows analyzed because
employees are shown throughout the series as working hard, while the two other shows
do not include these scenes. Respondent C stated:
I believe shows such as Kell on Earth portray the women in the PR field to be
hard workers and dedicated to their craft. However, the women in The Spin
Crowd are portrayed as media driven and quite uneducated. Because of these two
extremes, people who are unfamiliar with women in PR are unable to completely
grasp how much work actually goes into succeeding in the field.
Respondent D also commented that because of the absence of a flawless workplace, Kell
on Earth is more believable:
Shows like Kell on Earth depict the real life of a PR professional. When things go
wrong, they really go wrong. Kelly doesn't take any crap from anyone and if there
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is someone on her team that is a weak link, she will cut them out. No questions
asked. This show is the closest to reality of public relations.
The respondents described Kell on Earth as more realistic, and used terms like “hard-
working,” to describe the employees, which were absent in their descriptions of PoweR
Girls and The Spin Crowd. Respondent C even identified Cutrone as a role model in
entertainment public relations:
I feel Kelly Cutrone emulates a powerful woman in the PR field. She is an
independent, strong-willed, powerful woman, who I personally think is someone
younger generations aspiring to one day make it in the field can look up to. It is
easy to overlook her “bitchy” image, because it can be easily translated as her
strong desire to succeed.
Kell on Earth shows equal parts glamour and stress, aligning with the less-than-perfect
office of the real workplace. Although Cutrone’s demeanor may initially come off as
bitchy, Respondent C excuses this since her portrayal is genuine.
These interviews show that despite the fact that each respondent believed reality
television showed heightened drama, these images still shaped the portrayal of the female
entertainment publicist. It was agreed that others not in public relations perceive PR as
glamorous, although each respondent mentioned that the glamour of PR is only a small
part of the job. These women also felt that media images helped contribute to negative
stereotypes to PR, such as the gloried party planner or sex maniac. Finally, respondents
mentioned that although PoweR Girls, Kell on Earth and The Spin Crowd contained the
above-mentioned issues, that Kell on Earth provided the most realistic image of the
entertainment publicist since it showed the stressful parts of the industry as well as the
rewarding pay-offs for hard work.
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CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION
The media has included the portrayal of the public relations professional in film
and literature long before the profession’s recent boom in the late 1990s. Miller’s (1999)
original study on the perception of public relations contains movies and books that date
back to the 1930s, noting that the overall perception of the PR professional was quite
negative despite the fact that the job was given a very glamorous image. In a follow-up
study, Ames (2010) found that many of the negative stereotypes were dwindling, but that
these shows still exuded the same glamour as their previous counterparts.
While these earlier portrayals were for the most part male roles, women began to
make their way into these representations as the industry saw an increase in female
practitioners. Morris and Goldsworthy (2008) state that one of the most notable female
figures in public relations is Samantha Jones from Sex and the City, who has been a more
effective ambassador as a fictional character than any real organization or company,
influencing men and women alike to enter into public relations (p. 4). Jones portrayed
many of the same characteristics of the public relations professional listed by Miller and
Ames, but brought a new meaning to the term “glamorous.” She was seen rubbing elbows
with celebrities, getting into the latest parties, and knew the latest trends in food and
fashion, all while reaching 10.6 million viewers in the time the show aired between 1998
and 2004 (“Fast Track,” 2004). Jones is considered an influential image in public
relations, and one of the first mainstream representations of the female publicist.
However, while some of her characteristics aligned with previous male characters in PR
(money-minded, obsequious, manipulative, and sometimes cynical) Jones portrayed
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public relations as a field that is superficial and all about celebrities (Morris &
Goldsworthy, 2008, p.6). While the show garnered a large following and awareness of
public relations increased, Jones’ character did not necessarily accurately represent the
profession.
As Sex and the City came to an end, a new type of genre surfaced on network
television: reality television. In only a year after the Sex and the City season finale, reality
television jumped from seven to 23 shows on broadcast television, not including those
airing on cable networks (Ferris, Smith, Greenberg, & Smith, 2007, p. 490). Since then,
reality television has become one of TV’s most popular genres (p. 490). While previous
research analyzed the portrayals of fictional PR roles, reality television provides a new
type of content to study. Since such a large number of women are in the field, study of
women in public relations is indicative of the industry as a whole. With reality television
as an integral part of society, this new genre needed to be examined since it was
uninspected in previous research in media’s portrayal of public relations. More
specifically, since there is an abundance of women in public relations, the role of the
female publicist on reality television necessitated further research.
The women on PoweR Girls and The Spin Crowd were shown as feminine and
overtly sexy, while Kelly Cutrone and her business partners on Kell on Earth were shown
with many of the masculine characteristics mentioned by Fateri and Kleiner (1992, p. 14),
Reinharz and Kulick (2007, p. 257), and Katz. (2003, pp. 341 – 358). Although the
glamorous parts on Kell on Earth appeared significantly less than those on PoweR Girls
and The Spin Crowd, the series did illustrate Miller’s (1999) and Morris and
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Goldsworthy’s (2008) claim that for the most part, PR is shown as a glamorous industry
that requires little experience or professionalism, easy to enter, and often filled with ditzy
professionals. Kell on Earth did have one character, Stephanie Vorhees, who was
portrayed as ditzy, but unlike the other two shows that seemed to value this quality, the
executives on Kell on Earth did not. Similarly, Vorhees was also portrayed as the one
staff member who lacked experience and/or professionalism in public relations. While the
other two shows repeatedly cited and somewhat glorified the cast’s overall lack of
experience in public relations, Vorhees was shown repeatedly messing up simple tasks,
and was eventually fired. However, all three shows did portray that entertainment public
relations exuded some sort of glamour. Although ditzy girls, a lack of professionalism,
and glamour were shown in all three series, these three elements were not the main focus
on Kell on Earth, but rather the problems and stress of the office.
The responses in the conducted interviews provided extra content that extended
the findings in the content analysis, and offered insight as to whether or not the portrayals
of these reality shows were in fact reflective of the workplace. All respondents believed
that although reality television is supposed to serve as a “real image,” casting or post-
production editing leads the episodes to seem more dramatic than the actual workplace.
Despite this, however, they did feel that these dramatic depictions still influence how
society views public relations, specifically entertainment public relations. In particular,
interviewees mentioned that many people think that public relations is all glamour, and
although there may be glamorous perks that occasionally come with the job, public
relations is hard work that requires 24-hour attention. Respondents also confirmed the
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findings in the content analysis that media presents opposing images of the female
publicist. Overall, respondents believed that the reality television portrayal of the female
entertainment publicist oversells the idea of glamour. With the exception of Kell on
Earth, reality shows do not accurately represent entertainment public relations.
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IMPLICATIONS OF THE FEMALE ENTERTAINMENT PUBLICIST IN
REALITY TELEVISION
PoweR Girls, Kell on Earth and The Spin Crowd all have target demographics
that include college-age women about to make career decisions, or recent college
graduates starting their first career job (Time Warner, 2011). As reality television
continues to be at the forefront of entertainment, these images will continue to influence
young adults as to what workplace expectations are or are not, regardless of accuracy, but
also affect how others view entertainment PR in general.
PoweR Girls, Kell on Earth and The Spin Crowd are not entirely accurate, which
creates false expectations for college-age women who watch these shows. Therefore,
women may decide to enter into entertainment PR because they think it will be fun, easy,
and full of celebrities, without realizing any of the hard work actually involved. As the
workplace ages and the women who watch these shows become more abundant in
entertainment public relations, there is a possibility of a shift in the dynamic of
professionalism in the industry. Younger women are entering the field with different
expectations than their older counterparts who will retire before them. If the workplace
expectations shown in these television series glorify intellectually shallow women,
glamour, and lack of professionalism, then eventually the field will be saturated with
those types of individuals. The recurring images shown within each series reinforces
stereotypes of the women who work in entertainment public relations and creates false
expectations of those making career decisions.
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However, expectations of women in entertainment public relations are also
created by others who are in different sectors of field such as crisis management or
political public relations. Many public relations professionals already see those who work
in entertainment PR as a less serious type of public relations professional (Frohlich &
Peters, 2007, p. 229), and so the stereotypes in these shows only reaffirm this stigma.
Kell on Earth serves as hope to future shows by showing a different, but familiar
stereotype of the female entertainment publicist. Cutrone and her colleagues are the only
reality television characters that have attempted to debunk many of the stereotypes in
entertainment public relations by acknowledging them, and then dismissing them. The
women who work at People’s Revolution may come off as bitches, but they get the job
done, which is why the client is paying them. Although PoweR Girls and The Spin Crowd
heavily revolve around picture-perfect celebrity events and interactions, Cutrone’s office
proved to viewers that with the glamour of the industry also comes the pain of staying up
all night in order to get something done for a client. Yes, Kell on Earth did show the
inexperienced and unprofessional PR girl through Stephanie Vorhees, but where the other
shows accepted this, Cutrone fired her. Although the series did show many of the
traditional stereotypes found within public relations, it at least represents a different way
of how PR professionals, especially women, are portrayed. The series serves as an
anomaly in the sense that where other shows glorified negative images, Kell on Earth
punished them. As discussed in the interviews, Kell on Earth was well accepted as a
more realistic account of the workplace. If television networks have future reality series
that portray entertainment public relations like Bravo did with Kell on Earth, these shows
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would not only provide a more realistic representation of the workplace, but also have an
influential role in changing people’s perception of entertainment public relations.
While public relations professionals cannot count on the future of media
portrayals to accurately portray entertainment PR, they can certainly educate others about
common stereotypes. Students in public relations programs need to be taught about
stereotypes pertaining to specific industries so that they are better equipped to enter the
workforce while defying them. However, for this to happen, education must start within
the profession itself to first change the perception of entertainment public relations
among other PR practitioners. Entertainment PR professionals must take it upon
themselves to demystify these perceptions by hiring those who are qualified and seeking
out individuals who are in the industry for the right reason: to provide strategic public
relations advice to whoever the client is. With the increasing number of bachelor’s and
master’s degrees in public relations (“College Matchmaker,” 2011), it can be assumed
that those enrolled in these programs want to learn strategies and tactics necessary in the
profession, and take entertainment public relations more seriously than those who think
the job will be “fun.” Only after the perception of the entertainment publicist is seen
differently by other public relations colleagues can education in the classroom happen.
Public relations practitioners need to support all aspects of the profession, and provide
unbiased opinions to students enrolled in public relations courses.
Entertainment public relations may be different than political or corporate public
relations, but both careers necessitate passion, strategic thinking, and commitment to the
job. While Kell on Earth provided a more accurate representation of entertainment public
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relations, the industry cannot rely on this image alone to change others’ perceptions.
While certain aspects of entertainment public relations may include working with a
celebrity or organizing a red carpet event, it is important that those going into
entertainment public relations have an accurate idea of the career, and that they know it is
a 24/7 job that is more than just glamour. Like Cutrone said, “The only way to survive in
this business is to not get taken down by those things.”
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Ames, C. (2010). PR goes to the movies: The image of public relations improves from
1996 – 2008. Public Relations Review, 36, 164 – 170.
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APPENDIX
Figure 1: Lizzie Grubman and The Power Girls
Figure 2:Kelly Cutrone and Her Team
75
Figure 3: The Spin Crowd
Figure 4: Lauren’s “Appropriate” Work Attire
76
Figure 5: Power Girls Flaunt Their Assets
Figure 6: Hell on Earth, Kelly Cutrone
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
This thesis is an examination of the portrayal of the female entertainment publicist shown in reality television. With the large success rate of Samantha Jones from Sex and the City in the 1990s, female interest in public relations has increased, and good or bad, Jones has served as one of the predominate images of the publicist in the entertainment industry. Those who have performed critical analysis of the image of the public relations practitioner have deemed these representations as showing negative characteristics of those in the profession. While there has been previous research on the image of public relations in media, analysis of the female entertainment publicist in reality television has been left untapped.
Linked assets
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
Asset Metadata
Creator
Hashem, Camille Renée
(author)
Core Title
Power party girls, good looking crowds and one hellish boss: The portrayal of the female entertainment publicist on reality television
School
Annenberg School for Communication
Degree
Master of Arts
Degree Program
Public Relations
Publication Date
05/03/2011
Defense Date
04/01/2011
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
Communication,Entertainment,media,OAI-PMH Harvest,Public Relations,reality television
Place Name
USA
(countries)
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Thorson, Kjerstin (
committee chair
), Floto, Jennifer (
committee member
), Saltzman, Joseph (
committee member
)
Creator Email
chashem@usc.edu,chashem87@gmail.com
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m3875
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UC1145907
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etd-Hashem-4503 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-469273 (legacy record id),usctheses-m3875 (legacy record id)
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etd-Hashem-4503.pdf
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469273
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Thesis
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Hashem, Camille Renée
Type
texts
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University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
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Libraries, University of Southern California
Repository Location
Los Angeles, California
Repository Email
cisadmin@lib.usc.edu
Tags
media
reality television