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A case grammar of the parker manuscript of the "Anglo-Saxon chronicle" from 734 to 891

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A case grammar of the parker manuscript of the "Anglo-Saxon chronicle" from 734 to 891

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7 3 - 7 2 6 4
SCHULZ, Muriel Ripley, 1928-
A CASE GRAMMAR OF THE PARKER MANUSCRIPT OF
THE ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE FROM 734 TO 891.
University of Southern California, Ph.D., 1973
Language and Literature, linguistics
University Microfilms, A X E R O X Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan
THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN iVi'CROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED.
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A CA SE G R A M M A R O F T H E PA RK ER M ANUSCRIPT O F
T H E A N G LO -SA X O N CHRONICLE FR O M 7 34 T O 891
by
Muriel Ripley Schulz
A D issertation Presented to the
FA CU LTY O F T H E G RA D U A IE SC H O O L
UNIVERSITY O F SO U TH ER N CALIFORNIA
In P artial Fulfillm ent of the
Requirements for the Degree
D O C T O R O F PHILOSOPHY
(Linguistics)
February 1973
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U N IV E R S IT Y O F S O U T H E R N C A L IF O R N IA
TH E GRADUATE SC H O O L
U N IV ER SITY PARK
L O S A N G E L E S. CALI PORN IA 9 0 0 0 7
This dissertation, written by
...............^riel_ Ripley Sch^ ...........................
under the direction of h.ëX... Dissertation Com
mittee, and approved by all its members, has
been presented to and accepted by The Graduate
School, in partial fulfillment of requirements of
the degree of
D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y
‘ ’ . ' T n
Dean
February 1973
D ate ....................................
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
Ckairman
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
CH A PTER O N E ................................................................................................................
1.0. Introduction .................................................................................
1.1. Syntactic Implications of the "Deep Case"
The or y ...........................................................................................
1.2. The T e x t .............................................................................................
1.3. Out 1 i n e ......................................................................................
CH A PTER T W O ...............................................................................................................
2.0. Fillm ore's Case Hypothesis ......................................
2.1. Case Grammar for Old English ...............................
2.2. The A G EN T Role ...........................................................................
2.3. The AFFECTED Role ....................................................................
2.4. The IN STR U M EN T Role ..............................................................
2.5. The PATIENT Role ....................................................................
2.5.1. Reciprocal Deep PATIENTS ...............................
2.5.2. Reflexive Deep PATIENTS .....................................
2.6. The COM ITATIVE Role ..............................................................
2.7. The ESSIVE Role ...........................................................................
P age
1
2
5
8
12
12
15
16
20
32
34
45
59
62
68
1 1
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Page
2 .8. T h e T h r e e LOCATIVE R o l e s ................................................................ 89
2.8.1. LOCATIVE C o m b in a tio n s ............................................................... 98
2.8.2. LO CA TIV E Roles on LOCATIVES ............................................ 100
2.8.3. LOCATIVES without Verbs ........................................................ 103
2.9. The TIM E Role .........................................................................................104
2.10. Remarks on Habban and on the C o p u l a .....................................108
2.11. Unresolved P ro b le m s ....................................................................................115
N o te s .......................................................................................................................................................119
CHAPTER TH R EE ............................................................................................................................. 124
3.0. A rticles ........................................................................................................................124
3.1. P r o n o m i n a l i z a t i o n .......................................................................................... 144
3.1.1. P ro n o u n s ................................................................................................... 150
3.1.2. Noun Phrase Deletion .............................................................. 153
3.1.3. M an.............................................................................................................................154
3.1.4. Pronominalization Rules ........................................................ 154
3.2. Quantifiers and P artitives ........................................................ 157
3.3. Post Position .....................................................................................................169
N o te s .......................................................................................................................................................174
Ch a p t e r f o u r ...................................................... 176
4.0. Relative Clauses ........................................................................... 176
X l l
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4 .0.1. Rules for R elativization
4 .0.2. Reduced Relative Clauses
P ag e
188
2 09
4.1. N e g a tio n ........................................................................................................................212
4.1.1. Rules for Negation ............................................... 221
N o te s .......................................................................................................................................................225
CHAPTER F IV E
5.0. Base Rules
5.1. Role Inflectional Rules
5.2. The Lexicon
5.2.1. Verbs . . .
5.2.2. Nouns . . .
5.2.3. Adjectives
5.2.4. Adverbs . .
5.2.5. Determiners
226
226
230
241
243
246
249
249
250
5.2.6. Prepositions ......................................................................................... 25C
5.2.7. Conjunctions ......................................................................................... 251
5.2.8. Miscellaneous ......................................................................................... 251
5.3. The F irst Lexical Pass 251
5.4. The Second Lexical P a s s ............................................................................2 52
5.5. Conclusion 252
I V
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T H E LEXICON
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CHA.PTER ONE
1.0. Introduction
The purpose of th is d issertatio n is to present a gram
mar of the Parker Manuscript of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
I . . ..
jfrom 734 to 891 which w ill incorporate both current tra n s
formational theory and the theory of "deep case" re la tio n
ships proposed by Charles Fillmore (1966, 1967, 1968, 1969,
1971). The model proposed in Chomsky's Aspects (1965) of a
grammar with a base component, including a lexicon, a tra n s
formational component, and interpretive semantic and phono
logical components, is the one I follow here, with changes
suggested by subsequent discussions of his theory. The
"deep case" hypothesis, as formulated by Fillmore, argues
th at between the verb and noun phrases in any proposition
jthere are role relationships which remain constant, despite
jdifferences in surface stru ctu re. Fillmore assumes that
jonly a limited number of role relationships may hold between
|noun phrases and verbs and th at these can be identified by
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such semantic labels as AGENT, IN STRU M EN T, and PATIENT, for
example . That a noun phrase occurs in the surface structure
as siibject-of-sentence, object-of-verb, indirect-object-of-
kerb, or as a prepositional phrase is a surface phenomenon,
which may vary according to language structure, emphasis, or
jsty listic considerations. Deep role relationships remain
constant despite surface variations.
|l . 1. Syntactic Implications
I of the Deep Case Theory
I Fillmore conceives of a base component which is seman-
I
jtically rather than syntactically defined. The deep stru c
ture of a proposition would consist of a verb plus noun
I
jphrases holding certain role relationships to the verb, as
!in;
(1.1) V ER B
[R O D E] ^ [ROLE] 2 [ROLE]^
p r e s u m a b ly , t h e d e e p e s t l e v e l o f a l l la n g u a g e s m ig h t c o n s is t
i
i
jof n u c l e i l i k e ( 1 . 1 ) , a n d one m ig h t e x p e c t t o f i n d a c o n
s is t e n c y o f r o l e s a s s o c ia t e d w i t h c o n c e p ts fr o m la n g u a g e t o
la n g u a g e .
The s e m a n tic o r i g i n o f a t h e o r y h a s b e e n c o n s id e r e d a
w e a k n e s s , as F i l l m o r e s a y s i n "The C ase f o r C a s e " :
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One criterio n of case grammar that has been brought
to m y attention is th at i t is too strongly motivated
by semantic considerations. Many of the analyses have
(hopefully) the re su lt that certain semantic d is tin c
tions and interlanguage commonalities are revealed in
fa irly direct ways in the deep structures of case gram
mar, but, i t has been argued, syntactic analyses should
be based on syntactic data alone and on one language at
a tim e.
The question arises whether there is a 'lev el' of
syntactic description th at is discoverable one language
at a time on the basis of purely syntactic c r ite r ia .
If i t is possible to discover a semantically ju stifie d
universal syntactic theory along the lines I have been
suggesting, if i t is possible by rules (beginning, per
haps with those which assign sequential order to the
underlying order-free representations) to make these
'semantic deep stru c tu re s' into the surface forms of
sentences, then i t is likely that the syntactic deep
structure of the type th at has been made fam iliar from
the work of Chomsky and his students is going to go the
way of the phoneme. I t is an a r t if ic i a l intermediate
level between the empirically discoverable 'semantic
deep stru ctu re' and the observationally accessible su r
face structure, a level the properties of which have
more to do with the methodological commitments of gram
marians than with the nature of human languages.
(1968:88)
The Integration of Transformational Theories on English
Syntax completed at U.C.L.A. in 1968 (hereinafter referred
to as the UESP Grammar) demonstrates that a semantic base of
the sort suggested by Fillmore can form the deep structure
of a generative grammar of Modern English based on the As -
pects model. In the following pages I shall attempt to
demonstrate th at such a grammar is also possible for Old
English. The rules for converting deep role relationships
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into surface structures may vary from language to language,
but one should expect to find the syntactic component of the
grammar of any one language operating on deep role re la tio n
ships in predictable ways. If the deep role hypothesis is
to have lin g u istic significance, then i t must be possible to
describe j:he syntactic links between the semantic base and
the syntactic surface stru ctu re. Given the deep role re la
tionship, one should be able to predict what the surface
I
jstructure w ill be and to construct a transform ational com
ponent which w ill generate those surface structures .
The deep role relationships are semantically defined.
For a spoken language one can usually te s t intuitions about
roles by submitting them to other speakers of the language.
One is not on such safe ground in working with a language
no longer spoken. Since there are no speakers, i t is not
always possible to v erify in tu itio n s. Furthermore, one is
basing his intuitions upon supposed semantic equivalents
between his own language and the dead language. These may
or may not be v alid . Nevertheless, i t is necessary as a
f i r s t step to hypothesize the deep role relationships which
may form the semantic base of the language. If i t is pos
sib le, subsequently, to describe the syntactic devices which
convert the semantic base into a surface strin g , then one
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has, in e ffe c t, tested his in tu itio n .
I assume th at the theory is correct—that the deepest
structure of grammar is semantic and not syntactic. As a
consequence, if the syntax does not bear out m y intuition
about role relationships in Old English I must assume th at
I have intuited incorrectly. There being no semantic te s t
available to me, then syntactic v erificatio n must become the
fin a l recourse.
1.2. The Text
I have selected as a tex t the Parker Manuscript of the
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle from 734 to 891. Charles Plummer's
revised text of John E arle's Two of the Saxon Chronicles
P arallel (1965) has served as the basis for my analysis and
as the source for citation s in the following chapters. The
translations are based upon Dorothy Whitelock's The Anglo-
Saxon Chronicle (1961), but I have altered them freely where
m y analysis d iffers from h e rs .
The C hronicles were composed by a succession of scribes
who recorded sig nifican t events which might serve to charac
te rize the passing years (Plummer : II, xxi) . Since the
original was in Old English, rather than Latin, the text
should, for the most p a rt, be free of Latin influence. The
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portion of the Parker Manuscript studied was chosen follow
ing the model suggested by Ann Shannon's A Descriptive Syn
tax of the Parker Manuscript of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
from 7 34 to 891. The tex t illu s tra te s Early West Saxon
d ialect, presumably contemporary with A lfred. The Parker
{Manuscript is in one hand from the beginning through the
year 891, but 734 provides a useful sta rtin g point, because
jthe entries become fu lle r and more complex at th at point and
{because there are no interpolations by other scribes between
I
|734 and 891.
I Although the text is a copy of the compilation of the
work of many scribes, nevertheless the m aterial is rendered
{subject to the selection, corrections, and standardizations
{dictated by the mind of a single scribe. The manuscript to
I
|891 provides the longest available passage of Old English
I
{prose produced by a single hand. Not a l l of the manuscript
originated in the Chronicle tra d itio n . The account of the
feud between Cynewulf and Cyneheard, recorded for the year
755, which I have cited extensively below, was not o rig i
nally part of the Chronicles . I t is not clear whether the
scribe copied the passage from an e a rlie r w ritten version or
whether he composed i t , basing i t upon an oral trad itio n
(Plummer: II, xxii) .
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The text has lim itatio n s. Because of its narrative
style i t lacks questions, commands, and conversational d ia
logues. It is, with the exception of one brief passage in
755, entirely in the past tense and in the third person.
These deficiencies impose lim itations upon a comprehensive
descriptive grammar, as Ann Shannon points out (1964:7).
However, they do not affect m y investigation in any serious
|way . I am concerned primarily with testing the deep case j
I i
^ypothesis in the idiom of one ninth-century w riter, and
Isuch v arieties of syntactic arrangement have not been shown
to affect deep level case relationships .
For m y purposes the brevity of the text imposes more
serious lim itations than does the lack of complexity. In
analyzing Modern English, one can exhaustively gather data
;to determine the different combinations of roles that can
I
Ibe associated with any given verb. In the Parker Manuscript
one must often discuss deep role relationships on the basis
of only one or two occurrences. As a re su lt, the grammar
presented here cannot be in any way complete. If, however,
the role relationships which are found behave in predict
able, consistent ways, then one can observe and describe the
system which converts deep role relationships into surface
stru ctu res.
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8
1.3. Outline
Chapter Two presents the Case Hypothesis as I have
adapted i t for use in a grammar of Old English. It includes
a discussion of a l l the cases found necessary to describe
the Old English text and also includes a discussion of the
transformational rules necessary to convert these deep '
jstructure relationships into ordered syntactic surface
I
'structures .
I Chapter Three discusses the elements of the DETERM IN ER
I
Inode of the noun phrase, which includes quantifiers, a r t i -
Icles, p a rtitiv e s, and ordinals. I t concludes with a d is-
jcussion of pronominalization; since I assume that d e fin iti-
zation of the a rtic le and elimination of the noun are steps
in pronominalization (cf. Postal, 1959), I discuss the three
!
Iprocesses in sequence.
I Chapter Four discusses relativ iz atio n and negation. It
was originally m y intention to conclude Chapter Four with a
discussion of conjunction. However, since most of the rules
dealing with conjunction are irrelevant to deep role r e la
tionships, and since conjunction in O E has been dealt with
in d eta il elsewhere (Wagner, 1969), I discuss conjunction
only as i t applies to some question of deep role re la tio n
ship throughout the te x t. For example, problems of
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conjunction arise in the section discussing RECIPROCALS and
COM ITATIVES^ since both violate the rule that i t is possible
to conjoin only noun phrases having a sim ilar deep role
relationship in the proposition. I write the rules which
I believe to be necessary to account for RECIPROCAIE con
joined with A G EN TS or COM ITATIVES with A G EN TS without fo r
mulating the entire set of rules for conjunction,
i Chapter Five discusses the rules for generating the
jbase and those which mark deep roles for surface inflection,
I
(surface prepositions, and surface word order. These are
|early rules in the transformational cycle and they follow
the f i r s t lexical lookup. The chapter includes a discussion
iof the LEXICON and the features relevant to deep role re la -
!
I
itionships which must appear on items in the Lexicon. The
I
'C o n c lu s io n f o llo w s t h i s d i s c u s s io n .
I do not discuss the main body of the transformational
cycle since i t does not relate specifically to a grammar
based on role relationships. Wagner (1969) has presented
one model of a transformational grammar of OE, but in the
framework I am using, I do not need to cover th is m aterial.
Such a sequence of transformational rules would presumably
apply to the output of the base rules and the role placement
rules proposed in Chapter Five, and would refer to syntactic
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1 0
c a t e g o r i e s (N P , V P ) r a t h e r t h a n t o s e m a n tic p rim e s (AGENT,
INSTRUM ENT) . G iv e n t h e o r d e r o f r o l e s i n t h e d e e p s t r u c t u r e
fra m e a n d t h e s e q u e n c e o f p la c e m e n t r u l e s i n C h a p te r F i v e ,
one h a s a s t r i n g w h ic h n eed s no r e o r d e r i n g i n i t s e l f . R e o r
d e r in g d o e s o c c u r , h o w e v e r . F o r e x a m p le , s in c e OE a v o id s a n
o r d e r c o n s i s t i n g o f v e r b + p ro n o u n , t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l
c y c le w o u ld m ove a n y p o s t - v e r b a l p ro n o u n ( l a c k i n g a p r e p o
s i t i o n ) i n t o p r e - v e r b a l p o s i t i o n , b u t t h e r u l e w o u ld i n no
w ay n e e d t o r e f e r t o r o l e . S i m i l a r l y , m any t e m p o r a l and
l o c a t i v e m o d i f i e r s m ove f r e e l y a b o u t i n t h e s e n t e n c e , b u t
th e s e a p p a r e n t l y move o u t o f t h e MOD r a t h e r t h a n o u t o f
o r d e r in t h e r o l e fra m e . C o n s e q u e n t ly , t h e r u l e s m o v in g
th e m n e e d r e f e r o n ly t o s y n t a c t i c c a t e g o r y (ADV) r a t h e r th a n
t o r o l e r e l a t i o n s h i p (T IM E , P L A C E ).
A t t h e e n d o f t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l c y c le t h e r e is a
iS e c o n d L e x i c a l L o o k u p w h ic h s u p p lie s p a r t i c l e s , a n d l e x i c a l
Iite m s l i k e c o p u la s a n d p r e p o s i t i o n s . F i n a l l y , t h e r e w o u ld
I f o l l o w a p h o n o lo g ic a l s e q u e n c e o f r u l e s w h ic h w o u ld t r a n s -
i
fo r m t h e m a t r ic e s o f f e a t u r e s i n t o s u r f a c e p h o n o lo g ic a l
r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s . A g a in , I d o n o t in c lu d e a d is c u s s io n o f
t h i s c y c l e , s in c e t h e r u l e s a r e u n r e l a t e d t o d e e p c a s e
t h e o r y .
T h e A p p e n d ix c o n t a in s t h e L e x ic o n . A l l L e x i c a l Ite m s
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1 1
are grouped together in one alphabetical listin g for con
venience of reference. Those items selected in the second
lookup are marked with an aste risk .
The Bibliography includes not only works cited through
out the te x t, but also those a rtic le s and books which in
fluenced m y own grammatical analysis of categories, roles,
and rules .
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CHAPTER TWO
2.0. Fillm ore's Case Hypothesis
In "The Case for Case" and in several other articles
(1966, 1967, 1968, 1959, 1971), Fillmore proposed that case
be made a category of the base component of the grammar of
any language. His theory is based primarily upon seven
arguments.
F irs t, the relationships between the verb of a propo
s itio n and the nouns associated with i t in the deep stru c
tu re can be described by a limited number of cases, such as
|A G EN T, PATIENT, INSTRUM ENT, and LOCATIVE. These express
|semantic relationships which are invariable, no matter what
Syntactic roles the nouns play in the surface structure.
!
For example, in (2 .1) the window is always the PATIENT which
breaks, the rock is always the IN STRU M EN T which breaks i t ,
and John is always the AGENT.^
(2.1) a. John broke the window with a rock,
b. John broke the window.
12
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1 3
c. The rock broke the window.
d . The window broke.
Second, deep case relationships are language universal
and sim ilarities between languages can be found at the deep
lease level. Fillmore (1968a:51) argues th at "the proposi-
I
jtional nucleus of sentences in a ll languages consists of a
j
|V and one or more NP's, each having a separate case re la
tionship to the Proposition (and hence to the V)
I Third, surface inflections are language specific su r
face phenomena and constitute only one of many methods
I
iavailable for expressing underlying case relationships in
jsurface stru ctu res. M odE uses chiefly word order and pre-
i
I
'positional phrases to convey deep case relationships. O E
jused primarily inflection and prepositional phrases .
Fourth, any sentence contains only one instance of each
deep case unless noun phrase conjunction has occurred. This
is predictable because, according to the hypothesis, each
verb has a "case frame" containing only one of each case
permissible with any given verb. The semantic relationships
expressed in the sentences of (2.1) can be represented by
the following case frame, in which the parentheses indicate
th at the case may be deleted:
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14
( 2 .2 ) [ PATIENT ( INSTRU M EN T) ( AGENT)]
Since only one of each case occurs in the frame^ we never
find a simple sentence containing two or more occurrences
of a single case:
(2.3) *The hammer opened the door with a chisel.
INS INS
ITw o noun phrases bearing the same deep case relationship to
the verb can occur only through conjunction, as in (2.4):
(2.4) I opened the door with a chisel and a hammer.
INS INS
F ifth, i t is possible to conjoin only noun phrases
jbearing the same case relationships to the head. Thus, two
IN STR U M EN TS may be conjoined, as in (2.4), but (2.5), which
conjoins an IN STRU M EN T with an AGENT, is ungrammatical:
(2.5) *The chisel and I opened the door.
INS A G EN T
The deep case hypothesis accounts for the ungrammatica1ity
of sentences like (2.5).
I Sixth, subjectivization is a surface structure phenom-
i
i
enon which may vary from language to language and, within a
given language, may vary from lexical item to lexical item
as w ell. I t is possible for the deep case PATIENT of the
verb open to become the surface structure subject in the
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15
e^ent th at the other deep cases are deleted, as in (2.Id),
but most tran sitiv e verbs in M odE require the passive tra n s
formation to apply to permit the deep case PATIENT to become
subject of the surface sentence, as in:
(2.6) A noise was heard.
PATIENT
Differences in th e ir syntactic relationships to the verb in
the surface structure are irrelevant to the deep case r e la
tionship between PATIENTS and verbs .
Seventh, complex sentences resu lt from the embedding of
sentences under deep case nodes . This presupposes both th at
sentences can be embedded only in noun phrases and that a ll
noun phrases occur under deep case nodes . "Case grammar,"
consequently, would analyze both food in (2.7) and to eat
in (2.8) as being generated under the PATIENT deep case
node.
(2.7) The children refuse food.
(2.8) The children refuse to ea t.
2.1. Case Grammar for Old
English
In working out a Case Grammar for the language of the
Parker Manuscript I have followed Fillmore (1968, 1970) and
the U.C.L.A. study of English (UESP, 1968), adopting as well
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1 6
some suggestions by Robinson (1968) and Huddleston (1970) .
In order to avoid confusion of deep case terminology and
Old English case designations, I shall use "ro le" to refer
to deep case relationships and "inflection" to refer to
surface structure case endings .
I t has been necessary to change some role functions and
to invent solutions to various grammatical problems which |
have not yet been treated in the literatu re on Case Grammar.
The following sections discuss the roles I have evolved for
a grammar of OE, give examples from the text of how they
function, show (where appropriate) how O E role functions
d iffer from those of ModE, and, fin ally , point out which
jrole functions are based upon the lite ra tu re and which are
new inventions .
|2 .2 . The A G EN T Role
The A G EN T performs the action of the verb and is an
animate being, either actually, collectively, or metaphori
cally (through personification, for example). Although
Fillmore (1971) wishes to state deep role relationships
purely in terms of the semantic relationships existing be
tween a verb and a role, without referring to semantic
features on a noun able to f i l l th at role, i t is inevitable
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1 7
th at animacy be connected with agency. Only animate beings
may act. In the following sentence, lightning is not an
AGENT, even though no other cause can be hypothesized:
(2.9) Lightning k illed B ill.
INS
A G EN T takes precedence over a ll other roles in sub-
je c tiv iz a tio n . Unless some transformation intervenes (such
as A G EN T DELETION or PASSIVIZATION), i t automatically be
comes the subject of any sentence in which i t occurs. Thus,
I for the verb k i l l , IN STRU M EN T may become the surface stru c-
I
Iture only if A G EN T is deleted or empty (unknown) . If both
!
jA G E N T and IN STRU M EN T are in the base, A G EN T w ill become
{subject and IN STRU M EN T w ill be realized as a prepositional
I
phrase, as in:
(2.10) John k ille d B ill with an ax.
A G EN T INS
If the sentence undergoes passivization, the A G EN T appears
as the object of the preposition by, as in:
(2.11) John was k illed by B ill.
A G EN T
In OE, as well, the A G EN T normally becomes the subject
of the sentence, and acquires the Nominative inflection as
in the following:
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1 8
(2.12) Her cuom se here into Escanceastre from Werham,
A G EN T
"In this year the enemy army from Wareham came
to Exeter ;" (877)
The Nominative is associated here with the surface function
(subject-of-sentence) j not with the deep role relationship.
IThe A G EN T automatically becomes a surface Nominative simply
I
because i t takes precedence over a ll the other roles in
subject formation. If the structure undergoes PASSIVIZA-
jTIONj the A G EN T is realized as a prepositional phrase;
I (2.13) & from Offan kyninge Hygebryht wæs gecoren
A G EN T
"a n d H y g e b e r h t was c h o s e n b y K in g O f f a ." (785)
The preposition from is generated as a step in PASSIVIZATION
(which is discussed in d eta il in Chapter Five) and corre
sponds to by_ in M odE . The A G EN T may also be deleted as a
step in PASSIVIZATION, as happens in:
(2 .14 ) & by ilcan geare wæs gecoren Æbelheard abbud
to b is c : "and Abbot Æthelheard was elected
archbishop the sane year." (790)
I t is p o s s ib le f o r n o u n s , as w e l l as v e r b s , t o h a v e
2
A G EN TS in th eir deep role frames. For example, bledsunge
("blessing") occurs in the text as follows:
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1 9
(2.15) mid bledsunge T jc B s pa pan
"with the Pope's blessing" (813)
The Pope^ being the person who performs the act of blessing,
is the A G EN T in the noun role frame. The deep structure of
(2.15) is:
(2 .16) IN STR U M EN TA L
PREP
DET NOM
A G EN T
NP
DET NOM
mid bledsunge bæs papan
Sim ilarly, ælmesse ("alms") has a deep role A G EN T (the per
son who gives the alms). In the following example, i t oc
curs with conjoined A G EN T noun phrases :
(2.17) Æt)elhelm aldormon lasdde Wesseaxna aelmessan
A G EN T
& Ælfredes cyninges to Rome "Ealdorman
A G EN T
Æthelhelm took to Rome the alms of King
Alfred and the West Saxons." (887)
The genitive is the unmarked surface inflection of noun
phrases which originate as deep roles on other nouns. This
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2 0
is true in M odE as well;
(2.18) Your wish is my command.
A G EN T AFF
(2.19) I t has always been a wish of mine to see the
A G EN T
Taj Mahal by moonlight.
2.3. The AFFECTED Role
Once we define A G EN TS as animate beings who perform the
iaction of the verb w illfu lly , then we are working with a
!
if airly clear-cut d istin ctio n , and i t is a simple matter to
separate out the verbs which may take A G EN TS as deep roles .
Other surface subjects are more d iffic u lt to analyze. Con
sider, for example:
(2.20) Mary received the guest.
A G EN T
(2.21) Mary received the package.
p
jThe authors of the UESP grammar use these sentences to
lillu stra te the d istin ctio n they draw between A G EN T and DA
TIVE roles used as surface structure subjects . Their DATIVE
includes noun phrases which have tra d itio n ally been c la s s i
fied as Indirect Objects, as well as subject noun phrases.
They consider Mary in (2.21) to have the same relationship
to receive as Alice has to send in:
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2 1
(2.22) Someone sent Alice a package.
Since Dative is a surface inflection in O E ^ I prefer to
designate the deep role of Mary in (2.21) and of Alice in
(2.22) the AFFECTED. The AFFECTED Noun Phrase is the person
or thing which receives or experiences the action of the
verb .
As a subject of the surface structure, the AFFECTED
role can be distinguished from the A G EN T by reference to
v o litio n . The A G EN T acts w illfu lly ; the AFFECTED, involun
ta r ily . The contrast is illu stra te d by the following pairs:
(2.23) John looked at the book.
I A G EN T
I (2.24) John saw the book.
AFFECTED
(2.25) John listens to music every afternoon.
A G EN T
(2.26) John heard music coming from the next apartment.
AFFECTED
I The AFFECTED also occurs as subject of sentences con-
I 2
'taining have, b e, or such quasi-copulas as become and seem:
(2.27) John is a teacher.
AFF
(2.28) John has a headache.
AFF
(2.29) John became weary.
_________________ M E __________________________________________________________________
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22
In the O E text i t is th is la tte r group which provides
the largest number of AFFECTED subjects. However, there are
a few examples with other verbs, as in:
(2.30) & bsere rode dael be C rist on browude ;
AFF
"and including part of the Cross on which
Christ suffered." (885)
(2.31) & hie restât) begen on Eoforwicceastre
AFF
"and they are both buried in the city of
York " (738)
(2.32) Da on morgenne qehierdun ^)ass bæs cyninges
"Then in the morning the king's
thegns heard th a t" (755)
begnas
AFF
Fon, onfon, and underfon are problematic. Fon and
onfon can mean either "to receive" or "to take." If the
meaning is "to receive" they would have AFFECTED roles as
itheir subjects :
I
I (2.33) Her Nobhelm ærecebiscep onfeng pallium from
Romana b is c ;
"In th is year Archbishop Nothhelm received the
pallium from the bishop of the Romans." (736)
If the meaning is "to take" they would have A G EN T roles
functioning as subjects:
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Z j
(2.34) & onfeng Beorhtric Wesseaxna rices
"And then B rihtric succeeded to the kingdom
of the West Saxons." (784)
The AFFECTED and A G EN T are mutually exclusive for fon and
onfon. Since there is no way of representing such a r e
s tric tio n in the role frame (linked parentheses mean that
either or both may be chosen), I have provided two entries
for each verb, one with an A G EN T role and a meaning "to
take," and another with an AFFECTED role and a meaning "to
4
receive . "
Underfon occurs only once in the text:
(2.35) & ungecyndne cyning underfengon Ællan
"and they had taken a king with no heredi
tary rig h t, Ælla." (867)
When i t means "take" underfon also has an A G EN T deep role as
subject. Since this is the only entry for underfon, th is is
the only form given in the Lexicon.
The AFFECTED role is second in the hierarchy of cases .
AFFECTED noun phrases become subjects of the surface stru c
ture only if there is no A G EN T associated with the verb in
the deep role frame. If the verb takes an AGENT, the re la
tionship of the AFFECTED in the surface structure is what
has trad itio n ally been called an Indirect Object. Visser
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2 4
(I, 280) defines th is group of nouns as the
persons or things towards whom or which the action ex
pressed by the verb is directed in such a way th at they
may be regarded as a kind of recipient: in other words
the action i s —either m aterially or non-materially—
advantageous, serviceable, profitable, harmful or in
jurious to the person or thing denoted by the object.
The following exemplify the AFFECTED role in ModE:
(2.36) I told him the story.
AFF
(2.37) He was given two hours to answer a l l the
AFF
questions.
In the Parker MS. the usual surface inflection of the
AFFECTED deep role is Dative, while the unmarked animacy
feature is [+ANIMATE],^ as in the following:
(2.38) & hie him har ea&medo budon
AFF
"and they offered him submission there" (827)
(2.39) & hie næfre his banan folgian noldon
AFF
"and they would never serve his slayer." (7 55)
When the AFFECTED occurs in the surface structure with
an inflection other than the Dative, the verb must be marked.
The usual alternative to the Dative is the Accusative. If
the AFFECTED is realized as an Accusative, i t has been made
the object of the verb. Ordinarily i t is the PATIENT role
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2 5
which functions as the object in the surface stru ctu re. If
the AFFECTED is elevated to th at position, the deep PATIENT
w ill usually be realized as something other than an Accusa
tiv e; eith er a genitive, a prepositional phrase, or an
embedded sentence. Compare the following:
(2 .40) benam Sigebryht his rices
AFFECTED PATIENT
"deprived Sigeberht of his kingdom" (755)
GENITIVE PATIENT
(2 .41) hine . . . berædde aet haan rice
AFFECTED PATIENT
"deprived him of the kingdom" (887) PREP
PH RA SE PATIENT
(2.42) he hie to eahmodre hersumnesse gedyde
AFFECTED PATIENT
"he reduced them to humble submission" (828)
PREP PH RA SE PATIENT
(2 .43) Burgræd . . . & his wiotan baedon Æbered West
AFFECTED
Seaxna cyning & Ælfred his brohur hast
AFFECTED
hie him gefultumadon "Burgred and his
PATIENT
councillors asked Ethelred, king of the West
Saxons, and his brother Alfred to help him"
(868) SEN TEN CE PATIENT
These exceptions to the usual surface inflection are r e
corded as separate phenomena for each verb, although the
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2 6
verbs which permit the AFFECTED to function as the d irect
object may f a ll into natural classes. For example^ a ll
"verbs of deprivation" occur with the AFFECTED as an Accu
sative and the PATIENT as either a Genitive or as a prepo
sitio n a l phrase. To handle th is, beniman, for example, is
marked with the features l+INFL AFF Accusative! and bereedan
|_+INFL PAT Genitive J
is marked f+INFL AFF Accusative 1
[+PREP PA T æt + Dative!
The AFFECTED may also reach the surface structure as a
I prepositional phrase with some verbs. For example:
I
I (2.44) & Cantware him to cirdon
I "and the people of Kent submitted to him" (82 3)
I
1
To generate th is, the verb cyrran is marked with the feature
[+PREP AFF .
If the AFFECTED appears in a role frame containing an
AGENT, i t can be made subject only through PASSIVIZATION.
If both AFFECTED and PATIENT are present in the deep role
frame of a verb which may undergo PASSIVIZATION, i t is
necessary to mark which of the two becomes subject in the
surface stru ctu re. For example, bescierian ("to deprive")
occurs only with the AFFECTED as subject of the passivized
sentence :
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2 7
(2.45) Her wearb Ce own If his rices besciered
AFF PAT
"In th is year Ceolwulf was deprived of his
kingdom." (821)
The verb has the features + PA T + AFF to
+PASS we orb an (A FF Subj)
indicate th at only the AFFECTED may be subjectivized in the
PASSIVIZATION process . This may in fact be true of p riv i-
tiv e verbs in OE, as i t is in ModE, and i t is possible that
the Genitive marking blocks subjectivization of a noun
phrase. However, in other instances the re stric tio n of
subjectivization to one role is probably a coincidence of
the limited tex t, ’ "or example, beodan ("to offer") has the
deep role frame [+_ + PA T + AFF + A G T] and is marked
[*PASS] to permit optional PASSIVIZATION. Perhaps the pas
sive verb could select either PA T or AFF as subject of the
sentence, as does the M odE verb. In fact, however, the only
example in the tex t shows the PATIENT as subject of the
passivized sentence:
(2.46) & hie cuaedon bast taet ilce hiera geferum geboden
PAT AFF
wære "and they said that the same offer had
been made to th eir comrades" (755)
Since i t is impossible to sta te whether AFFECTED and PATIENT
can be selected equally if both are present, beodan is_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
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2 8
marked simply with what occurs: [*PASS (PAT -* Subj)] .
In a grammar of ModE, i t might be worthwhile to sepa
rate the BENEFACTIVE from the AFFECTED r o le . The AFFECTED
would subsume those noun phrases which are recipients of the
action of the verb and the BENEFACTIVE, those which benefit
in some way by the action of the verb. However, only one
example occurs in the Parker MS. which could be designated
BENEFACTIVE (ironically with the sense of "against" rather
than "for"):
(2.47) & ba gatu him to belocen haefdon
B E N
"and they had locked the gates against them"
(755)
Since this behaves syntactically exactly like cyrran (exam
ple 2.44 above), the deep case relationship is treated as
an AFFECTED, with the feature [+PREP AFF t o ] . The preposi
tion always follows the AFFECTED Noun Phrase, so a spe
c ia l rule is required to invert + N P ju st in case the N P
is an AFFECTED deep ro le .
The AFFECTED occurs as a deep role on nouns as well as
verbs .
(2 .48) Cynric Wesseaxna æbelinq
AFF
"Cynric, an atheling of the West Saxons" (748)
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2 9
(2.49) t*ses Siqebryhtes bro&ur
AFF
"Sigeberht's brother" (755)
(2 .50) hiera agenne dom
AFF
"their own terms" (755)
All deep roles on noun phrases, unless otherwise marked,
appear in the surface structure as Genitives (cf. Wesseaxna
and Siqebryhtes and also the M odE translation) . Some AF
FECTED noun phrases can occur, as well, in verbless propo
sitio n s, as in the following:
(2.51) I have a brother.
(2.52) he hæfde bêet bisc rice
"he had the bishopric" (867)
These, according to m y grammar, have the deep structure:
(2 .53) PRO P
V PATIENT AFFECTED
brother
(2.54) PR O P
PATIENT AFFECTED
V J . J bisc rice he
Technically, any pair of noun phrases in (2 .48) through
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3 0
(2.50) could be turned into a proposition with the insertion
by transformation of have, although in fact i t would prob
ably be done only if the PATIENT noun phrase were modified
in some way. For example :
(2.55) The West Saxons had an atheling named Cynric.
(2.55) Sigeberht had a brother.
(2.57) They had terms which they expressed.
(2.58) He had a life he wished to save.
Whether the O E AFFECTED deep role can combine with PATIENT
to form a proposition using habban as freely as the M odE
equivalents do, I cannot t e l l . However, I derive habban
transform ationally in such sentences as (2.52) and in the
following :
(2.59) & he hæfde ba oh he ofslog hone aldormon
"and he had th at u n til he k ille d the ealdor
man" (755)
Accordingly, I believe "my brother" and "I have a brother"
are related to each other not derivationally, in the sense
th at one is derived from the other, but rather th at they are
alike in that they have sim ilar deep stru ctu res. "M y
brother" results from a deep structure containing two roles
in a single noun phrase, and "I have a brother" from a deep
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3 1
structure containing two roles in a verbless proposition.
A group of noun phrases in O E can have the AFFECTED
realized either as Datives or as G enitives. These are those
nouns designating parts of the body:
(2 .50) Her Offa Miercna cyning het Æhelbryhte rex
AFF
hast heafod of as lean.
"In this year Offa, king of the Mercians, had
King E thelbert's head cut o ff." (792)
lÆheIbryht might have been expected to be in the Genitive, as
i
I occurs in Sigebryhtes brohur above. However, two idioms
I
were possible in OE, one in which the AFFECTED was expressed
by a Dative, as in:
(2.61) & tuegen scip hlæstas him on hond eodon
AFF
"and two crews surrendered to him." (882)
and one in which the AFFECTED was expressed by the Genitive:
(2.62) & h i cuædon hast hie h^t to his honda healdan
sceoldon "and they said that they would hold
i t at his hand." (887)
The actual occurrences of Dative or Genitive (or both) with
nouns of inalienable possession are recorded in the Lexicon
as follows: [+INFL AFF Dative ~ G enitive].
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32
2.4. The IN STRU M EN T Role
Deep role IN STRU M EN TS are usually inanimate objects or
forces which are the immediate cause or means of an action
specified by the verb
(2.63) Lightning struck the tre e .
INS
(2.64) The man struck the tree with an ax.
INS
The IN STRU M EN T is third in the hierarchy of roles in
IModE. If there is no A G EN T or AFFECTED in the deep role
frame^ the IN STRU M EN T automatically becomes the surface
structure subject, as in:
(2.65) The ax struck the tre e .
If either A G EN T is present (2.64) or AFFECTED, as in (2.66),
I the IN STRU M EN T is blocked from subjectivization and must be
I realized as a prepositional phrase :
I (2.66) Mary received the le tte r by mail.
j I t happens that in the Parker M S . the INS T R U M E N T is
I
never made subject. Instead, i t always occurs as a prepo
s itio n a l phrase or with a surface inflection other than the
Nominative, as in the following examples:
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3 3 i
(2.67) & ]jrie S cottas comon to Ælfrede cyning on anum
bate "and three Scots came to King Alfred
INS
on a single boat" (891)
(2 .68) sweIce he wære mid blode begoten
INS
"as if i t were suffused with blood" (7 34)
Verbs which occur with deep role IN STR U M EN TS must be
marked not only with the feature [+INS] in the Lexicon, but
also with a notation of the preposition associated with the
IN STR U M EN T for th at verb. For example, cuman has the fea
ture [+PREP INS on] and begeotan has [+PREP INS mid] . The
surface inflection is Dative and the IN STR U M EN T is inani
mate, unless otherwise marked. If a deep role IN STRU M EN T
d iffers in any way from these generalizations, i t must be
marked. For example, gefaegan takes an IN STRU M EN T which has
the Genitive inflection in the surface structure (compare
also the M odE tra n sla tio n ):
(2 .69) & hie ]3æ s gefægene wærun
"and they were glad of i t ." (855)
Gefaegan lacks a feature specifying the preposition but has
instead the feature [+INFL INS G enitive].
IN STR U M EN TS occur in M odE as deep cases on nouns, as
in:
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34
(2 .70) t r i a l by fire
INS
In the Parker MS. no IN STR U M EN TS occur as deep roles on
nouns .
2.5. The PATIENT Role
The PATIENT is the role of the thing or person upon
which an action is performed, an action which frequently
involves a change of sta te . An important ch aracteristic of
the PATIENT role is th at i t ordinarily occurs in a role
frame containing either an A G EN T or an IN STR U M EN T or both,
phis is logical, since most changes of state involve some
jOutside p recipitator of the action. Since A G EN T and IN-
i
STR U M EN T have higher p rio rity in subjectivization, the
PATIENT is usually not elig ib le for elevation to subject of
ithe sentence except through PASSIVIZATION of the deep struc-
j
j
jture. In ModE, break is an anomaly in that A G EN T or IN
ST R U M E N T or PATIENT may become the surface structure sub
ject :
(2.71) a. John broke the window with a hammer.
A G EN T PATIENT INS
b. The hammer broke the window.
INS PATIENT
c . The window broke .
PATIENT
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35
To permit th is , i t is necessary to add a feature [PAT
Subject, INS 0 j A G T 0] . This specifies th at the deep PA
TIENT of break can be topicalized ju st in case IN STRU M EN T
and A G EN T are deleted.
Another ch aracteristic of the PATIENT is th at i t usu
a lly is an inanimate noun in ModE. Fillmore in his early
writing (1968) and the UESP Grammar went so far as to argue
th at a l l PATIENT noun phrases were [-ANIMATE]. However,
jFillmore (1970) has suggested th at animacy should not play
a role in separate deep role relationships, and I believe
th at he is rig h t. If we compare the two sentences follow
ing, i t is clear th at no difference of role relationship
can be inferred from the difference of animacy of the deep
PATIENTS of saw;
(2.72) John sawed Mary in h alf.
PAT
(2.73) John sawed the board in h alf.
PA T
Early case theory analyzed Mary as a DATIVE and board as a
PATIENT requiring of verbs like saw a frame specifying that
th eir surface object must be either a DATIVE or a PATIENT.
Such an analysis neutralizes one of the functions of the
deep case theory: to group together noun phrases holding a
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3 6
sim ilar relatio nsh ip to a given verb. Consequently, I ana
lyze both Mary and board as PATIENTS, considering unmarked
verbs to be neutral as to the animacy of the nouns function
ing as deep PATIENTS.
j If a verb permits only animate noun phrases as PA
R T IE NTS, i t must be marked with a feature specifying animacy:
|[+PAT [+A N IM A TE] ] . The interior set of brackets indicate
I th at the PATIENT has a feature [+ANIM ATE] . For example,
jk ill is so marked in M odE to block such constructions as
I
I * John k ille d the chimney or *Liqhtning k ille d the so fa.
Many verbs, including slean ("to slay"), are sim ilarly
marked in OE. The metaphorical use of such words as in John
I k ille d the b i l l is , happily, a problem th at does not arise
I
I in the Parker MS.
i
I
j Some verbs permit only inanimate noun phrases to func-
I
ition as PATIENTS. For example, following nouns of saying or
Itelling, an animate noun w ill never be taken as a PATIENT,
I
jbut rather as an AFFECTED deep role because there is appar
ently a feature on such verbs: [+PAT [-ANIMATE]]. Compare:
(2.74) Mary fin ally told John (the tru th ).
AFF PA T
The unmarked surface inflection of a deep role PATIENT
is the Accusative:
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37
(2.75) & Ecqbryht sige nam
PAT
"and Egbert had the victory." (823)
If i t occurs with an inflection other than the accusative
the verb must be marked with a feature to insure th at the
surface inflection w ill be the proper one. For example,
some verbs (especially the privative verbs) customarily
appear with a PATIENT in the Genitive in the surface stru c
ture , as in :
(2.76) Her wearb Ceolwulf his rices besciered
PATIENT
"In th is year Ceolwulf was deprived of his
kingdom." (821)
I In the Lexicon, bescierian has the feature [+INFL PAT Geni
tive] , which marks the PATIENT noun phrase with a Genitive
{inflection and blocks the assignment of an Accusative.
I Some variations of surface inflection of deep PATIENTS
jseem to be purely optional. For example, gebeodan occurs
with eith er an Accusative or Genitive PATIENT with no ap
parent difference in meaning:
(2.77) & hiera se æbelinq gehwelcum feoh & feorh
PATIENT
qebead "and the atheling made an offer to
each of money and l i f e ; " (755) ACCUSATIVE
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3 8
(2.78) & tie qebead he him hiera agenne dom feos &
PATIENT
londes "And then he offered them money
PA T
and land on th eir own terms." (755) GENITIVE
Onfon appears with the PATIENT in either the Genitive, Da
tiv e , or Accusative, again without apparent difference in
meaning :
(2 .79) & ha onfeng Beorhtric Wesseaxna rices
PA T
"And then B rihtric succeeded to the kingdom
of the West Saxons;" (784) GENITIVE
(2.80) ha was x l i i i wint agan sihhan he onfeng
biscdome "forty-three years had passed since
PA T
he succeeded to the bishopric" (745) DATIVE
(2 .81) & him eac geheton hset hiera kyning fulwihte
PA T
onfon wolde "and promised also that th eir
king should receive baptism" (878) ACCUSATIVE
Gebeodan is marked [-fINFL PA T Genitive ~ Accusative] and
onfon, [-flNFL PA T Genitive ~ Dative ~ Accusative] to in d i
cate th at the inflections of th eir deep PATIENTS vary
fre e ly .
Occasionally the PATIENT appears in the surface stru c
ture as the object of a preposition. For example, fon never
appears with its deep PATIENT in the Accusative in the tex t.
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3 9
but rather its PATIENT always occurs as the object of the
preposition to ;
(2.82) Hunferb feng to biscdome
PA T
"Hunfrith succeeded to the bishopric." (744)
(2.83) l>v ilcan geare feng Carl to bam west rice
PA T
"That same year Charles succeeded to the
western kingdom." (885)
To account for such sentences, fon is marked with a feature
specifying both the preposition and the occurrence of a
surface inflection other than the Accusative: [+PREP PA T
! to + Dative] .
I
I I t is also possible to embed sentences directly in the
PATIENT node of some verbs. The unmarked p o ssib ilitie s are
a bast -clause or an in fin itiv e (with or without a comple
ment) , as in :
(2.84) & him cybdon b^t hiera mæqas him mid wasron
PA T
"and told them th at kinsmen of th eirs were
with him." (755)
(2.85) be we secgan hierdon
PA T
"that we heard said" (851)
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4 0
(2.86) Her Of fa Miercna cyning het Æjpelbryhte rex
PA T
]3æt heafod ofaslean.
PA T
"In th is year Offa, king of the Mercians,
had King Ethelbert beheaded." (792)
Verbs which invariably occur in the text with an embedded
sentence are marked [+PAT -» S] . Verbs which never occur
with an embedded sentence in the PATIENT are le f t unmarked.
And a few verbs, which permit an optional embedding of S
under the PATIENT node, are marked with the feature [+/-
I PA T “* S] , indicating that the PATIENT may either be realized
i
as a sentence or as a noun phrase, as in the following:
(2.87) & ha budon hie hiera m aegum h%t hie gesunde
from eodon "and they offered th e ir kinsmen
th at they might go away unharmed." (755)
(2 .88) & hie him basr eabmedo budon & gebuærnesse
"and they offered him submission and peace
there" (827)
The unmarked form of the embedded sentence is an in
fin itiv e or a bset-c la us plus a verb in the indicative mood.
If the embedded sentence d iffers in any d e ta il, the verb
must be so marked. For example, cweban permits the embedded
sentence to be either in the indicative or subjunctive
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4 1
without apparent difference in meaning:
(2.89) & hie cuædon hset hie ]paet to his honda healdan
sceoldon "and they said that they would
hold i t under him" (887) INDICATIVE
(2 .90) & hie cuaedon hset tæt ilc e hiera geferum
qebeoden waere
"and they said th at the same offer had been
made to th eir comrades" (755) SUBJUNCTIVE
ICweban is marked F+PA T -* sl . Verbs like cyban, which occur
[+/- SJC J
i
Iin the text only with a subjunctive in the embedded sen-
I
tence, are marked f+PAT -» S| .
[+SJC J
The embedded sentence is not always recoverable. For
exampleJ in the following a verb seems to have been deleted
from theembedded sentence:
(2.91) by hie from his m aegum asr mid unryhte anidde
wasrun "because they had previously been
wrongfully forced away from his kinsmen" (82 3)
This must have a deep structure something like that i l l u s
trated at the top of the next page :
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4 2
(2 .92) PR O P
PA T A CT
PR O P
A G T
anydan 0? from his hie
Apparently the embedded A G EN T (h ie ) has been raised to the
PATIENT role in the matrix sentence. Then PASSIVIZATION
occurs, making i t the subject of the surface sentence. Pre
sumably the A G EN T of the matrix sentence was deleted in
PASSIVIZATION and somewhere along the line the verb from
the embedded sentence was also deleted. To generate such
a sequence, anydan is marked with the following features:
+ PAT
+PASS
+PAT -* S
^PREDICATE RAISE
A sim ilar problem arises in the following:
(2 .93) & seo beod qesohte se cyning him to frihe
"and the people appealed to the king for
peace" (823)
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4 3
In the surface structure, se cyning seems to be the Indirect
Object (coming from a deep case AFFECTED) and him to frit>e
seems to be the Direct Object (coming from a sentence em
bedded in the deep case PATIENT) as indicated by the follow
ing :
(2 .94) PR O P
A G T
qesecan 07 frihe to se se cyning se cyning se t>eod
heod
If th is is the derivation, then the embedded noun phrase se
heod has been pronominalized to him in the surface sentence
and the embedded se cyning has undergone EQUI-NP-DEL. How
ever, i t is not really clear within the limited context
whether se cyning occurs in both the matrix sentence (as
AFFECTED) and in the embedded sentence (as AGENT).
I t is, in fact, possible that gesecan does not take an
AFFECTED deep case. The following could be the deep stru c
ture of (2 .93) :
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qesecan jZ f?
4 4
(2.95) PRO P
A G EN T PAT V
PRO P
PA T AFF A G T V
f r it t e to se
taeod
se cyninq se t>eod
In this case the verb qesecan has only an A G EN T (se
beod) and a PATIENT (the embedded sentence). Se cyninq is
not an AFFECTED in the matrix but is rather an A G EN T in the
embedded sentence which is raised to the PATIENT of the
Imatrix sentence. The choice between the two analyses seems
to be arb itrary , but in either case i t is clear th at him to
fribs must be derived from an embedded sentence. There are
no instances of such phrases originating from deep cases on
nouns anywhere in the te x t. I prefer the AFFECTED analysis
(2.94) and assign qesecan the features +INFL AFF Accusa
tive
+PA T -* S
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4 5
PATIENTS occur as deep cases on nouns as well as on
verbsj and the unmarked surface realizatio n is a Genitive
inflection, as i t is with most noun phrase deep roles :
(2 .96) & bone here qefliemdon, & wælstowe ahton
PA T
"and they put the army to flig h t and had
possession of the b a ttle -fie ld ." (860)
If a deep PATIENT on a noun occurs as other than a
Genitive, the noun must be marked with a feature to provide
the proper surface realizatio n . For example, the deep
PATIENT role on a^ ("oath") seems to be the source of the
embedded sentence in the following :
(2 .97) & he him abas swor & gislas salde, he
PA T
him gearo waere swa hwelce dæge swa hie h it
(embedded in ab)
habban wolden "and he swore oaths to them
and gave hostages, that i t should be ready
for them on whatever day they wished to have
it" (874)
2.5.1. Reciprocal Deep PATIENTS
There is a class of deep role PATIENTS which has a
special relationship to the A G EN T of the verbs with which
they are associated. Consider the following, from ModE:
(2.98) John and Harry fought in Vietnam.
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4 6
This has three possible readings. I t can mean (1) that John
and Harry both happened to fight at some time or other in
Vietnam; or (2) that John and Harry fought together against
a common enemy in Vietnam; or (3) that John had a fight with
Harry while they were in Vietnam.
One c a n d e r i v e t h e f i r s t r e a d in g fr o m tw o u n d e r ly in g
s e n t e n c e s , as i n :
(2.99) a . J o h n f o u g h t i n V ie t n a m ,
b . H a r r y f o u g h t i n V ie t n a m .
i
|By c o n j o in i n g t h e tw o s e n te n c e s a n d d e l e t i n g t h e r e p e a t e d
!
verb phrase, we get (2.98).
The second and th ird readings are harder to account
fo r. There is ^ in fact, widespread disagreement as to the
origin of sentences like (2.98) when they mean th at the
conjoined noun phrases fought against each other or jo in tly
against a common enemy. Those who believe that a l l con
joined structures are the product of derived conjunction
{reduction^ (conjunction followed by deletion of the repeated
noun or verb phrases) would accept the following as the
derivation for the second reading:
(2.100) a . J o h n f o u g h t w i t h H a r r y i n V ie t n a m ,
b . H a r r y f o u g h t w i t h J o h n i n V ie t n a m .
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4 7
c. John and Harry fought with Harry and
John respectively in Vietnam.
One of the d iffic u ltie s with th is analysis is th at i t is
cumbersome and uneconomical. Even more important^ i t re -
g
mains ambiguous, requiring some word, e .g ., to gether, to
disambiguate the deep s tru c tu re . The question remains of
how together is to be generated.
The alternative to derived conjunction is phrasal con
junction. phrasal conjunction assumes that some or a l l
conjoined noun phrases in the surface structure derive from
conjoined noun phrases in the base, especially in sentences
like the following, which cannot be derived from two con
joined sentences :
(2.101) a. John and Harry are alik e,
b . *John is alik e,
c . *Harry is a lik e .
Lakoff and Peters (1955) f i r s t suggested phrasal con
junction for the origin of symmetric predicates. W e have a
symmetric predicate when the noun phrases surrounding the
verb are reversible. For a symmetric predicate, if [NP^ +
V ERB + NPg] is tru e, then [NP^ + V ERB + NP^] must also be
tru e. Thus Lakoff and Peters derive (2.102a and b) from
(2.102c)
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4 8
(2.102) a. John went to Cleveland with Harry.
b. Harry went to Cleveland with John.
c. John and Harry went to Cleveland.
If conjoined noun phrases occur in the base (2.102c), they
mark the verb as capable of forming a symmetric predicate.
(Subsequently, either of such conjoined noun phrases is sub
ject to an optional CO N JU N CT M O V E M E N T TR A N SFO R M A TIO N which
would move i t into the predicate (either 2.102a or b ) .
Although the concept of phrasal conjunction works well
for many predicates, i t s t i l l fa ils to disambiguate (2.98).
Even the symmetric version of the sentence has two readings:
either that John and Harry fought together in Vietnam or
that they fought each o th er.
I propose to use deep role theory to generate three
different deep structures for the three readings of (2.98).
The f ir s t in terp retatio n —John and Harry both happened to
fight in Vietnam—originates as two conjoined sentences in
the base :
(2.103)
PROP PROP
V ie tn a m
PAT
I I
in p John
Vietnam
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4 9
The second in terp retatio n —John and Harry fought together—
originates as one sentence in the base:
(2.104) S
PRO P
John fight in
Vietnam
The COM ITATIVE role ("Harry" in th is sentence) identifies
the noun phrase which operates jo in tly with the A G EN T and is
interchangeable with it^ either as subject of as part of the
P re d ic a te .T h e COM ITATIVE appears to the right of PATIENT
j
and i t is capable of being made subject conjointly with
AGENT. I t also blocks subjectivization of the PATIENTas
w ill be seen in the analysis of the th ird reading of (2.98).
!
j The th ird in terp retatio n —th at John and Harry fought
against each other in Vietnam—also originates as one sen
tence in the base :
(2 .105)
PRO P
V ER B L O G PAT A G T
fight in
V ietnam
Harry John
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5 0
Fight has a feature [*RECIPROCAL] indicating that i t must be
marked positively or negatively for reciprocity. If nega
tiv e , the sentence cannot be interpreted as entailing a
reciprocal action between PATIENT and AGENT. Compare, for
example,
(2.106) John fought the Freeway Proposal.
The verb in (2.106) is marked [-RECIPROCAL], which blocks
I
both anomalous transformations;
I
I (2.107) a. *John and the Freeway Proposal fought.
; b. *john fought with the Freeway Proposal.
If a verb is marked positively for reciprocity, the PATIENT
and A G EN T may be conjoined, as in (2.98). There is a r e
s tric tio n on conjunction of PATIENT and AGENT, however.
I
I
IThey may be conjoined only i f COM ITATIVE is not present.
I
For example, the following deep structure cannot yield *John
!
!
l and Harry and the Vietcong fought in Vietnam:
(2 .108)
PRO P
fight in
Vietnam
Vietcong Harry John
Fight is trip ly ambiguous because i t permits two d if
ferent kinds of symmetric predicates—RECIPROCAL and
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5 1
COMITATIVE—as well as simple conjunction reduction of two
underlying sentences. Most verbs permit only one kind of
symmetric predicate, e .g .:
(2.109) John and Mary embraced. (RECIPROCAL)
(2.110) John and Mary le f t together. (COM ITATIVE)
The rules permitting the conjunction of two different roles
would be :
(2 . 111) RECIPROCAL
S .1. X M O D
1 2
a
VERB
[+RECIPROCAL]
3 4
PATIENT AGEN T
N P N P
X
8
Condition: Rule is optional
6 y COM ITATIVE
S.C. Attach feature [+NOM INATIVE] to 5 and 7.
Conjoin 5 as rig h t s is te r of 7.
(2 . 1 1 2 ) COM ITATIVE
COM ITATIVE
S .I. X M O D VERB X
1 2 3 4
Condition: The rule is optional
R. R, X
7
S.C. Attach feature [+NOM INATIVE] to 5 and 6.
Conjoin 5 as rig h t s is te r of 6.
For the COMIIATIVE rule i t does not matter what R^ i s .
Presumably i t can only be either A G EN T or AFFECTED. Neither
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52
COM ITATIVE nor RECIPROCAL symmetric predicates originate as
conjoined noun phrases in the base. In fact, the require
ment th at only one instance of a deep role occur per sen
tence would seem to preclude the p o ssib ility of phrasal
conjunction in the grammar.
The evidence for COM ITATIVE and RECIPROCAL re la tio n
ships is the a b ility of the subject and predicate noun
phrases eith er to reverse or to conjoin. The te s t for the
COM ITATIVE is the word together, which may optionally be
inserted by a transform ational rule triggered by the feature
[+COM ITATIVE] on the verb. A ll symmetric predicate con
structions which are not COM ITATIVE (joint) are RECIPRO
CAL.^^
In O E COM ITATIVES and RECIPROCALS seem to operate like
those in M odE except th at there is no surface ambiguity.
Compare the following:
(2.113) & ]py geare gefuhton Mierce & Cantware get
A G T PAT
Ottan forda "And th at year the Mercians and
the people of Kent fought at Otford." (773)
RECIPROCAL. Conjoined A G EN T and PATIENT.
(2.114) Her Cubred cyning gefeaht wi]j Ætjelhun j)one
A G T PA T
ofermedan aldormonn "In this year King
Cuthred fought against the arrogant ealdorman
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5 3
Æthelhun." (750) RECIPROCAL. A G EN T and
PATIENT not conjoined.
(2.115) & tæs ymb i l l niht gefeaht Æ^ered cyning
A G T
& Æ lf r e d h i s b r o b u r w i t a ln e & one h e r e
C O M PA T
"And four days later King Ethelred and his
brother Alfred fought against the whole
army." (871) RECIPROCAL. COM ITATIVE and
A G EN T conj oined.
(2.116) Her Ceorl aldormon gefeaht wih hæt>ene men
A G T PA T
m id D e fe n a s c i r e aet W ic g a n b e o rg e
C O M
"In this year Ealdorman Ceorl with the con
tingent of the men of Devon fought against
the heathen army at Wicganbeorg" (851)
RECIPROCAL. COM ITATIVE and A G EN T not con
joined.
I In O E the preposition wij) signals the RECIPROCAL relatio n -
Iship; mid signals the COMITATIVE. Thus, symmetric stru c-
I
jtures lack the ambiguity caused by the single M odE preposi-
I
tion w ith. Furthermore, when a verb having the feature
[*RECIPROCAL] and also an optional deep COM ITATIVE role
occurs with conjoined noun phrases in the subject and no
noun phrase in the predicate (2.113 above), the noun phrases
are always taken as RECIPROCAL. Apparently the COM ITATIVE
can CONJOIN with the A G EN T only if a deep role PATIENT is
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5 4
expressed, as in (2.115). This necessitates a change in the
COM ITATIVE rule (2.112) for O E :
(2 .117 ) COM ITATIVE
S. I. X M O D V ER B X
12 3 4
COM ITATIVE
R. R
2
6
R.
X
8
Condition; The rule is optional
S.C. Attach feature [+NOM INATIVE] to 5 and 7.
Conjoin 5.
To generate the sentences (2.113) through (2.116),
qefeohtan must be marked with the following features :
(2.118) +[. (+LOC) (+PAÎ) (+C O M ) +A G T]
♦RECIPROCAL PATIENT
+INFL PA T Accus ~ Dat
A G EN T is the only obligatory ro le . LOCATIVE, PATIENT, and
COM ITATIVE may optionally be selected in any combination.
|If a PATIENT is selected, i t must be marked positively or
I
(negatively as RECIPROCAL. If i t is [+RECIPROCAL] the
structure is subject to two transformational ru le s . Either
the deep role PATIENT must be conjoined with the A G EN T by
the RECIPROCAL R U LE (2.111) or a redundancy rule w ill supply
the preposition w i}3 to the deep PATIENT. There seems to be
no basis for the selection of Accusative in (2.114) as op
posed to the Dative in (2.115). Compare, also, the
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5 5
following
(2,119) & se Cynewulf oft miclum qefeohtum feaht
A G T PA T
wi]3 Bretwalum "And Cynewulf often fought
great b attles against the Britons." (755)
Here, miclum qefeohtum ("great b attles") is the [-RECIPRO
C A L] deep PATIENT on the verb feohtan (the only instance of
|a non-reciprocal PATIENT occurring with any of the feohtan-
i
iverbs). I t occurs in the Dative, as does the noun phrase
I
w ib B r e tw a lu m ( " a g a i n s t t h e B r i t o n s " ) , w h ic h i s a d e e p r o l e
r e c i p r o c a l P A T IE N T on t h e n o u n g e f e o h t . T h u s , D a t i v e a n d
A c c u s a t iv e seem t o a l t e r n a t e f r e e l y as i n f l e c t i o n s f o r d e e p
r o l e P A T IE N T o n a l l f e o h t a n - w o r d s .
Several prepositions may occur with the LOCATIVE deep
role on gefeohtan and they must be marked on the verb. I
save a discussion of these, however, for the section which
tre ats the deep role LOCATIVES below. No preposition is
marked for the COM ITATIVE role on gefeohtan because mid can
be supplied by a redundancy rule for a l l COMITATIVES, nor is
i t necessary to mark the COM ITATIVE to permit i t to be con
joined with the AGENT, since th is is an inherent character
is tic of a l l deep role COMITATIVES.
I t has been necessary to introduce the COM ITATIVE deep
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5 6
role into th is section only because its structure is sim i
lar to that of reciprocal PATIENTS. I defer a fu lle r d is
cussion of its function in the manuscript to a la te r sec
tio n , however, and return now to a consideration of recip
rocal PATIENTS alone .
I t is not always possible to apply both te sts for
reciprocity: the a b ility of the predicate noun phrase to
conjoin with or reverse with the subject noun phrase without
change of meaning. For example, onfeohtan occurs only once
in the text :
(2.120) & onfeohtende wseron ob niht
"and they continued fighting u n til night" (871)
The antecedents of "they" (not expressed in the tex t except
I in the verb agreement) occur in a preceding passage:
(2.121) & ba gefeaht se cyning Æbered wib bara cyninqa
A G T PA T
getruman . . & Ælfred his brobur wib bara
A G T PA T
eorla getruman "And then King Ethelred
fought against the k ing s' troop, . . . and
E thelred's brother Alfred fought against the
e a r ls ' troop" (871)
Since the passage contains both A G EN TS and PATIENTS, and
since presumably a l l parties continued fighting u n til night.
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5 7
onfeohtan is interpreted as having both A G EN TS and RECIPRO
CA L PATIENTS in (2.120) and is marked with the following
featuresJ even though no subject is expressed:
(2 . 1 2 2 ) 4-PAT +A G T
^RECIPROCAL
When the A G EN T and PATIENT never occur conjoined, one
must decide whether i t is coincidental, whether conjunction
is blocked, or whether perhaps the verb is not really
[+RECIPROCAL]. Compare the following:
(2 .123) bast hie wib bone here winnende waerun
"that they proceeded to fight the raiding
army" (867)
In none of the entries for winnan or gewinnan is the PATIENT
I
{Conjoined with the AGENT. Should they be marked positively
I
jfor [RECIPROCAL]? I have decided th at they should, based
upon the presence of the preposition wib• I t occurs only
with verbs and nouns which have a semantic content implying
reciprocity: feohtan ("fight") or winnan ("to fight or
stru g g le").
Reciprocity is a feature re stric te d to a small number
of verbs . For example, even though there is a reciprocal
action involved in the following sentence, the verb is not
necessarily marked with a feature [+RECIPROCAL] .
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5 8
(2 .124) & æqhwcël3er otaerne o f t r æ d l i c e u t d ræ fd e
"and each repeatedly drove out the other . "
(887)
I t is reasonable to assume that (2.124) is derived by con
joining two underlying sentences and pronominalizing r e
peated noun phrases. I t is only semantically, but not
syntactically related to deep PATIENT constructions which
have a [+RECIPROCAL] feature.
The only noun which has a deep role PATIENT marked
positively for [RECIPROCAL] is gefeoht ("fight"). As
(2.119) above illu s tra te s , its PATIENT may appear as an
object of the preposition wi|?. Its PATIENT may also be
conjoined, in which case i t takes the same role as the
AGENT. Compare the following:
(2.125) Her wæs Wala gefeoht & Defna æt Gafulforda
"In th is year there was a b attle between the
Britons and the men of Devon at Galford." (823)
Here Wala and Defna are conjoined A G EN T and PATIENT on the
noun gefeoht. Since they have been conjoined, they are
blocked for the insertion of the preposition wib and both
undergo the normal inflectional marking for deep roles on
nouns. They are inflected as genitives in the surface
stru ctu re. The RECIPROCAL R U L E (2.111) must be revised to
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5 9
include cases on nouns as well as on verbs.
(2.126) RECIPROCAL—R U LE VI
S .1.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
[PREP X INFL a] X „ [PREP X INFL g] X
' '
8 9 10 11 12 13
Conditions : 2 has a feature [+RECIPROCAL]
4 and 10 are [a GENERIC]
Rule is optional
S.C. Conjoin 4-8 as right s is te r to 10-12
Attach feature of 12 to 7
Erase 5 and 8
2.5.2. Reflexive Deep Role
PATIENTS
There is a difference between the formation of the
reflexive in O E and in ModE. In M odE reflexives may op
tio nally occur with any tran sitiv e verb. If we happen to
insert a noun phrase under a PATIENT or AFFECTED node which
is identical to a noun phrase elsewhere in the sentence, we
trigger a reflexive transformation, which operates as in
the f o1lowing :
(2.127) John is only fooling John = > John is only
A G T PA T
fooling himself.
(2.128) John gave John airs = > John gave himself
A G T AFF
airs .
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6 0
In OEj on the other hand, the occurrence of the reflexive
may be an obligatory property of a verb, as seems to be the
case with beste Ian ;
(2.129) & under bam fribe & bam feoh ge hate se here
hiene on niht up bestæ l "and under cover
of that peace and promise of money the army
stole away inland by night" (865)
(2.130) bonon hi hi bestaelon
"which they had le ft secretly" (891)
(2.131) Her hiene bestæl se here into Werham Wesseaxna
fie r de "In this year the enemy arrry
slipped past the army of the West Saxons
into Wareham" (876)
j This situation can be described by assigning besteIan
the features shown in (2.132).
(2 .132) +[ (+G O A L) (+SOURCE) +PAT +A G T]
+REFLEXIVE
PATIENT and A G EN T are both obligatory roles and the feature
[+REFLEXIVE] specifies th at the PATIENT node must contain
the same noun phrase as the A G EN T node or must be coreferen-
13
t i a l with i t . Thus, for one set of verbs, the reflexive
feature specifies that the A G EN T and PATIENT must be iden
tic a l .
There is also a reflexive like that of M odE which
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6 1
resu lts from the identity of the A G EN T and PATIENT. Con
sider the following:
(2.133) & t>a un h e a n l i c e h in e w e re d e
"and he nobly defended himself" (755)
This reflexive seems to re su lt from id en tity of A G EN T and
IPATIEN T^ e x a c t l y as d o e s t h e r e f l e x i v e i n M o d E . I t i s n o t
!
jnecessary to mark werian in any way for the reflexive tra n s-
Iformation, however, since noun phrase identity w ill trig ger
i
j
jthe rule autom atically.
i I have marked only verbs which occur with unambiguous
I
{instances of the reflexive in the Parker MS. For example,
in M odE we would probably assume th at a reflexive pronoun
had been deleted in a sentence like the following:
(2.134) Her to dælde se fore sprecena here on tu
"In th is year the aforesaid army divided
into two" (885)
Elsewhere todaelan occurs with a deep role PATIENT and i t
seems to be a true tra n sitiv e verb:
(2.135) & ba wear> bæt rice todaeled on v
"And the kingdom was then divided into five"
(887)
However, I have followed V isser's warning against assuming
reflexive omission without evidence: "One can only speak of
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6 2
'omission' of the reflexive complement in those cases where
the verb in question is also found used with the reflexive
complement during the same period" (I^ 145). As a re su lt,
I find a very limited distribution of reflexives in the
te x t.
2.6. The COM ITATIVE Role
In the foregoing sections I have discussed the deep
cases in a hierarchical order, beginning with the roles
which take p rio rity in subject formation. Those discussed
so far are :
(2.136) PATIENT IN STR U M EN T AFFECTED A G EN T
14
' Since i t is possible for COM ITATIVES to become sub-
jectivized through conjunction, a discussion of them should
have preceded the discussion of the PATIENT deep ro le, since
the la tte r functions primarily as object of the verb, not as
su b ject. However, I deferred the discussion u n til now be
cause the stru ctu ral p ecu liarities of the COM ITATIVE are so
like those of RECIPROCAL PATIENTS that i t seemed best to
introduce the two together. N ow i t is necessary to go back
and decide where in the hierarchy the COM ITATIVE role be
longs .
I t most frequently combines with the A G EN T deep role.
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6 3
either as a conjoined subject of the surface structure or as
a symmetric predicate construction, as in the following ex
amples repeated from above :
(2.137) & baes ymb i i i niht gefeaht Æbered cyninq
A G T
& Ælfred his brohur wil> alne bone here
C O M PA T
"And four days la te r King Ethelred and his
brother Alfred fought against the whole enemy
army." (871)
(2.138) Her Ceorl aldormon gefeaht wi]3 hæbene men
A G T PA T
mid Defena scire æt Wicgan beorge
C O M
"In this year Ealdorman Ceorl with the con
tingent of the men of Devon fought against
the heathen army a t Wicganbeorg" (851)
The presence of a COM ITATIVE deep role in the base
triggers either one of two possible transformations. The
structure may optionally undergo COM ITATIVE CONJUNCTION, by
which the A G EN T and the COM ITATIVE are conjoined (2.117).
Or, if conjunction is not selected, the COM ITATIVE noun
phrase must obligatorily be supplied with the preposition
mid as part of the PREPOSITION SPREA D sequence of transfor
mational rules (to be discussed in Chapter Five), yielding
a structure like (2.138).
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6 4
It is not always possible to be certain whether con
joined noun phrases are derived from two underlying sen
tences or whether we are dealing with a COMITATIVE. For
exampleJ in the following the COM ITATIVE can be inferred
only if the queen and the bishop traveled together to Rome:
(2.139) Her Forbhere bisc & Friboqib cuen ferdun to
A G T ?
Rome "In th is year Bishop Forthhere and
Queen Frithugyth went to Rome." (737)
The text does not make clear whether th is was a jo in t ex-
I
Icursion, and (2.139) does not ju stify analyzing faran as
taking a COM ITATIVE ro le. However, there are several other
instances in which faran clearly has a COM ITATIVE role, as
in the following:
(2.140) & mid fie r de for ofer Mierce on NorbWalas
C O M
"and he went with his army across Mercia
against the Welsh." (853)
Actually, almost any action may be undertaken jo intly
by more than one person, and the COM ITATIVE is a p otential
deep role on most verbs which take deep role AGENTS. I mark
only those instances which are unambiguously COM ITATIVE,
i .e ., those which have symmetric predicates and those with
conjoined subjects which cannot be derived from two
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6 5
underlying sentences .
Footnote 10 discusses the occurrence of COM ITATIVES
with stativ e (AGENT-less) verbs. Although such structures
occur occasionally in M odE^ there are none in the O E text
analyzed here. COM ITATIVES do occur^ however^ in AGENT-less
propositions which lack a verb en tirely . Consider the fo l
lowing example from ModE:
(2.141) John and Mary were at the party together.
Presumably, this has a deep structure:
(2 .142)
PR O P
L O C AFF C O M
John Mary
Be is inserted transform ationally in such structures, and
either (2.141)^^ or the following may resu lt:
(2.143) a. John was at the party with Mary.
b. Mary was at the party with John.
There are sim ilar constructions in the Parker MS.,
although the COM ITATIVE never conjoins with the AFFECTED.
(2 .144) & bæs ilcan wintra wæs Inwaeres brobur & Healf-
denes on West Seaxum on Defena scire mid x x iii
scipum "And the same winter the brother of
Ivar and Healfdene was in the kingdom of the
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6 6
West Saxons in Devon with 23 ships." (878)
(2.145) & him cyhdon l»set hiera maeqas him mid waeron
"and told them that kinsmen of th eirs were
with him" (755)
(2.146) aer hine ha men onfunden l>e mid ham kyninge
wasrun "before the men who were with the
king became aware of him" (755)
I a ttrib u te these to a verbless proposition containing AF
FECTED and COM ITATIVE in addition to various other optional
roles .
(2.146) suggests the form a role on a noun would take.
In M odE we might get :
(2.147) The men with the king refused to surrender.
I t is not necessary, if one uses the COM ITATIVE deep role,
to attrib u te (2.147) to a reduced re la tiv e . I t could
originate from the following deep structure:
(2 .148) PRO P
A G EN T PA T V ER B
C O M N P N P
(it) to surrender men with the king refuse
If one prefers to derive "men with the king" from a
relativ e clause construction, the relationship between the
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6 7
two noun phrases remains the same
(2 .149)
V ER B A G EN T
ref
V ER B A G T
use (it) surrender men men
V ER B C O M EX P
I I \
0 with the men
king
The important d istinctio n between the analysis of (2.148)
and (2.149) is that one finds no COM ITATIVE roles on nouns
if one derives "men with the king" from reduced re la tiv e s.
While I prefer the symmetry of the former analysis—finding
a l l roles on both verbs and nouns—in the Parker MS. a l l
COM ITATIVES occur either as roles on verbs or in relativ e
clausesj as in the following:
(2.150) eowre geferan be mid bam cyninge ofslasgene
wasrun "your comrades who were slain with
king" (755)
(2.151) & ba æbeling ofslogon & ba men ]je him mid
waerun "and k ille d the atheling and the men
who were with him" (755)
The relativ e clauses containing COM ITATIVE roles expand
deep role PATIENTS on the verb in the matrix in both (2.150)
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6 8
and (2.151), and there is a p o ssib ility th at the COM ITATIVE
is blocked in O E from standing in direct relationship to a
PATIENT noun phrase. However, the evidence is too slig h t to
infer anything on th is question. The important thing is
th at COM ITATIVES do not occur d irectly as roles on nouns.
2.7. The ESSIVE Role
Fillm ore's theory does not include the ESSIVE role.
Since he has avoided handling Predicate Nominative con
structions, as have most th eo retical investigations of role
relationships, he has not had to devise a role to account
for them. The UESP study proposed ESSIVE as a deep role
with a d istribu tio n limited solely to Predicate Nominatives.
They argue th at ESS IVES never occur as deep roles on nouns
nor do they express any relationships in a proposition other
than predicate nominals, such as those underlined in:
(2.152) John is a teacher.
(2.153) John became a teacher.
Certainly the ESSIVE role is useful in accounting for
such sentences, for which the following are the proposed
deep structures :
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6 9
( 2 . 1 5 4 ) PROP
V ER B
0
(2 .155)
ESSIVE
teacher
PRO P
AFFECTED
John
V ER B
become
ESSIVE
teacher
AFFECTED
John
In such structures there is an identity between the subject
of the surface sentence (John) and the Predicate Noun
(teacher) . In O E this identity is reflected by the identity
of surface inflection (the Nominative), as well:
(2.156) ær he cyning wasre "before he was king" (836)
AFF ESS
Such constructions are frequent in the Chronicle, and I
propose that they occur when a proposition containing both
ESSIVE and AFFECTED lacks a VERB. Given the roles [+ESS
+AFF] dominated by PROPOSITION, as illu stra te d by the tree
in (2.154) above, the grammar automatically supplies the
copula to the empty verb node, generating (2.152).
A grammar with an ESSIVE deep role node can handle
Predicate Adjectives in several ways. As is frequently done
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7 0
in current grammars, the adjectives may be treated as ver
bals, being inserted under the V ERB node, as in the follow
ing deep structure proposed for J ohn is unhappy :
(2.157) PRO P
V ER B
unhappy
AFFECTED
I
John
|Such a treatment is unsatisfactory for O E because the Pre
dicate Adjective behaves like the Predicate Noun and not
like a verb.
A second possible way of generating John is unhappy is
to create another deep role, ATTRIBUTIVE, and to consider
the structure to be :
(2 .158) PRO P
V ER B ATTRIBUTIVE
unhappy
EX P
John
This complicates the grammar unnecessarily, I think, at
least for the text of the C hronicle. i t would be necessary
to specify for the ATTRIBUTIVE th at i t is the only deep role
which cannot be fille d by a noun phrase, in addition to de
scribing the inflectional rules just as they would be done
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7 1
for nouns embedded under the ESSIVE deep role node and
specifying th at the copula is automatically supplied ju st
in case the proposition lacking a verb contains ju st AT
TRIBUTIVE and AFFECTED. Since the rules are in every way
like those for generating Predicate Nominatives, I propose
to generate Predicate Adjectives d irectly under the ESSIVE
deep role node. This simply requires th at adjectives have
I the feature [+N O U N ] to permit them to be inserted by the
i
phrase structure rules which rewrite RO LE as N O M and N O M as
N + Inflection. I t has already been necessary to mark ad
verbs with the feature [+N O U N ] so th at they might be in
serted freely under the LOCATIVE and TIM E deep role nodes.
Thus, i t is a simple matter to mark adjectives sim ilarly.
To d ifferen tiate nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs,
and to permit them to be inserted in the proper categories,
I have devised the following features for them in the Lexi
con :
(2 .159) N
V =
ADJ =
+ N O U N
-V ERB
-A D
-N O U N
+V ER B
-A D
+ N O U N
+V ER B
+ A D
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72
A D V = +N O U N
-VERB
+ A D
These features are based upon suggestions by Jackendoff
(1968a) th at the four categories might be differentiated on
the basis of two features, which he identifies as [+/- A D ]
and [+/- V]. This, of course, d ifferen tiates them four
ways, but I have had to add one feature [+/- N ] to permit
both adjectives and adverbs to be inserted under noun nodes,
I Such an analysis captures many generalities both of O E
i
land of ModE. I t permits a p arallel analysis of the follow-
i
i
ing :
(2.160) Mary is a doctor.
PR O P
V ER B
0
ESSIVE
doctor
AFFECTED
Mary
(2 .161) Mary is capable .
PR O P
V ER B
0
ESSIVE
capable
AFFECTED
Mary
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7 3
(2.152) Mary is here
P ^ P
V ER B LO CA TIV E
here
AFFECTED
Mary
The common feature [+AD] captures a sim ilarity between
adjectives and adverbs pointed out by John Bowers (1968) and
i t sim plifies the collapsing of rules which apply to both.
One can use a symbol Ad to represent them. The [+N O U N ] and
[+VERB] features permit them to perform sim ilar functions in
noun phrases, verb phrases, and sentences, along the lines
suggested by Jackendoff (1968a). For example, a ll three of
the items underlined below (all marked [+AD]) bear what has
tra d itio n ally been called an adverbial relationship to the
sentence John came la te :
(2.163) It is probable th at John came la te .
(2.164) John probably came la te.
(2.165) John merely came la te .
The mobility of probably (Probably John came la te; John came
late probably) as opposed to the immobility of merely
(*Merely John came late ; *John came late merely) is ex-
plained by the d ifferen t origin of the two. Probably is
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7 4
generated as an ESSIVE of a higher sentence and thus has
sentence scope. Merely is generated as an adverb in the
verb phrase and has only verb phrase scope. Thus probably
would have the features
(2 .166) + N O U N
+V ER B
+A D
land merely, the features
(2.167) +N O U N
-VERB
+ A D
Even though both seem to be of the same category in sen
tences (2.164) and (2.165), the different feature marking
'captures a fundamental difference between the two.
There are disadvantages to analyzing adjectives as deep
nouns rather than as verbs . W e seem to lose the generaliza
tion that verbs and adjectives behave sim ilarly on the sur
face in ModE. One of the most persuasive arguments for
insisting upon a verbal feature for adjectives is the ex is
tence of stative and non-stative adjectives, as well as
verbs. Compare the following, taken from Jacobs and Rosen
baum (1968) :
(2.168) I told the g ir l to kick the b a ll.
(2.169) I told the g irl to be honest.
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7 5
(2.170) *I told the g irl to own the house.
(2.171) *I told the g irl to be short.
I t is possible to consider the difference between stative
and non-stative to be a question of the presence of an A G EN T
rather than of shared verbal q u a litie s . Since both nouns
and verbs have role frames, we can d ifferen tiate the accept
able and unacceptable above by assigning the case A G EN T to
kick and honest (presumably both involve w ill) . O w n and
short have the deep role AFFECTED. An imperative is im
possible for any proposition lacking an A G EN T and th at is
why both (2.170) and (2.171) are ungrammatical.
Case Grammar can also explain the so-called "tran si
tive" adjectives without resorting to a verbal marking. The
adjective fond has the role frame [_ _ _ _ _ _ _ +PAT 4 -AFF] which
generates the following sentence:
(2.172) The boy is fond of his dog.
This is , in fact, in every way like a role on a noun in
ModE, being realized by the preposition o^. I t is true,
however, that adjectives take a range of prepositions as
wide as the range of prepositions on verbs, and there is no
way of handling such a fact except by stating that in this
feature adjectives behave d ifferen tly from nouns. As has
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7 6
already been seen, however, not a l l noun cases are realized
by genitive constructions, e .g ., many COMITATIVE, TIME, and
LOCATIVE roles are prepositional phrases in the surface
structure, using a wide variety of prepositions, so one is
not losing a great deal in the exchange.
By analyzing adjectives as arising under an ESSIVE case
node we capture a generality not available otherwise . Con
sider the following:
(2.173) John is sick.
(2.174) John seems sick.
(2.175) John looks sick.
(2.176) John lay sick.
There is a relationship between John and sick and the copula
or quasi-copula (Visser, I, 212, refers to lie as a quasi
copula) which holds in a l l four sentences and is constant
also in the analysis of a l l four sentences as arising from:
(2.177)
V ER B
Copula
PRO P
ESSIVE
s ick
AFFECTED
John
One must d ifferen tiate in the Base Rules which items
can appear under any given role node. In the UESP Grammar,
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7 7
role nodes are rew ritten as [PREP + NP], which seems to
permit any noun phrase to appear under any case node. Actu
a lly , there are re s tric tio n s . For example, an A GENT is
inherently [+ANIM ATE] and a TIM E deep role is usually a noun
or adverb marked [+TEM PO R A L] . I t is also a fact both of O E
and of M odE that adverbs, whether generated as lexical items
or as pro-forms, can appear only under certain case nodes,
such as LOCATIVE and TEM PORAL. A grammar that includes
adverbs (the UESP, for example, did not) must handle this
fact in some way. I propose, therefore, a sequence of
!
{phrase Structure rules for roles th at specify lexical fea-
jtures f i r s t and semantic features second. For example, the
f i r s t sequence of rules would require the following lexical
features of nouns inserted under the indicated role nodes :
(2.178) ESS -* +PREP +NP
ESS ESS
N P - 1 ^+NOM ) +s t
ESS ESS
[
DET N O M
V
ESS ^
N O M N
ESS ESS
N ' +N O U N
ESS aVERB
O A D
The requirement for noun phrases inserted under the TIM E
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7 8
node would be the same as those specified for ESSIVE (2.178)^
providing for both nouns and adjectives to occur. Later
semantic redundancy rules could specify th at ESSIVE noun
phrases (whether nominal or adjectival) must share an iden
tit y with the AFFECTED and that TIM E noun phrases must have
the feature [+TEM PORAL], etc.
The requirements for the LOCATIVE noun phrase would be :
(2 .179) N - + N O U N
L O C -V ERB
I
!
jThis would permit either nouns or adverbs (which are nega-
I
jtively specified for VERB) to be inserted under the LOCATIVE
nodes. An A G EN T noun phrase would necessarily be:
(2 .180) N - +N O U N
A G EN T -A D
which would permit only nouns to be inserted under the role
node. The other roles would have the same rewrite rule.
The only d ifficu lty with such a solution is that the role
id en tificatio n must be kept on the node u n til the Lexical
insertion. I am not sure how this can be done a fte r, for
example, the Rule specified by (2.178), which seems to erase
the A G EN T label. Global rules, of the sort suggested by
Lakoff (1970), would seem to be answer.
Examples of the ESSIVE occurring in the Parker MS. as
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7 9
an adjective following a copula are :
(2.181) & l>a Taider urnon swahwelc swa bonne gearo wear&
ESS
"and ran to the spot, each as he got ready"
(755)
(2.182) hær se cyning ofslægen lasg
ESS
"where the king lay slain" (755)
In each of these the PROPOSITION is verbless or con
tains a quasi-copula. Other kinds of verbs occur with ES -
SIVES, however. For example, I use the ESSIVE for the
second noun complement for verbs of choosing, electing,
e tc ., when there is an identity between the deep PATIENT
and the second complement. For example, John is the PATIENT
in the following, and president is an ESSIVE:
(2.183) W e elected John president.
In O E such verbs have sometimes been said to take double
d irect objects (Visser, 1:182-188 and 552-505, speaks of
"Predicative Adjuncts"), but I interpret these as being
instances of inflectional identity sim ilar to that found in
double Nominative constructions. For example, in the fo l
lowing Cyneheard seems to agree with se_ and Præn with noma :
(2 .184) se was Cyneheard haten
"he was called Cyneheard" (755)
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8 0
(2.185) t>am was o^er noma nemned Præn
"whose other name was Praen" (794)
A related group of verbs realize the ESSIVE adjunct by a
prepositional phrase rather than with an in flectio nal iden
tit y :
(2.186) Her Breqowine wæs to ercebisc gehadod
ESS
"In th is year Bregowine was consecrated
archbishop at Michaelmas." (759)
(2.187) Her Ceolnob was gecoren to bisc & gehadod.
"In th is year Ceolnoth was elected bishop
and consecrated." (830)
(2.188) & Cu^)bryht w aes to ærcebisc qehalqod
"and Cuthebert was consecrated archbishop"
(741)
One la st pair of verbs taking an optional ESSIVE are niman
and habban in the following examples :
(2.189) & hiene him to biscepsuna nam
ESS
"and take him as godson" (853)
(2.190) by he hæfde his dohtor him to cuene
"because he had married his daughter (taken
his daughter as queen)" (836)
The role frame for a ll verbs having Predicate Adjuncts
is [_ _ _ _ _ _ _ +ESS +PAT +A G T] . The A G EN T may be deleted
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8 1
in the passive transformation, but the ESSIVE and PATIENT
remain, the ESSIVE having the surface inflection of the
PATIENT unless i t occurs with a preposition. The preposi
tion would, of course, be specified by a feature on the verb
and would take precedence in governing the inflection of the
ESSIVE. For example, geceosan has the feature [+PREP ESS
toi . Since the inflection is ambiguous for a ll instances
of geceosan (the abbreviated form bisc occurs), no in fle c
tion is assigned.
The two phrases him to biscepsuna and him to cuene
Ipresent a special problem. Plummer calls him a reflexive
I
Ion habban (I, 354), but reflexives are generated on the
i
{PATIENT node and have an Accusative in flectio n. I analyze
these as AFFECTED deep ro les, considering the base stru c
ture of (2.190) to be:
(2 .191)
VERB
habban
E S S IV E
cuen
PATIENT AFFECTED AGENT
dohtor B e o r h t r i c B e o r h t r i c
The preposition is part of the ESSIVE, and niman and habban
both have the feature [+PREP ESS ; ^ + Dative]
In addition to the Predicate Nominatives, Predicate
Adjectives, and Noun Adjuncts already discussed, I use the
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8 2
ESSIVE deep role to generate simple appositive phrases.
For example, the appositive Ælfred se cyning has the deep
structure :
(2.192)
Ælfred
ESS
cyning
Any proper noun can take an ESSIVE deep role (e.g., John the
B ap tist, Muskie, the Senator from Maine) but common nouns
must be marked if they accept an ESSIVE. These are, for the
most p art, nouns which can be designated by proper names
(Radio Moscow, brother John) although th is is not always the
case (Radio C entral) . In OE, ea ("river") is marked [_ _ _ _ _ _ _
+ESS] to generate :
(2.193) & nam winter s e tl by Tinan baere ea
"and took up winter quarters by the River
Tyne" (875)
I t would be uneconomical to generate such appositive phrases
d irectly on the noun by reduced relativ e clauses, as in
!P (2.194]
river river
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8 3
H e re one g e n e r a t e s a n d d e l e t e s a c o p u la , g e n e r a t e s a n d d e
l e t e s a r e p e a t e d n o u n p h r a s e , a n d g a in s n o t h in g . I p ro p o s e
t h a t w hen t h e em b ed d ed a p p o s i t i v e s e n te n c e w o u ld c o n t a in
o n ly t h e h e a d n o u n p lu s t h e E S S IV E d e e p c a s e , t h e r e i s no
j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r g e n e r a t i n g a n em bedded s e n t e n c e . I t i s
s im p le r t o g e n e r a t e t h e E S S IV E d i r e c t l y on t h e n o u n .
That is not to say th at a l l appositives are derived
from ESSIVE roles on nouns. The following must be consid
ered to arise from a reduced re la tiv e , embedded as is shown
in (2.196):
(2.195) John, a man of great influence, has refused
to help us .
(2 .196)
AFF
J o h n
PAT
(h a s ) i n f lu e n c e J o h n
I f t h e E S S IV E d e e p r o l e is u s e d t o a c c o u n t f o r a p p o s i
t i v e s , t h e n we h a v e a d e r i v a t i o n f o r Æ lf r e d se c y n i n g . How
e v e r , t h e so m ew h at d i f f e r e n t c o n s t r u c t io n Æ lf r e d c y n in g m u s t
a ls o b e a c c o u n te d f o r . W h ile i t i s a l s o an a p p o s i t i v e , i t
b e h a v e s d i f f e r e n t l y fr o m th o s e a lr e a d y d is c u s s e d . E l i z a b e t h
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8 4
Traugott (1967:19) suggests a t i t l e rule to handle it:
This is a T-rule which allows an N like cyning 'king',
ealdorman 'nobleman', aeccebiscop 'archbishop' to follow
a proper noun like Alexander, Ælfred, Ohthere without
an intervening DET as a type of compound. The meaning
of Ælfred cyning 'King A lfred' is apparently quite d if
ferent from th at of the appositive Ælfred se cyning
'Alfred, the k ing'; note also that the t i t l e form is
fixed : *cyning Ælfred, while the appositive one is not:
se cyning Ælfred 'the king A lfred' .
A d ifficu lty with th is solution is th at i t does not
provide different deep structures for surface forms which
Traugott id entifies as "apparently quite different" from
each o th er.
I propose to handle the difference between Ælfred se
cyning and Ælfred cyning from different deep structures, as
follows :
(2.197) Ælfred se cyning
Ælfred
(2.198) Ælfred cyning
ESS
cyning
cyning
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8 5
I n t h e f o r m e r j Æ lf r e d is th e h e a d n o u n ; i n t h e l a t t e r c y n in g
i s t h e h e a d .
There isj as they stand above, no essential difference
between these two types of appositives. One has the proper
noun as its head and the other, the common noun. The la tte r
yields such ordinary appositive phrases as seo ea Tyne ("the
riv er Tyne"), which seem to have no characteristics not
shared by the former.
A difference between the two occurs only if the head
noun of the second type has a feature in the Lexicon speci
fying that i t combines with its ESSIVE deep role to form a
t i t l e . Following Traugott's suggestion, I designate the
feature [+TITLE]. It does not trigger any special tra n s
formational rules, but rather blocks d efin itizatio n of the
head noun (a general rule applying to [N P [N + ESSIVE] N P]
constructions) and makes obligatory the rule which reverses
the noun and ESSIVE in such stru c tu re s. These are stated as
follows :
(2.199) D EM O N STR A TIV E M A R K IN G R U L E
18
S .D X
1
A RT
2
N, X
4
A R T
5
N,
2
6
X
7
Conditions: N^ = N ^ (is coreferential with N^)
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8 6
4 may not contain a boundary which marks
the end of an annual entry
N f ESSIVE with the feature [+PROPER]
The rule is optional.
S.C. Mark 5 [+D EM ONSTRATIVE]
(2.2 00) RO LE INVERSION R U L E
S.D. NPl^
Conditions: Obligatory if 1 has the feature [+TITLE]
Otherwise optional.
S.C. Rewrite: 2 1
Rule (2.199) marks the second element as definite in
the structure Ælfred se cyning but blocks the d efin itizatio n
of Ælfred in the t i t l e construction cyning Ælfred. Rule
(2.200) operates for a l l nouns with noun roles embedded in
them, yielding Ælfred cyning, but also Cantwara cyning
("king of the people of Kent") and Ælfredes cyninges godsunu
("godson of King A lfred"). This rule is discussed fully
under the general section dealing with role ru le s .
The rule assigning inflection to deep roles marks the
ESSIVE to agree with its head noun, if i t occurs in a noun
phrase, or with the noun to its immediate rig ht, if it
occurs in a PROPOSITION. This w ill not necessarily be a
Nominative, as the following illu s tra te :
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8 7
(2.2 01) & laenbryht ærcebisc fo rle t sumne dæl his
ESS
biscdomes . "and Archbishop jaenberht lost
a certain part of his province." (785)
N OM INATIVE
(2 .202) Her laedde Beocca aldormon Wesseaxna aslinassan
& Ælfredes cyninges to Rom e
ESS
"In th is year Ealdorman Beocca took to Rom e
the alms of the West Saxons and of King Al
fred." (881) GENITIVE
(2 .203) & from Offan kyninqe Hygebryht wæs gecoren
ESS
"and Hygeberht was chosen by King Offa . "
(785) DATIVE
(2 .204) Her Cyneheard ofslog Cynewulf cyning
ESS
"In th is year Cyneheard k illed King Cyne
wulf" (784) ACCUSATIVE
I t is permissible for the ESSIVE deep role, even though
i t is in a t i t l e construction, to have another deep role
self-embedded, as, for example, in the following:
(2.205) Ingild was Incs brobur West Seaxna cyninges
"Ingild was the brother of Inc, king of the
West Saxons." (855)
(2.206) Her Æbelbryht Cantwara cyning forbferde
"In th is year Ethelberht, king of the people
of Kent, died" (760)
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8 8
I t would be d iffic u lt to establish whether these are t i t l e
constructions or not. Logic based upon M odE would suggest
that (2.205) has a deep structure in which Inc is the head
and cyning the ESSIVE. W e would be more likely to express
th is as the translatio n of (2.205) does, rather than "Ingild
was the brother of the king of the West Saxons, Inc," but
either is perfectly acceptable. Despite the M odE tra n sla
tion of (2.206), there are in the text enough examples of
such constructions in the same fixed order to suggest that
this may be a t i t l e construction with an embedded AFFECTED
(Cantwara) on the head noun, giving a deep role like the
following for the noun phrase :
(2 .207)
c y n in g Æ]je I b r y h t
AFFECTED
C a n tw a re
I f t h i s i s s o , t h e n a t i t l e c o n s t r u c t io n c a n b e fo rm e d b e
tw e e n a common h e a d n o u n a n d i t s E S S IV E d e e p r o l e , e v e n
th o u g h t h e n o u n h a s o t h e r d e e p r o l e s as w e l l . T h e re is a ls o
a p p a r e n t l y a h i e r a r c h y o f i n v e r s i o n ( y i e l d i n g f i r s t Æj?eIb r y h t
c y n in g a n d t h e n C a n ta w a r a c y n in g o r A b e Ib r y h t C a n ta w a ra
c y n i n g ) , b u t t h i s w i l l b e d is c u s s e d i n m o re d e t a i l i n th e
s e c t i o n o f ROLE R U L E S .
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8 9
I t should be mentioned th at (2 .205) has failed to
undergo d efin itizatio n or inversion if the deep structure
had Inc as its head and cyning as an ESSIVE (it is perfectly
regular if i t is a t i t l e construction). Since both rules
are optional for ordinary appositives, i t is impossible to
use lack of d efin itizatio n of cyning or lack of inversion
of the two noun phrases as evidence either way. It is, in
fact, possible that the embedded AFFECTED on cyning, which
eventually precedes i t in the surface structure, blocks
d efin itizatio n or inversion, but since both rules are op
tio n al, i t is unnecessary to decide.
2.8. The Three LOCA TIV E Roles
Early Case Theory considered LOCATIVE to be a single
ro le. However, three different kinds of LO CA TIV ES occur in
the following sequence of sentences:
(2.208) John lives in Chicago.
(2.209) John came from Chicago.
(2.210) John is going to Chicago.
Fillmore (197 0) suggests d ifferen tiatin g these as PLACE,
SOURCE, and G O A L, respectively. The three kinds of LO C A
TIVES combine freely in ModE, although SO U R C E and G O A L are
most frequently paired, as in :
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9 0
(2.211) Mary drove from Tijuana to Ensenada.
SO U R C E G O A L
LOCATIVES usually are expressed by prepositional
phrases in the surface structure and in th is they d iffer
from the roles previously studied, which ordinarily appear
without prepositions and whose deep role relationships to
the verb are capable of being expressed by inflection alone
In a grammar of ModE, SO U R C E and G O A L are not LO C A
TIVES . According to Fillm ore's la te s t formulation (1970),
they may be used to show temporal relationships as well,
forming a three-way contrast between SOURCE, G O A L, and TIM E
(2.212) They drove from six u n til midnight.
SO U R C E G O A L
(2.213) They le ft at six o'clock.
TIM E
(2.214) They drove six hours.
TIM E
IB y chance, the only temporals occurring in the Parker MS.
are points of time or duration of time (2.213) and (2.214)
and since a sentence may contain only one or the other but
not both, the only temporal deep role found necessary is
designated TIME, the inflection or preposition indicating
whether we are dealing with the aspect of duration or of
point of time.
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9 1
Since no temporal instances of SO U R C E and G O A L occur^
i t is possible to simplify the grammar of the O E te x t. In
a grammar of M odE i t would be necessary to specify for each
verb whether SO U R C E and G O A L could be temporal, locative,
or eith e r. For example, sleep permits only temporal SO U R C E
and G O A L in ModE, while send permits only locatives . Drive
permits eith er, but not both in the same sentence, as in:
(2.215) John drove from noon u n til midnight.
(2.216) John drove from Chicago to New York.
ibut not :
(2.217) *John drove from noon to Chicago.
Although SO U R C E noun phrases require a preposition
preceding the noun, PLA CE and G O A L deep roles may be re a l
ized as a simple adverb:
(2.218) John doesn't live here anymore.
PLA CE
(2.219) John went there by car.
G O A L
SO U R C E deep roles, with rare exception, require a preposi
tion even when the adverb occurs rather than a noun phrase:
(2 .220) Let's s ta rt from h ere.
SO U R C E
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9 2
OE permits any of the three LO CATIVE deep roles to be
realized d irec tly as adverbs, e .g .:
(2.221) & he j> asr wunade "and he lived there" (755)
PLACE
(2.222) bonon hi hi bestælon
SOURCE
"which they had le ft secretly" (891)
19
(2.223) ba ridon hie bider "then they rode thither"
G O A L
(755)
In the Lexicon, adjectives and adverbs are marked for
the deep roles which they can represent. For example, ham
weard can only be a G O A L, while east weard and west weard
can represent eith er SO U R C E or G O A L:
(2.224) ba hie ba ham weard wendon
"When they turned homeward" (855) G O A L
(2.225) & by geare gehergade Ecgbryht cyning on West
Walas from easte weardum ob weste wearde :
"And th at year King Egbert ravaged in Corn
w all, from east to west." (813) SO U R C E and
G O A L
In a grammar of M odE we might hypothesize th at a noun
phrase is always inserted f i r s t into a LO CATIVE node in the
base and th at a pro-form (the adverb) is substituted by a
transform ational rule, as in the following:
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9 3
(2 .226) a . We h o p e t o b e a t y o u r h o u s e b y n i n e . = >
b . we h o p e t o b e t h e r e b y n in e .
Perhaps something of th is sort happens in O E ^ as well, but
i t is not always possible to recover the deleted noun
phrase. For example, are we dealing with a pro-form in the
following, and if so, what has been deleted?
(2 .227) & bses ymb i i i niht ridon i i eorlas up
?
"and three days la ter two Danish earls rode
farther inland." (871)
(2.228) & on his dæqe cuom micel sciphere up
p
"And in his time a great naval force came
inland" (860)
According to Plummer (p. 410), the adverb has the sense
of going inland, but we have no evidence that i t replaced
any phrase with that content. Rather than hypothesize de
leted noun phrases, I have w ritten the grammar permitting
free insertion of adverbs under locative nodes, specifying
for them what prepositions, if any, are required. For
example, ham weard does not require a preposition when used
as G O A L (2.224), but east weard and west weard do when used
as SO U R C E or GOAL.
I f a d v e rb s a r e t o b e i n s e r t e d d i r e c t l y u n d e r t h e L O C A -
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9 4
TIVE deep role nodes, they must be specified as [+N O U N ] and
[+AD]. The positive N O U N marking permits them to be in
serted d irectly under a Noun Phrase node and the [+A D ] in -
2 0
dicates that they are not true nouns. Adverbs are also
specified as [-VERB] to d ifferen tiate them from adjectives.
Finally, they must have the feature [+LOC] to permit them
to f i l l any of the LOCATIVE deep role nodes. For example,
hindan ("from behind") has the following pertinent features;
(2 .229) +N O U N
-VERB
+A D
+ L O C
+SO U R C E
These features indicate th at the adverb may stand alone as
a realization of a deep role SOURCE, as in the following:
(2 .230) & hie hindan ofridan ne meahte "and they
could not overtake them from behind" (877)
Inne ("inside") has the features:
(2 .231) + N O U N
-VERB
+A D
+ L O C
+G O A L
T h e s e p e r m it :
(2 .232) & hie sume inne wurdon "and some of them
got inside" (867)
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9 5
Each of the LOCATIVE deep roles has specific preposi
tions and surface inflections associated with i t . For ex
ample, the unmarked surface inflection for SO U R C E noun
phrases is Dative, so a verb which has SO U R C E as a deep role
need not be marked for inflecting that role unless it h ab it-
I
jually has its SO U R C E realized with another in flectio n .
I
Since several prepositions may occur, each verb is marked
for the prepositions which i t takes. For example, afaran
has the feature [+PREP SO U R C E o f1 to generate the following:
(2 .233) & Ceolwulf bisc & Eadbald bisc of ^aem londe
aforon "And Bishop Ceolwulf and Bishop
Eadbald le ft the country." (794)
Bestælon, however, takes a Genitive of SO U R C E without a
preposition and is marked simply [+INFL SO U R C E G enitive],
generating :
(2.234) & hie ba under t>am hie nihtes bestælon
j)aere fierde "And then under cover of
th at, they stole by night away from the
English army" (876)
The unmarked inflection of noun phrases occurring under
the G O A L node is accusative, as in:
(2 .235) & hiene ba Cynewulf on Andred adraefde "and
then Cynewulf drove him into the Weald" (755)
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9 6
(2 .236) & on j?a ceastra bræcon
"and they broke into the city" (867)
For such verbs, one need only mark the preposition associa
ted with the G O A L node. If another inflection occurs, how
ever, the verb must be marked. For example, to generate the
following sentences, gelædan and drifan are marked with the
feature [+PREP G O A L t2 + D ative]:
(2 .237) micle fierd to Readingum gelseddon
"they led a great army to Reading' (871)
(2 .238) & hie wolde dr if an to t>æ s cyninges tune
"and wished to force them to the king's
residence" (787)
The unmarked inflection of noun phrases occurring under
the PLA CE node is , without exception, the Dative:
(2 .239) Her Danihel geseet on Wintanceastre
"In th is year Daniel resigned in Winches
ter" (744)
(2 .240) Her o^iewde read Or is tes m ael on hefenum
"In this year a red cross appeared in the
sky" (773)
Gesittan occurs in the tex t with two meanings: (1) "to
resign" and (2) "to occupy." Gesittan ("to resign") has the
frame [_ _ _ _ _ _ _ +PIACE +A G T] and the feature [+PREP PLA CE
on], as illu stra te d by (2 .239) above. Gesittan ("to
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9 7
occupy") presents the problem of whether the frame assigned
should be [_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ +PLA .C E -tA G T ] or [_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ +PA T 4A G T] ^ as
the following shows :
(2 .241) & geseet bset lond
(880)
"and settled th a t land"
Dorothy Whitelock tran slates th is as "and settled there,"
thus pointing up the problem of the shadowy line between
PLA CE and PATIENT as complements for such verbs. I believe
th at when i t is d iffic u lt to establish the semantic content
of the noun phrase, one should consider the clues offered
by the syntax. On th is basis, ges itta n takes a PATIENT
(lack of preposition. Accusative inflection) rather than
PLA CE and is a tra n sitiv e verb.
In analyzing LOCATIVE deep roles, one must decide
whether the two following sentences both contain LOCATIVES :
(2.242) Mary received a le tte r from Chicago.
(2.243) Mary received a le tte r from John.
John is the sender of the le tte r in the second sentence and
is not actually a place, yet the sentences look very much
alik e . One must consider the verb being assigned roles, I
believe, rather than any abstract action involved. On th is
basis, receive seems to have a SO U RCE in both (2.242) and
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9 8
(2.243). Even clearer is the following p air, in which take
has a G O A L in both examples :
(2.244) Mary took her money to the bank.
(2.245) Mary took her money to her mother.
Since LOCATIVE deep roles are ordinarily occupied by inani
mate nouns, i t is necessary to mark animacy positionally for
verbs which permit SOURCE, G O A L, or PLA C E to be animate
nouns.
Onfon, for example, has the frame [ (+SOURCE) +PAT
+AFF] and the feature [+SOURCE [4ANIMATE]] to generate:
(2.246) Her Nobhelm ærce biscep onfeng pallium from
Romana bisc. "In th is year Archbishop
Notthelm received the pallium from the
bishop of the Romans." (736)
2.8.1, LOCATIVE Combinations
Some verbs require a locative deep role as a comple
ment, permitting either SO U R C E or G O A L or both to occur.
This p o ssib ility is indicated in the role frame by linked
parentheses, which indicate that at least one of the paren
thesized elements must be selected. For example, aflyman
("to banish") requires an AGENT, an OBJECT, and either a
SO U R C E or a GOAL. Its frame and relevant features are:
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9 9
(2 .247) +[ ( +S O U R C E X +G O A L ) +PA T 4A G T ]
+PAT [4ANIM ATE]
4-PR E P SO U R C E of_
4-PR E P G O A L on
These features generate both of the following contexts for
aflyman:
(2 .248) & hine of his set le afliemdon "and ban
ished him from his see*" (797) SO U R C E
(2.249) & hiene haefde ær Offa . afliemed
of Angelcynnes lande on Fronclond
"and Offa had driven him . . . from England
to France" (836) SO U R C E and G O A L
If a sentence has multiple instances of G O A L and SO U R C E
deep roles and these are not embedded in each other, then i t
is necessary to assume that they originate as elements of
conjoined sentences to f u l f i l l the one-role-per-proposition
requirement of Case Theory. For example :
(2.250) Her for se ilea here innan Mierce to
Snotenqaham "In th is year the same army
went into Mercia to Nottingham" (868)
(2 .251) Her for se here of East Enqlum ofer Humbre
m ut>an to Eoforwicceastre on Norj^hymbre
"In this year the army went from East Anglia
to Northumbria, across the Humber estuary to
the city of York." (867)
Since only one instance of any deep role is permitted in a
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100
simplex sentence, some origin must be found for the multiple
G O A L S in the two sentences above. The simplest solution is
to posit a deep structure with conjoined sentences, as in
(2 .252) :
(2.252) Her for se ilea here innan Mierce & for to
Snotenqaham.
The repeated verb for is eventually deleted, yielding
1(2 .251) .
2.8.2. LOCATIVE Deep Roles
on LOCA TIV ES
A peculiarity of the LOCATIVE deep roles is that they
may be, and frequently are, embedded and re-embedded with
other LOCATIVES. This is true in M odE as well as in OE, as
the following illu stra te s :
(2 .253) There is a frog on the log in the hole in
the middle of the se a .
IThis has the deep structure :
(2.254) PR O P
V ER B
on the
AFF
in the
hole
in the
middle of
the sea
frog
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1 0 1
One must mark the prepositions and adverbs which may
combine with each other to form embedded LOCATIVES in the
te x t. For example^ in the following we must decide where
to generate and whether on long . . . feor on constitute
a single item or a case of embedding:
(2 .255) Her for se here up on long Mase feor on
Fronclond "In th is year the army went
along the Meuse farther into the Frankish
empire" (882)
Up could be either the adverb signifying "farther inland" or
the adverb signifying "upstream" in th is sentence, but in
eith er case i t is the immediate deep role G O A L of the verb
faran . Plummer identifies on long as a form of the prepo
s itio n andlang and M aese as its Genitive object ("along the
Meuse"). Feor is probably an error for u fo r, "farther up,"
and on Fronclond is of course a prepositional phrase used as
a GOAL. The deep structure of the G O A L node on faran ,
therefore, would be quite complex for th is sentence:
(2 .256) G O A L
N P " " ' S ’ O A L
a:D V G O A L
on Fronclond on long M aese
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1 0 2
This is an exceptionally complex example of G O A L re-embed
ding, but simpler instances are frequent in the Chronicle,
as the following illu s tra te :
(2 .257) & hie Baldred t>one cyning nor& ofer Temese
adrifon "and they drove King Bealdred
north across the Thames" (823)
(2 .258) & ï)y ilcan geare for Ælfred cyning mid scipum
ut on sae "and the same year King Alfred
went out with ships to sea" (882)
! I have recorded actual occurrences of re-embedded G O A L
I
and SO U R C E cases in the Lexicon. For example, to generate
1(2 .257), norl? is marked with the feature [+PREP G O A L ofer)
I to indicate th at i t permits G O A L embedding with the prepo
sitio n o fe r. Since norÿ is likely to be either SO U R C E or
G O A L, if i t occurs with ofer plus a noun phrase, we are
likely to have a case of re-embedded LOCATIVES.
There are some restrictio n s on the permissible combina
tions of adverbs and prepositions, as is evident in the
following from ModE:
(2.259) The car is over by the garage.
(2.260) ?I drove the car over by the garage.
(2.261) *I drove the car over under the bridge.
Because some re stric tio n s must also have existed in OE, only
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1 0 3
actual instances of re-embedding are recorded.
2.8.3. LOCATIVES without Verbs
Another peculiarity of the LO CATIVE deep roles is that
they may occur in sentences from which the verb has been
deleted. Compare the following:
(2.252) bser him mon to ne meahte
"where they could not be reached" (877)
(2 .263) T o y hie from his m asgum ær mid unryhte anidde
waerun "because they had been wrongfully
forced away from his kinsmen" (82 3)
In (2 .262) bser is not a PLA C E deep role on m asg but rather on
a verb which fa ils to appear in the surface structure. In
(2.263) from his m æqum is a SO U R C E on a verb embedded in
the matrix hie . . . anidde wasrun, but again, the verb has
been deleted in the derivation. Apparently the grammar has
la rule which permits the deletion of specific verbs or kinds
I
of verbs when they are complements of other specific verbs
(as must be the case in (2.263) or in the presence of a
modal (2.262)), ju st in case a LO CATIVE appears in the deep
stru ctu re. I t would be impossible to formulate the rule
sp ecifically in such a limited te x t, however, since the de
leted verb is unrecoverable. One can only note that such a
rule exists .
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1 0 4
2.9. The TIM E Role
I t is sometimes d iffic u lt to decide whether a temporal
phrase originates as an element of the modality or as a role
on a verb. I t is clear, for example, th at TIM E is optional
and must have originated in the M O D in the following sen
tence, since her is inserted automatically at the beginning
of the entry for each year in the Chronicle :
(2 .264) Her mon slog Selred cyning
"In th is year King Selred was slain ." (746)
When an entry describes more than one incident for any one
year, i t is also customary to in sert a temporal phrase as an
introduction to a new topic, as in:
(2 .265) & ilcan geare sende Æbelwulf cyning
Ælfred his sunu to Rome "And that same year
King Æthelwulf sent his son Alfred to Rome."
. . . '5a'by ilcan geare Ealhere mid Cantwarum
& Huda mid Supriqium gefuhton "Then the same
year Ealhhere with the people of Kent and Huda
with the people of Surrey fought" . . . Ond
bæs ofer Eastron geaf Æbelwulf cyning his
dohtor Burgrede cyninge of Wesseaxum on Merce
"And afterwards, after Easter, King Æthelwulf
gave his daughter in marriage to King Burgred,
from Wessex to Mercia." (853)
While such temporals do not originate as roles on
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1 0 5
verbs, i t is clear that in the following agan ("to pass")
must have TIM E as a deep role, since i t is an obligatory
element :
(2 .266) t>a was x l i i i wiht agan sijaban he onfeng
bisc dome "Forty-three winters had then
passed since he succeeded to the bishopric"
(745)
The following examples, however, are more d iffic u lt to ana
lyze :
(2 -267) & bser was x ii monaÿ wuniende
"and remained there a twelvemonth" (855)
(2.268) & se Cynewulf ricsode xxxi wint
"And Cynewulf reigned 31 years." (755)
Since the grammar must have TIM E as a deep role in order to
generate sentences like (2.266), i t is convenient to gener
ate temporals as deep roles on any verbs or nouns which are
frequently measured in terms of duration (e.g., liv e , re ign,
s ta y , tra v e l) . For the Parker MS. I have chosen to generate
a ll TIM E phrases, except those which are s ty lis tic a lly
attributable to the discourse level (as are her and t>y ilcan
geare in the f ir s t two examples above) as deep roles on
verbs or nouns.
TIM E as an element of the modality can be realized in
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1 0 6
many ways. It is often an Instrumental ( by ilcan geare
above) or a prepositional phrase^ as in:
(2.269) & on his daqum cuomon ærest i i i scipu
"And in his days there came for the f ir s t
time three ships" (787)
Or i t may be the Genitive, as in:
(2 .270) & b ^ qeares wurdon v i i i i folcqefeoht gefohten
"And during th at year nine general engage
ments were fought" (871)
As a deep role, TIM E can become the subject of the
surface structure just in the event th at no other deep role
appears in the frame (as in (2.266) above). If other roles
are present, then TIM E is realized as an Accusative (2 .267).
If TIM E occurs as a deep role on a noun, its unmarked in
flectio n is the same as for other noun deep ro le s—the Geni-
Itive . In the following, for example, ilcan geare, which
originates in the M O D and indicates the time when the action
occurred, has an Instrumental in flectio n . Ane tid , a deep
role on the verb abystrian, has the Accusative inflection.
And daeqes, a deep role on the noun t i d , is a Genitive :
(2.271) & by ilcan geare abiestrode s io sunne a ne
tid dasqes "And the same year there was an
eclipse of the sun for one hour of the day"
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _(879)_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
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If TIM E as a deep role is realized in any other way,
the verb or noun must be marked. For example, s itta n has
the feature [ +PREP TIM E oferl to generate :
(2 .272) & hæt>ene men ærest ofer winter saston
"And for the f i r s t time heathen men stayed
through the winter" (851)
Since the in flectio n of the noun phrase is Accusative, and
th is is the unmarked inflection for deep role TIME, no in
flectio n need be marked for the object of the preposition
o fe r. The Accusative w ill automatically be assigned to
w inter.
T IM E o f t e n o c c u r s em bedded i n o t h e r t e m p o r a l p h r a s e s ,
w h e th e r t h e s e o c c u r i n t h e MOD o r as d e e p r o l e s t h e m s e lv e s .
The u n m a rk e d fo r m o f s u c h n o u n s , l i k e a n y d e e p r o l e s on
n o u n s , is t h e G e n i t i v e (2.2 71), a n d i f a n y o t h e r fo r m o c
c u r s , t h e it e m m u s t b e s o m a rk e d . F o r e x a m p le , i n th e
f o l l o w i n g , dasg a n d w ic c a n h a v e t h e f e a t u r e [+PREP TIM E o f e r
+ A c c u s a t i v e ] :
(2 .273) Her lanbryht w ass gehadod to ærcebisc on t>one
feowertegan deeq ofer midne winter
"In th is year jænberht was consecrated arch
bishop on the 40th day after Christmas Day"
(763)
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(2.274) on Ipære seofoSan wiccan ofer Eastron he gerad
to Ecqbryhtestane "Then in the seventh
week after Easter he rode to 'Egbert's
sto ne'" (878)
Monab has a feature [+PREP TIM E ymb + Accusative] to gen
erate :
(2 .275) & hses ymb anne monab gefeaht Ælfred cyning
"And a month la te r King Alfred fought" (871)
2.10. Remarks on habban and
on the Copula
I When a PROPOSITION lacks a verb, the grammar must
jsupply one to form a sentence. I have discussed ways in
I
I
jwhich this occurs as they arose in the general discussion
I
of roles, but i t might be well to give a resume here to
indicate which verbs are generated automatically and under
what conditions they occur.
Ordinarily verbs are the f i r s t items inserted in the
underlying trees . This follows the UESP Grammar, which
argues persuasively for prior verb insertion in a Case
IGrammar, since most noun phrases are generated as roles on
specific verbs . However, i t is possible to form a PROPO
SITION without a verb, simply by juxtaposing two nouns which
have a given role relationship to each other. For example.
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1 0 9
the deep structure
(2 .276) R O L E
brother
AFF
John
may yield the phrase John's brother if R is in construction
with a verb :
(2 .277) PR O P
V ER B A G EN T
John
this might become^ if the verb includes past tense;
(2 .278) John's brother came.
If the nouns brother and John are directly dominated
by PROPOSITION, then their relationships to each other would
be PATIENT to AFFECTED, yielding the deep structure
(2 .279) PRO P
V ER B
I
0
PATIENT
I
brother
AFFECTED
I
John
One arrives at the relationship between brother and John in
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1 1 0
analyzing and assigning deep ro les. Although nouns embedded
in other nouns routinely acquire a Genitive inflection in
the surface structure (John's brother, for example) only
possessives have the PATIENT-AFFECTED deep role relationship
(contrast time of day, city of Chicago, e tc .) . When these
two roles occur juxtaposed in a verbless PROPOSITION (2.
279), the grammar supplies the verb have by rule, yielding
21
the sentential equivalent of John's brother,
(2.280) John has a brother.
This is true in the O E text as w ell. Habban^ is gen
erated in verbless PROPOSITIONS containing PATIENT and
AFFECTED, as in the following:
(2.281) & he hæfde ba "and he had that" (755)
(2 .282) & ymb xxxi wint bæs he rice hæfde
"and when he had had the kingdom 31 years"
(755)
Habban^ is generated if only the two roles occur (2.281),
but i t can also be generated if other roles are present, as
is TIM E in (2.282).
There is another habban^ which is rather like th at in
serted by ru le. It d iffers, however, in th at i t has an
AGENT-PATIENT relationship in its role frame ; it is inserted
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I l l
f i r s t , as are other verbs; and its noun phrases are gener
ated as deep roles on i t . For example, in the following
habban has an A G EN T (Æt)elwulf ) , a PATIENT (dohtor) , an
ESSIVE (cuen) , and an AFFECTED (him), and the PROPOSITION
describes an action, not a possessive relationship:
(2 .283) be Æbelwulf West Seaxna cyning his dohtor
haefde him to cuene "whose daughter
Æthelwulf, king of the West Saxons, had
married." (885)
The verb most often supplied by rule in verbless
PROPOSITIONS is the copula. If a noun phrase occurs with
a LOCATIVE deep role, the copula can be used to form a
jsentence which expresses the relationship between the two
I
noun phrases, as in :
(2 .284) & se nob w aes a t C lofe shoo
"And there was a synod at Clofesho" (822)
(2 .285) & on obrum waeron ba eorlas
"and in the other were the earls" (871)
the tran slatio n of (2.284) suggests, M odE may generate an
ex iste n tia l there in such cases . O E does i t as well, as in
(2 .286) & baer wæs micel un qe buasrnes b^re beode
"And there was great c iv il s trif e among the
people." (867)
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1 1 2
In (2 .286) we have an example of a sentence being formed
with a single N P (micel ungebuærnes j)aer t>eode) . This seems
to be an ESSIVE with ï>ær being generated under the AFFECTED
node, as opposed to the following, in which baer occurs under
the PLA CE node :
(2 .287) baar wearb micel gefeoht
"A great b a ttle took place there." (800)
Apparently, there is no need to generate an e x iste n tia l
baer for the Parker M S . if more than one role occurs in the
deep stru ctu re. For example, in the following the M odE
translatio n inserts a th e re , even though none is necessary
in the OE:
(2 .288) On bis sum geare naes nan faereld to Rom e
"There was no expedition to Rome in th is
year" (889)
Sim ilarly, in the following there is only one deep role in
the PROPOSITION, but the presence of her ("this year"),
which is automatically inserted at the beginning of the
entry for each year, seems to preclude the necessity of
generating baer (the M odE requires a different verb from the
copula in such a construction):
(2 .289) Her w ass se mycle winter
"In this year occurred the great w inter." (761)
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In M odE the copula can be generated to form a sentence
when TIM E occurs in the deep structure alone. For example^
(2 .290) PRO P
V ERB TI
one o 'clock
can become I t is one o'clock. It is generated in such con
structions as an anticipatory subject^ presumably under the
AFFECTED node, as is ex iste n tia l there . No such construc
tion happens to occur in the Parker MS., although we do find
one sentence formed with the copula and including a TIM E
deep role :
(2 .291) & he was x ii niht mid jaam cyninge
"And he was twelve days with the king." (878)
Since there are other roles in the deep structure capable of
being subjectivized, it is unnecessary to generate an a n ti
cipatory subject for (2 .291) .
The derivation of a sentence from a verbless proposi
tion must begin with a noun phrase. If only one noun phrase
occurs, one has an ex isten tial sentence formed with the
copula: I am. I t is more likely, however, th at the grammar
w ill generate an ex iste n tial subject for such a sentence:
There was a boy. The role of the noun phrase in the deep
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m "
s t r u c t u r e s h o u ld b e t h e same i n e i t h e r s e n t e n c e . I s u g g e s t
t h a t i t i s E S S IV E b o t h i n I am a n d T h e r e was a b o y . I t is
b e c a u s e t h e E S S IV E c a n n o t be t o p i c a l i z e d in ModE t h a t t h e
l o c u t i o n T h e re was a b o y m u s t o c c u r . I am, as a c o m p le te
u t t e r a n c e , i s u n iq u e . We do n o t s a y * a d a y was o r * a b o y
w a s , b u t r a t h e r we r e q u i r e a dummy AFFECTED r o l e ( e x i s t e n
t i a l t h e r e ) t o fo r m a s e n te n c e s a y in g t h a t a d a y e x i s t e d o r
a b o y e x i s t e d .
I f we c h o o s e t o g e n e r a t e a n e x i s t e n t i a l s e n t e n c e , we
m u s t s e l e c t t h e E S S IV E r o l e . I f t h e s e n te n c e g iv e s t h e
l o c a t i o n o f a n o b j e c t , we m ust use a PLACE f o r t h e l o c a t i o n
a n d a n AFFECTED f o r t h e o b j e c t . I f we w is h t o g e n e r a t e a
s e n te n c e e x p r e s s in g p o s s e s s io n , t h e r o l e s a r e P A T IE N T a n d
A F F E C T E D . T h is s u g g e s ts t h a t a no u n w h ic h t a k e s a n AFFECTED
d e e p r o l e ( e . g . , b r o t h e r ) s ta n d s i n a P A TIE N T-A FFE C TE D r e l a
t i o n s h i p t o i t s d e e p r o l e , a n d a n o u n w h ic h t a k e s a LOCATIVE
d e e p r o l e ( e . g . , h o u s e ) s ta n d s i n an AFFECTED-PLA CE r e l a
t i o n s h i p t o i t s d e e p r o l e (h o u s e a t t h e c o r n e r ) . J o u r n e y
c o u ld h a v e e i t h e r a n AFFECTED-GO AL ( jo u r n e y t o t h e m oon) o r
AFFECTED-SOURCE r e l a t i o n s h i p ( jo u r n e y o u t o f d a r k n e s s ) .
S in c e s u c h p h r a s e s c a n b e c o n v e r t e d i n t o s e n t e n c e s , t h e
g ra m m ar m ust s t a t e t h e tw o -w a y r e l a t i o n s h i p w h ic h e x i s t s
w i t h some d e e p r o l e s on n o u n s .
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1 1 5
Not a ll deep roles on nouns can be expressed as sen
tences . For exampleJ promise takes a deep role PATIENT
which is often realized as an embedded sentence, for exam
ple, to go. There is no way of converting this relationship
into a sentence without resorting to a true verb, e .g .,
make, which has its own case frame and may include promise
as its deep PATIENT. In fact, the only roles which seem to
imply a two-way relationship are the ESSIVE (with AFFECTED),
jTIM E (with AFFECTED), AFFECTED (with PATIENT) and LOCA TIV ES
(with AFFECTED) .
2.11. Unresolved Problems
Some problems have proved insoluble. Consider, for
example, the following:
(2 .292) & hie ^?a befceste ]3a burg Æ]perede aldormen to
ACT PATIENT AFFECTED
haldonne "And he then entrusted the borough
p
to the control of Ealdorman Ethelred." (886)
Under what node is the inflected in fin itiv e to haldonne
generated? The PATIENT is already occupied by j)a burg . i
suspect th at i t would be best to consider to haldonne to be
outside the proposition as a sort of subordinate sentence
which has been converted into a gerund, but i t is tempting
to consider it an instance of a PU RPO SE deep ro le . I t is a
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1 1 6
phrase tied to the verb befasstan, so i t would be impossible
to embed i t in any of the nouns in the sentence. I t is
possible th at befæstan has a sentence embedded in its PA
TIENT node, healdan t>a burg, and th at this is somehow
burg . . . to haIdonne. W e have a sim ilar construction in
ModE: I entrusted the book to Mary for safekeeping. If we
assign this the deep structure:
.293) PRO P
PATIENT AFFECTED A G EN T V ER B
V ER B PA T A G T
keep book Mary entrust Mary
safe
then we might speculate that the embedded A G EN T (Mary) is
deleted through EQUI-NP-DEL, the embedded PATIENT is raised
to PATIENT of the matrix, and the embedded verb is converted
to an in fin ite phrase. While I accept th is as the deriva
tion, i t is a highly complicated and speculative one, r e
quiring rules which do not apply elsewhere in the grammar.
The following is also a special problem:
(2 .294) & by ilcan geare gebocude Æbelwulf cyning
teohan dael his 1 ondes ofer al his rice
Gode to lofe, & him selfum to ecere hælo
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1 1 7
"And the same year King Æthelwulf conveyed
by charter the tenth part of his land
throughout a l l his kingdom to the praise of
God and his own eternal salvation." (855)
H e r e , a g a in , t h e r e is a n e x te n d e d p u rp o s e c la u s e (Gode t o
l o f e . . . ) . I t r e a t t h i s one as a s u b o r d in a t e s e n te n c e
( e l l i p t i c a l , t o b e s u r e ) , s in c e i t do es n o t seem t i e d t o
t h e v e r b g e b o c ia n ( " t o c o n v e y " ) as is t h e c a s e a b o v e .
H i e r a t i l g e n d e i s d i f f i c u l t t o a n a ly z e i n t h e f o l l o w i n g
p a s s a g e :
(2.295) & by q e a r e H e a lf d e n e N o rb a n h y m b ra lo n d
qedaslde, & ergende weeron & hiera tilgende
"And th at year Healfdene shared out the land
of the Northumbrians and they proceeded to
plough and to support themselves." (875)
The tran slatio n suggests that hiera is deep role PATIENT on
tilia n , but Visser (I, 305-6) says i t is not. He argues
th at the meaning of hiera is "for themselves" and that the
relationship is what he calls causative, but what "Case
Grammar" would probably consider a BENEFACTIVE. There is
no BENEFACTIVE deep role in the grammar presented here,
Benefactives being subsumed under the AFFECTED ro le . Con
sequently, tilia n has been marked with an AFFECTED in its
role frame and with a feature [+INFL AFF G enitive].
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These are the only problems which remain unresolved.
All others have been placed within the role framework, as
discussed in the foregoing sectio n s.
1 1 8
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N O TES
T h e s e r e l a t i o n s h i p s h o ld b e c a u s e I h a v e a r b i t r a r i l y
fo rm e d t h e s e n te n c e s b a s e d upon a h y p o t h e t i c a l s i t u a t i o n i n
w h ic h a b o y nam ed J o h n t h r e w a r o c k w h ic h b r o k e a w in d o w .
I could describe the situ atio n with any of the sentences of
(2.1), but th is does not imply that the sentence The window
broke always necessarily implies eith er an A G EN T or an IN
STRUM ENT. Although i t is not in the natural order of things
for windows to break of themselves, they often do so without
apparent cause, in which case both A G EN T and IN STR U M EN T
cases would necessarily be empty in the base .
I am assuming the correctness of the Lexicalist Hypo
thesis (Chomsky, 1970) th at nominals related to verbs and
adjectives are separate lexical items and are not derived
transform ationally from the related verb or adjective. Any
nominal may have a role frame, whether it is related to an
adjective or verb (b le tsung "blessing") or is purely a noun
(brolpur "brother") .
^Langendoen (1970) calls the subject of Ruby is a
beautiful soprano an "essive" and the predicate noun the
"predicate." If the sentence is interpreted to mean that
Ruby sings b eau tifu lly , he believes th at Ruby must be A G EN T
as well as ESSIVE. I disagree with both suppositions. As
I point out in the section on the ESSIVE ro le, I assign the
predicate noun the ESSIVE ro le. I t id en tifies the noun
phrase which is in an identity relationship with another
noun phrase . In Ruby became a soprano and Ruby is a soprano
the relationship between Ruby and soprano is constant: Ruby
is the AFFECTED and soprano is the ESSIVE ro le. Beautiful,
according to Langendoen"s analysis, comes from another
source (Ruby sings [soprano) beautifully, perhaps) in which
Ruby functioned as an AGENT. I do not accept the suggestion
that role functions can remain when the noun dominated by
119
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1 2 0
the role is erased. Nor do I see that anything is gained by
such a maneuver. The assignment of roles in the base is
designed to capture deep semantic relationships. I t is un
necessary to transfer some roles to nouns during the tra n s
formational cycle . Given the sentence Ruby is a beautiful
soprano both the AFFECTED role in the matrix and the A G EN T
role in the embedded sentence are recoverable.
"^The verb "witness" has sim ilar restrictio n s in ModE.
"John" in "John witnessed the deed" is an A G EN T noun phrase,
but in "John witnessed the accident" i t is an AFFECTED. A
grammar of M odE would have to specify these as two d iffe r
ent, homophonous verbs .
^ It sim plifies the grammar if animacy is assigned as an
inherent feature of AFFECTED noun phrases. The animacy
feature need only be marked if the verb takes an AFFECTED
having the feature [-ANIMATE]. Since most verbs require
th at the AFFECTED noun phrase be positively marked for an i
macy, th is has been a rb itra rily assumed to be the inherent
feature of AFFECTED noun phrases .
^Perhaps two deep semantic relationships are involved
here: C A U SE and INSTRUM ENT. IN STR U M EN T would occur when
an A G EN T is understood and CAUSE, when no A G EN T is possible
or presumed. In OE, however, C A U SE and IN STR U M EN T are mu
tu ally exclusive. No sentence can contain both. Conse
quently, I have collected both under one ro le .
Fillmore (1970) suggests that Manner be embedded under
the IN STRU M EN T node, but since there are no noun phrases in
the text which function as manner, I have restricte d IN
STR U M EN T to a role representing cause-means relationships
with a verb.
^The U ESP Grammar, following Gleitman (1965) and per
haps Chomsky (1965), derives a l l conjoined noun phrases from
conjoined sentences.
®The derivation suggested by (2.100) was actually pro
posed to disambiguate one reading of John and Harry went to
Cleveland. The base structures John went to Cleveland with
H a r r y a n d H a r r y w e n t t o C le v e la n d w i t h J o h n h a v e o n ly one
r e a d in g : th e tw o men w e n t t o C le v e la n d t o g e t h e r . T h is is
n o t t h e c a s e w i t h f o u g h t , b u t no d is c u s s io n o f s u c h t r i p l y
a m b ig u o u s v e r b s o c c u rs i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e on c o n j u n c t io n .
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1 2 1
^Others holding sim ilar views include Smith (1969a),
Dougherty (1967), and McCawley (1968), who suggests a fea
ture [ + JOINT] to mark verbs or noun phrases (e.g., duet)
which have conjoined noun phrases in the base.
l ^ L a k o f f a n d P e t e r s p o i n t o u t t h a t s t a t i v e v e r b s , w h ic h
t a k e AFFECTED s u b je c t s i n my g ra m m a r, a r e in c a p a b le o f h a v
in g c o n jo in e d d e e p s u b j e c t s . J o h n a n d M a ry kn o w t h e a n s w e r
c a n n o t be i n t e r p r e t e d as m e a n in g * J o h n know s t h e a n s w e r w i t h
M a ry o r as * J o h n a n d M a ry know t h e a n s w e r t o g e t h e r . How
ever, some adjectives ("alike" and "sim ilar," for example)
should be interpreted as having COM ITATIVE noun phrases in
the base, so apparently AFFECTED can interact with COM ITA
TIVE as well as AGENT.
^^Fillmore (197 0) argues against RECIPROCITY as fo l
lows: "I might begin by suggesting that the sentence [John
resembles Fred.] involves the judgment that certain proper
tie s observable in John are relatable to properties a ttr ib -
jutable to Fred, with the second noun-phrase serving to iden-
jtify a standard according to which the en tity named by the
jfirs t noun-phrase is assigned some so rt of a position. This
jbeing so, i t should follow that the two roles associated
Iwith [resemble] can be occupied by instances of different
assumptions about existence or observability associated with
them. I t should be possible, in other words, to put in the
second position, but not in the f i r s t position, noun-phrases
which are generically understood or which designate non
existent e n titie s , even when the noun-phrase in the f ir s t
position is a referring expression. This prediction is
borne out, because the two noun-phrases cannot be in te r
changed in properly understood readings of the sentences
[That donkey resembles a unicorn.], [John resembles a
h orse.], or [John resembles his famous ancestor.] ." I agree
with Fillmore th at resemble is [-RECIPROCAL] in the f ir s t
two sentences he uses as examples. I believe, however, that
the generic PATIENT blocks the noun phrase conjunction, not
the difference in existence or time. Compare the following
versions of Fillmore sentences, in which the subject and
predicate noun phrases can be conjoined or reversed:
1. a. Donkeys resemble unicorns.
b. Unicorns resemble donkeys.
c . Donkeys and unicorns resemble each o th er.
2. a . John resembles that horse .
b. That horse resembles John.
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1 2 2
c. John and th at horse resemble each other.
As for the th ird sentence, perhaps there is a constraint on
reciprocity between John and ancestor, at least on the re
v e rs ib ility of the subject and predicate;
3. a. John resembles his ancestor.
b . *His ancestor resembles John.
c . ?John and his ancestor resemble each other .
Resemble is its e lf a d iffic u lt word and perhaps is less
often used with reciprocity than look like or look alike, as
in John looks like B ill or John and B ill look a lik e . The
former may be used, and the la tte r must be used, with a r e
ciprocal in ten t.
^^This d istinctio n between two classes of symmetric
predicates does not seem to have been made before . All
constructions in which the subject and predicate noun phra
ses were capable eith er of conjoining or reversing were
classed together for analysis.
^^It happens that only PATIENT and A G EN T identity
occurs in the Parker MS. However, the feature is marked
simply [+REFIEXIVE] rather than [+REFLEXIVE PATIENT] since
i t is possible that other deep cases might p articipate in
refle x iv ity , as they do in ModE.
^^The le ft-to -rig h t ordering of roles is patterned
somewhat after the arrangement of the UESP study, which
[attempted to arrange roles so that the far rig h t actant
[would be automatically subjectivized and the other roles
jwould be in the order they might appear in the surface
[Structure. I have maintained a sim ilar order, although I
have not had to refer to i t in rules establishing surface
structure order. For O E i t is necessary only to mark in
flectio n to insure th at the proper roles w ill be sub jecti-
vized.
15
The COM ITATIVE, when conjoined with the AFFECTED or
AGENT, triggers a rule which optionally inserts the word
to g eth er.
l^Visser (1:145-52) excludes niman and habban from his
l i s t of reflexive verbs and he also assigns the preposition
to the noun adjunct.
l^Relative clauses are discussed more fully in a later
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1 2 3
chapter. An ESSIVE Deep Role d efin itizes its noun phrase^
a ch aracteristic also to be discussed below in the section
on DETERMINERS.
1
A more complete description of th is rule, including
an explanation of conditions 2 and 4, follows in Chapter
Three.
Whence can function as an adverb denoting SO U R C E in
ModE, as well, and is one of the few instances of SO U R C E
expressible without preposition.
^® A fu ll description of the set of features for adverbs
and adjectives was given as part of the discussion of the
ESSIVE case above.
n 1
Keith Allan (1971) suggests such an analysis of have
and the one following for generating an ex iste n tial th e re .
He suggests (although he uses d ifferen t case terminology)
th at the frame [_ _ _ _ _ _ _ +PAT +AFF] forms a sentence with
have if the AFFECTED is thematicized (John has a brother)
and with if the PATIENT is thematicized (The brother is
John's ). Since the PATIENT is never thematicized in such a
structure in the Parker MS., I have not gone so far in m y
analysis .
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CH APTER THREE
3.0. A rtieles
In the grammar presented here, the Phrase Structure
contains a terminal node ARTICLE which is introduced by the
following rewrite rules :
! (3.1) N P -* D ET N
I DET -* (QUANT) (P A R T) ART (POST)
I
{The DETERM INER is an obligatory constituent of any Noun
Phrase, and i t contains a quantifier (QUANT), a p artitiv e
(PART), an a rtic le (ART), and a post a rtic le node (POST) in
th at order. The ARTICLE is the only obligatory category of
the DETERM INER. The implication of such a sequence of rules
is th at every noun phrase contains, a t some point in its
derivation, an a rtic le or (since only features are in tro
duced in the f i r s t lexical lookup and the node may be erased
without ever being fille d lexically) a potential a rtic le .
The f i r s t lexical lookup supplies inherent syntactic
features to the ARTICLE node. The features supplied are:
124
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1 2 5
(3.2) + ARTICLE
-PR O N O U N
-DEFINITE
-D E M O N S TRATIVE
- I
-II
+ III
The f e a t u r e s s p e c i f i e d p o s i t i v e l y o r n e g a t i v e l y i n t h e f i r s t
lo o k u p a r e s u f f i c i e n t t o g e n e r a t e t h e i n d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e i n
M odE ; u n le s s t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l c y c le c h a n g e s t h e v a lu e o f
t h e D E F IN IT E f e a t u r e , a n i n d e f i n i t e w i l l b e i n s e r t e d i n t h e
s e c o n d l e x i c a l lo o k u p .
P e rh a p s i t is i n c o r r e c t t o s p e a k o f d e f i n i t e a n d i n -
j d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e s a t a l l i n OE , Q u ir k a n d W renn s u g g e s t
I t h a t
T h e q u e s t io n o f a " d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e " i n OE is a v e x e d
q u e s t io n , b u t i t seem s t o b e one w h ic h h a s b e e n r a i s e d
l a r g e l y b y o u r d e s i r e t o im p o se up o n OE a t e r m in o lo g y
f a m i l i a r i n a n d s u i t a b l e f o r M o d .E ; w h e re to d a y we
h a v e t h r e e c o n t r a s t i v e a n d f o r m a l l y d i s t i n c t d e f i n i n g
w o r d s , t h e , t h a t , t h i s , e a c h w i t h a nam e, i n OE t h e r e
w e re b u t tw o , se_ a n d b e s , a n d we a r e l e f t as i t w e re
w i t h a name t o s p a r e
T h e r e i s , n e v e r t h e l e s s , some h i s t o r i c a l d e v e lo p m e n t b o th o f
fo r m a n d f u n c t i o n fr o m OE d e m o n s t r a t iv e s an d a n /s u m t o ModE
d e f i n i t e a n d i n d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e s . T h e r e f o r e , w h i le a c k n o w l
e d g in g t h a t t h e te r m is l o o s e l y c o n s t r u e d h e r e , I h a v e
t r e a t e d t h e f o l l o w i n g ite m s as " a r t i c l e s " : s e , s e o , beet an d
b e s , b e o s , b i s . B o th s e t s a r e m a rk e d i n t h e L e x ic o n w i t h
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1 2 6
the features [+ARTICLE] and [+DEFINITE].
The f i r s t lexical lookup supplies the feature [-DEF] to
the a rtic le node and a defin ite a rtic le can be generated if
th is feature is changed during the transformational cycle.
In O E as well as in M odE^ there seem to be at least three
d ifferen t origins for the defin ite a rtic le : anaphoric,
2
relativ e, and inherent d e fin itiz a tio n .
Anaphoric d efin itizatio n occurs when "the following
noun or noun equivalent refers to someone or something pre
viously mentioned or clearly understood from the context or
the situ ation ."^ The following illu stra te s anaphoric d e fi-
n itizatio n in ModE:
(3.3) I saw a car and a bus yesterday morning, and
I saw the car again this afternoon.
D efinitization as a part of the relativ izatio n process
occurs in the following:
(3.4) That is the car which I saw yesterday.
Inherent d efin itizatio n occurs in the following:
(3.5) The door is open.
(3.6) The sun is hot today.
I t would be possible to tre a t a ll of these as instances
of anaphoric d efin itizatio n , as Vendler (1968, 1970)
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1 2 7
s u g g e s t s . T h e re is a ls o s t r o n g e v id e n c e t h a t f o r ModE t h e
b e s t a n a l y s i s o f d e f i n i t i z a t i o n r e s u l t s fr o m h y p o t h e s iz in g
u n d e r l y i n g , e r a s e d e x i s t e n t i a l s e n te n c e s f o r i n d e f i n i t e
a n d /o r d e f i n i t e noun p h r a s e s (B a k e r , 1966; N i c h o l a s , 1971) .
I h a v e c h o s e n n o t t o a d o p t e i t h e r a n a l y s is f o r s e v e r a l
r e a s o n s . F i r s t , t h e a r t i c l e s i n OE c o n s t i t u t e q u i t e a d i f
f e r e n t s e t fr o m th o s e i n M odE , as Q u ir k a n d W ren n p o i n t o u t ,
a n d t h e y f u n c t i o n d i f f e r e n t l y , as w e l l . S e c o n d , i n a l i m
i t e d , w r i t t e n t e x t , l i k e t h e P a r k e r M S ., i t is p o s s i b l e t o
f i n d a n d i d e n t i f y t h e f i r s t m e n tio n o f a n o u n p h r a s e w h ic h
s e r v e s t o d e f i n i t i z e a s u b s e q u e n t o n e . I t i s , i n f a c t ,
u s u a l l y p o s s i b l e t o f i n d t h e g o v e r n in g n o u n w i t h i n t h e same
e n t r y , s in c e t h e s c r i b e g e n e r a l l y do es n o t d e f i n i t i z e n o u n
p h r a s e s on t h e b a s is o f m e n tio n i n a n e n t r y f o r a p r e v io u s
y e a r . T h i r d , a n d m o s t i m p o r t a n t , i t seem s t o me t h a t some
d e f i n i t e s o r i g i n a t e i n t r i n s i c a l l y w i t h c e r t a i n n o m in a ls an d
a r e b e s t t r e a t e d as l e x i c a l ite m s s p e c i f i e d [+ D E F IN IT E ]
r a t h e r t h a n as in s t a n c e s o f a n a p h o r . C o n s id e r :
(3.7) Where were you when the earthquake hit?
No s im p le e x i s t e n t i a l s e n te n c e a c c o u n ts f o r t h e p r e s e n c e o f
( o r m e a n in g o f ) " t h e " i n t h e s e n te n c e (3.7) . I n f a c t , t h e r e
m ig h t be s e v e r a l p r e s u p p o s it io n s , p e rh a p s s o m e th in g l i k e :
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1 2 8
(3.8) T h e r e w as a n e a r t h q u a k e .
(3.9) T h e re w as o n ly one e a r t h q u a k e .
(3.10) T h e re w as one e a r t h q u a k e w h ic h was s i g n i f i c a n t
e n o u g h t o b e d e s ig n a t e d as "The e a r t h q u a k e ."
iM any such phrases in M odE have d efin ite status inherently,
on a lexical level: the Flood, the Great War, the alphabet.
There is such a usage in the Parker MS., as well:
(3.11) Her wæs se mycle winter
"In th is year occurred the great winter" (761)
Obviously th is is d efin itized because i t is understood to
have unique reference both to the w riter and to the reader.
I t is not defin itized by a sequence like (3.8-3.10), but
rather is a lexical item with unique reference.
Other examples from the Parker MS. of nouns which may
be used d efin itely without anaphoric mention include mona
("moon"), sunne ("sun"), and here ("enemy forces"), a l l of
which may be [+UNIQUE] if so chosen by the w riter:
(3.12) H e r wæs s e mona s w e Ic e h e weere m id b lo d e
b e q o t e n . " I n t h i s y e a r t h e moon lo o k e d
a s i f i t w e r e s u f f u s e d w i t h b l o o d . " (734)
(3.13) & by ilcan qeare abiestrode sio sunne a ne
tid daeges "And the same year there was an
eclipse of the sun for one hour of the day."
(8 7 9 )
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1 2 9
(3.14) Her cuom se here into Escanceastre from
Werham "In th is year the enemy army came
from Wareham to Exeter;" (877)
In none of the foregoing does the context supply the infor
mation which d efin itizes the noun phrase. Apparently only
one reasonable referent exists in the real world, so these
are d efin itized by unique reference.
Yet another kind of d efin itizatio n occurs. Nouns may
be defin itized on the basis of a presupposition of the
speaker th at a noun phrase in a given context has unique
deference. Consider, for example, the following sentence:
i
i
i (3.15) Where were you when the man came?
Leroy Baker would argue that "the" is an "overt marker for
the presence in the same or previous tree of an ex iste n tial
containing the same noun." There is, according to his
analysis, a presupposition for sentence (3.15), roughly
(3.16) A man came.
When (3.16) i s d e l e t e d , man i n (3.15) is d e f i n i t i z e d as an
o v e r t m a rk e r o f t h e d e l e t i o n .
A sim ilar kind of d efin itizatio n occurs in the Parker
MS. In the following examples, gatu ("gate"), duru ("door")
and gerefa ("bailiff") apparently are intended by the w riter
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1 3 0
to have specific (hence, unique) reference:
(3.17) & ]3one seeling on Ipære byriq metton hær se
cyninq ofslægen læg, & gatu him to belocen
hæfdon "and they discovered the atheling
in the stronghold where the king lay s la in —
and they had locked the gates against them"
(755)
(3.18) & he on t>a duru eode
"and he went to the doorway" (755)
(3.19) & ha se gerefa hærto rad
"and then the b a ilif f rode to them' (787)
A redundancy rule marks items which are [+UNIQUE] as
[+DEFINITE], as well, and the noun phrase which they head
undergoes the following rule :
(3.20) DEFINITE SPREA D R U LE
S .D
N P
[X A R T
2
X
3
N ]
N P
S .C
3 ^ N or ADJ
Mark 2 [+DEFINITE]
The condition on the rule blocks such a sequence as *se
micel here, which does not occur in the te x t. If here is
modified either by a noun or adjective, d efin itizatio n is
blocked, as in:
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1 3 1
(3.21) & bv i l c a n q e a r e Æ ^ e ls ta n c y n in g , & E a lc h e r e
d u x lu ic e ln e h e r e o f s lo g o n æ t S o n d w ic on C e n t .
"And the same year. King Athelstan and Ealdor-
man Ealhhere slew a great army at Sandwich in
Kent." (851)
(3.22) & pv ilcan geare cuom micel here on Angel
cynnes lond "And the same year a great
heathen army came into England" (856)
(3.23) & ]dv i l c a n g e a r e q e f e a h t AQ aelhelm d u x wi]p
D e n is c n e h e r e on p o r t "And t h e same y e a r
E a ld o rm a n Æ th e lh e lm w i t h t h e p e o p le o f D o r s e t
fo u g h t a g a i n s t th e D a n is h a rm y a t P o r t l a n d . "
(837)
The condition of D EF SPREA D requires us to tre a t mycle
winter as a unit in the Lexicon, the to ta l phrase being
marked [+N O U N ] and [+UNIQUE]. Otherwise the DEFINITE SPREA D
R U L E would be blocked by the presence of the adjective .
Inherent d efin itizatio n assumes that the speaker or
w riter freely chooses whether the noun selected is intended
to have either specific or unique reference. One cannot
predict whether any given word w ill be used with specific
reference. For example, in O E here can refer to any army,
but in the Parker M S . i t usually refers to the Danish or
enemy forces (Plummer, I, 360) . Fyrd can also be used to
designate any army but is used in the Parker M S. for native
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1 3 2
forces . Consequently, i t is definitized only according to
the general rules for anaphoric d e fin itiz a tio n . Compare:
(3.24) & se Ecgbryht laedde fierd to Pore
"And Egbert led an army to Dore," (827)
(3.25) ba sende he Æbelwulf his sunu of baere
fierde "Then he sent from the army his
son Æthelwulf" (823)
D efinitization as a part of the formation of relativ e
clauses is a kind of anaphor and involves the rule marking
noun phrases [^DEM ONSTRATIVE] on the basis of prior mention.
The specific sequence of rules involved w ill be discussed,
however, in the following chapter in the section dealing
with relativ e clause formation.
Inherent d efin itizatio n marked the a rtic le node
[+DEFINITE], spreading the positive specification of i t to
the a rtic le from the noun phrase (D EF SPREA D RULE). Ana
phoric d efin itizatio n works quite d ifferen tly . I t marks the
a rtic le [+DEM ONSTRATIVE]. The D EM O N STRA TIV E M A R K IN G R U L E
is patterned after Kuroda's suggested rule for anaphoric
d efin itizatio n (1968) with changes necessary for a grammar
which has ARTICLE as a terminal node of the base (Kuroda's
does n o t):
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1 3 3
(3.25) D EM O N STRA TIV E M A R K IN G R U LE
S.D. X ART N^ X ART N ^ X
Conditions; N^= (is coreferential with )
4 may not contain a boundary which
marks the end of an annual entry
N ^ ^ ESSIVE with the feature [+PROPER]
The r u l e i s o p t i o n a l .
S.C. Mark 5 [+DEM ONSTRATIVE]
The problem of establishing noun phrase identity is not
handled here. It is a problem which has remained unsolved
Iin grammars of M odE because identity is apparently a ques
tion of abstract co referen tiality rather than of any formal
grammatical s im ila ritie s. Condition 2 is really a discourse
level requirement, since i t refers to boundaries outside of
the sentence. Obviously such rules must have existed for
O E (and may for ModE, as w ell), but I do not attempt to
formulate them here. The D EM O N STRA TIV E M A R K IN G R U LE simply
notes the discourse implications as a condition on the r u le .
D efinitization of the second noun phrase signals intent of
the speaker th at the noun be interpreted as being corefer
e n tia l with a preceding noun. I t is a question of identity
of reference, not of form, as the following passages i ll u s
tra te :
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1 3 4
(3.27) Her sæt hæ^en here on Tenet, & genamon
fri]p wi]3 Cantwarum & Cantware him feoh
geheton wIT d Ijam frit>e . "In this year
the heathen army encamped on Thanet and
made peace with the people of Kent. And
the people of Kent promised them money
for that peace . " (865)
(3.28) Her Cynewulf & Offa qefuhton ymb Benesingtun
& Of fa nam jpone tuun. "In this year Cyne
wulf and Offa fought around Bensington and
Offa captured the town." (777)
In (3.27) there is an identity of form as well as of re fe r
ent, which easily identifies the noun phrase d efin itizin g
ham f r ih e . In (3.28), however, there is not. I t is even
possible th at an extended passage may d efin itize a noun in
a way not accounted for by the rule given above. For ex
ample, the entry for 755 discusses how Cyneheard followed
the king to Meretun, surrounded the room he was in, and
fought with him u n til the king was dead. In the succeeding
passage, cited below, ha unstilnesse is marked [+DEM ONSTRA-
TIVE] not on the basis of any mention of a disturbance by
name, but rather by the extended description of the d is
turbance :
(3.29) & ha on hæs wifes qebærum onfundon hæs
cyninges hegnas h& unstilnesse
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1 3 5
"Then by the woman's outcry, the king's
thegns became aware of the disturbance" (755)
Chomsky's suggestion that nouns be indexed for reference
(1965) handles examples like (3.27) and (3.28) well, but not
(3.29) . To suggest that there may be a deleted ex isten tial
for (3.29) begs the question to the extent that a deleted
ex iste n tial would be possible only if the information con
tained in i t actually occurs in a foregoing passage.
I The D EM O N STRA TIV E M A R K IN G R U LE supplies the feature
[^DEM ONSTRATIVE] to the a rtic le of the repeated noun. There
are two possible sets of O E article s which may f i l l this
slo t: s e , seo, ]3 a e t (henceforth to be designated by the
single form se ) and t>es, ^eos, ^>is (to be referred to as
J)es) . Se_ is [+DEFINITE] and is unmarked for the [D E M O N
STRATIVE] fea tu re. In inherent d efin itizatio n the article
node acquires a positive value for the feature [DEFINITE]
from the noun (D EF SPR EA D RULE), but the [D EM O N STRA TIV E]
feature retains its negative value. Since bes is marked
[+DEFINITE] and [+D EM O N STR A TIV E] in the Lexicon, i t cannot
f i l l the a rtic le slo t in inherent d efin itizatio n and only
se can be selected.
In anaphoric d efin itizatio n, on the other hand, either
se or bss is possible. The a rtic le node receives a positive
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1 3 6
marking for [D EM O N STRA TIV E] by the D E M M A R K IN G R U LE (3.26),
and a late Redundancy Rule supplies a positive marking for
the [DEFINITE] feature;
(3.30) [+D EM ONSTRATIVE] - [+DEFINITE]
These rules capture the generality th at a ll demonstratives
are definite but not a ll d efinite a rtic le s are used demon
stra tiv e ly , Since se_ can be selected whether the [D EM O N
STRATIVE] feature is specified positively or negatively, i t
can be selected in anaphoric def in itiz a tio n as well as in
inherent d e fin itiz a tio n . In fact, i t is more often selected
than b es. hes is used only d eictically and therefore has
the feature [+DEM ONSTRATIVE]. Since i t never appears with
proper nouns, i t has been assigned a feature which indicates
that i t does not occur in such contexts. Finally, bes is
permitted to combine only with nouns which are locative or
temporal in potential case usage, since these are the only
combinations which occur in the manuscript. The pertinent
features for bes, aside from those which are inherent to
a ll a rtic le s , are;
(3.31) +DEFINITE
+D EM O N STRA TIV E
[+PROPER]
[[ -LOCATIVE])
I [ - t e m p o r a l ] ) .
: { i
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T h e f i r s t t h r e e f e a t u r e s a r e s y n t a c t i c s p e c i f i c a t i o n s . T h e
t e m p o r a l / l o c a t iv e f e a t u r e r e f e r s t o s e m a n tic f e a t u r e s on
n o u n s , r e q u i r i n g t h a t t h e y be m a rk e d e i t h e r [+ L O C A T IV E ]
( e . g . , sae " s e a " ) o r [ + TEMP ORAL] ( e . g . , g e a r " y e a r " ) .
h a s n o s u c h r e s t r i c t i o n s . I t c a n b e i n s e r t e d r e
g a r d le s s o f t h e v a lu e o f [D E M O N S T R A T IV E ]. I t may b e u s e d
w i t h n ouns h a v in g a n y k i n d o f s e m a n tic f e a t u r e . A n d i t may
o c c u r w i t h p r o p e r n o u n s .
In M odE proper nouns generally do not occur with a
preceding a rtic le . While in O E no specifying a rtic le ap
pears with proper nouns, a demonstrative a rtic le may precede
a proper noun which is repeated soon afte r its f i r s t occur
rence, especially when several proper nouns occur within a
single entry. Compare the following:
(3.32) se Carl was Hlobwiqes sunu, se Hlobwiq was
Carles brobur, se wæs lubyttan feeder ]3e
Æbelwulf cyninq hæfde & hie wæron Hlobwiqes
suna, se Hlobwiq was bses aldan Carles sunu,
se Carl was Pippenes sunu; "This Charles
was the son of Louis, the brother of the
Charles who was the father of Judith, whom
King Æthelwulf married; and they were sons
of Louis. This Louis was the son of the old
Charles. This Charles was Pippin's son."
(885)
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1 3 8
(3 .33) He wolde adræfan anne a e ^ > e ling se was Cyne
heard ha te n , & se Cyneheard was l>æ s Sige-
bryhtes brot>ur "he wished to drive out an
atheling who was called Cyneheard, and th at
Cyneheard was the brother of Sigeberht." (755)
Both se Cyneheard and paes Sigebryhtes, in the second pas -
sage, have antecedents in the foregoing te x t. The appear
ance of se_ in such passages as (3.32) and (3.33) rather than
]pes is assured by the feature [ -PROPER] on b es, which never
occurs with proper nouns.
The D EM O N STRA TIV E M A R K IN G R U LE is optional, not oblig
atory, as the following passage illu s tr a te s . Neither rice
nor Cynewulf happen to undergo anaphoric d efin itizatio n ,
although the tex t f u lf ills the conditions for demonstrative
marking :
(3.34) Her Cynewulf benam Sigebryht his rices &
West Seaxna wiotan for unryhtum dædum, buton
Hamtunscire; & he hæfde ba ob he ofslog bone
aldormon be him lengest wunode; & hiene ba
Cynewulf on Andred adrasfde .... & ymb xxxi
wint b%s be he rice hæfde, "In this year
Cynewulf and the councillors of the West
Saxons deprived Sigeberht of his kingdom
because of his unjust acts, except for Hamp
shire; and he retained th at u n til he k ille d
the ealdorman who stood by him longest; and
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1 3 9
then Cynewulf drove him into the Weald. . . .
And when he had he Id the kingdom 31 years, "
(755)
Although rice occurs in many idioms without a definite
a rtic le , i t is subject to demonstrative marking, as the
following illu s tra te s :
(3.35) & ha gebead he him hiera agenne dom feos &
londes g if he him ï)æs rices u]pon "And then
he offered them money and land on th eir own
terms, if they would allow him the kingdom."
(755)
To summarize, there are two kinds of functions fu l
f ille d by the definite a rtic le s : specifying, in which case
the a rtic le is [+DEFINITE] but [-DEMONSTRATIVE], and deictic
(or anaphoric), in which case i t is [+DEFINITE] and [+D EM O N -
STRATIVE]. Inherent d efin itizatio n is handled by permitting
any noun to be freely selected as having specific reference.
If it is intended as specific, its [+DEFINITE] feature is
spread to the a rtic le node. Anaphoric d efin itizatio n is
handled by indexing nouns as they occur in the te x t. A
repeated noun is permitted optionally to undergo demonstra
tive marking, and eventually redundancy rules mark its
a rtic le [+DEFINITE] .
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There are other ways in which noun phrases become
defin itized . A R O L E PLA C EM EN T rule definitizes the a rtic le
node of a proper noun embedded in a noun phrase if no prepo
sitio n is selected. For example, in the following quota
tio n, Cyneheard receives anaphoric d efin itizatio n , as was
discussed above ; S iqebryht is definitized because i t is em
bedded in the noun phrase headed by the noun brobur:
(3.36) & se Cyneheard wæs bses Sigebryhtes brobur
"and that Cyneheard was the brother of
Sigeberht." (755)
The phrase b^s Sigebryhtes brobur has the deep structure
(3.37)
N O U N
brobur
PREP
p Sigebryht
When there is no preposition with the embedded noun phrase,
the embedded noun phrase obligatorily undergoes d e fin itiz a
tion as illu stra te d in (3.36) .
As w ill be seen in the following section, certain de
terminers definitize the a rtic le node as w ell. A ll d efin i
tiz a tio n , however i t is triggered, takes place in the tra n s
formational cycle, which marks the a rtic le node [-f-DEFINITE] .
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If nothing in the cycle occurs to definitize an a rtic le
node^ i t remains [-DEFINITE]^ retaining the negative value
4
assigned in the f ir s t lexical pass.
Late redundancy rules may change some features under
the a rtic le node. For example, if an a rtic le has been
marked as a demonstrative, then i t is also d efin ite, and
the rule handles this as follows :
(3.38) [+D EM ONSTRATIVE] - [+DEFINITE]
Pronominalization (to be discussed in the following section)
may mark the ARTICLE node [+PR O N O U N ] . Otherwise the article
retains a negative marking on the pronominal fea tu re. Dur
ing the transformational cycle relevant features on the head
noun spread to the a rtic le node, as w ell. The rule for this
is :
(3.39) TRA N SFER O F N O U N FEATURES T O ARTICLE
S .D . ART aCOUNT
/ X
N
p PLURAL aCOUNT
YGENDER gPLURAL
Ô NUMBER Y g e n d e r
ÔNUMBER
Conditions ART X N Y is an N P
X contains no unclosed brackets
( i.e ., consists of one or more
constituents)
In the second lexical lookup, the phonological shape
w ill be supplied by matching the feature matrix of the
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1 4 2
a rtic le with those items in the Lexicon which are [+ARTI-
CLE]. If the node is [+DEFINITE] and [-DEMONSTRATIVE], the
a rtic le selected w ill be the proper form of s e , which has
the feature matrix:
(3.40) +ARTICLE
-PR O N O U N
+DEFINITE
-I
-II
+ III
*C O U N T
! *G E N D E R
|lf the node is [+DEFINITE] and [+DEM ONSTRATIVE] either se_
lor hes may be chosen, although there are restrictio n s on
'h es. It cannot precede a proper noun nor occur if the noun
has been deleted. Its features are:
(3.41) + ARTICLE
-PR O N O U N
+DEFINITE
+ D EM O N STR A TIV E
-I
-II
+ III
+C O U N T
-PL
*G EN D ER
-_ _ _ _ _ _ _ [ PRO PER]
-N O U N DELETION
If the a rtic le node is [-DEFINITE], i t w ill be erased, since
there is no indefinite a rtic le in the Lexicon to f i l l the
s lo t. Quirk and Wrenn say of the existence of an indefinite
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a rtic le in O E :
If anything corresponding to the "definite a rtic le "
is rare in O E verse, an "indefinite article " is rarer
s t i l l ; ari is usually a numeral, and when i t is not i t
shares for the most part with sum a "strong in d efin ite-
ness" akin to M odE "a certain" rather than the "weak
indefiniteness" of M odE "a (n) " . (p. 71)
Actually, "weak indefiniteness" is realized as zero through
out the Parker MS. Compare the following O E passages with
the M odE translatio ns:
(3.42) Her ot>iewde read Cristes m ael on hefenum
æfter sunnan setlgonge "In this year a ^
red cross appeared in the sky after sun
se t." (773)
(3.43) H e r cuom m i c e l s c ip h e r e on W e s t W a la s
" I n t h i s y e a r a g r e a t n a v a l f o r c e a r r i v e d
among t h e W e s t w e ls h ." (835)
One could handle this phenomenon in eith er of two ways . A
late redundancy rule could rew rite [-DEFINITE] as NULL.
This adds one rule to the cycle, however, and i t is simpler
ju st to supply two a rtic le s to the Lexicon, both of them
d efin ite, so th at there is nothing to f i l l an indefinite
a rtic le node.
Since there are no instances in the text of definitized
mass nouns, no special rule is required to handle them.
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They w ill remain indefinite throughout the cycle and the
a rtic le node w ill be erased in the usual w ay_, producing:
(3.44) & ha gebead he him hiera agenne dom feos
& Iondes "And then he offered them money
and land on th eir own terms" (755)
(3.45) Her w ass se mona sweIce he waere mid blode
beqoten "In this year the moon looked as
if i t were suffused with blood." (743)
3.1. Pronominalization
Before analyzing pronominalization processes in the
Parker MS., i t would be well to outline the assumptions on
which my analysis is based. F irs t, following the sugges
tions of Kuroda (1965, 1966) and Postal (1966), I assume
that d efin itizatio n precedes pronominalization proper.
Consequently a pronoun forms a noun phrase with the feature
[+DEFINITE] .
Second, I follow Fillm ore's suggestion (1966) that
features relevant for pronominalization (gender, number,
etc.) are transferred from the noun to the determiner before
pronominalization takes place. I consider the determiner to
consist of four p arts: f ir s t , a QUANTIFIER; second, a PAR
TITIVE; th ird , an ARTICLE; and fourth, a POST POSITION which
can be f ille d by ordinals and a few items discussed below.
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The QUANTIFIER, PARTITIVE, and POST are optional elements
and may occur in any combination with the ARTICLE in the
order given above. Only the ARTICLE is obligatory. Con
sequently i t is to the ARTICLE node th at I spread the fea
tures from the head noun. Since i t is necessary to do this
for a rtic le agreement as well as for pronominalization, no
special rule is required.
Third, I do not follow the U ESP Grammar in deriving
pronouns using one as an intermediate pro-form. I p artia lly
follow P o stal's suggestions (1956), in which pronominaliza
tion occurs in the following sequence :
(3.46) a.
b .
c .
d.
e .
ART + N = »
D EF A RT + N = > (optional)
D EF A RT + O N E = > (optional)
D EF A RT + j 6 (obligatory)
PR O N O U N
This analysis is useful for ModE, since a ll strings except
(d) occur. If one is erased, then pronominalization becomes
obligatory. The situation is ju st the reverse in the d ia
lect of the Parker M S . There i t happens th at (c) never
occurs but th at (d) is permissible. Thus, while I accept
in principle the pronominalization process followed by the
UESP Grammar, I omit step (c) and permit pronominalization
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to be optional rather than obligatory. This gives the se
quence :
(3.47) a.
b.
c .
d.
A R T + N = >
D EF ART + N = > (optional)
D EF ART + p (optional)
PR O N O U N
Given a noun phrase (a), d efin itizatio n may not occur, as
in string (a), or i t may, as in strin g (b), depending upon
rules given in the preceding section. If d efin itizatio n
occurs, then noun deletion is permissible (string c) . After
noun deletion, the noun phrase may or may not undergo pro
nominalization (string d) . Following are examples from the
text of each string:
(3.48) a.
d.
& Eadbryht onfeng rice on Cent
"And Eadberht succeeded to the
kingdom in Kent." (794)
& Godrum se norberna cyning for]pferde
"And the northern king, Guthrum, died"
(890)
se wæs Ælfredes cyninges god sunu
"He was King A lfred's godson" (890)
& he bude on East Englum
"and he lived in East Anglia" (890)
Examples b, c, and d are taken from an extended passage and
there seems to be no difference in meaning between se in
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(c) and in (d). Thus, there is ju stific a tio n for con
sidering the choice between (3.47 c and d) to be optional.
The fourth assumption is th at reflexivization is a
d ifferen t process from pronominalization proper, as Postal
(1966) has already suggested. I discussed reflexivization
b riefly in the preceding chapter on Deep Roles. I t occurs
when two identical noun phrases occur in the proposition.
The process of reflexivization is far less complicated in
the Parker MS. than i t is in M odE generally. There are only
a few examples of reflexives in the text and a l l of them
involve proper nouns. There are two sources for the r e
flexive. Some verbs (like besteIan) require th at a noun
phrase identical with the A G EN T noun phrase be inserted
under the PATIENT node. Other reflexives arise, as is the
case in ModE, from the free selection of a noun phrase
identical with either the A G EN T or AFFECTED noun phrase.
Examples of each are repeated be low :
(3.49) honon hi h i bestaelon
REEL
"which they had le ft secretly" (891)
(3.50) & ha un heanlice hine werede
REFL
"and he nobly defended himself" (755)
If the repeated noun phrase occurs in a prepositional
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phrasej se lf is used to form the reflexive, as in the f o l
lowing :
(3.51) & he gearo waere mid him self urn
"and he would be ready, himself" (874)
However the reflexive originates, i t is the presence of
identical noun phrases within a single tree which triggers
re fle x iv iz a tio n . The rule creating the reflexive is p a t
terned after th at in the UESP Grammar, but i t is simpler,
since i t need cover only a few occurrences:
(3.52) REFLEXIVE R U L E
S .I.
X ^p[X ART X N X] X ^p[X A RT X N X ] X
1 2 3 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
Conditions : 2 is immediately dominated by the lowest
S or N P that dominates 9
5 and 13 are head nouns of th e ir NPs
6 = 13
11 has the feature [+DEFINITE]
Obligatory
S.C. Add the feature [+REFLEXIVE] to 11 and to 13
The second N P must be [+DEFINITE], since the reflexive uses
the personal pronouns and, as is noted above, pronouns de
rive eventually from definite a rtic le s . There is evidence
th at reflexivization follows d efin itizatio n in the cycle,
since the deleted A G EN T in (3.50) was presumably se cyning.
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Compare the complete passage below:
(3.53) & ba onqeat se cyning bset & he on ba duru
eode, & ha un heanlice hine werede
"Then the king perceived this and he went
to the doorway and nobly defended himself"
(755)
The pronoun he_ derives from se cyning by the sequence of
rules outlined in (3.47) above. The deleted noun in the
la st clause derives from a pronoun ^ (noun deletion w ill
be discussed be low) which also must have been at some point
se cyning.
There is a second step in the generation of the r e
flexive construction.
(3.54) REFLEXIVE INSERTION
S .1.
iN r
1 2 3 4 5 6
X ^p[X ART X N X] X
Conditions : 3 and 5 have a feature [+REFLEXIVE]
2 / a PREPOSITION
S.C. Delete 5
This generates reflexives of the type he . . . hine . If the
reflexive occurs in a prepositional phrase, the noun w ill be
replaced by self in the second lexical lookup^ since any
noun with the feature [+REFLEXIVE] is automatically erased
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and replacedj as is the case with a ll reflexives in M odE
3.1.1. Pronouns
According to the U ESP Grammar, the is a definite a r t i
cle with alternate forms he, she, i t , and they which occur
when the noun is deleted. Such a treatment is not suited
to the O E text because the definite a rtic le se^ may occur
even when its head noun is deleted. I analyze the pronouns
as having the feature [+ARTICLE], but I consider them to be
d ifferen t e n titie s from se , as is, for example, the demon
stra tiv e a rtic le t>es . As with se_ and t>es, only one form is
liste d for the pronoun he_. Alternate pronouns occur when
the gender is other than masculine or the number is other
than [+III] or both. The feature matrix of the pronouns
follows :
(3.55) +ARTICLE
+PR O N O U N
+DEFINITE
*C O U N T
-I
-II
+ III
+G E N D E R
+N O U N DELETION
The matrix specifies that pronouns are, f ir s t of a ll, d e fi
nite a rtic le s with a feature [+PR O N O U N ] differentiating their
from se_. Otherwise, the f i r s t four features are identical
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for both. C O U N T must be specified positively or negatively;
if it is positive, then the feature [+/-PLURAL] must also be
marked. Otherwise i t may remain unmarked. The pronoun is
taken to be [+III] inherently. Other numbers are provided
by transformational rules which supply [+1] or [+11] and
erase the [+III] marking. Actually, a ll the pronouns in the
text are [+III] except in the following passage:
(3.56) ba cuædon hie t*set hie 'hie ' ]p aes ne onmunden
bon m a be eowre geferan be mid bam cyninge
ofslaegene waerun "Moreover they said th at
they would pay no regard to i t , 'any more
than did your comrades who were slain along
with the k in g .'" (755)
Plummer id entifies th is as "oratio d irec ta" (II, 47), a
Latinate construction probably not natural to the d ialect
of the w riter of the M S . Therefore, I do not attempt to
generate the pronoun by rule in the grammar. Consequently,
for practical purposes, the only pronouns in the tex t are
[+ III]. Gender is spread to the a rtic le node from the head
noun and determines which of the alternate pronoun forms —
he, heo, h i t —w ill appear. The feature [+N O U N DELETION]
makes the deletion of the noun mandatory if the pronoun is
to be selected. This blocks such forms as *he cyning, which
do not occur.
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Inflection is a regular process whether or not the noun
phrase has undergone d efin itizatio n or pronominalization, or
both. As w ill be discussed in the rules of role placement,
inflection is determined by the deep role of a noun phrase
and is marked early in the cycle as a feature on the head
noun. This spreads to the a rtic le node, as do a l l the
features on the head noun, so that even if the noun is de
leted, its N P retains the in flectio nal marking assigned to
i t . Any deep role noun phrase may be pronominalized,
whether the noun is immediately dominated by S or N P . Com
pare the following:
(3.57) Her 'bæd' Burgred Miercna cyning & his
1
wiotan Æjaelwulf cyning taæt he him gefultumade
2 3
baet him Norb Walas gehiersumade ;
4
"In th is year Burgred, king of the Mercians,
and his council asked King Æthelwulf to help
him to bring the Welsh under subjection to
him." (853)
Pronoun (1) is embedded in a noun phrase which had the deep
structure :
(3.58)
wiotan
AFFECTED
I
Burgred
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T h is b e c o m e s , th r o u g h t h e n a t u r a l s e q u e n c e o f r o l e r u l e s ,
B u rq re d s w io t a n a n d , s in c e t h e s e q u e n c e B u r g r e d . . . &
Burqreds wiotan f u lf ills the S .I. for pronominalization, the
genitive, masculine, th ird person form his is selected on
the second Lexical Pass. Pronoun (2) has Æbelwulf as its
antecedent and i t is a deep structure A G EN T on the verb
qefultumian. Pronouns (3) and (4) both have Burgred as
antecedents and both are deep structure AFFECTEDS. There
seem, in fact, to be no restrictio n s between deep role
relationships and pronominalization of repeated noun
phrases.
3.1.2. Noun Phrase Deletion
T h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s d is c u s s e d s o f a r in c lu d e d e f i n i t i z a
t i o n o f a n o u n p h r a s e , d e l e t i o n o f t h e n o u n , a n d p r o n o m i
n a l i z a t i o n o f t h e a r t i c l e . A f i n a l o p t i o n , a n d one f r e
q u e n t l y e l e c t e d , is t h e d e l e t i o n o f t h e e n t i r e r e p e a t e d noun
p h r a s e . C o n s id e r t h e f o l l o w i n g :
(3.59) H e r seet hæ ^en h e r e on T e n e t , & genam on f r i b
w ib C a n tw a ru m " I n t h i s y e a r t h e h e a t h e n
a rm y en cam p ed on T h a n e t a n d made p e a c e w i t h
t h e p e o p le o f K e n t ." (865)
(3.60) & by ilcan qeare qebocude Æbelwulf cyning
teoban dæl his londes ofer a l his rice . . .
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& tjy i l c a n q e a r e f e r d e t o Rome m id m ic e I r e
w e o rl3 n e s s e , & iPcer w as x i i m onaj) w u n ie n d e ,
"And the same year King 3j>elwulf conveyed
by charter the tenth part of his land
throughout a l l his kingdom . . . and [he]
went to Rome the same year with great state
and remained there a twelvemonth," (855)
I assume th at when a noun phrase is to ta lly erased, as
occurs in the clause [Abelwulf1 ferde and [abelwulf1 was
wuniende above, i t is a pronoun which has been erased. It
would u njustifiably complicate the grammar to permit noun
phrase deletion as an option before d efin itizatio n or pro
nominalization .
3.1.3. Man
Man does not occur among the pronoun forms h ere. I
consider i t to be a noun with indefinite reference. I t
would, in fac t, be impossible within the lim ited text of the
Parker MS. to hypothesize a pronominal derivation for it,
since the tex t does not provide su fficien t information to
enable one to recover the deleted noun phrase.
3.1.4. Pronominalization Rules
The pronominalization sequence outlined in (3.47) has
now become ;
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( 3 . 6 1 ) a .
b .
c .
d.
e .
ART + N = » (optional)
DEF A RT + N = > (optional)
D EF A R T + p = * (optional)
PR O N O U N = > (optional)
N U LL (under certain circumstances)
String (b) resu lts from DEFINITIEATION, here called D E M O N
STRATIVE M A R K IN G (3.26). String (c) resu lts from the dele
tion of the noun node, which operates as follows:
(3.62) N O U N N O D E DELETION R U LE
S.D. X [X [+N D EL] X] N ] X
1 2 3 4 5 6
Conditions : Obligatory
S .0 . Delete 5
Se is the only item in the determiner so far discussed which
permits noun deletion. However, quantifiers may also t r i g
ger noun deletion, as w ill be seen in the following section,
so the rule requires only that somewhere within the deter
miner there be an item with the feature [+N D EL] . The rule
its e lf is obligatory, but the choice of a positive or nega
tive specification of the feature on se_ seems to be deter
mined by such factors as contiguity of the identical noun
phrases, as in the following:
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(3.63) o]3 hie allé Icegon butan anxjm Bryttiscum
q isle, & se swi^e gewundad w aes
"until they a ll lay dead except for one
B ritish hostage and he was severely wounded."
(755)
Once the noun node has been deleted, one has an option of
retaining se_ (as in 3.63) or of replacing i t with a pronoun.
Pronominalization occurs far more often than does the simple
retention of se_. In the UESP Grammar, pronominalization is
part of the N O U N N O D E DELETION RULE. When the noun node is
deleted, i t is necessary in M odE to mark the a rtic le with
the feature [+PRONOUN], since the a rtic le the must be
blocked from occurring in isolation. In OE, since i t is
permissible to use the a rtic le se_ after the noun has been
deleted, pronominalization is a separate rule which operates
optionally on the output of the N O U N DELETION RULE.
(3.64) PRONOM INALIZATION
S.D. X
NP^DET^^
A R T
2
X ] X ]
3 4
Conditions: Optional
S.C. Mark 2 [+PR O N O U N ]
The a rtic le w ill have a ll the features of the deleted noun
node and these w ill combine with the [+PR O N O U N ] feature to
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1 5 7
select the proper pronominal form in the second lexical
lookup. Plural pronouns may derive from either plural
nouns, according to the sequence of rules given here, or
from conjoined noun phrases.
3.2. Quantifiers and P artitives
There are no instances in the text in which aji func
tions as a simple indefinite a rtic le . In each of its occur
rences i t is eith er a numeral, as in (3.65); or i t is
"strongly in definite," having the meaning of "a certain
(one)," as in (3.66), in which the continuation makes clear
that a specific swineherd is designated; or i t is somewhere
between the two, as in (3.67):
(3.65) & hie re sta i beqen on Eoforwicceastre on
anum portice "and they are both buried
in the city of York, in one chapel." (738)
(3.66) & he ï^ær wunade o]3 ]3æt hiene an swan ofstang
aet Pryfetes flodan; & he wræc bone aldormon
Cumbran. "and he lived there u n til a (cer
tain) swineherd stabbed him at P riv ett, and
he was avenging Ealdorman Cumbra." (755)
(3.67) oI d hie alle lægon butan anum Bryttiscum
g isle , & se swi&e gewundad waes. "Until they
a l l lay dead except for one B ritish hostage,
and he was severely wounded." (755)
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1 5 8
I t could be argued th at in (3.66) an^ is an indefinite
a rtic le with the feature [+SPECIFIC], and i t is perhaps
h isto ric a lly true th at the indefinite a rtic le in M odE orig
inated in ju st such usage. But only two or three such ex
amples occur in the tex t and i t is not clear how a rule
could be formulated to generate them on the a rtic le node as
an alternative to zero, since a rtic le s are handled by fea
ture specification in the transform ational cycle . Quanti
fie rs , however, are inserted in the f ir s t lexical lookup as
lexical items and i t is a simple matter to select aii as a
quantifier in the contexts above. In fact, Mustanoja sup
ports such a view, arguing th at the numeral can be used in
an individualizing function (p. 259). Consequently, I tre a t
an as a quantifier, rather than as an a rtic le , even in its
strongly indefinite contexts.
W e should note that th is solution f its well with David
Perlm utter's b elief (1970) th at the definite and indefinite
a rtic le s in M odE (the and a/an) are sim ilar to each other
only in surface structures . He argues th at th e ir comple
mentarity is accidental and is not obvious in the deep
structure, where the a rtic le a/an is the numeral one. He
attrib u tes the difference in pronunciation to the operation
of independently motivated stress rules
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1 5 9
The features [+QUANTIF1ER] and [+PARTITIVE] identify
items which may occur in the DETERM INER preceding the a r t i
cle :
(3.68) DET -» (Q U A N T) (PART) ART (POST)
These are selected freely in the f i r s t lexical lookup, as
are other lexical items, with a feature matrix inserted that
may trigger changes of the noun phrase in the transforma
tio nal cycle.
The f i r s t important feature is [+/-NOUN DELETION] .
Some quantifiers optionally permit deletion of the head
noun, as the following examples illu s tra te :
(3.69) & ha men he him mid waerun alle butan anum
"and the men who were with him, a l l except
one" (755)
(3.70) & hses ymb anne monah gefeaht Ælfred cyning
wih alne hone here "And a month la ter King
Alfred fought against the whole army" (871)
In (3.69) both alle and an occur with the head noun deleted,
In (3.70) both occur with the head noun retained. Both
quantifiers have the feature [+/-NOUN DELETION], and appar
ently there are complex rules determining the choice, as is
the case with se_. If i t is positively specified, however,
the noun phrase must undergo N O U N N O D E DELETION (3.62) . If
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1 6 0
a quantifier erases the noun node, i t erases the a rtic le
node, as well (compare alle in 3.69 and alne &one here in
3.70). Therefore, the N O U N N O D E DELETION R U LE must have a
second condition added, to ensure this :
(3.71) N O U N N O D E DELETION R U LE (REVISED)
S .D .
JN Jr' ' U J i i T
1 2 3 4 5 6
Conditions : Rule is obligatory
S .0 . Delete 5
If 2 = [^QUANTIFIER] and 4 = [+ARTICLE] erase 4
In the Lexicon presented here, only those quantifiers which
actually occur with the head noun deleted are marked [+N O U N
DELETION] , even though i t is likely th at deletion was pos
sible with, for example, any numeral.
The second rule triggered by features on the quantifier
is d efin itizatio n of the a rtic le . Some so rt of marking of
the a rtic le node must occur to account for the fact that
some quantifiers occur with a definite a rtic le following
them and others do not. For example, in (3.70), alle r e
quires a d efinite a rtic le (alne l?one h ere) and a^ does not
not (anne mona]p) . Examples follow of beqen, which occurs
with a definite a rtic le , and manig, which does not:
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1 6 1
(3.72) & l3a cyninges beqen ofslêegene
"and both kings were killed" (867)
(3.73) wurdon monige men ofslægene from ham herige
"many men were k illed by the enemy." (838)
Those quantifiers which require the definite a rtic le are
marked positively for a feature [+_ _ _ _ _ _ _+DEF], which speci
fies that they appear before a definite a rtic le . Sum may
or may not occur with a definite a rtic le following i t and
consequently is unmarked by the feature [DEFINITE] . The
choice between a positive or negative value on the feature
seems freely made, but once the feature is specified posi
tiv ely , then the noun phrase must undergo the QUANTIFIER
DEFINITIZING RULE:
(3.74) QUANTIFIER DEFINITIZING
S .D .
1
X [Q U A N T
( + [_ _ _ _ _ _ _+DEF]^
ART X N ] X
4 5
Conditions : Obligatory
S.C. Mark 3 [+DEFINITE]
A third rule is governed by the feature [+SHIFT] .
Ordinarily, the quantifier appears before its head noun in
the surface structure. However, beqen, twegen, and alle
may occur following the head noun with no apparent change
of meaning:
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1 6 2
(3.75) & T ^æ r beqen ofslægene ]3a aldormen
"and both ealdormen were killed" (800)
(3.76) & Wulfred arce bise & Wigbryht Wesseaxna
bise foron beqen to Rome "And both Arch
bishop Wulfred and Wigberht, bishop of the
West Saxons, went to Rome." (812)
(3.77) Her tuegen aldormen wurdon ofslaegene
"In th is year two ealdormen were killed" (822)
(3.78) Ond ha fenq'on' At>elwulfes suna twegen to
rice "And then Æthelwulf‘s two sons suc
ceeded to the kingdom" (855)
(3.79) & >aet lond a l l geeodon
"and conquered a ll that land" (870)
Compare with (3.70) above.
These three items are marked with the feature [+SHIFT],
which triggers the following rule:
(3.80) QUANTIFIER SHIFT R U L E
S .D . X
1
N P
[Quantifier
[4-SHIFT]
X N ]
4
X X
5 6
Conditions : 5 may be null
Rule is optional
S.C. 134526
Since i t is not attached as a rig h t s is te r, the shifted
quantifier may move to the rig h t away from the head noun.
This permits such structures as (3.76) to occur.
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1 6 3
The p a rtitiv e presents a rather complex situ atio n .
Some quantifiers (e.g., fe la ) occur only with a genitive
head noun. Others never occur with a genitive. And some
may or may not. If the occurrence of the genitive with a
quantifier is predictable, its presence or absence is in
capable of signalling a difference in meaning. For those
quantifiers which may optionally appear with a genitive head
noun, however, a meaning difference is signalled by the
genitive. Compare the following, for example. (3.81) in
dicates th at the complete set of two bishops and two e a l
dormen died, and the p artitiv e genitive is not used. In
(3.82) only part of the set is specified—two of four ships
were captured—and the p artitiv e signals th is difference:
(3.81) & Hereferb & Wigben tuegen biscepas forb-
ferdon, & Dudda & Osmod tuegen aldormen
for^ferdon. "And two bishops, H erefrith
and Wigthegn, and two ealdormen, Duda and
Osmod, died." (833)
(3.82) & gefeaht wij? feower scip hlæstas Deniscra
monna & j)ara scipa tu genam "And [Alfred]
fought against four crews of Danish men and
captured two of the sh ip s." (882)
Obviously, the two contrast with each other, and they should
have d ifferen t deep structures. Items like f e la , however.
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1 6 4
which always occur with the head noun in the genitive,
should be marked by a transformation separate from the p ar
titiv e transform ation. Quantifiers like fela have a feature
[+GENITIVE] which marks the head noun for surface inflection
as follows :
(3.83) GENITIVE M A R K IN G
S ,D . X
N P
[QUANTIFIER X
[+GENITIVE]
2 3 4
N ]
5
X
Condition: Obligatory
S .C . Mark 5 [+Surface Inflection Genitive]
A general rule which spreads the surface inflection from
the head noun to the a rtic le and other modifiers w ill mark
the entire noun phrase for surface g en itiv izatio n . Since
fela does not in fle c t, we get:
(3.84) & ] 3 æ r wear]p Heahmund bisc ofslaeqen & fela
godra monna; "And Bishop Heahmund was
k ille d there and many important men." (871)
To handle constructions like (3.81) and (3.82), in
which the presence of a genitive signals a difference in
meaning, two d ifferen t deep structures are proposed. The
deep structure of (3.81), if we ignore the appositive proper
nouns, is :
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1 6 5
(3 . 8 5 )
Q U A N T
tuegen biscepas
The phrase bara scipa tu from (3.82) has (before the quan
t i f i e r shifts) the deep structure:
(3 .86)
Q U A N T PA R T
scipa
sciP
The second scip eventually is deleted by a PARTITIVE RE
DUCTION R U EE Quantifiers which can occur with partitives
have the feature [4-PA RT] ^ thus permitting the insertion of
a noun phrase under the p artitiv e node. Only actual occur
rences of the p artitiv e in the te x t are used for marking
quantifiers with the feature. However, the failure of the
p a rtitiv e to occur is doubtless fortuitous in some cases.
For example, p artitiv es occur with an, twegen, and b rittig ,
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1 6 6
and presumably they could occur with any numeral.
A further complication of the p artitiv e occurs with
such words as a^ and qehwilc. These occur only with the
noun in the p artitiv e construction pronominalized:
(3.87) & hiera an gefeng
"and captured one of them" (875)
(3.88) & hiera se aebeling gehwelcum feoh & feorh
gebead "And the atheling offered each of
them money and life ;" (755)
The rule must contain the condition that the head noun be
pronominalized just in case the quantifier is either a^ or
gehwilc:
(3.89) PARTITIVE R U L E
S .D .
N P
[QimNT N ]
4 5
Conditions : Obligatory
S.C. Mark 3 [+DEFINITE]
Mark 4 [+Surface Inflection Genitive]
Erase 5
If 1 = a^ or gehwilc, mark 3 [+PR O N O U N ] and
erase 4
This formulation of the rule explains several pecu
lia r itie s . F irst, i t explains why the quantifier has the
case of the deleted head noun and the p artitiv e noun does
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1 6 7
not—the two nouns were never in construction with each
other. Second, i t explains how the a rtic le in the p artitiv e
happens to be d efin ite . Nothing in the general rules for
d efinitizing a rtic le s would automatically d efin itize the
p a rtitiv e . I t is simplest to handle i t as part of the par
titiv e ru le. Third, deletion of the head noun is also part
of the r u le .
There are several other features specified for quanti
f ie rs . Those which occur in the text with the head noun
pronominalized have the feature [+_ _ _ _ _ _ _ +PRO]. Those which
do not are le ft unmarked. All those items which occur in
the te x t preceding a numeral have the feature [+ _
TEGER], as does sum:
+ IN-
(3.90) com se cyning to him Godrum |)ritiqa sum
bara monna "King Guthrum came to him with
30 of the men" (878)
This is the only kind of combination of quantifiers that
occurs, and the simplest way of handling i t is to specify
that items which have the feature [+_ _ _ _ _ _ _ +INTEGER] permit
both the quantifier and an integer (or integers) to appear
under the quantifier node. Thus, b ritig a sum bara monna
would have the deep structure :
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1 6 8
( 3 . 9 1 )
PA RT
para monna menn
Q U A N T
sum p ritiq a
There are, fin ally , several inherent features marked
on each quantifier in the Lexicon, according to th eir
occurrences in the text with count nouns, p lurals, etc.
All are considered to have the features [+QUANTIF1ER],
[-I] , [-II], and [+III] . If a quantifier always (or in its
single appearance) occurs with a given feature, i t is marked
positively for th at feature. If i t never appears with the
feature, i t is marked negatively, even though the failure
may be fo rtu ito u s. Those items which may optionally occur
with a feature are marked [+/- ] . There are some fea
tures for which no value can be assigned, and these are
omitted from the feature matrix for that q uan tifier. For
example, if a quantifier occurs in the tex t only with its
head noun deleted, i t is impossible to t e l l whether that
quantifier takes a definite or indefinite a rtic le on the
head noun. Since the a rtic le is erased by the N O U N N O D E
DELETION R U LE (3.71), no evidence remains. Such quantifiers
cannot be specified either positively or negatively for
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1 6 9
defin ite a rtic le s , and the feature is simply omitted. Such
features as DEFINITE, GENITIVE, PARTITIVE, and PR O N O U N are
the ones liste d only when evidence is av ailab le.
3.3. Post Position
The POST position follows the a rtic le in the d e te r
miner, as in the following:
(3.92) & he wæs se eahteha cyning
"and he was the eighth king" (82 7)
Most of the items which can occur in the POST position are
ordinals, although two—mæst and h e a lf—are not. They are
d ifferen tiated by the feature [+/-ORDINAL] even though i t is
a purely semantic d istinctio n in the Parker MS. All the
items which are [+POST] seem to function in the same way.
They can appear as in (3.92), following the definite a rtic le
and preceding the head noun. Or they can appear without the
defin ite a rtic le , as in:
(3.93) Her todælde se foresprecene here on tu, o|?er
dæl east, oher dæl to Hrofesceastre
"In th is year the aforesaid army divided into
two, one part going east, and the other part
to Rochester," (885)
They can also appear with the head noun deleted with or
without an a rtic le , as in the following:
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1 7 0
(3.94) se feoripa wæs Rædwald
"the fourth was Rædwald" (827)
(3.95) f if ta was Eadwine "fifth was Edwin" (827)
Although there seems to be no logical reason why one ordinal
would permit noun deletion and another would not, I have
marked the POST items for actual occurrences in the te x t.
For example, f if ta ("fifth") has the features [+N DEL] and
[+ART DEL] because in its only occurrence (3.95) i t happens
to appear with both a rtic le and noun deleted. The DEFINITE
feature is le ft unmarked because there is not evidence to
support either a positive or negative value, except of
course th at both feorha ("fourth") and hridda ("third")
occur in the same passage with a definite a r tic le . I t seems
likely th at a ll POST items permit optional selection of + or
- for a l l three features, DEFINITE, N O U N DELETION, and
ARTICLE DELETION, as does, for example, oher ?
Words like oher are frequently identified as pronouns
when they stand alone, as in:
(3.96) & on ohrum waeron ha e or las
"and in the other were the ea rls." (871)
I prefer to distinguish between pronouns, which replace the
a rtic le by rule in th is grammar, and other elements in the
determiner which can stand alone after noun deletion. There
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1 7 1
i s no m ore r e a s o n t o c a l l o]3er a p ro n o u n th a n f i f t a i n
(3.95) o r s u c h q u a n t i f i e r s as f e l a ("m a n y " ) i n :
(3.97) Swa fela swa he habban wolde
"as many as he wished to have" (877)
Mæst and healf are marked [+POST] and [-ORDINAL] . Mæst
seems to function exactly like other POST items, but healf
has a different d istribu tio n. It can be either a noun or a
POST, as in the following:
(3.98) on ha healf muntes "on the far side of
the mountain" (887) N O U N
(3.99) niqonteobe healf gear "eighteen and a half
years" (855) POST
Muntes originates as a deep role on the noun healf and.
therefore, reaches the surface as a genitive in (3.98).
In (3.99) healf modifies nigonteo&e. Although the two com
bine to form a compound with the meaning of a numeral in
the M odE translatio n, they function together as an ordinal,
as the singular form of the noun sig nifies . Compare the
following, in which the combination modifies hund ("hun
dred") ; the noun scipu ("ships") is in the plural because
of the numeral hund.
(3.100) cuom feorhe healf hund scipu
"came 350 ships " (851)
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monna.
1 7 2
The simplest way of handling this is to assign healf a
unique feature for POST: [+O RD IN A .L _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ] . This speci
fies that i t may combine with an ordinal and the feature is
rather like that marked on sum ("some") under quantifiers,
[+_ _ _ _ _ _ _ +INTEGER], which allowed the phrase p ritiq a sum bara
Hund is a quantifier which occurs only once in the
te x t. It would not be proper to assign i t the same
[+ORDINAL _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ] feature on the basis of (3.100), since
th is is not the normal form of an ordinal. Yet some method
must be found to generate the sequence ORDINAL + healf
hund. Since i t is a unique occurrence, I mark hund with
the unique feature [+O RD + healf _ _ _ _ _ _ _] .
As a comparison of (3.94) and (3.95) illu s tra te s , there
seems to be no difference between the use of the definite
a rtic le after noun deletion; its erasure seems purely op
tional and s ty lis tic . They are part of a series, in fact,
which includes se aafter w ees . . . se &ridda w aes . . . se
feorba wæs . . . f if ta wæs . . . siexta w ass . . . seof oba
wæs, and so forth. However, the variable occurrence of POST
elements with and without the definite a rtic le requires a
fin al revision of the N O U N DELETION R U LE (3.71) to permit
optional deletion of the a rtic le at the same time:
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1 7 3
(3.101) N O U N N O D E DELETION RULE— INAL VERSION
S.D. X X [+N DEL] X ] N ] X
1 2 3 4 5 6
Conditions : Rule is obligatory
S .0 . Delete 5
If 2 = [+QUANTIFIER] and 4 = [+ARTICLE] erase 4
If 2 = [4-ARTICLE] and 4 = [4-PO ST] and if 4 has
a feature [4-ARTICLE DELETION] erase 2
The th ird condition assumes th at when one decides to erase
the noun, one also freely chooses whether or not to erase
the a rtic le .
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N O T E S
An Old English Grammar, p . 70.
^The UESP study cites these. Other factors in d efin i-
tiz a tio n , such as the presence of quantifiers or ordinals in
the DETERM INER, w ill be discussed in the following sectio n s.
However, occurrences of the d efin ite form are always pre
dictable by rule .
^Quoted from Webster's Third (1961) by Archibald H ill
(1961:220) .
^Many noun phrases occurring in verb phrases throughout
the tex t lack the defin ite a rtic le in O E but have i t in the
M odE tra n sla tio n . Compare:
(823)
(736)
(745)
& Ecgbryht sige nam
victory"
"and Egbert had the
Nobhelm aercebiscep onfenq pallium "Arch
bishop Nothhelm received the pallium"
he onfenq biscdome
bishopric"
"he succeeded to the
(794) & Eadbryht onfenq ric e on Cent "And Ead-
berht succeeded to the kingdom in Kent."
There are two ways to explain th is in the kind of grammar
undertaken here . One could mark such verbs as fon, onf on,
niman, e tc . as forming d efin ite idioms without definite
a rtic le marking. This would require the d efin itizatio n and
erasure of a d efin ite a rtic le in these idioms, however.
There is no reason to assume th at they were definite in OE,
since they make no specific reference. Perhaps no strong
need for d efin itiz atio n was f e lt in such stru ctu res. At any
ra te , rules are provided only for the d efin itizatio n which
occurs in the te x t .
174
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^Perlmutter also argues that the ARTICLE node is not
necessary, but I disagree. The transform ational rules that
in sert the d efin ite a rtic le and the pronouns operate on the
ARTICLE, not on the N O U N node, so the ARTICLE node is r e
quired for the grammar outlined h ere.
I have not attempted to integrate the current theory
th at suggests that quantifiers originate as predicates of
higher sentences (Lakoff & Ross, 1966; Carden, 1967). I t
is possible to handle quantifiers without resorting to a
higher predicate analysis, and the Lakoff-Ross theory r e
quires the hypothesizing of abstract verbs.
® M y analysis of the p a rtitiv e construction follows that
of the UESP Grammar. They base th e ir theory on the discus
sions of Dean (1966) and Jackendoff (1968) . Both w riters
place the p a rtitiv e construction d irectly under the domina
tion of the NP. Since the quantifier seems to me to govern
p artitiv e selection in OE, I prefer the UESP analysis which
places the p a rtitiv e under the determiner node and in con
struction with the quantifier.
^Plummer, I, 383, calls i t a pronoun, as do Moore &
Knott, p. 32 3.
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C H A P T E R FO U R
4.0. Relative Clauses
Most analyses of the relative clause construction in
M odE consider the re stric tiv e relativ e, at least, to con
s is t at some level of structure of a sentence embedded in a
noun phrase of a higher (matrix) sentence, as in (4.1) or
(4.2):
(4.1)
VP
(4.2)
VP NP
V NP
NP
S e n te n c e s w h ic h c o n t a in a r e l a t i v e c la u s e s e p a r a t e d fr o m i t s
h e a d n o u n (s u c h as T h e man h a s a r r i v e d t h a t I w a n t y o u t o
176
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1 7 7
meet) are said to be derived by an extraposition tra n sfo r
mation applying to a structure like 4.1. There has been
much discussion of where in the N P the relativ e clause is
attached, the p o ssib ilitie s being either within the a rtic le
(UESP; Smith, 1969b; Chomsky, 1970), within the noun
phrase (Ross, 1967), or within the head noun (Dean, 1967) .
None of the three analyses seems appropriate to the d ialect
of the Parker MS., since the relativ e almost invariably
occurs at the end of the sentence, regardless of the posi
tion of the modified noun. Only two clear instances of
non-final relatives occur:
(4.3) & Æjaelswi^ cuen, s io wæs Ælf redes sweostor
cyninges, for&ferde "And Queen Æthelswith,
who was King A lfred's s is te r, died" (888)
(4.4) & Swifneh se bets ta lareow he on Scottum wæs
gefor "and Swifneh, the best scholar who
was among the Scots, died" (891)
In (4.3) an appositive relative clause stands between the
head noun and its verb. The second passage (4.4) contains
two possible relativ e clauses. The appositive construction
((se w aes] se betsta lareow be on Scottum wæs) is clearly
embedded in the matrix; the clause (he on Scottum wæs) is
not. Its position with respect to its matrix (se betsta
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1 7 8
la r e o w ) is t h e same as t h a t o f m o s t o t h e r r e l a t i v e c la u s e s
i n t h e t e x t . I t f o llo w s (o r comes a t t h e e n d o f ) t h e m a t r i x
s e n t e n c e . F o r th e s e s e n te n c e s we c a n assum e a n e m b e d d in g
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n w h ic h i n s e r t s t h e s e c o n d c la u s e o f a c o o r d i
n a t e s e n te n c e i n t o t h e f i r s t , f o llo w e d b y r e l a t i v i z a t i o n .
F o r a l l o t h e r r e l a t i v e c la u s e s , we c a n assum e t h a t t h e y a r e
g e n e r a t e d i n t h e p o s i t i o n w h e re t h e y g e n e r a l l y o c c u r , e i t h e r
a t t h e e n d o f o r f o l l o w i n g t h e m a t r ix s e n t e n c e .
T h e re a r e o n ly f o u r o c c u r r e n c e s i n t h e t e x t , a s id e f r o ir
(4.3) a n d (4.4), i n w h ic h a n y p a r t o f t h e m a t r i x f o l l o w s th e
r e l a t i v e c la u s e . I n e a c h c a s e i t i s a l o c a t i v e p h r a s e b e
lo n g in g t o t h e m a t r i x w h ic h a p p e a rs a f t e r t h e r e l a t i v e , as
in t h e f o l l o w i n g :
(4.5) bæs ymb i i i wiecan com se cyning to him
Godrum b ritig a sum &ara monna ^e in bam here
weorbuste wæron æt Aire "Three weeks later
King Guthrum with th irty of the men who were
the most important in the army came to him
at A ller." (878)
H e re æ t A i r e is a l o c a t i v e b e lo n g in g t o t h e m a t r i x s e n te n c e
b u t s e p a r a t e d fr o m i t b y t h e r e l a t i v e c la u s e . H o w e v e r, t h i s
p r o b a b ly d o es n o t c o n s t i t u t e a c a s e o f t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l
e m b e d d in g . R a t h e r t h a n t h e r e l a t i v e h a v in g m oved i n t o th e
m a t r i x , i t is l i k e l y t h a t t h e l o c a t i v e h a s m oved t o a_________
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1 7 9
sentence fin a l position. S. O. Andrew (1940) points out
that such locatives occur freely in OE without affecting the
order of other elements . For example^ even though a loca
tive follows the fin ite verb in (4.6), Andrew s t i l l con
siders i t an instance of conjunctive word order (verb l a s t ) :
(4.6) ond he ham eode to his huse
"a n d h e w e n t home t o h i s h o u s e "
I f r e l a t i v e c la u s e s o r i g i n a t e n o t w i t h i n t h e NP t h a t
c o n t a in s t h e m o d if ie d n o u n b u t i n t h e i r u s u a l s u r f a c e p o s i
t i o n a t t h e e n d o f t h e s e n t e n c e , t h e q u e s t io n s t i l l r e m a in s
as t o w h e th e r t h e o r i g i n a l p o s i t i o n o f t h e r e l a t i v e c la u s e
is w i t h i n o r f o l l o w i n g t h e m a t r i x s e n t e n c e . I t h a s b e e n
s u g g e s te d t h a t r e l a t i v e s o r i g i n a t e i n t h e d e e p s t r u c t u r e as
s e n te n c e s c o n jo in e d t o t h e ( s u r f a c e ) m a t r ix ( P o s t a l , 1967;
L a n g e n d o e n , 1969; N i c h o l a s , 1971; Thom pson, 1971). Bach
(1967) h a s p ro p o s e d a r u l e w h ic h c a n o p e r a t e on c o n jo in e d
o r s e q u e n t i a l s e n te n c e s t o d e r i v e r e l a t i v e s , as f o l l o w s :
(4.7)
S .D. X N X # S
1 2 3 4 5
Conditions : 5 contains 2
# X
6 7
S.C. 2 becom es 2R M 5
4 a n d 6 becom e n u l l
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1 8 0
R M is the Relative Marker. Bach's rule embeds the sentence
containing the identical noun phrase and attaches a relativ e
marker as a f i r s t step in deriving relativ e clauses.
Bach's analysis of the underlying structure seems e s
pecially suited to a grammar of the Parker MS. for several
reasons. F irst, i t begins with sequential clauses and,
thus, takes as basic the word order that usually appears in
the O E te x t. Second, conjunction is the most prevalent
method of linking sentences in the Parker MS. Ann Shannon
(1964) points out th at "the simplest and most frequent kind
of clause combination consists of two or more clauses joined
by Of 537 n o n -in itial or sequence clauses in the tex t,
400 are joined by coordinating conjunctions and only 98 by
subordinating connections. The re st are joined by zero.
A th ird advantage of Bach's analysis is that it cap
tures the fact th at a sequence of sentences containing
id en tical noun phrases may undergo eith er pronominalization,
relativ iz atio n , or noun phrase deletion. The same stru c
tu ra l index is used for a l l three processes. For example,
the sequence of sentences
(4.8) A man came yesterday and the man wanted to
fix the roof.
may optionally undergo pronominalization:
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1 8 1
(4.9) A man came yesterday and he wanted to fix
the ro o f.
or may be relativ ized :
(4.10) A man came yesterday, who wanted to fix
the ro o f.
or may have the second noun phrase deleted:
(4.11) A man came yesterday and wanted to fix
the ro o f.
A fin a l advantage to treating the relativ e as arising
from conjoined sentences is that i t permits one to avoid
deciding whether s^ is a demonstrative or a relativ e in
sentences like the following:
(4.12) & a ne qeare ær his broôur forbierde, se
hæfde eac bset west rice "and a year
previously his brother had died, who had
also held the western kingdom" (885)
The status of se_ in such sentences—whether i t is a demon
stra tiv e or a relativ e pronoun—has been debated at length.
Andrew (1936; 1940) argues that in a ll instances in which
se stands at the head of a sentence except as antecedent,
i t must be taken as a r e la tiv e . However, Bruce Mitchell
(1965) has weakened his claim, demonstrating that in many
cases se is ambiguously either a demonstrative or relativ e.
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1 8 2
The present treatment does not require the disambiguation of
sentences in which se_ stands alone at the head of a sen
tence. Whether i t is a relativ e or a demonstrative is im
material in formulating the grammatical ru le s . ^ is gen
erated in the same manner in either case.
Since O E relatives are seldom moved to a position fo l
lowing a non-final head noun, Bach's proposed rule requires
certain modifications. Embedding must be the f i r s t rule for
deriving relativ es, as he proposes, but i t is under most
circumstances an optional step. It must occur before iden
tic a l noun phrase deletion, or i t becomes impossible to move
the embedded clause to the proper antecedent. Since no
embedded clauses contain & , the rule precedes &-CONJUNCTION
as well.
(4.13) EM B ED D IN G R U LE
S .D . X
1
N
2
X
3
S
4
X
5
Conditions : 4 contains 2
Obligatory if 4 is [N + beon + Adj]
Otherwise optional
S.C. 1 2^"4 3 5
The problem of establishing noun phrase identity is not
handled here. As was discussed in the section on d e fin iti
zation, identity is apparently a question of abstract
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1 8 3
coreferentia lity rather than of any formal grammatical
s im ila ritie s. It is possible for the reader to ascertain
which noun phrase is the antecedent to a relativ e in several
ways. F irs t, the antecedent noun phrase often appears as
either the la st element or as the la st noun phrase in the
matrix, as is illu stra te d in the following examples, in
which the antecedent is marked by ANT:
(4.14) oI p he ofslog bone aldormon be him lengest
A N T
wunode "until he k illed the ealdorman who
stood by him longest" (755)
(4.15) ær hine ba men onf unde n t>e mid t>am kyninge
ANT
waeron "before the men who were with the
king became aware of him" (755)
(4.16) ]pa ridon hie bider, & his aldormon O sric,
& Wiferb his begn, & ba men be he beæftan
ANT
him læfde ær "then they rode th ith e r—
his ealdorman Osric and his thegn Wigfrith
and the men he had le ft behind him." (755)
However, the w riter did not feel i t necessary to juxtapose
the antecedent and its relativ e without intervening noun
phrases . In the following, only logic te lls us which is
the antecedent :
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1 8 4
(4.17) & Eadbryht onfenq rice on Cent, laain was o^er
A N T
noma nemned Praen "and Eadberht, whose other
name was Preen, succeeded to the kingdom in
Kent." (794)
(4.18) & hære rode dael ^ > e C rist on browude
A N T
"including part of the cross on which Christ
suffered" (885)
(4.19) Se bat wæs geworht of Ipriddan healf re hyde
A N T
be h i on foron "The boat in which they
traveled was made of two and a half hides"
(891)
When ambiguity is a problem, the w riter may select the se be
construction, in which s^ is inflected to agree with (and,
consequently, identify) the antecedent:
(4.20) Ingild was Ines brobur West Seaxna cynings,
A N T
bses be eft ferde to See Petre "Ingild was
the brother of Inc, king of the West Saxons,
who afterwards went to S t. P eter's."
The second step in deriving relativ es is the general rule
of &-CONJUNCTION.
(4.21)
S .1 . X
1
X
4
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1 8 5
Conditions : is not embedded; rule is optional
S.C. 1 2 & 3 4
This rule applies to any sequence of independent clauses in
one entry. I t does not require any relationship between
and . Although i t is an optional rule, i t is an option
usually taken, as is illu stra te d in the following passage:
(4.22) Her Æbelbald cyng forbferde, & his lie lib
æt Sciraburnan, & feng Æhelbryht to a Hum
bam rice his brobur, & he h it heold on godre
qebuaernesse & on mice Ire sibsumnesse; & on
his dæq cuom micel up & abræcon Wintanceastre.
& wib bone here gefuhton Osric aldorman mid
Hamtunscire, & Æbelwulf aldormon mid Bearrue-
scire, & bone here gefliemdon, & wælstowe
qewald ahton; & se Æbelbryht ricsode v gear.
& his lie lib æt Scireburnan;
"In th is year King Æthelbald died, and his
body is buried at Sherborne. And then his
brother Ethelbert succeeded to the whole king
dom and held i t in good harmony and in great
peace. And in his time a great naval force
came inland and stormed Winchester; and Eal
dorman Osric with the men of Hampshire and
Ealdorman Æthelwulf with the men of Berkshire
fought against that army, and they put the
army to flig h t and had possession of "che
b a ttle fie ld . And Ethelbert reigned five
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1 8 6
y e a r s , a n d h i s b o d y i s b u r i e d i n S h e r b o r n e ."
(860)
A f t e r & -C O N JU N C TIO N , i f tw o s u c c e e d in g c la u s e s c o n t a in
i d e n t i c a l n o u n p h r a s e s , t h e r e a r e s e v e r a l o p tio n s a v a i l a b l e .
F i r s t , t h e tw o c la u s e s may b e p e r m it t e d t o s ta n d w i t h o u t a n y
f u r t h e r c h a n g e a t a l l :
(4.23) Da feng Ælf red Æbelwulfinq his brobur to
Wesseaxna ric e; & bses ymb anne monab gefeaht
Ælfred cyning wib alne bone here ly tle wered
æt Wiltune "Then his brother Alfred, the
son of Æthelwulf, succeeded to the kingdom
of the West Saxons. And a month la ter King
Alfred fought with a small force against the
whole array at Wilton." (871)
Second, the second noun phrase may be definitized, as is
illu stra te d twice in the following passage:
(4.24) Dy i l c a n q e a r e fe n g C a r l t o bam w e s t r i c e &
t o a llu m bam w e s t r i c e b e h ie n a n W e n d e l sæ ,
& b e g e o n d a n t ) is s e sæ, swa h i t h i s b r id d a
fæ d e r h æ fd e , b u t a n L id w ic c iu m ; s e C a r l was
H lo b w iq e s s u n u , se H lo b w iq was C a r le s b r o b u r
" T h a t same y e a r C h a r le s s u c c e e d e d t o t h e
w e s t e r n k in g d o m . . . T h is C h a r le s w as t h e
s o n o f L o u is ; L o u is was C h a r l e s 's b r o t h e r . "
(885)
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1 8 7
As t h e a b o v e i l l u s t r a t e s , t h e s e c o n d noun p h r a s e n e e d n o t
o c c u r i n t h e n e x t s u c c e e d in g c la u s e i n o r d e r f o r DEMONSTRA
T IV E MARKING t o o c c u r . T h e r e f o r e th e r u l e is w r i t t e n w i t h
o u t r e f e r e n c e t o s e n te n c e b o u n d a r ie s . S in c e DEMONSTRATIVE
MARKING is t h e t h i r d r u l e i n t h e r e l a t i v i z a t i o n s e q u e n c e ,
i t i s r e p e a t e d h e r e fr o m C h a p te r T h re e :
(4.25)
S.D. X
1
ART
2
N . X A R T
4 5
N , X
7
Conditions: N^ = N ^ (is coreferential with N^)
4 may not contain a boundary which marks
the end of an annual entry
N ^ E S S IV E with the feature [+PROPER]
The rule is optional
S.C. Mark 5 [+D EM ONSTRATIVE]
Like the two preceding rules, D EM O N STRA TIV E M A R K IN G is not
a rule specific to relativ iz atio n . The output provides the
S.D. for relativ izatio n , and may optionally trigger the
sequence of rules which yield relativ e clauses . But, as
was discussed in the previous chapter, the output may also
either be pronominalized, as in (4.25) or may be deleted
after pronominalization, as in (4.26):
(4.26) Her wæs se mona sweIce he wære mid blode
beqoten
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1 8 8
"In this year the moon looked as if i t were
suffused with blood." (734)
(4.27) Her Eadbryht Eating, Eata Leodwaldinq, feng
to Norhanhymbra rice & heold xxi w iht.
"In this year Eadberht, son of Eata, son of
Leodwold, succeeded to the kingdom of the
Northumbrians and held i t for 21 years." (738)
4 .0 .1 . Rules for Relativization
The output of the D EM O N STRA TIV E M A R K IN G rule may op
tio n ally undergo relativ iz atio n . The following is the r e
sulting structure after demonstrative marking:
(4.28) S.D.
X [DET N ] X & # X [DET N ] X #
1 2
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
Conditions: 2 = 9 (is coreferential)
10 contains an ARTICLE with the feature
[+DEM ONSTRATIVE]
D E F IN IT IZ A T IO N o f NP^ i s t h e f i r s t s t e p i n r e l a t i v i z a
t i o n . B e v e r ly R o b b in s (1968) h a s s u g g e s te d t h a t i n ModE
d e f i n i t i z a t i o n o f NP^ o c c u rs s im u lt a n e o u s ly w i t h W h -
a t t a c h m e n t . A lth o u g h t h e r e i s n o t h in g i n OE q u i t e p a r a l l e l
t o M h - a t t a c h m e n t , n e v e r t h e le s s i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o d e f i n i t i z e
NP^ e a r l y i n t h e s e q u e n c e t o p e r m it e i t h e r t h e e r a s u r e o f N^
o r t h e p r o n o m i n a li z a t i o n o f NP^ b e f o r e r e l a t i v e p ro n o u n
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1 8 9
selection takes p lace. I accept the suggestions of Chomsky
(1965) and Bach (1968) th at there is some way of indexing
noun phrases to record identical reference. The index must
remain on the N P rather than the noun, however, so th at
identity marking remains a fte r the noun is erased. Thus,
(4.28) specifies that NP^ and NP^ he co referen tial.
(4.29) D EF INITIZATION O F NP^
S.D. (4.28)
Conditions: Same as (4.28)
Rule is optional if 4 has the feature
[+PRO PER]
2 does not have a quantifier with the
feature [-DEFINITE]
S.C. Mark 4 [+DEFINITE]
The feature added is [+DEFINITE] rather than [+DEM ONSTRA-
TIVE] in order to block the insertion of h es, which does not
occur in such structures, and to ensure the selection of se
Although proper noun antecedents may undergo the rule, they
optionally may not, as (4.30) illu s tra te s :
(4.30) & Eadbryht . ]3am was o]3er noma nemned
Præn "and Eadberht, . . . whose other name
was Præn" (794)
If N^ contains a quantifier which is inherently indefinite
or is intended as an indefinite, the rule does not apply:
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1 9 0
(4.31) anne æ^eling se was Cyneheard haten
"an atheling who was called Cyneheard" (755)
A fter NP^ is definitized, and before any further rules
in the relativ iz atio n sequence apply, NP^ completes the
d efin itizatio n cycle, optionally erasing and/or pro
nominal izing NP^.
After NP^ has been definitized, i t is possible to erase
, since no subsequent rules refer to i t . Since the rule
is obligatory and must apply to the output of NP^ d e fin i
tiz a tio n , the next step in the relativ iz atio n sequence must
be N P Deletion:
(4.32) NPg DELETION
S .D .
X [DET X] X & # X [DET N ] X #
1 ^^2
3 4 7 8 10 11 12 13
Conditions: 2 = 9 (is coreferential)
Obligatory
S.C. Erase 11
RELATIVE SELECTION is the next step. Attempts to cor
relate relativ e selection with the d istinction between r e
s tric tiv e and non-restrictive clause types have failed be
cause there is too much uncertainty about what is r e s tr ic
tive and what is appositive. Bruce Mitchell argues that
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1 9 1
e v e n t h e s p e a k e r o f ModE is n o t a lw a y s c e r t a i n w h e th e r h e is
u s in g a r e s t r i c t i v e o r a n a p p o s it iv e m o d i f i e r :
Quite often we neither know or care whether we are
lim iting or describing: we are simply using a syntac
tic device in which i t is enough to connect the quali
fying phrase its e lf to the main noun, the qualification
its e lf being of a neutral so rt, neither specifically
lim iting nor sp ecifically descriptive. (1936:316)
Elizabeth Traugott (1967) warns th at we may err in trying
to apply interpretations drawn from M odE to determine which
clauses are re s tric tiv e or non-restrictive in OE. She sug
gests th at there was perhaps no formal d istinctio n between
the two. M itchell (1965) suggests that if a distinctio n
did e x ist, the two kinds of clauses may have been d is tin
guished by intonation, a clue which is forever lo st. What
ever the case may be, i t is fortunately unnecessary to
d iffe ren tia te the two kinds of clauses in writing rules for
the grammar of the Parker MS., since there is no consistent
formal relationship between the type of clause (restrictiv e
or appositive) and either relativ e pronoun selection, punc
tuation, embedding, or word order . Both kinds of clauses
can be embedded (cf. 4.3 and 4.4) . As w ill be seen in the
following rules, the d istinctio n between appositive and
re s tric tiv e clauses does not enter into c rite ria for r e la
tive selection, d efin itizatio n of the antecedent noun
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1 9 2
phrase^ or selection of word order.
This is not to suggest that no relationship exists
between type of relativ e pronoun (s^ or ]pe) and type of
clause (appositive or re s tric tiv e ). There is, in fact, a
general tendency of se_ clauses to be appositive and an even
stronger one of clauses to be re s tric tiv e . This resu lts,
however, from the nature of the antecedent rather than from
the type of relativ e clause construction chosen. Proper
nouns occur with appositive clauses, for example, and usu
a lly with s e , unless some other factor intervenes .
Bruce Mitchell (1935:315) has suggested th at the occur
rence of a demonstrative (se) in the antecedent noun phrase
requires the selection of ^ as a relativ e pronoun. There
is no such correlation in the Parker MS., however. All
three relativ e pronouns (s e , h e, and se he) occur with a
noun phrase antecedent containing a demonstrative :
(4.33) for se here ofer sas he ær on Fullanhomme
sæt "the army which had encamped at Fulham
went overseas" (880)
(4.34) & Sumursastna se dasl se hær niehst wæs
"and the section of Somerset which was near
est to it" (878)
(4.35) & he was se eahteha cyning se he Bretwal'd'a
wæs
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1 9 3
"and he was the eighth king who was 'Bret-
waIda'" (827)
I n t h e P a r k e r M S . tw o k in d s o f a n te c e d e n ts s e l e c t se^
as t h e r e l a t i v e p ro n o u n ; p r o p e r nouns a n d c e r t a i n d e t e r
m in e r s e g m e n ts h a v in g e i t h e r t h e f e a t u r e [ + Q U A N T IF IE R ] o r
[+ O R D IN A L ]. I t may b e t h a t a n y q u a n t i f i e r o r o r d i n a l c o u ld
o c c u r w i t h a s e - r e l a t i v e c la u s e , b u t t h e t e x t i s to o l i m i t e d
t o j u s t i f y s u c h a g e n e r a l i z a t i o n . T h e r e f o r e , t h o s e w h ic h
a c t u a l l y do o c c u r a r e m a rk e d w i t h a f e a t u r e [ -b e -R E L A T IV E l
t o i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e y may s ta n d as t h e a n t e c e d e n t t o a
r e l a t i v e c la u s e fo rm e d w i t h se^ r a t h e r t h a n D ael, id e n
t i f i e d h e r e as a n o u n , a l s o t a k e s a se_ r e l a t i v e , as i n :
(4.36) & Sumursaetna se dæl se bær niehst w ass
"and the section of the people of Somerset
which was nearest to it" (878)
Sum ursastna a r i s e s as a d e e p r o l e on dasl a n d , h e n c e , a p p e a rs
i n t h e s u r f a c e as a g e n i t i v e . S in c e t h e c o n s t r u c t io n i n
(4.36) lo o k s v e r y much l i k e a p a r t i t i v e c o n s t r u c t io n a n d
d æ l fo rm s t h e r e l a t i v e e x a c t l y as q u a n t i f i e r s d o , i t m ig h t
b e j u s t i f i a b l e t o a n a ly z e d æ l as a q u a n t i f i e r r a t h e r t h a n as
a n o u n . I do n o t , h o w e v e r , b e c a u s e i t w o u ld s a v e n o t h in g in
f e a t u r e s . I f a l l q u a n t i f i e r s s e l e c t e d s e - r e l a t i v e s o r i f
a l l q u a n t i f i e r s w i t h t h e f e a t u r e [ + P A R T IT IV E ] s e l e c t e d
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1 9 4
se -re la tiv e s, then the re s tric tio n could be handled by a
single redundancy rule, and i t would be economical to class
dael as a q uan tifier. However, since an extra feature is
necessary to generate se-relativ es with quantifiers, there
is no savings available. Peel is classifie d as a noun having
the feature unique among common nouns [ -Ipe-REIATIVE] .
There are predictable exceptions to the rule that
proper nouns select se-re la tiv e s . If the noun antecedent
is erased, leaving only se_ as an antecedent, ^ occurs as
the relativ e pronoun:
(4.37) se wæs Karles sunu he ahelwulf West Seaxna
cyning his dohtor hæfde him to cuene
"who was K arl's son, whose daughter A thel-
wulf, king of the West Saxons, had married."
(885)
(4.38) se wæs luhyttan fæder he Ætaelwulf cyning
hæfde "who was the father of Judith, whom
King Æthelwulf married." (885)
Both of these presumably have antecedents marked [+PROPER]
in the deep structure, although only the demonstrative r e
mains in the surface stru c tu re . i f the antecedent noun
phrase does not contain a feature [-he-RELATIVE 1 , then ^e_
w ill be selected. If the feature occurs on the noun alone,
i t w ill disappear when the noun is erased.
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1 9 5
Thus relativ e selection is consistently predictable in
the tex t and can be described by a fa irly simple ru le.
Certain quantifiers and the common noun dæl have the fea
ture [ -be-RELATIVE] . Proper nouns (and probably a l l nouns
with the feature [+UNIQUE]) can be assigned the same feature
by a redundancy rule :
(4.39) [+UNIQUE] -* [ -be-RELATIVE 1
The feature can then be used to block the insertion of the
relativ e pronoun lp&, in which case the demonstrative se_ w ill
remain.
There is a th ird relativ e available no matter what the
antecedent. Se be occurs with proper noun antecedents
(4.40), with quantifiers (4.41), and with neither (4.42):
(4.40) Inqild was Ines brobur West Seaxna cyninqes,
pæs be e ft ferde to See Petre "ingild was
the brother of I ne, king of the West Saxons,
who afterward went to S t. P e te r's." (855)
(4.41) & he qearo wasre mid him selfum, & on allum
bam be him læston woldon to bses her es bearfe
"and he would be ready himself and a l l who
would follow him at the enemy's service." (874)
(4.42) & him cybdon bast hiera mæqas him mid wæron
ba be him from noldon "and told them that
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1 9 6
kinsmen of th eirs were with him who would
not desert him" (755)
All of the se he relatives in the Parker M S . agree with the
antecedent in inflection, even those which have the case
proper to th eir function in the relativ e clause (compare
example (4.42) above and the following):
(4.43) & he w ass se eahteha cyning sebe Bretwal'd'a
wæs "and he was the eighth king who was
'Bretwalda' (82 7)
The question remains of whether se be is a compound
relativ e or whether se^ is an appositive and ^e_ is the r e la
tiv e . Again, the simplest rules determine the solution.
In Example (4.44) bant must be taken as the antecedent, no
other being available:
(4.44) butan bam be him Ælfred bæs cyninqes brobur,
& anlibig aldormon, & cyninqes begnas oft
rade onridon "besides the expeditions which
the king's brother Alfred and a single e a l-
forman and king's thegns often rode on," (871)
This is an awkward sentence a t best and may not be an in
stance of se be at a 11.^ While i t would be possible to
derive the usual se be sequence by a series of rules in tro
ducing an appositive noun phrase, adding a demonstrative.
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1 9 7
and deleting the noun phrase^ such a treatment would re su lt
in the following string at some point in the derivation of,
e .g ., (4 .43) :
(4.45) *& Ecqbryht wæs se eahteha cyning se cyning
( 1)
Ecgbryht w ass BretwaI'd'a
( 2 )
would become appositive s^ by noun phrase deletion and
would become a relativ e (be) by the sequence of re la -
tiv izatio n ru les. The simplest treatment is to consider
se be to be a unit relativ e pronoun, available no matter
what the antecedent is . If i t is chosen, se_ at the same
time is marked with the inflection of the antecedent noun
phrase. Thus, in the later rules by which se_ relatives are
inflected according to th eir function in the relativ e
clause, se b e, being a unit relativ e, w ill be unaffected.
There are two steps in relativ e selection. The f ir s t
is the selection of se b e. This is an option available no
matter what the antecedent is, and if it applies the rule
erases the determiner so th at the structure cannot undergo
]3e selection.
(4.46) se be RELATIVE SELECTION
S .D .
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X
NP.
[DET X] X
3 4
# X
7 8
N P.
1 9 8
[DET] X #
10 11 12
Conditions : Optional
S.C. Rewrite 10 as se ])e and mark with the features
from 3
If the se he relativ e is not chosen, then the structure
goes through the selection ru le. The selection of ^e^ is
an arb itrary property of certain nouns. If the antecedent
contains a feature [-be-REIATIVE] , then ^e_ is blocked from
becoming the relativ e pronoun. The selection of is not
determined in any way by the nature of the relativ e clause,
e .g ., whether i t is re stric tiv e or non-restr ic tiv e . The
majority of the appositive relatives occur with se^ rather
than ^e_ because appositives are the only relativ e clauses
possible with unique noun phrase antecedents, and unique
nouns have the feature [-be-REIATIVE] which blocks the
selection of ^e_. If the unique noun is erased during the
derivation, be may occur with an appositive re la tiv e , as
(4.37) and (4.38) illu s tra te above. Similarly, se may occur
with a re s tric tiv e relativ e clause ju st in case the ante
cedent is not unique, as in the following:
(4.47) & by ilcan geare geeode Ecqbryht cyning
Miercna rice & a l b%t be suban Humbre wæs
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1 9 9
"And th at year King Egbert conquered the
kingdom of the Mercians and everything south
of the Humber." (827)
T h u s t h e c o r r e l a t i o n o f se_ w i t h a p p o s it iv e s a n d w i t h
r e s t r i c t i v e s o c c u rs o n ly w hen t h e a n t e c e d e n t h a p p e n s t o
r e q u i r e b o t h . T h e r u l e f o r s e l e c t i n g ^e_ c a n b e w r i t t e n
w i t h o u t c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f c la u s e t y p e , s in c e i t d ep en d s
s o l e l y u pon t h e a p p e a r a n c e i n t h e a n t e c e d e n t o f th e f e a t u r e
r -b e -R E L A T IV E ] :
(4.48) RELATIVE SELECTION
S.D. Same as for (4.48)
C o n d it io n s : 2 d o e s n o t c o n t a i n a f e a t u r e [ -]3 e -R E L A -
T IV E ]
Rule is obligatory
S.C. Rewrite 10 as
If neither se lae or replaces the determiner in the
second noun phrase—i .e ., if (4.46) is not elected and
(4.48) is blocked—se_ w ill remain. Whether se_ is a relativ e
or a demonstrative a t this point is not c le a r. There is no
evidence th at i t is a relativ e, except that N^ has been
erased. As the discussion of d é fin itization demonstrated,
however, the erasure of a repeated noun is an optional step
in d e fin itiz a tio n . In its e lf , therefore, i t cannot signify
anything with respect to re la tiv iz a tio n .
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2 0 0
T h e f o l l o w i n g e x a m p le c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e s t h e p r o b le m :
(4.49) oh hie a lie laeqon butan anum Bryttiscum g isle
& se swibe gewundad w aes "until they a l l lay
dead except for one B ritish hostage, and he
was severely wounded." (755)
Andrew (1940) calls th is instance of se_ "suspect " ; he would
in terp ret i t as probably being a relativ e pronoun. However,
one cannot demonstrate th at i t has undergone any rule spe
c ific a lly related to re la tiv iz a tio n . NP^ is not elig ib le
for d efin itiz atio n , since i t contains the quantifer a^ which
is inherently in d efin ite. NP^ cannot have been replaced by
be since the antecedent NP contains the feature (on an)
[ - b e - R E L A T IV E l. T h e o n ly e v id e n c e t h a t i t m ay h a v e g o n e
th r o u g h t h e c y c l e o f r u l e s o f r e l a t i v i z a t i o n i s t h e w o rd
o r d e r , b u t as t h e f o l l o w i n g d is c u s s io n w i l l b r i n g o u t , one
is n o t o n s a f e g ro u n d u s in g w o rd o r d e r d i a g n o s t i c a l l y .
T h e r e a r e s e v e r a l p o s s ib le e x p la n a t io n s f o r (4.49). The
s e n t e n c e m ay b e a n o m a lo u s . P e rh a p s t h e d e l e t i o n o f & i s
o b l i g a t o r y i n r e l a t i v e c la u s e f o r m a t io n (a s i t i s i n M odE)
a n d t h e f a i l u r e o f (4.49) t o h a v e u n d e rg o n e & -D E LET IO N h a s
r e s u l t e d i n a p o o r l y fo rm e d s e n t e n c e . O r p o s s i b l y i t i s a
w e l l fo rm e d s e n t e n c e , a n d OE d i f f e r s fro m ModE i n t h a t & -
D E L E T IO N i s o p t i o n a l r a t h e r t h a n o b l i g a t o r y i n fo r m in g
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2 0 1
relativ e clauses. Or quite possibly we are not dealing with
a relativ e construction a t a l l here. Perhaps in (4.49) the
repeated noun has been d efin itized and deleted but has not
undergone re la tiv iz a tio n . I t may be th at the word order is
anomalous, or perhaps i t is simply unusual.
If the & -DELETION rule is made optional, one need not
judge the grammaticality of (4.49). The structure could be
derived either by relativ iz atio n without & -DELETION or by
d efin itiz atio n and deletion of N^• The rule deleting &
follows :
(4.50) &-DELETION
S .D . X
1
N P. X
3
&
4
#
5
X
6
NP. X
8
#
9
Conditions : Optional if 7 = se
Otherwise obligatory
S .C. Erase 4
After & -DELETION, a rule covering the fixing of word
order is required. Not a l l relatives have dependent word
order. In general, word order is not predictable from type
of clause in the Parker MS. In the following p airs, for
example, the choice between normal and inverted word order
seems clearly optional, there being no sig nifican t d if fe r
ence in meaning between the two.
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2 02
(4.51) Her Æjjelheard cyning forl^ferde, & feng Cut>ræd
to Wesseaxna rice "In th is year King Æthel-
heard died, and Cuthred succeeded to the king
dom of the West Saxons" (741)
(4.52) Her Danihel gesaet on Wintanceastre, & Hunferb
feng to biscdome: "In this year Daniel r e
signed in Winchester and Hunfrith succeeded
to the bishopric." (744)
One finds a sim ilar variation in relativ e clauses. W e
find se_ relativ es with what Andrew (1940) calls "common
order" (subj . + verb + obj .) :
(4.53) his broSur for&ferde, se hæfde eac bset west
rice "his brother had died, who had also
held the western kingdom" (885)
and with what he calls "conjunctive" or "subordinate order"
(the fin ite verb stands la st in the sentence):
(4.54) al laagt be su&an Humbre w aes
"all th at was south of the Humber." (827)
Sim ilarly, ^e_ occurs with coordinate word order:
(4.55) T ae se here for forb up ofer laa brycge aet
Paris "in which the arity went up beyond
the bridge at Paris" (887)
and subordinate order:
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2 0 3
(4.56) & laære rode dæl lae C rist on ]3rowude
"including part of the Cross on which
C hrist suffered." (885)
There is also no fixed relationship between clause type
(appositive vs. re stric tiv e ) and word order. Appositives
occur with both coordinate and subordinate order:
(4.57) se w aes lubyttan fæder
"who was the father of Judith" (885)
(4.58) se æfter him ricsode
"who reigned a fte r him" (885)
Neverthelessj i t is possible to write rules for the
selection of word order because, with a few exceptions, word
order is usually predictable on the basis of the antecedent.
If the antecedent has undergone d efin itizatio n , subordinate
word order occurs :
(4.59)
(4.60)
se dæl se baer niehst wæs
"the section which was nearest to it" (878)
& t>a men be he beaeftan him laefde aer
"and the men he had le ft behind him' (755)
I f t h e a n t e c e d e n t c o n t a in s a q u a n t i f i e r o r a n o r d i n a l , s u b
o r d i n a t e w o rd o r d e r o c c u rs :
(4.61) a l l Anqelcyn . . . bast but on Den is era monna
haftniede was "All the English people . . .
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2 04
t h a t w e re n o t u n d e r s u b j e c t i o n t o t h e D a n e s "
(8 8 6 )
(4.62) Ærest Ælle Sub Seaxna cyning se bus micel
ric hæfde "The f ir s t who had so great
authority was Ælle, king of the South Saxons"
(827)
I f t h e a n t e c e d e n t i s i n d e f i n i t e , s u b o r d in a t e w o rd o r d e r
o c c u r s :
(4.63) hiera mæqas him mid weeron ba be him from
noldon "kinsmen of theirs were with him
who would not desert him" (755)
T h e o n ly ite m s w h ic h seem t o f a i l t o t r i g g e r s u b o r d in a t e
w o rd o r d e r a r e p r o p e r nouns a n d t h e q u a n t i f i e r a ^ . B o th
u s u a l l y o c c u r w i t h c o o r d in a t e w o rd o r d e r , as i n :
(4.64) a lie butan anum, se wæs t?æs aldormonnes god
sunu "all except one, who was the ealdor-
man's godson" (755)
(4.67) to Sant Laudan, bset is buteuoh Brettum &
Francum "to S t. Lo, which lies between
Brittany and France" (890)
Exceptions occur, especially with respect to proper
names and a^ as antecedents. The antecedent of the re la
tiv e in (4.58) above, which has subordinate word order, is
a proper noun (Oswald) . In the following, aii occurs with
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2 05
subordinate word order in the relativ e clause:
(4.66) butan anum Bryttiscum q isle , & se swibe
gewundad w ees "except for one B ritish hos
tage, and he was severely wounded" (755)
The rule fixing word order must allow for the options taken
in (4.58) and (4.66) by permitting subordination in a ll
re la tiv e s, even though specific antecedents do not usually
occur with subordination.
(4.67) RELATIVE W O R D ORD ERIN G
S .D .
X NP. X # X N P- [ X ] X F i n i t e V e r b X #
7 8 9 10 11 12 13
Conditions : Optional if 2 contains the feature
[+PROPER] o r t h e q u a n t i f i e r a n
O t h e r w is e o b l i g a t o r y
S.C. Erase 4, 6, 7, 9, and 13
1 2 3 5 8 10 12 11
There are two relativ e clauses in the tex t with ex
ceptional stru c tu re s. One has an entire clause as an ante
cedent to the re la tiv e :
(4.68) & him Ipa. abas sworon on ham halgan beage,
be hie ær nanre heode noldon "and swore
oaths on the holy ring to him, which they
could not do before any nation" (876)
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2 06
I believe th at i t is only in the surface structure th at the
clause stands as an antecedent to the re la tiv e . In the deep
structure i t is very likely that two sentences like the
following were conjoined:
(4.69)
V ER B
PR O P
swerran
OBJ
abas
A FF A CT
him se here
V ERB
(noldon)
swerian
"O BJ
abas
AFF
nanre
beode
A CT
se here
If th is is the derivation of (4.68), then a l l repeated e le
ments were erased before the surface structure evolved and
the antecedent of the relativ e was the indefinite N P abas
in the matrix. If (4.69) is an inaccurate derivation, then
(4.68) must be considered simply as an exception to the
rules for deriving relativ e pronouns. One string which
contains a clause antecedent rather than a noun phrase is
not enough m aterial for writing derivational rules for such
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2 0 7
a stru c tu re .
The other exception contains a temporal as an ante
cedent :
(4.70) & hv ilcan geare he se here for forh up ofer
ha brycge æt Paris "and the same year in
which the army went up beyond the bridge at
P aris." (887)
This is the only example of a relativ e introduced by h® .
failin g to undergo subordination, and there is no clear
reason why its order is coordinate. Since i t begins with
a temporal phrase, which ordinarily conditions a subordinate
word order in OE, i t is doubly unusual. Rather than com
p licate the word order rule I simply note i t as an exception
and do not try to generate i t .
The inflection of the relativ e pronoun does not require
a special ru le . The noun phrases are a ll marked before the
transformational cycle begins with the pertinent deep role
relationships which w ill determine surface inflection. This
information spreads to the determiner when the noun is
definitized and i t remains on the determiner unless r e
places se|_ in the relativ izatio n cycle. If the determiner
is rew ritten as ^e_ the surface inflection features are
erased, since ^ does not in fle c t. It can replace noun
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2 08
phrases marked for any of the different surface inflections
(4.71) aer hine ha men onfunden he mid ham kyninge
wærun "before the men who were with the
king became aware of him" (755) N OM INATIV E
(4.72) & ha men ]3e he beaeftan him laefde ær "and
the men he had le f t behind him" (755) ACCU
SATIVE
(4.73) se wæs Karles sunu he Æhelwulf West Seaxna
cyning his dohtor hæfde him to cuene "who
was the son of Karl, whose daughter Athel-
wulf, king of the West Saxons, had married."
(885) GENITIVE
(4.74) & hser bset maeste wæl geslogon on hehnum herige
be we secqan hierdon ob bisne &weardan dæq
"and there in flicted the greatest slaughter
on a heathen army th at we ever heard of u n til
this present day" (851) DATIVE
(4.75) & forbferde by geare be sio sunne abiestrode
"and died in the year when the sun eclipsed"
(885) IN STRU M EN TA L
No matter what its function in the sentence, b® . remains
uninflected. Se, however, inflects according to its func
tion in the relativ e clause, as the following examples
illu s tra te :
(4.75) & Æbelswib cuen sio w aes Ælfredes sweostor
cyninqes forbferde "and Queen Æthelswith,
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2 0 9
who w as K in g A l f r e d ' s s i s t e r , d ie d " (8 8 8 )
F E M IN IN E N O M INATIVE
(4.77) & Godrum se norherna cyning for&ferde . . .
se wæs Ælfredes cyninqes godsunu "and the
northern king G uthrum died, . . . who was
King A lfred's godson" (890) M A SCU LIN E NOM I
NA TIV E
(4.78) To S a n t L a u d a n , h ^ t is b u tu e o h B r e ttu m &
F ra n c u m " to S t . L o , w h ic h l i e s b e tw e e n
B r i t t a n y a n d F r a n c e " (890) NEUTER N O M IN A TIVE
Se i s m a rk e d f o r i n f l e c t i o n w hen i t i s i n s e r t e d as a
d e m o n s t r a t iv e on NP^ . I f i t is n o t r e p la c e d b y ^e_ d u r in g
t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l c y c l e , i t re m a in s a n d r e t a i n s t h e
f e a t u r e s w h ic h h a v e b e e n s p r e a d t o i t fr o m t h e h e a d n o u n .
T h e n o rm a l r u l e s a s s ig n in g s u r f a c e i n f l e c t i o n w i l l g e n e r a t e
t h e p r o p e r fo r m i n t h e s u r f a c e s t r u c t u r e .
4.0.2. Reduced Relative Clauses
T h r e e o t h e r s t r u c t u r e s w h ic h m o d ify n o u n p h r a s e s w h ic h
a r e t r e a t e d , i n g ram m ars o f M odE, as d e r i v i n g fr o m re d u c e d
r e l a t i v e c la u s e s : a d j e c t i v e s , a p p o s i t i v e nou n p h r a s e s , a n d
p r e p o s i t i o n a l p h ra s e s ( e s p e c i a l l y l o c a t i v e s ) . A c c o r d in g t o
c u r r e n t g r a m m a t ic a l t h e o r y , s e n te n c e (a ) i n e a c h o f t h e
f o l l o w i n g e x a m p le s p re s u m a b ly d e r iv e s fr o m s e n te n c e (b ) b y
w ay o f s e n te n c e ( c ) :
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2 1 0
(4.79) a.
b .
c .
(4.80) a.
b .
c .
(4.81) a .
b.
c .
We b o u g h t t h e y e l l o w h o u s e .
We b o u g h t a h o u s e . A h o u s e i s y e l l o w ,
We b o u g h t t h e h o u s e w h ic h i s y e l l o w .
We b o u g h t t h e " B r ia r w o o d " m o d e l.
We b o u g h t a m o d e l. A m o d e l i s c a l l e d
" B r ia r w o o d ."
We b o u g h t t h e m o d e l w h ic h is c a l l e d
" B r ia r w o o d ."
We b o u g h t t h e h o u s e on t h e c o r n e r .
We b o u g h t a h o u s e . A h o u s e i s on t h e
c o r n e r .
We b o u g h t t h e h o u s e w h ic h i s on th e
c o r n e r .
I n d e r i v i n g (a), th e tw o s e n te n c e s f i r s t a r e c o n jo in e d ; th e n
t h e s e c o n d i s r e l a t i v i z e d an d t h e f i r s t d e f i n i t i z e d ; f i n a l l y
t h e r e l a t i v e i s d e l e t e d .
S u c h a n a n a l y s i s seem s t o w o rk f o r OE, as w e l l . I n th e
f o l l o w i n g e x a m p le s , t h e a d j e c t i v e may b e d e r iv e d fro m a
r e d u c e d r e l a t i v e c la u s e c o n t a i n in g t h e a d j e c t i v e , n o u n , o r
l o c a t i v e p h r a s e h a v in g t h e r o l e r e l a t i o n s h i p i n d i c a t e d :
(4.82) g e f litf u llic senob
"a contentious synod" (785) A D JE C T IV E as
an E S S IV E in the embedded sentence
(4.83) Cantwara burg "Canterbury," lite r a lly "City
of the Kentish people" (754) N O U N as an
AFFECTED in the embedded sentence
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2 1 1
(4.84) bise to Hrofesceastre "bishop of Rochester"
(741) LO CATIVE in the embedded sentence
When two or more modifiers occur we must assume that they
originate as conjoined noun phrases in the deep structure,
since only one instance of each deep role is permitted in
any simplex sentence. For example, the following structure
must have (4.85) as its deep structure:
(4.85) & his brohor w ees Ecbryht Eating ærcebisc
"and his [Eadberht's] brother was Arch
bishop Egbert, son of Eata;" (738)
(4.86) S,
PRO P
V ERB ESSIVE AFFECTED
ESSIVE AFF
Eating E cgbryht brohur Eadbryht
V ERB ESSIVE AFFECTED
ESSIVE AFF
Ecqbryht ærcebisc brohur Eadbryht
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2 1 2
One ambiguous construction occurs in the tex t, in which
i t is d iffic u lt to determine which word the adjective modi
fies :
(4.87) & wu'n'derleca nædran wæron gesewene
"and marvellous adders were seen" (773)
If "marvelous" is an attrib u te of adders in this passage,
then wu ' n 'derleca could originate as a modifier of needre .
If the origin is a structure like "adders, which people
thought were marvelous," then (4.87) might arise from a
relativ e clause containing a sentence stating such a fact.
There is not enough evidence to determine which was in
tended, however, so i t is only possible to note that such
an ambiguity exists .
4.1. Negation
The Parker MS. contains only fourteen instances of
sentence negation and these are fa irly consistent in form.
In a ll of them the negative is signalled by a preverbal
negative formative n^. Some include a second negative fo r
mative preceding an adverb or determiner. Either or both
of these negative elements may be incorporated into a f o l
lowing word under conditions discussed below :
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2 1 3
(4.88) & hie hindan ofridan ne m e ah te ær hie on
l3am faestene wæron "and he could not over
take them before they were in the fo rtressj"
(877) SINGLE NEGATIV E FO RM A TIV E ne
(4.89) & hie næfre his banan folgian noldon
"and they would never serve his slayer"
(755) T W O NEGATIV E FORM ATIVES IN CO RPO RA TED
INTO A D V ER B A N D M O D A L
(4.90) be hie ær nanre beode noldon "which they
would not do before any nation" (876) T W O
NEGATIV E FO RM ATIV ES IN CO RPO RA TED INTO DE
TERM IN ER A N D M O D A L
The most common form of the negative is (4 .88), in which the
single negative formative ne_ precedes the fin ite verb. The
only verbs with which i t assim ilates in the text are willan,
witan, and wesan.
Such consistency of form sim plifies the writing of
rules for negation; yet at the same time i t perhaps gives a
false view of the sim plicity of negation generally in OE.
There are, for example, no sentences lacking the preverbal
ne in the te x t. As Elizabeth Traugott points out (1967),
however, not a ll O E texts are so consistent. She finds
examples of negated determiners and adverbs in sentences
lacking the preverbal negative ne^ both in Alfredian prose
and in the C harters. She concludes th at "neg-attachment of
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2 1 4
DET and A D V is independent of the preverbal neg-attach-
ment." Quite the opposite holds in the Parker MS. Since
preverbal ne_ is obligatory, i t is possible to make negative
attachment to determiner or adverb dependent upon its pres
ence in the b ase.
The text also lacks inherent negatives of the sort
which in M odE trigger negative attachment or some-any sup-
pletion in sentence complements, as the following sentences
from Klima (1954) illu s tra te :
(4.91) a. He was reluctant to see any more p atien ts,
b. He was anxious to see some more p atien ts.
I t is perhaps only fortuitous that the text lacks such
"adversatives," as Klima calls them. Elizabeth Traugott
(1972) cites several "grammatically negative verbs," e .g .,
tweon ("doubt") and forbeodan ("forbid"), indicating that
inherent negation was a feature of O E .
There are several instances in the text of words with
negative prefixes of the type u n rih t, u n stiln ess, and unwis,
(4.92) & bær wæs micel ungebnærnes bare beode
betweo'x' him selfum "And there was great
c iv il s tr ife going on in th at people" (867)
(4.93) & by ilcan geare hie sealdon anum unwisum
cyninges begne Miercna rice to haldanne
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2 1 5
"And the same year they gave the kingdom
of the Mercians to be held by a foolish
king's thegn" (874)
These seem to be purely semantic negatives, as they are in
ModE, failin g to behave syntactically like true negatives.
They do not occur with the negative formative . They do not
trig g er negative suppletion of the determiner or adverb.
And they do not trig g er negative word-order. They are,
therefore, not treated here as negative syntactic items.
Thus, the only negatives under consideration are of the
sort containing one or optionally two negatives. In each
negative sentence there is an obligatory ne^. There are
several possible ways to generate th is formative. Klima
(1964) suggests th a t i t be introduced by inserting an a rb i
trary lexical marker (NEG) into the deep structure as a
daughter of S, as in
(4.94)
(W H ) N E G N O M PRED
Semantic negatives like unr ih t and unwis are not marked with
the N EG feature. I t is a syntactic marker not derivable
from the semantic feature of Negativity.
Lakoff (1969) would generate negatives in higher
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N E G
A th ird p o ssib ility , suggested by the UESP Grammar and fo l
lowed here, would generate N E G as part of M O D . Since ne
attaches its e lf to the fin ite verb, i t seems logical to
2 1 6
sentences containing N E G as the verb, as in
(4.95)
introduce i t as an element of M O D , as in
(4 .96)
(N EG ) (A D V )
Thus, i t appears as an optional expansion of M O D in the Base
Rules :
(4.97) M O D ^ (N EG ) A U X (A D V )
This generates only one negative per sentence, a procedure
which works well for ModE, which generally permits only one
negative. However, in O E an additional negative must be
generated in some sentences. An a ttrac tiv e possible way of
generating the second negative would be to generate i t
within the in flectio nal node on deep roles, as in the
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2 1 7
following :
( 4 . 9 8 ) a . ROLE - I N F L ^ N P ^
b. INFL - (N EC) (PREP) INFLECTION
This captures the difference between negatives which negate
the entire sentence (ne_ used alone in OE) and those which
merely negate some element of the proposition (næfre, nan,
e t c . ) . If N E G appeared in the M O D , only one negative would
occur in the sentence, as in the following:
(4.99) bæt hie 'h ie' bses ne onmunden
"that they would pay no regard to it" (755)
If N E G appears in the INFL node, a rule would spread i t to
the fin ite verb, as a redundant sentence negative formative,
as in
(4.100) & hiera næniq h it qebicgean nolde
"and not one of them would accept it" (755)
Unfortunately, there is too l i t t l e variety of negation
in the te x t to enable one to work out an adequate theory
along these lin es. There are no negated LOCATIVES, perhaps
no negated AGENTS, and only one negated ADVERB.
A simpler solution, and one that works well for the
Parker MS., is suggested by Jackendoff's le x ic alist tr e a t
ment of the some-any altern ation . He suggests th at we
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2 1 8
consider
some and any (as well as other pairs) as separate le x i
cal items differing by a feature^ say [- X ] (some is
[+ X]). There w ill be rules of semantic interpretation
which specify which value of the feature must appear in
what environments, much as a selection re s tric tio n speci
fies features of NPs in relatio n to verbs. (1969:232)
In the text at hand, specific items would be marked in
the Lexicon with the feature [^Negative Spread] . Their
appearance in a sentence containing N E G in the MODIFIER
would cause them to undergo the rule of N E G SPREA D (de
scribed below) automatically. Such a solution explains what
Jackendoff (1969) calls "the significant generalization that
S and VP negation d iffer in meaning exactly when there is a
quantifier in the derived subject." In OE, the quantifier
need not be in the derived subject, as the following example
illu stra te s :
(4.101) be hie ær nanre beode noldon "which they
would not do before any nation" (876)
I t is true, however, th at NEG A TIV E SPREA D occurs only in
sentences containing a quantifier, usually in the derived
su b ject. There must be a quantifier plus the head noun or
a quantifier plus a p a rtitiv e , as in the following two
examples :
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2 1 9
(4.102) On Tjissuin qeare næs nan fasreld to Rome
"There was no expedition to Rome this
year" (889)
(4.103) & hiera nænig h it ge&icgean nolde "and
not one of them would accept it" (755)
Since (4.104) has a p a rtitiv e construction, i t is clear th at
næniq accepts a p a rtitiv e , as do ajn and nan. Since i t is
remotely possible th at sum might have occurred in the deep
structure of (4.103) and sum does not occur in the tex t with
a p a rtitiv e , then presumably the deep structure of the sen
tence might have been simply
(4.104) # X - „p[QUANTIFER + N O M ] -X #
The rule of N E G SPREA D would have to supply the feature
[+N EG ] to the quantifier of an N P having the feature re
quired to spread the N E G from the A U X segment in order to
generate næniq suppletion, and the feature [+PARTITIVE], to
permit the structure to form a p a rtitiv e , even though sum
might be the base form.
All of th is is highly speculative, however. I t is not
certain that sum is the positive form of næniq. Næniq may
be in free variation with nan as a negative version of an.
Compare the following:
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2 2 0
(4.105) & hiera næniq h it getaicgean nolde "and
not one of them would accept it" (755)
(4.106) f ort»ôem hira nan næs on faedran healfe
toqeboren "for not one of them was born
to i t in the male line" (887)
Dorothy Whitelock translates both of these as "not one of
them, " and there is no apparent semantic or syntactic d if
ference between the two. Both næniq and nan occur with a
plural Genitive p artitiv e construction. Compare also;
(4.107) & ba cuaedon hie bast him næniq m æ q leofra
nasre bonne hiera hlaford "and they said
th at no kinsman was dearer to them than
th e ir lord" (755)
(4.108) On bissum qeare næs nan færeld to Rome
"There was no expedition to Rome in this
year" (889)
Again, there seems to be no syntactic or semantic d istin c
tion between the two. Both occur with nominative singular
nouns.
Because the text is so limited i t is impossible to
state the conditions for double negation with any certainty.
I t seems clear th at nan is a negative suppletive form of an.
No clear-cut positive version of nænig occurs in the te x t.
Since the te x t is too limited to support a sum :nænig
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2 2 1
hypothesis, a hypothetical positive form has been developed
by analogy with an ;nan: *ænig:nænig. Similarly, a hypo
th e tic a l positive form *æfre has been inserted for næfre,
since the form of the positive temporal adverb which i t r e
places is irrecoverable .
One other adverb occurs in the tex t :
(4.109) be mon na ne rimde
"which were not counted (at a ll) " (871)
Na functions in combination with ne_ to add emphasis to the
negation. It is treated as an optional, emphatic element
of NEGATIV E in its Lexical entry.
4 .1 .1 . Rules for Negation
Only three rules are required to account for the nega
tive sentences in the tex t:
(4.110) 1 - NEGATIVE SPREA D (Obligatory)
S.I. # X - N E G - X - [+N EG SPREA D ] - X
1 2 3 4 5
S.C. Mark 4 [+NEGATIVE]
This rule spreads the feature [+NEGATIVE] to quantifiers or
temporal adverbs . Whether an environment must be given
rather than a feature specification for #4 is not clear,
since there is so l i t t l e negation in the te x t. I assume
th at certain positive forms (an, *æ fre, *ænig) have the
feature [+Neqative Spread] which attrac ts the feature
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2 2 2
[+NEGATIVE] and triggers negative suppletion. I t would be
possible to state the same rule using an environment^ how
ever :
(4.111)
S .1. # X - N E G - X - X - X
1 2 3 4 5
Conditions: 4 = N P consisting of [Q U A N T - X - N O M ]
or 4 = A D V with the feature [+TEM PO RA L]
S.C. Mark 4 [+NEGATIVE]
Obviously (4.111) is too general. Perhaps a ll temporal
adverbs are negated as næfre but certainly not a l l quanti
fie rs can become nan or nænig.
The second rule handles verb negation:
(4.112) 2 - NEGATIVE A T T A C H M E N T (Obligatory)
S. I. X - N E G - f Modal \ - X
[+Tns] (
I Verb (
^ [+Tns] j
1 2 3 4
Change : Mark 3 [+NEGATIVE]
Erase 2
Rule 2 (4.112) attaches the negative feature to the fin ite
form of the verb so th at in rules establishing surface word
order, both N E G and fin ite verb move as a unit (see Rule 3).
The second lexical lookup supplies a suppletive form if the
verb permits negative incorporation (e.g., noldon from ne +
woIdon and nyste from ^ + wyste) . If i t does not, the
second lexical lookup supplies a preceding negative particle
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2 2 3
ne o r a n e m p h a tic n a n e .
M o s t c h a n g e s i n w o rd o r d e r i n n e g a t iv e s e n te n c e s a r e
a c c o m p lis h e d b y g e n e r a l t r a n s f o r m a t io n s w h ic h a p p ly t o a l l
s e n te n c e s . H o w e v e r a f e a t u r e o f w o rd o r d e r p e c u l i a r t o
t h e n e g a t iv e c o n s t r u c t io n is t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e n e g a t iv e
f o r m a t iv e a n d t h e f i n i t e v e r b i n s e n te n c e f i n a l p o s i t i o n .
I t i s t h i s phenom enon t h a t r e q u i r e s t h e v e r b t o u n d e rg o
n e g a t iv e a t t a c h m e n t s o t h a t b o t h n e g a t iv e a n d f i n i t e v e r b
move as a u n i t . T h e r e a r e tw o e x c e p t io n s t o t h e r u l e , b o th
h a v in g b e o n as t h e f i n i t e v e r b :
(4.113) forbsem hira nan nass on fædran healfe to
geboren "for not one of them was born
to i t in the male line" (887)
(4.114) On bissum qeare næs nan færeld to Rom e
"In th is year there was no expedition to
Rome" (889)
To c o v e r t h e s e tw o e x c e p t io n s t h e r e m u s t b e a c o n d i t i o n
b lo c k in g t h e r u l e i f t h e f i n i t e v e r b c o n s is t s o f b e o n .
A n o t h e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f n e g a t iv e w o rd o r d e r i s t h a t
t h e n e g a t iv e a n d f i n i t e v e r b m u s t p r e c e d e a n em bedded s e n
t e n c e , as i n t h e f o l l o w i n g :
(4.115) be he nyste hwæt hie waeron
"for he did not know what they were" (787)
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2 2 4
(4.116) ]3æt him nænig m æ q leofra nære tjonne hiera
hlaford "that no kinsmen was dearer to
them than th eir lo rd " (755)
These exceptions (and there are several) require that
the attractio n of the verb to sentence fin al position must
precede a general rule in the grammar which moves embedded
sentences to th at position.
(4.117) 3 - NEGATIV E ATTRACTION
S .1. # X - (Modall
(Verb j
[+NEGATIVE]
X
#
1
Conditions : 2 ^ beon^
Last cycle rule
S.C. 1—3 —2
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N O T E
^The verb would consist only of features at this point
if the fin ite form of the verb was to be beon. Since the
rule must except sentences containing beon, the redundancy
rules must somehow identify segments to be f ille d by the
copula or use beon to form compound tenses so that the f i r s t
condition may apply.
225
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CHAPTER F I V E
5.0. Base Rules
The Base Rules are modeled a fte r those proposed for the
UESP GrammarJ with changes necessitated by differences be
tween M odE and OE. The abbreviations are as follows : S
(sentence), CONJ (conjunction), M O D (modality), PRO P (prop
osition), N E G (negative), A U K (auxiliary), A D V (adverb),
TN S (tense), SJC (subjunctive), M (modal verb), PERF (per
fe c t), PR O G (progressive), and PREP (preposition).
(5.1) B A SE R U L E I
CONJ S S (S)
M O D PR O P
#
I assume th at CONJUNCTION is distributed to each following
S by a late transform ational rule along the lines suggested
by the U ESP Grammar.
(5.2) B A SE R U LE II
M O D -* (Her) (N EG ) A U X (A D V )
226
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2 2 7
Her appears at the beginning of the entry for each year and
occurs on the discourse level. However, since i t plays a
role in fixing word order, i t must be included within the
sentence boundaries . As was discussed in the preceding
chapter, the f i r s t N E G is introduced as a feature of M O D .
Since O E permits more than one negative per sentence, a
second negative can be generated when the sentence contains
an item with the feature [+N EG SPREAD] . A few adverbs are
introduced on role nodes like PLA CE or TIME. Others, which
modify the en tire proposition rather than a verb or noun
phrase, are introduced as an optional element of M O D .
(5.3) B A SE R U LE III
A U X - TN S (SJC) (M ) (PERF) (PRO G)
In OE, tense is a feature of both the indicative and sub
junctive mood. Consequently, B A SE R U LE III differs from
such a rule for ModE, in which SJC and T N S (M ) are altern a
tive choices, as in:
(5.4) base rule III (M odE)
T N S (M )
A U X
(5.5) B A SE R U LE IV
PROP -
(PERF) (PRO G )
V (TIME) (SOURCE) (PLACE)
(PATIENT) (AFFECTED) (INS)
(G O A L) (ESS)
(A G EN T ) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
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2 2 8
Each verb is subcategorized in the Lexicon to indicate what
roles are associated with i t . Verb complements are consid
ered to come en tirely from noun phrases. The order in which
roles are stated in Base Rule IV is considered to be the
fixed order of the elements in the base.
(5.6) B A SE R U LE V
ESS -*
PATIENT
PREP
[+ESS]
PREP
[+PAT]
N P
[+ESS]
N P
[+PAT]
B A SE R U LE V would be extended in sim ilar fashion to cover
a ll roles, generating for each a sequence consisting of a
PREP and a NP. To simplify subsequent rules the subscript
R w ill be used to indicate that a role designation (for
example, ESSIVE, PATIENT, or other) is associated with the
item so marked.
(5 .7) B A SE R U LE VI
N P.
R
D ET N O M
R
S can be embedded directly under any noun phrase node except
one which occurs under the A G EN T designation. Therefore,
the sequence of rules under B A SE R U L E VI would cover a ll
possible roles except the following version for A G EN T noun
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2 2 9
phrases :
(5.8) B A SE R U EE VI (A G EN T)
“ ^AGT - * ' ° \ gT
(5 .9) B A SE R U EE VII
f NOM„ S
N O M .
R
N .
R
B A SE R U EE VII permits the embedding of sentences as noun
phrase complements.
(5 .10) B A SE R U E E VII
N _
R
+N O U N
*V ER B
*A D
B A SE R U EE VII would require that nouns fillin g AGENT, IN
STRU M EN T, AFFECTED, PATIENT, and ESSIVE roles have the
features [+NOUN, -VERB, and -AD] . The rule for expanding
“t i m e :
(5.11) B A SE R U E E VII (TIME)
N .
TIM E
+N O U N
aVERB
O A D
This requires that an item inserted under the N^^,_ node
TIM E
have a feature [4-N O U N ] and th at the features V ERB and A D
both be negative (a true noun) or both be positive (an
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2 3 0
adjective). Semantic redundancy rules could specify th at
any item inserted under a TIM E node have the semantic fea
ture [+TEM PO R& L] .
(5.12) B A SE R U LE VII (LOCATIVES)
r+NOUN]
/ source) j-VERB
. G O A L >
^PIACE J
This rule permits eith er true nouns or adverbs to be in
serted under N nodes . S ince both nouns and adverbs are
L O C
positively specified for N O U N and negatively specified for
VERB, i t is unnecessary to refer to the A D feature in fo r
mulating B A SE R U LE VII for LOCATIVES.
(5.13) B A SE R U LE VIII
D ET -» (Q U A N T) (PART) ART (POST)
B A SE R U LE VIII completes the sequence proposed for
generating the deep stru ctu res. Other lexical items, such
as conjunctions, prepositions, relativ e pronouns, and pro
nouns generally would be inserted by transform ational r u le s ,
5.1. Role Inflectional Rules
This sequence of transform ational rules follows the
UESP Grammar in a very loose way, since for O E i t is neces
sary to mark deep structure role noun phrases for surface
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231
in flectio n , as well as to assign prepositions and to estab
lish surface structure word order according to role func
tio n . Since roles can occur both on verbs and nouns, some
of the inflectional rules are stated in terms of both p ossi
b ilitie s .
(5.14) R U L E I - PREP SPREA D
S .I. X
[+B-1
PREPa ]
I
X R^ [PREP X
S.C. Attach 3 to 5, erase 2-3
This follows the rule proposed by the U ESP Grammar and moves
the preposition specified for a deep role on any noun or
verb head to the empty preposition node under the appropri
ate ro le . For example, dr if an ("drive") forms its G O A L by
using the preposition R U LE I would operate for drifan
as follows :
(5.15) PRO P
drifan
[4 - PREP G O A L to]
PREP
[-4 -G O A L ]
N P
[4-G O A L ]
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2 32
PROP
drifan PREP
[+G O A L]
[toi
N P
[4-GOAL]
A second rule marks inflection on noun phrases holding
a deep role relationship to a head noun or verb. It occurs
in two versions, depending upon whether the head is a verb
or a noun :
(5.16) R U L E II - INFLECTIONAL M A R K IN G
(A ) V ERB H E A D
S. I. X [V X
Ri
[PREP N ]
1
X ]
7
Condition: 2-7 = a constituent
S.C. If 4 = AGENT, mark
IN STRU M EN T
AFFECTED
COM ITATIVE
PATIENT
ESSIVE
SO U R C E
PLA CE
G O A L
TIM E
6 with a feature +INFL nom
dat
dat
dat
acc
nom
dat
dat
acc
acc
R U LE II attaches a feature to every noun which is in con
struction with a verb marking i t [+INFLa] . This feature
then w ill be used in R U LE III - INFLECTIONAL SPREAD.
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2 3 3
(B) N O U N H E A D
[PREP
Condition: 2-7 a constituent
Mark 6 with a feature [+INFL gen]
This version of the rule marks a ll noun phrases [+INFL gen]
if they are in construction with a head noun. Examples of
R U L E II are as follows :
(5.17)
(A ) PR O P
G O A L A G T
gelendan PREP
[+G O A L]
PREP
[+A GT]
N P
[+AGT]
N P
[+G O A L]
PRO P
G O A L A G T
gelendan PREP
[+G O A L]
PREP
[+AGT]
N P
[+G O A L]
[+INFL-
acc]
N P
[+AGT]
[+INFL-
nom]
N P
ælmesse
PREP
[+A GT]
N P
[+A G T]
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2 3 4
ælmesse PREP
[+AGT]
N P
[+AGT]
[+INFL gen]
(5.17) demonstrates the derivation of the following "normal"
surface inflection:
(5.18) Her for se here e ft west ]je aer east gelende
A G T G O A L V
"In th is year the Danish army which had gone
east went west again." (886)
(5.19) Wesseaxna ælmessan & Ælfredes cyninges
A G T A G T
"alms of the West Saxons and of King Alfred"
(888 )
Aberrant surface inflection occurs with noun phrases
holding a given role relationship to some verbs and nouns.
These are marked by a rule very much like the rule of PREP
SPREAD.
(5.20) R U LE III - INFL SPR EA D
S .I. X
( I )
[+R^ INFL a] X ^ [X INFL g] X
6 7 8
S.C. Attach 3 to 6: erase 2-3 and 7.
R U L E III substitutes aberrant surface inflection for
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2 35
inherent inflection supplied by the previous ru le. For
exampleJ bescierian ("deprive") requires its deep PATIENT
noun phrase to occur in the surface structure as a genitive,
rather than as an accusative (the surface in flectio n asso
ciated with most PATIENTS). R U LE III operates on bescierian
as follows :
(5.21) PRO P
PATIENT
bescierian
[ + INFL PA T gen]
PREP
[+PAT]
N P
[+PAT]
[+INFL acc]
PRO P
PATIENT
bescierian PREP
[+PAT]
N P
[+PAT]
[ + INFL gen]
RU LES I through III estab lish the prepositional phrase
structure and inflectional form of noun phrases which w ill
occur in the surface representation unless subsequent tra n s
formational rules a lte r them in some way. Such ru les, for
example, as PASSIVIZATION and REIATIVIZATION can erase
prepositions and/or change in flectio n al marking during the
derivation of a sentence.
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2 36
The UESP Graiiiinar required an OBJECTIVIZATION rule to
attach surface structure objects as rig h t siste rs of the
verbs. Since PATIENT occurs immediately to the rig h t of the
verb, i t corresponds in position to the position usually
occupied by the object in M odE sentences. However, since
i t may s h ift its position in subordinate word order, or if
i t is pronominalizedj for example, there cannot be a rule
for O E attaching i t as a rig h t s is te r of the verb, as there
is in M odE (compare the U N M A R K E D OBJECT R U L E in the UESP
Grammar). However, there is a transformation in O E like
the M A R K E D OBJECT RULE. P rivitive verbs, for example, take
accusative AFFECTED noun phrases and genitive PATIENT noun
phrases in the surface s tru c tu re . The AFFECTED precedes the
PATIENT in such cases, so there must be a rule following
in flectio n al marking th at moves the AFFECTED into position
preceding the PATIENT .
(5.22) R U LE IV - OBJECTIVIZATION
S .I. X
1
V X
AFF
[X INFL acc] X
Condition: 2 through 5 = a constituent
S.C. 1 2 4 3 5
The rule is stated so that position #3 may be void, may have
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2 37
another inflection marked on its noun phrase, or may be an
embedded sentence. R U LE IV would convert (5.23) into
(5 .24) ;
(5.23) PR O P
V
I
beniman
PATIENT
rices
AFF
I
S iqebryht
A G T
Cynewulf
(5.24) PRO P
PATIENT A G T AFF
beniman S iqebryht Cynewulf rices
After SUBJECTIVIZATION moved the A G EN T into pre-verbal
position (rule given below) the string would have the su r
face structure order found in:
(5.25) Cynewulf benam Siqebryht his rices
"Cynewulf deprived Sigeberht of his king
dom" (755)
PASSIVIZATION is the next rule which must refer to role
relationships in its formulation. It supplies the proper
preposition and inflectional marking to the A G EN T or IN
STR U M EN T noun phrase and also marks the PATIENT or AFFECTED
as a nominative in the surface stru ctu re. In ModE, the
PASSIVIZATION rule requires a separate step to move the
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2 38
PATIENT or AFFECTED into subject position before the verb.
No such step is required for O E ^ since a nominative noun
phrase to the rig h t of the verb w ill automatically be sub-
jectivized as part of the SUBJECTIVIZATION rule.
(5.26) R U L E V - PASSIVE
S .1.
X V X „ [PREP a. X INFL g] X _ [PREP y X INFL 6] X
K . * R .
1 ]
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
Conditions: 2-15 = a constituent
2 has the feature [+PASS]
4 = PA T or AFF
S.C. If 10 = AGT, attach from to 11 and dative to 14
If 10 = INS, attach mid to 11 and dative to 14
Attach nominative to 7
Erase 5, 8, 12, and 15
R U LE V converts the PA T or AFF N P into a nominative case in
the surface structure. The SUBJECTIVIZATION R U L E w ill move
i t into position as subject of the sentence. R U L E V also
changes either the INS or A G T (whichever is the right-hand
actant) into prepositional phrases, supplying the proper
form of the preposition and the proper surface inflection.
The formation of the verb its e lf is not included as a part
of the PASSIVIZATION ru le. Each verb is marked in the Lex
icon to indicate whether i t forms the passive with wesan or
with weorban. All the information occurs on the verb node
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2 39
to permit the formation of the passive mood as part of the
sequence of rules which provide surface realization of
tense, mood, aspect, person, and number for the verbal e le
ment of the sentence.
The RECIPROCAL PATIENT rule must precede SUBJECTIVIZA
TION, so that A G EN T and PATIENT may be conjoined before
A G EN T is moved into subject position. I t is repeated here
from Chapter Two without further discussion:
(5.27) RECIPROCAL - R U L E VI
iX
S .I.
C )
X ^ [PREP X INFL a] X ^ [PREP X INFL g] X
i j * '
1 2 3 4 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
Conditions 2 through 13 = a constituent
2 has a feature [+RECIPROCAL]
4 = PATIENT
10 = A G EN T
4 and 10 are [aGENERIC]
Rule is optional
S.C. Conjoin 4-8 to 10-12
Attach feature of 12 to 7
Erase 5 and 8
The la st rule referring to role surface order and in
flectio n is SUBJECTIVIZATION. The M odE rule can su b jecti-
vize only on the basis of position in the role frame and,
therefore, the rule as formulated by the U ESP Grammar moves
the right-hand actant into subject position. The O E rule
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2 4 0
refers simply to surface inflection marking and, conse
quently, can identify the surface subject anywhere in the
frame.
(5.28) SUBJECTIVIZATION - R U LE VII
S. I. X M O D V X C^[X INFL N om ] X
1 2 3456 7 8 9
Condition: 3-9 = a constituent
5 f ESSIVE
S.C. Attach 5-8 as le ft s is te r of 2
Delete original 5-8
The rule blocks subjectivization of ESSIVES, which never
occur as subjects in the grammar as formulated here. Since
TIME, AFF, and L O C noun phrases can be marked [+INFL nom]
only in the event th at there is no A G EN T present, and PA
TIENT acquires a nominative inflection only in PASSIVIZATION
(which erases the nominative on AGENTS) or by special rule
requiring A G EN T to be empty, only one nominative can occur
per role frame at th is point in the cycle (excepting ES -
SIVES) .
Subsequent transformational rules may affect elements
as they stand at the end of the SUBJECTIVIZATION ru le.
However, any rule which changes word order subsequent to
SUBJECTIVIZATION refers to constituents, not to role
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2 4 1
function. For example, there is a rule for O E which speci
fies th at the fin ite verb be the second element of the sen
tence . I t operates rather like the rule for Modern German,
except th at i t is optional in OE, not obligatory. Thus, we
get both
(5 .29) Her nom Beorhtric cyning Offan dohtor
Eadburge "In th is year King B rihtric
married Offa's daughter Eadburh." (787)
in which the order is verb-subject, and
(5 .30) Her laenbryht ærcebisc forbferde
"In this year Archbishop Jænberht died"
(790)
with a subject-verb order not influenced by the presence of
an in itia l "Her." Such v arieties in word order presumably
refer to categories like noun phrase, verb + tense, and the
like, rather than to role labels.
5 .2 . The Lexicon
The Lexicon presented here is modeled after th a t of the
UESP Grammar with some modifications necessitated by d iffe r
ences in analysis and by lim itations of the te x t. Obliga
tory features are specified as [+_ _ _ _ _ _ _]. These are features
which occur without exception in the te x t. Optional
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2 4 2
features are specified as [+/-_ _ ] . For example, the
quantifier a^ may occur either with or without its head noun
and, consequently, i t is marked [+/-N DEL]. Apparently the
choice is purely optional. Features which must be marked
positively or negatively are specified as [*_ _ _ _ _ _ _] . For
example, s^ occurs with eith er singular or plural nouns and
i t has the feature [*PL] to indicate that i t is not inher
ently either singular or plural but rather must be marked
accordingly to assure that the proper form is selected in
the second Lexical Pass . Negative features are marked
[-_ _ _ _ _ _ _j . Only a few kinds of items have been specified
negatively, since one can only hypothesize that features
are impossible. Quantifiers have some features marked
negatively. For example, SEghweæber ("each, every") never
occurs with plurals and is marked [-_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _+PL] . Since most
quantifiers occur only with count nouns, most have the fea
ture [-_ _ _ _ _ _ _-CO U N T] . Such features are speculative, how
ever, since there is no way of proving th at a feature is
impossible simply on the basis of its failu re to occur.
Generally, I have omitted features which cannot be specified
positively. If, for example, a quantifier occurs with its
head noun deleted in a l l contexts, one cannot hypothesize
whether i t is able to sh ift to the position following the
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I 2 4 3
jnourij as some quantifiers do^ or whether i t can take a gen
itiv e head noun construction, or even, with any certainty,
whether it can occur with a d efinite a rtic le . Such items
are le ft unmarked in the Lexicon.
5 .2 .1. Verbs
Verbs have the features [ -N O U N ] , [4-V E R B ] , and [ -A D ] .
They are the only items which can be inserted under the verb
inode in the tre e . During the transformational cycle the
specification for N O U N and A D may be changed if the p a r ti
c ip ia l form of the verb is selected. This permits the ver-
Ibal to undergo adjective declension. If the N O U N and A D
I
features remain unchanged, the verbs are inflected according
to the general rules for O E verbs. To simplify the Lexicon,
I have omitted marking verbs for [4-W E A K ] or [+STRONG] .
Actually, an adequate listin g would include a marking for
both features on a ll verbs, an indication of class, and any
idiosyncratic features necessary to generate the surface
forms. Since th is information is unrelated to Case Theory,
I have omitted i t .
Next each verb has a role frame indicating the roles
with which i t occurs in the te x t. Obligatory roles (those
never deleted) are marked positively. If a role is optional
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2 4 4
or if i t is subject to deletion, i t is marked [ (+ _
.)] •
When eith er one or the other of two roles must be chosen,
they are marked with linked parentheses. For example,
af lyman ("banish") has in its frame (+SO U RCE ](+GOAL), since
i t occurs in the tex t with either one or the o th e r.
Only those roles which actually occur have been marked
One cannot assume, however, that because a role fa ils to
occur in the tex t that i t could not occur. Obviously the
converse is often tru e. For example, behorsian ("to deprive
of horses") occurs only once in the tex t:
(5 .31) & hie wurdon hær behorsude "and they were
deprived of horses there" (885)
This is a passive construction and one might examine the
passivization rule, discover that the rule removes A G EN T
from subject-of-sentence position and optionally deletes i t ,
and infer a deleted A G EN T in (5.31) . However, I wish to
hypothesize as l i t t l e as possible about deletions. There
fore, I have chosen to represent behors ian in the Lexicon
as :
(5.32) +[ _+PA T]
+PASS
This simply states the facts of the occurrence.
Some hypotheses are inevitable, however. One is
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2 4 5
necessitated by the extensive use of conjunction and re
peated noun deletion in the te x t. Consider the following:
(5 .33) Her Romane Leone bsem papan his tungon fo r-
curfon, & his eagan astungon, & hine of his
s e tle afliemdon "In th is year the Romans
cut out Pope Leo's tongue and put out his
eyes and banished him from his see" (797)
This is the only passage in which astinqan ("to pierce out")
occurs, and there is no way to account for the to p icaliza-
tion process without assuming that Romane is the subject of
a ll three verbs. Thus, based on (5.33), astinqan has the
roxe rrame :
(5.34) [ +OBJ +A G T]
An inherent surface inflection and animacy feature are
associated with each role, as Chapter Three pointed out.
If the verb d iffers in any way, i t must be noted in the
feature matrix. For example, the deep role PATIENT becomes
a surface structure accusative generally. Beodan ("com
mand") has the feature [+/- PAT -* S] to indicate th at its
PATIENT may be realized as eith er an accusative or as an
embedded sentence. If a preposition is required, th is must
also be noted. Fon is marked [+PREP PAT to + dative] to
block the accusative marking, as well as to in sert the
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2 4 6
preposition. Only the preposition need be given if the
inherent inflection occurs. The unmarked position is prepo
s itio n followed by noun phrase. Some verbs, however, r e
quire th at the preposition follow the noun phrase, and such
a feature must be marked. For example, gecyrran ("submit")
is marked [+PREP AFF _ _ _ _ _ _ _+to1 in order to generate the un
usual sequence
(5.35) & him to gecirdon
"and submitted to them" (878)
The feature PASSIVE is unmarked, except for those verbs
with which i t occurs. I t is possible th at some verbs, like
metan ("meet") and gemetan ("meet") d iffe r only in the fea
ture [+/- ge-1 . However, the text of the Parker MS. is too
small to permit generalizing th at the feature matrices of
such pairs d iffer only in the presence or absence of the
p refix. Therefore, such verbs are liste d separately in the
Lexicon.
5.2.2. Nouns
Nouns are marked [+N O U N ] , [ -VERB] , and [ -AD] . Any
lexical item marked [+N O U N ] may be inserted under a N P node,
but only those marked [-VERB] and [ -AD] are inflected as
true nouns . These features are specified only positively.
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2 4 7
but actually more information would be required in a fu ll
dictionary entry to generate the proper surface form. Gen
der, whether they are weak or strong, vowel stem, and any
idiosyncrasies would also have to be noted.
Nouns are also marked positively or negatively for
C O M M O N , PROPER, CO U N T, ABSTRACT, ANIM ATE, and H U M A N , with
redundancy rules eliminating some markings when others are
present. Following Chomsky's subcategorization system
(1965), C O M M O N and PROPER are considered to be mutually
exclusive, a positive marking for one implying a negative
marking for the o ther.
Role frames are obligatory for verbs and optional for
nouns. The unmarked surface realization of a deep role on
a noun is the g en itiv e. If the noun is exceptional in any
way, i t must be marked. For example, a^ ("oath") takes an
optional deep role PATIENT which must be realized as an
embedded sentence, as in
(5.36) & he him abas swor, . bast he him gearo
wasre 'and swore oaths to them . . . that
i t should be ready for them" (874)
To generate th is, ab must have the feature [+PAT -» S bæt]
to indicate th at i t forms an embedded sentence with a bæt-
clause. Actually, a fu lle r text might demonstrate that a
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2 4 8
noun such as could optionally form an embedded sentence
with an in fin itiv e clause and/or could take an ordinary
accusative surface form for a deep role PATIENT. Whatever
occurs in the text is recorded. Embedded sentences contain
verbs in the indicative unless otherwise marked. In (5.36)
the verb is in the subjunctive^ and a^ therefore has the
feature [+SJC] following the notation that i t takes an em
bedded sentence. This marks the verb in the embedded sen
tence as subjunctive.
Compounded nouns are given separate lexical entries
when they operate as single items . For ex a m p le rihtfædren-
cynn ("direct paternal descent") seems to be a unit in which
neither rih t nor fædren are subject to inflection. This is
listed as a separate noun. The noun phrase mid winter
("Christmas"), however, is composed of two separate items,
both of which in flect (mid as an adjective and winter as a
noun). This is handled by including a feature on winter
r -f mid + = "Christmas"], indicating that this forms a
semantic, but not a syntactic, u nit. Beah ("ring") has the
feature [h alig +_ _ _ _ _ _ _ -* +DEF] , indicating that the sequence
haliq beah ("holy ring") has specific reference (the bish
op's ring) and must be definitized.
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2 4 9
5 . 2 . 3 . A d j e c t i v e s
Adjectives have the features [+NOTM], [+VERB], and
[+AD]. The feature [+N O U N ] permits them to be inserted
under noun nodes. The feature [+VERB] captures the sim i
la rity between adjectives and verb p articip les and permits
the two to be marked identically at the end of the tra n s
formational cycle. The feature [+AD] specifies that they
are inflected as adjectives, rather than as eith er nouns or
verbs .
A ttributive adjectives have the role frame [+ J-AFF]
obligatorily, as well as any other role th at might occur.
Adjectives which function other than as attrib u tiv es are
marked for the deep role functions they . i l l . For example,
easteweard ("eastward") in flects as an adjective but occurs
only under SO U R C E and G O A L deep role nodes. I t has the
features [+G O A L] , [+SOURCE] , and [+PREP SO U R C E from) .
5.2.4. Adverbs
Adverbs are marked [+N O U N ] , [-VERB], and [+A D] . They
lack role frames but are marked for the deep role functions
they f i l l . Their [+N O U N ] feature permits them to be in
serted under locative and temporal deep role nodes . Their
[-VERB] feature d ifferen tiates them from adjectives.
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2 5 0
blocking adjective in flectio n. They also can have a feature
[+M O D ]^ which marks them for insertion only in the M O D A L
segment of the proposition and blocks them from insertion
under N P nodes. AIways, never, and frequently are examples
from M odE of adverbs with such a feature.
5.2.5. Determiners
The marking of features on a rtic le s , q uantifiers, post
a rtic le items, and pronouns was extensively discussed in
Chapter Three. Only two features remain to be explained.
In the Lexicon, the feature [+INFLECTED] has been spelled
out to d iffe ren tia te i t from such features as [+INFL PA T
genitive] . The former marking means th at an item is in
flected in the te x t. The la tte r assigns a specific in flec
tion to a given item. The feature [*G EN D ER ] means th at the
gender must be marked, since the item has d ifferen t forms
for the masculine, feminine, and neuter.
5.2.6. Prepos itions
Prepositions are marked for the role functions which
they f i l l whenever i t is possible. If no role function is
clear, they are simply marked for the inflection they gov
ern. If a role function is marked, the inflection is given
only if the preposition governs a surface inflection other
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2 5 1
than th at usually associated with a given ro le. For exam
ple, can be used as a realizatio n of a deep role G O A L in
sentences like the following:
(5.37) Her Forhhere bisc & Fribogih cuen ferdun
to Rome "In this year Bishop Forthhere
and Queen Frithugyth went to Rome" (737)
The inherent in flectio n of the G O A L is the accusative, but
(5.36) has a dative. Therefore, ^ has the features [+G O A L]
and [+INFL G O A L dative] .
5.2.7. Conjunctions
Conjunctions are simply identified as [+CONJ] unless
they govern subordinate word order or the subjunctive mood.
If they do, they are marked [+SU BO RD ] and/or [+SJC].
5.2.8. Miscellaneous
A few other items are included. The suffix - ing ("son
of") is liste d , since i t is so widely used in the te x t. The
negative p articles na^ and are included. A few proper
nouns are given, especially those which have idiosyncratic
fe a tu re s.
5.3. The F irs t Lexical Pass
In the f i r s t Lexical Pass, verbs, nouns, adverbs, and
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2 5 2
adjectives are inserted, as well as such elements of the
determiner as a rtic le s , q uantifiers, and ordinals. The
string is then submitted to the transform ational cycle,
which generates some new segments (conjunctions, for exam
p le), deletes some, and alters others.
5.4. The Second Lexical Pass
The items in the Lexicon which are inserted during the
second Lexical Pass are marked with an asterisk . These
include, for example, beon and habban, either as au xiliaries
or as dummy verbs, as well as prepositions, re la tiv e s, and
conjunctions. At th is point, each item in the strin g is a
complex symbol containing a l l the information necessary to
generate the proper surface form. A fin al cycle reads the
matrix of features and generates the surface phonological
representation. Such information is not included in the
matrices presented here, since i t is not relevant to case
theory. I t would, of course, be necessary in an adequate
Lexicon for any grammar.
5 .5 . Conclusion
An attempt to formulate a grammar of O E along the lines
proposed by Fillmore has strengthened m y conviction th at the
deep structure of language, if such is going to be found.
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2 5 3
w ill indeed prove to co n sist of semantic relatio n sh ip s
rath e r than sy n tactic ru les . In a recent summary of "Syntax
since A spects, " Bach (1971:4) has argued persuasively th a t
the work of Stanley Peters and Robert W . R itchie (1969,
1970, and forthcoming)
has devastating consequences for the study of syntax.
One co ro llary is th a t i t is impossible to give any
convincing arguments about the correctness of a se t of
base ru les for a p a rtic u la r language. For if i t were
possible to give such arguments, then we would be able
to re fu te the Universal Base Hypothesis by looking at
the base ru les of sev eral languages, shown to be cor
re c t by the p u tativ e arguments, and noting th a t they
were d iffe re n t. But then the Universal Base Hypothesis
would have some em pirical content. And th a t is ju s t
what Peters and R itchie proved i t does not have.
Bach goes on to argue th a t "the controversy between 'gener
ativ e ' and 'in te rp re tiv e ' theo ries of semantics is unre-
s o lv a b le ," but i t should be mentioned th a t he is discussing
these th eo ries as they operate on a sy n tactic base. None of
the arguments he brings fo rth seem to negate the p o s s ib ility
of a "case base . "
Comparing the ro le stru c tu re of O E with th a t of M odE
demonstrates th a t despite the sy n ta ctic , le x ic a l, and con
ceptual changes which have occurred in our language or our
cultu re in the intervening millennium, i t is sig n ific a n t
th a t no new ro le functions have been added to our language;
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2 5 4
none have been lo s t; and none have changed th e ir surface
stru c tu re behavior in any sig n ific a n t way. A G E N T S s t i l l
occur as su b jects, PATIENTS as o b jects, and AFFECTEES as
e ith e r . I t would be in te re stin g to determine whether in
languages other than Germanic or even Indo-European deep
ro le relatio n sh ip s are as univ ersal and stab le lin g u is ti
c a lly as they seem to be in the h isto ry of English. If i t
proves to be so, and if grammars can be w ritten using a base
of the so rt proposed by Fillm ore, then perhaps we w ill have
a b e tte r perspective on sy n tactic v a ria tio n s from language
to language. Perhaps the differences in sy n ta c tic rules
w ill fade in importance ju s t as d ifferences in sy n tactic
forms faded before the Chomsky theory.
The Fillm ore model also o ffers in te re stin g p o s s ib ili
tie s for in teg ratio n with a higher predicate analysis of
language. In th is d is se rta tio n I have attem pted to r e s tr ic t
myself to a deep stru c tu re in which a l l ro les occur in a
sin g le strin g a t one level in the base, since i t was m y wish
to te s t the f e a s ib ility of generating O E sentences from such
a deep stru c tu re . And, in fa c t, i t has proved possible to
account for the e n tire corpus, w ith the few exceptions noted
a t the end of Chapter Two.
N evertheless, there are deep ro le relatio n sh ip s which
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2 5 5
do not seem to be as fundamental as such ro les as A G EN T,
PATIENT, IN STR U M EN T, and AFFECTED. N either locative nor
temporal functions f i t neatly into a case grammar framework.
While some seem to occur as necessary complements of verbs
(as in "He went home" and "He stayed th ree hours"), others
usually occur as sentence m odifiers (as in "John is reading
in bed" and "John broke his arm la s t week"). I t would be
in te re stin g to attem pt to w rite a grammar in which a l l of
the elements of the modality were generated in higher sen
tences along the lines proposed by Carden (1968, 1970) for
q u an tifie rs and Lakoff (1968) fo r adverbs. I t might be
shown th a t ju s t as some adverbs remain in the modality ("he
is reading in bed") and others are lowered into the m atrix
sentence ("he went home"), so some q u a n tifie rs remain in
the modality ("You have already said th a t twice") and others
occur w ithin the sentence constituents ("Tw o men came"). I
cannot suggest how one could p re d ict th a t one higher p re d i
cate would be lowered into the determ iner, another in to a
ro le node, and others might not be lowered a t a l l . Such an
in v estig atio n would have to be carried out with a larger
corpus than the Anglo-Saxon C hronicle. Consequently, I have
avoided the higher p redicate analysis and have ignored the
discrepancies consequent to having some adverbs generated
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2 5 6
as deep ro les and others as sentence m odifiers.
To m e the s ig n ific a n t importance of case grammar is
th a t i t perm its one to generate a very simple base c o n s is t
ing only of a c o n ste lla tio n of ro le s . One is not required
to account for ro le lo ss, ro le re-o rd erin g , role ad ditio n,
o r, in fa c t, for any s ig n ific a n t change in role r e la tio n
ships a t a l l . They do not occur. One is able to compare
languages a t a very a b s tra c t, uncomplicated lev el. Given
deep ro le s im ila ritie s between languages, one should be able
to tra ce the sy n ta c tic processes used to convert these deep
ro les in to s y n ta c tic a lly ordered strin g s and, in th is way,
perhaps arriv e a t an understanding of "universal grammar"
not as a u niv ersal system of base ru le s , but rath e r as a
u n iv ersal system of operations whereby a semantic base is
converted into a sy n ta c tic s trin g . The deep stru c tu re would
contain semantic primes (A G EN T, PATIENT, IN ST R U M E N T ) ra th e r
than sy n tactic primes (NP, VP) .
Such a grammar works for OE. Given the p rep o sitio n al
core (consisting of an optio nal verb plus various ro les) i t
is possible to p re d ict the surface stru c tu re and to describe
the operations necessary to transform the semantic base into
a sy n ta ctic s tr in g . I th ink i t is in ev itab le th a t we s h a ll
see F illm o re's theory extended to new languages and, as a
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257
consequencej refin ed and corrected and, perhaps, eventually
n iv e rsa l hase of a l l qranmiatical
systerns
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258
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LEX IC O N
abbud "abbot" ad rifan "expel"
+ N O U N -N O U N
-V ER B +V E R B
-A D -A D
+ C O M M O N + r + G O A L +PAT + A G T 1
+ C O U N T +PAT [+A N IM A TE]
+ H U M A N
+TITLE T adrincan "be drowned"
-N O U N
abrecan "destroy"
+V E R B
-N O U N -A D
+ V E R B + f +PA T 1
-A D +PAT [+A N IM A TE]
+ r +PA T + A G T 1 + P A S S we orb a n
ac "but" æ fter "after"
+CO N J + PR EP
+ S U B O R D + T IM E
+G O A L
adræfan "drive away" + INFL dative
-N O U N
+ V E R B
æ ftera "next, second"
-A D + PO ST
+ r (+G O A L ) +PAT + A G T 1 + O R D
+PA T [+A N IM A TE] +D EF+
+PREP G O A L ofer ~ on +N D EL
+ IN FLECTED
adrencan "drown"
-N O U N
aeqhweæber "each, every"
+ V E R B +Q U A N T
-A D +N D EL
+ r +PAT + A G T 1 -INTEGER
+PAT [+A N IM A TE] -C O U N T
+PL
259
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250
eelc "any, each" æ rest " f i r s t "
+ Q U A N T +POST
-N D EL + O R D
— + D E F +DEF+
-SHIFT +/-N D EL
-G EN +/-ART D EL
-INTEGER + IN FLECTED
-C O U N T
+ +PL æt "at"
eelmesse "alms"
+PREP
+P L A C E
+ N O U N +INFL dative ~ accus
-V ERB
-A D æbele "noble"
+ r + A G T 1
+ C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
+ N O U N
+V E R B
+ A D
+r +A FF1
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
ær "before"
æbelinq "prince"
+CONJ
+/-SJC
+S U B O R D
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
+ r (+A FF ) ]
eer "before"
+ C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
super1. = "for the f i r s t 4 -H U M A N
time "
+ N O U N
afaran "go out"
-V ERB -N O U N
+ A D 4 -V E R B
+T E M P -A D
+ M O D 4 - f 4 -S O U R C E + A G T 1
4-PR E P S O U R C E of
ærcebiscep "archbishop"
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
+ C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
+ H U M A N
+TITLE T
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-N O U N
+V ER B
-A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _ _(+SOURCEÏ+GOAL) +PA T
(+ C O M ) +A G T]
4 -PA T [+A N IM A TE]
+PREP S O U R C E of_
+PREP G O A L on
-N O U N
h » -V E R B
■ A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _ _+PAT (+ C O M ) +A G T]
2 6 1
aflyman "banish"
a q a n ^ 'own
aqan 'pass
-N O U N
+V ERB
-A D
+ [ ______ + T IM E ]
aqen "own"
■ f N O U N
+V ER B
+A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _ _+PAT +AGT]
aid "old"
4 -N O U N
+V ER B
4 - A D
4 - [_ _ _ _ _ _ _+AFF ]
a lle "all"
4 -Q U A N T
4-/-N D EL
4 - _ _ _ _ _ _ _+ D E F
4-SHIFT
-GEN
H -P R O
-INTEGER
4-/-_ _ _ _ _ _-C O U N T
+ /-_ _ _ _ _ _4-P L
4 -INFLECTED
an "one, a certain"
4 -Q U A N T
4-/-N D EL
-_ _ _ _ _ _ _4 -D E F
-SHIFT
-G EN
4 -P A R T
4-/-INTEGER
-_ _ _ _ _ _ _-C O U N T
+PL
4-IN F L E C T E D
andlanq "along"
4-PR E P
4 -G O A L
4-INFL G O A L genitive
andweard "present"
4 -N O U N
4 -V E R B
4 -A D
4-[_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 4AFF]
4 -T E M P
a n lib iq "single "
4 -Q U A N T
-N D EL
4 -D E F
-SHIFT
-G EN
-INTEGER
-_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ -C O U N T
4-P L
4 -INF L E C T E D
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262
anydan "compe1" -A D
-N O U N
+ r +PA T + A G T ]
+V E R B
-A D
bana "slayer"
+ r +PA T 1 + N O U N
+PASS beon -V ER B
+PAT S -A D
+r +PA T]
astincjan "pierce out" + C O M M O N
-N O U N
+ V E R B
+ C O U N T
+ H U M A N
-A D
+ r +PA T + A G T 1
b at "boat"
+ N O U N
aj) "oath" -V ER B
+ N O U N
-V E R B
-A D
+ r (+PAT)1
+ PA T - » S J)æt
+SJC
-A D
+ C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
+L O C
+ C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
be "by"
+A B ST R A C T +PREP
+PLA C E
abystrian "grow dark" + INS
-N O U N
+V E R B
beah "ring"
-A D + N O U N
+ r (+TIM E ) +AFF1 -V ER B
+AFF [+A N IM A T E ] -A D
+ C O M M O N
aweort>an "cast off" +C O U N T
-N O U N
+V E R B
-A D
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
+ [halig 1 +D EF
+ r +PAT + A G T 1
+ PA T [+A N IM A TE]
bæftan "behind"
+PREP
awerian "ward off" + PL A C E
-N O U N
+ INFL P L A C E dative
+ V E R B
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263
bedrifan "drive" 4 -r 4 - pat 4-IN S]
-N O U N
+ V E R B
-A D
4 -P A T [-ANIM ATE]
4-P A S S beon
4-PR E P ins mid
+ r -H 3 0 A L 4 -P A T 4 -A G T ]
4 -P A T [4-A N IM A T E ]
beheonan "behind"
4-P R E P G O A L or^
4-P R E P
4 -P L A C E
befaestan "entrust"
-N O U N
4V E R B
-A D
4 -r 4 -P A T 4 -A F F 4 -A G T ]
behors ian "deprive of
h o rses"
-N O U N
4V E R B
-A D
4 -P A T - * S
4 -r 4 -P A T ]
began "surround"
-F P A T [4-A N IM A T E ]
4 -P A S S weorban
-N O U N
4 -V E R B belucan "lock"
-A D
4 -r -K 5 0 A L 4 -A G T ]
-N O U N
4V E R B
4-P R E P G O A L utan
-A D
begen "both"
4 -r 4 -p A T 4 -A F F 4 -A G T ]
4 -P R E P A FF 4 - to
4 -Q U A N T
-N D EL ben "prayer"
4 - 4 -D E F
4-SHIFT
-G EN
4 -P R O
-INTEGER
-C O U N T
4 - 4 -P L
4-IN F L E C T E D
-tN O U N
-V ER B
-A D
4 -r 4 -A G T ]
4 G 0 M M 0 N
-tC O U N T
4 -A B S T R A C T
begeonde "beyond"
beniman "deprive"
4-P R E P
+PL A C E
-N O U N
4V E R B
-A D
begeotan "pour out"
4 -r tPAT 4A FF + C O M 4aG T ]
4 -P A T I N FL genitive
-N O U N 4 -A F F I N FL accusative
+ V E R B
-A D
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264
beodan "command, offer" b e ts t "best"
-N O U N
super1 of god
-tV E R B
-A D
betweoh "between"
+[ 4 -P A T 4A FF 4A G T 1 4-P R E P
4-/-PAT - S 4-P L A C E
*PASS beon, AFF, SUBJECT
bidan "abide"
*beon "be"
-N O U N
berædan "deprive"
4 -V E R B
-A D
-N O U N
4-r 4-PIA C E 4 -A G T 1
4 -V E R B 4-PR E P PL A C E on 4 - dative
-A D
4-[ 4 -P A T 4 -A F F 4 -A G T l biddan "ask"
4 -A F F INFL accusative
4-P A T PREP æt
-N O U N
4 -V E R B
beridan "capture"
-A D
4-r 4 -P A T 4 -A F F (4 -C O M )
-N O U N
+A G T ]
+V E R B
4 -A F F INFL accusative
-A D
4 -P A T - * S
+ [ 4 -P A T 4 -A G T 1
4-/-SJC
b innan "ins id e "
4 -P A T [4-A N IM A T E ]
b escierian "deprive"
4 -N O U N
-N O U N
-V ER B
4 -V E R B
4 -A D
-A D
4-P L A C E
4 -[ 4 -P A T 4 -A F F 1
4-P A S S weorban, AFF, SUBJECT
bisceop "bishop"
4-IN FL PA T genitive
4 -N O U N
b estelan "ste a l away from"
-V E R B
-A D
-N O U N
4-r (4-PL A C E ) (-FAFF)l
4 -V E R B
4-P R E P PL A C E to
-A D
4 -C O M M O N
4 -r (4 -S O U R C E Ï4 -G O A L ) 4 -P A T 4 -C O U N T
4 -A G T ]
4 -H U M A N
4-R E FL E X IV E
4-TITLE T
4-P R E P G O A L into
4-IN FL S O U R C E g enitiv e
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265
biscdom "bishopric" brecan^ "storm, break"
+ N O U N -N O U N
-V ER B 4 -V E R B
-A D -A D
+ [ (+PLA CE) (+A.FF)]
+PREP PL A C E on
4-r 4-P A T 4 -A G T l
+C O M M O N
+C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
brecan^ "break in to "
-N O U N
4 -V E R B
-A D
biscepsunu "bishop son"
4-r 4 -G O A L 4 -A G T ]
4-PR E P G O A L on
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
+ r 4 -A F F 1
4 -C O M M O N
4 -C O U N T
4 -H U M A N
bletsung "blessing"
brobur "brother"
4 -N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
4-r 4-A FF]
4 -C O M M O N
4 -C O U N T
4 -H U M A N
4 -N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
4 - r 4 -A G T 1
brycg "bridge"
4 -N O U N
-V ER B
4 -C O M M O N
-A D
4 -C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
4-r (4-PLA CE)]
4-PR EP PL A C E æt
-A N IM A T E
blod "blood"
4 -C O M M O N
4 -C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
4 -N O U N -A N IM A T E
-V ER B 4 -L O C
-A D
4 -C O M M O N
bur "chamber"
-C O U N T
+ N O U N
-A B STR A C T
-V ER B
-A N IM A T E
-A D
4 -C O M M O N
4 -C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
4 -L O C
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266
burq "fort" crism -lysing "chrism-
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
+ C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
+TITEE T
+L O C
loosening"
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
+f +PLA C E +A FF1
+PREP PL A C E æt
4 -C O M M O N
4 -C O U N T
4-A B S T R A C T
butan^ "outside"
cristes-m æ l "C h ris t's Mark
(cross ) "
+ N O U N 4 -N O U N
-V ER B -V ERB
+ A D -A D
+PIACE 4 -C O M M O N
4 -C O U N T
butan^ "except" -A B STR A C T
+ PREP
-A N IM A T E
+INFL dative
cuman "come"
butan^ "except th at" -N O U N
+CONJ
4 -V E R B
-A D
butu "both"
4-[ (4 -S O U R C E Ï4-G 0A L)
(4-INS) (4 -C O M ) 4 -A G T ]
+ Q U A N T 4-PR EP G O A L in to , to , on
-G EN 4-PR EP S O U R C E from
+ P R O
-INTEGER cuen "queen"
-C O U N T
+ +PL
4 -N O U N
-V ER B
ceaster "town, fo rt"
-A D
+ r (4-A F F ) 1
+ N O U N 4-PR EP AFF to
-V ER B 4 -C O M M O N
-A D 4 -C O U N T
-t-C O M M O N 4 -H U M A N
fC O U N T 4-TITLE T
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
f L O C
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267
cwe]oan "say" cyban "make known"
-N O U N -N O U N
+V E R B +V ER B
-A D -A D
+ [
+PA T + A G T ] + r 4 -PA T 4-A F F 4 -A G T l
4 -PA T - * S &æt, +/-SJC 4-PA T - * S J)æt
cynerice "kingdom" dæd "deed"
+ N O U N 4 -N O U N
-VERB -V ERB
-A D -A D
+C O M M O N 4 -C O M M O N
+C O U N T +C O U N T
-A B STR A C T 4 -A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
+ L O C dæg "day"
cyning "king"
4-N O U N
-V ERB
+ N O U N -A D
-V ERB 4-[ (4-TIM E)!
-A D 4-PREP TIM E ofer
+ [
(+A FF ) ] 4 -C O M M O N
+C O M M O N 4 -C O U N T
+C O U N T -A B STRA C T
+ H U M A N -A N IM A TE
+TITLE T 4-T E M P O R A L
cynn "kin" dæl "part "
+ N O U N 4 -N O U N
-V ERB -V ERB
-A D -A D
+ [
(+AFF ) ] 4-r (4-PAT)!
+C O M M O N 4 -C O M M O N
+C O U N T 4 -C O U N T
+H U M A N -A B STRA C T
-A N IM A TE
cyrran "submit"
-N O U N
Denisce "Danes"
+V ER B 4 -N O U N
-A D -V ERB
+ [
+AFF +A G T ] -A D
+ PREP A FF +to 4-PR O PER
-GENERIC
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268
dohtor "daughter" duru "door"
+ N O U N 4 -N O U N
-V ER B -V ER B
-A D -A D
+ r +AFF1 4 -C O M M O N
+ C O M M O N 4 -C O U N T
+ C O U N T -A B STR A C T
+ H U M A N -A N IM A T E
+ L O C
dom "i udgment"
+ N O U N
ea "river "
-V ERB 4 -N O U N
-A D -V ER B
+ r +AFF1 -A D
4 -C O M M O N 4-r 4-ESSl
4 -C O U N T 4 -C O M M O N
4-A B S T R A C T 4 -C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
domne "lord" -A N IM A T E
4 -N O U N
+L O C
-VERB
-A D
eac "also"
4 -C O M M O N +CO N J
4 -C O U N T + S U B O R D
4 -H U M A N
eadmedo "obedience"
don "do, make"
4 -N O U N
-N O U N -V ER B
4 -V E R B -A D
-A D + C O M M O N
4 -r 4 -p A T (4-A FF) 4 -A G T l -C O U N T
+A B ST R A C T
dr if an "drive"
-N O U N
eadmod "humble"
4 -V E R B 4 -N O U N
-A D 4 -V E R B
4 -r 4 -G O A L 4 -P A T 4 -A G T l 4 -A D
4 -P A T [4-A N IM A T E ] 4 -r 4 -A F F 1
4-pR E P G O A L 4 - dative
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269
eaqe "eye" eastan “e a ste rly d irectio n "
+ N O U N + N O U N
-V E R B -V ER B
-A D 4A D
+[ +A FF1 +PIACE
+C O M M O N
+C O U N T E aster "E aster"
-A B ST R A C T
+ N O U N
-A N IM A T E
-V ER B
-A D
eahtet>a "eighth"
+PLU R A L
+ PO ST +PROPER
+ O R D +C O U N T
+D EF + +A B ST R A C T
+/-N D EL + T E M P
+A R T D E L
+ IN FLECTED easteweard "eastward"
+ N O U N
ealdorman "alderman"
+V E R B
+ N O U N + A D
-V E R B +G O A L
-A D +SO U R C E
+C O M M O N +PREP S O U R C E from
+ C O U N T
+ H U M A N ece "eternal"
+TITLE T
+ N O U N
earc "ark"
+V E R B
+ A D
+ N O U N +[ +AFF1
-V E R B
-A D efor "boar"
+ C O M M O N
+ N O U N
+ C O U N T
— V E R B
-A B STR A C T
-A D
-A N IM A T E
+ C O M M O N
+D E F
+ C O U N T
+ L O C
-A B STR A C T
east "in an e a ste rly d irection "
+A N IM A T E
+ N O U N
-V E R B
+ A D
+ G O A L
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270
e f t "afterw ards" faedrenhealf " fa th e r's side"
-t-N O U N + N O U N
-V ER B -V ER B
+ A D -A D
+ T E M P
+ C O M M O N
- f - M O D +C O U N T
+A B STR A C T
eqe "fe a r"
+ N O U N
faereld "iourney"
-V E R B + N O U N
-A D -V E R B
+ [ +PA T 1 -A D
4 -PA T [+A N IM A T E ]
+ r +G O A L ]
+C O M M O N + PREP G O A L to
-C O U N T +C O M M O N
+A B ST R A C T + C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
elt>iodignes "pilgrimage" -A N IM A T E
+ N O U N
faesten " fo rtific a tio n "
— V E R B
-A D + N O U N
+C O M M O N -V E R B
+C O U N T -A D
-A B STR A C T +C O M M O N
-A N IM A T E + C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
eo rl "noble" -A N IM A T E
+ N O U N
+ L O C
-V ER B
faran "set forth"
-A D
+C O M M O N -N O U N
+ C O U N T +V E R B
+H U M A N -A D
+ f (+SOURCERGOALÏ+INS)
erian "plough" +A G T]
-N O U N
+PREP S O U R C E of
+ V E R B
+PREP G O A L to , ofer
-A D
+PREP INS on
+\ + A G T 1
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
271
fe la "many" + [ + G O A L + A G T ]
+ Q U A N T
+PREP G O A L inne
+/-N D EL
+D EF
feorh " life "
-SHIFT + N O U N
+G E N -V ER B
-INTEGER -A D
-C O U N T + r (+A FF ) ]
+ +PL + C O M M O N
-INFLECTED *C O U N T
+A B ST R A C T
feoh " c a ttle , money"
+ N O U N
feorba "fourth"
-V ER B +POST
-A D + O R D
+ C O M M O N +/-DEF +
-C O U N T +/-N D E L
-A B STR A C T +/-ART D EL
+ /-A N IM A T E + IN FLECTED
feoh qehat "promise of money" feowerteqan " fo rtie th
+ N O U N +POST
-V ER B + O R D
-A D +D EF +
+ C O M M O N + IN FLECTED
+ C O U N T
+A B ST R A C T feran "go, tra v e l"
feohtan "fight"
-N O U N
+V E R B
-N O U N -A D
+V E R B + r (+G O A L ) ( + INS) + A G T ]
-A D +PREP G O A L ^
+r (+PIACE) (+PAT) +A G T ] +PREP INS on
+PA T [+A N IM A TE]
*RECIPROCAL PA T f i f t a " fifth "
+PREP RECIPR PA T wi]o ~ on
+POST
+ O R D
+N D E L
+INFL PA T dative ~ accusative
+PREP PL A C E ym b
feolan "enter"
+A R T D E L
+ IN FLECTED
-N O U N
+V E R B
-A D
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
f ole "people "
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
+ C O M M O N
*C O U N T
+ H U M A N
folcqefeoht "general b a ttle "
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
+ [_____
(+PLACE) (+AFF)]
+PREP PL A C E æt
+PREP AFF w ilD
tC O M M O N
+C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
folqian "follow"
-N O U N
+V E R B
-A D
+ [ +AFF +A G T ]
fon "take"
-N O U N
+V ER B
-A D
+ [ +PAT +A G T ]
+ PREP PA T t2 + dative
for "because of"
+PREP
+INFL dative
forbeornan "burn'
-N O U N
+V E R B
-A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _ _+PAT]
2 7 2
forceorfan "cut off"
-N O U N
+V E R B
-A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _ _ +PAT + A G T ]
fo re q ise l "prelim inary
+ N O U N hostage"
-V ER B
-A D
+ C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
+ H U M A N
foresprechen "aforesaid"
+ N O U N
+V E R B
+ADJ
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _ _+PAT]
forherqian "harry, revenge"
-N O U N
+V E R B
-A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _+PAT + A G T ]
for last an "relinquish"
-N O U N
+V E R B
-A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _+PAT +A G T ]
fors lean "slay"
-N O U N
+V E R B
-A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _+PAT]
4-P A T [4-A N IM A T E ]
4 -PASSIVE
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
273
forj) "forth"
from "from, by"
+ N O U N
4-P R E P
-V ER B 4A G T
+ A D
4-INFL A G T dative
+G O A L
4 -S O U R C E
forhaem, forpon "therefore" fu llu h t "baptism"
+CON J
4 -N O U N
-V ER B
forh feran "die" -A D
-N O U N
+V E R B
4C 0M M 0N
4 -C O U N T
-A B STRA C T
— A D
-V r +PA T 1
-A N IM A T E
+PAT [+A N IM A TE]
fulluhtnama "baptismal name"
forweorjoan "perish" 4 -N O U N
-N O U N
+V E R B
-A D
+ r +PAT]
-V ER B
-A D
+r +ESS +A FF]
4 -C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
forwundian "wound seriously"
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
-N O U N
+ V E R B
fultum ian "help"
-A D
+ F 4-P A T ]
4-P A T [4-A N IM A T E ]
4-PA SS wesan
-N O U N
4 -V E R B
-A D
4 - F (4 -A F F ) 4 -A G T ]
friS "peace"
fyrd "expedition, army"
4 -N O U N
-V ERB
-A D
4-r (4 -A F F ) ]
4-PR E P AFF wih, to
4 -C O M M O N
-C O U N T
4 -A B S T R A C T
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
+ C O M M O N
* C O U N T
-A B STRA C T
-A N IM A T E
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
2 74
qan "go" -A N IM A T E
-N O U N
+L O C A T IV E
+V E R B
-A D
qebære "bearing"
+ r (+SO U R C E Ï+G O A L) +A G T] + N O U N
+PREP S O U R C E from -V ER B
+ PREP G O A L ^ on -A D
+S O U R C E [+ /-A N IM A TE] +[ +AFF]
+C O M M O N
qe . . . ge_ "both . . . and" + C O U N T
+ C O N J
-A B ST R A C T
-A N IM A T E
qear "year"
qebeodan "offer"
+ N O U N
-V E R B
-A D
-N O U N
+V ER B
-A D
+ [ +PA T +A FF +A G T ]
+C O M M O N
+ CDIJNT
-A B ST R A C T
-A N IM A L
+INFL P A T accusative ~
genitive
+T E M P O R A L
qeberan "bear"
qearo "ready" -N O U N
+ N O U N
+ V E R B
+ A D
+r +AFF]
+V ER B
-A D
+ [ (+PIACE ) +PA T 1
+PAT [+A N IM A T E]
+PASS beon
qeascian "learn by asking"
+PREP P L A C E in
-N O U N qebindan "bind"
+V E R B
-A D
+r +PAT +A G T ]
+ PA T [+A N IM A T E]
-N O U N
+V ER B
-A D
+ [ +PA T + A G T ]
qeat "gate"
4 -PA T [+A N IM A T E]
+ N O U N
-V E R B
-A D
+ C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
-A B ST R A C T
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
275
geboc ian "c onvey " 4A FF I N FL accusative
-N O U N
4-PR E P PA T to 4 - dative
+V E R B
-A D
qefaeqan "qlad"
f [ +G O A L +PAT +A G T 1 4 -N O U N
4-P A T [+A N IM A T E ] 4 -V E R B
4-PR E P G O A L W -F A D
4-r 4 -INS -F A F F ]
qeceosan "choose" 4-INFL INS g en itiv e
-NOUN
4 - V E R B
qefaran "depart"
-A D -N O U N
4-r - 4 - ESS 4-PA T (4-A G T)] 4 -V E R B
4 - PA SS beon -A D
F PR EP ESS ^ 4 - r 4 -G O A L 4 -A G T ]
F PREP A G T from 4-PR E P G O A L on
qecyrran^ "submit" qefeoht "fiqht"
-N O U N 4 -N O U N
F V E R B -V ER B
-A D -A D
4 - r 4-A FF 4 -A G T ] 4-r (4-PL A C E ) (4-PA T)
4-PR EP A FF 4-to (4 -A G T ) ]
4 -PA T [4-A N IM A T E ]
qecyrran^ "turn" +RECIPROCAL PA T
-NOUN
4 -V E R B
qefeohtan "fiqht"
-A D -N O U N
4 - [ 4 -C O M 4 -A G T ] 4 -V E R B
4-PR E P C O M 4 - dative -A D
4-r (4 -L O G ) (4-PA T) (-F C O M )
qedælan "divide" 4 -A G T ]
-N O U N
4 -P A T [4-A N IM A T E ]
+V E R B
-A D
*RECIPRO CA L PATIENT
4-P R E P PL A C E æ t, ymb
4 - [ 4 -P A T 4A G T]
qedon "do, make"
-N O U N
4 -V E R B
-A D
4-r 4 -P A T 4 -A F F 4 -A G T ]
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
275
qefera "companion" 4-/-SJC
+ N O U N
-V ER B
gefylce "company of fo lk "
-A D 4 -N O U N
+ r +A FF1 -V ER B
+C O M M O N -A D
+C O U N T 4 -C O M M O N
+H U M A N 4 -C O U N T
4 -H U M A N
g e f li tf u l li c "contentious"
+ N O U N
gegaderian " c o lle c t"
+V ER B -N O U N
4 - A D 4-V E R B
+ r +AFF] -A D
4 - r 4 -P A T 4 -A G T l
qeflyman "put to flig h t"
-N O U N
gegaderian^ "assemble"
+V ER B -N O U N
-A D +V E R B
+ r +PA T (+ C O M ) + A G T 1 -A D
+/-PAT [+A N IM A TE] + r 4 -A G T l
gefon "seize" gegangan "conquer"
-N O U N -N O U N
+V E R B 4 -V E R B
-A D -A D
+ r +PA T + A G T 1 4 - r 4 -P A T 4 -A G T l
+/-PAT [+A N IM A TE]
gehadian "ordain"
gefreon "free"
-N O U N
-N O U N 4 -V E R B
+V E R B -A D
-A D 4-r 4-E S S + P A T 1
+ r +PA T + A G T 1 4 -PA SS beon
+INFL PA T dative 4 -P A T [4-A N IM A T E ]
4-PR E P ess
gefultum ian "support, help"
-N O U N
+V E R B
-A D
+ [ 4 -P A T 4 -A F F 4 -A G T l
4 -P A T - * S hast
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
277
qehalgian "consecrate" qehwilc "each"
-N O U N + Q U A N T
+V E R B +PA R T
-A D -INTEGER
+r +ESS + P A T 1 -C O U N T
+PASS been ~ weorJ)an +PL
+PAT [+A N IM A TE] +INFLECTED
+PREP ESS to
qehyran "hear"
qehatan "promise"
-N O U N
-N O U N + V E R B
+V E R B -A D
-A D + r +PA T + A F F 1
+[ +PAT +A FF +A G T ]
+/-PAT - S >æt qehyrsum "obedient
II
qeherqian "harry"
+ N O U N
+ V E R B
-N O U N + A D
+ V E R B +[ +A FF1
-A D 4A FF [+A N IM A TE]
+r +PLA CE (+SOURCEÏ+GOAL)
+A G T] qehyrsumian "make obedient"
+PREP SO U R C E from
-N O U N
4V E R B
-A D
+PREP PL A C E on
+PREP G O A L
qehorsian "provide with horses"
+ r +AFF + A G T 1
-N O U N qelædan "lead"
+ V E R B
-A D
+r +AFF]
+PA SS weorban
-N O U N
4V E R B
-A D
+ r 4G0AL +PA T + A G T ]
qehwæber " e ith e r"
+PA T [+A N IM A TE]
+PREP G O A L to + dative
+ Q U A N T
-N D EL qelæstan " f u l f il l. pay"
+D E F
-SHIFT
-G EN
-N O U N
4V E R B
-A D
+ \ +PA T + A G T 1
-INTEGER
-C O U N T
+PL
+INFLECTED
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
278
q e le n d a n "com e t o la n d " q e o n g " y o u n g "
-NOUN 4-NOUN
+VERB +VERB
-AD 4-AD
+ [ +GOAL +AGT1
fA G T [-A N IM A T E ]
q e lo m e " f r e q u e n t l y "
4- [ 4-AFF ]
g e ræ c a n " s e iz e "
-NOUN
+NOUN 4-VERB
-VERB -AD
+AD
+ TEMP
4-[ 4-PAT 4-AGT]
+MOD
q e m e ta n " m e e t"
g e r e f a " r e e v e "
4-NOUN
-VERB
-NOUN -AD
+VERB 4-COMMON
-AD + COUNT
+ [ + PLACE +PA T +AGT1
+PA T [+A N IM A TE ]
+HUMAN
+PREP PLACE on
q enem nan "nam e"
g e r e b r u " o a r s "
4-NOUN
-VERB
-NOUN -AD
+VERB + COMMON
-AD -F COUNT
+ [ +ESS +PAT1 -ABSTRACT
+PASS b e o n -AN IM ATE
+PA T [+A N IM A TE ] -FPLURAL
q e n e r ia n " s a v e " g e r id a n " r i d e "
-NOUN -NOUN
+VERB +VERB
-AD -AD
+ f +P A T +AG T]
q e n im a n " t a k e "
+ [ +P A T +AGT]
4- /- P A T [4-ANIMATE]
-NOUN
g e s e c a n " s e e k "
-1-VERB -NOUN
-AD +VERB
f [ ______ 4-PAT 4-AGT] -AD
4- [ 4- PAT 4-AGT]
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
gesecan "seek"
gesyllan "qive up"
279
-N O U N -N O U N
+V E R B 4 -V E R B
-A D -A .D
+ 1 " 4 -P A T 4 -A F F 4 -A G T ] 4 F 4PA T 4A G T]
4-INFL AFF accusative
4 -P A T - S qetruma "troop"
qeseon "see"
-N O U N
4N 0UN
-V ER B
-A D
4 -V E R B 4[ 4AFF]
-A D 4C O M M O N
4 - [ 4-P A T ] 4C O U N T
4 -P A T [4-A N IM A T E ] 4H U M A N
4 -PA SS waeron
q esittan ^ "se ttle "
-N O U N
qebafunq "permission"
4 -N O U N
-V ER B
4 -V E R B -A D
-A D 4C O M M O N
4 -[ 4 -P L A C E 4 -A G T ] -C O U N T
4-P R E P PL A C E on 4A BSTR A C T
qesittan^ "occupy" gebicqean "accept"
-N O U N -N O U N
4 -V E R B 4V ERB
-A D -A D
4 - [ 4 -P A T 4 -A G T ] 4 - [ 4 PA T 4A G T ]
qeslean "smite" q et) war ness "concord"
-N O U N 4 N O U N
4 -V E R B -V ER B
-A D -A D
4 f 4PA T 4A G T ] +C O M M O N
*PA SS beon -C O U N T
qesund "safe"
4N 0U N
4V E R B
4 A D
4 r 4 -A F F ]
4A B STR A C T
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
2 8 0
q e w e a ld " c o n t r o l '
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _ __ + P A T ]
+C O M M O N
-C O U N T
+A B STR A C T
q e w e o re " m i l i t a r y w o r k s "
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _ _+PIACE]
+PREP PL A C E æ t
+C O M M O N
+C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
+ L O C
q e w in n a n " f i g h t "
-N O U N
+VERB
-A D
+ [ +PAT +A G T]
+ PA T [+A N IM A T E ]
+RECIPROCAL PATIENT
+ PREP PA T w ih
q e w it a n " d e p a r t "
-N O U N
+V ERB
-A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _ _4-G O A L -fA G T]
+ PREP G O A L o f e r
q e w r i t " l e t t e r "
+ N O U N
-V E R B
-A D
+C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
q e w u n d ia n "w ound"
-N O U N
■ fV E R B
-A D
-f[_ _ _ _ _ _ _+PAT -fA G T ]
-f PA T [ -fA N IM A T E ]
*PASS b e o n
q i f " i f "
-fC O N J
-fS U B O R D
-fSJC
q i f a n " g iv e "
-N O U N
-fV E R B
-A D
-f[_ _ _ _ _ _ _+PAT -fA FF -fA G T ]
-fPA T [-fA N IM A T E ]
q i s e l " h o s t a g e "
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
■ fC O M M O N
-fC O U N T
-f H U M A N
q o d "g o o d "
+ N O U N
-fV E R B
+ A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _ _+AFF]
-fSUPERL - b e t s t
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
God "God" haerfest "harvest"
281
+ N O U N + N O U N
-V ER B -V ER B
-A D -A D
+PR O PER + C O M M O N
+C O U N T + C O U N T
+H U M A N -A B STRA C T
qodsunu "godson"
-A N IM A T E
+T E M P
+ N O U N
-V ER B
haepen "heathen"
-A D + N O U N
+ r +A FF1 +V E R B
habban^ "have "
4 -A D
4 - [ 4 -A F F 1
-N O U N
+V ER B
h a liq "holy"
-A D 4 -N O U N
+r +PAT +A FF1 4 -V E R B
habban^ "have"
4 -A D
4-r 4 -A F F 1
-N O U N
+V E R B
hamweard "homeward"
-A D 4 -N O U N
+ A U X 4 -V E R B
hæftnyd "cap tiv ity "
4 -A D
4 -G O A L
+ N O U N _ 1
hatan c a ll, name"
-V E R B
-A D -N O U N
+ r +A G T] -F V E R B
+ C O M M O N -A D
-C O U N T 4-r +ESS 4-PA T l
+A B STR A C T 4 -PA SS beon
hælo "health"
2
hatan "command"
+ N O U N -N O U N
-V ER B -F V E R B
-A D -A D
+C O M M O N 4 - r +PAT + A G T 1
-C O U N T 4 -PA T S in fin itiv e
+A B STR A C T
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
282
he "he" h e fe lic "serious"
+A R T 4 -N O U N
+ P R O + V E R B
+D EF 4 -A D
+ D E M 4 - [ 4 -A F F ]
+ C O U N T
*N U M B E R heofod "head"
*G E N D E R
+INFLECTED
+N D E L
4 -N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
healdan "hold"
4 - r 4-A FF]
+INFL AFF dative
-N O U N
+V E R B heofen "heaven"
-A D
+ r (4-T IM E ) (4-PA T) 4 -A G T l
4 -N O U N
-V ER B
h ealf "half"
-A D
4 -C O M M O N
4-P O S T 4 -C O U N T
-O R D -A B STR A C T
4 -O R D 4 - -A N IM A T E
4-IN FLECTED 4 -L O C
h ealf "side" her "here"
4 -N O U N + N O U N
-V ER B -V E R B
-A D -t-A D
4 - r + P A T 1 +PL A C E
4 -C O M M O N
+ C O U N T here "army^ enemy army"
-A B STRA C T
-A N IM A T E
4 -D E F
4 -L O C
4 -N O U N
-V E R B
-A D
4 -C O M M O N
h eard lice "severely"
4 -C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
4 -N O U N -(-A N IM A T E
-V ER B
4 -A D
4 - M O D
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
283
herehyb "war sp o ils" bond "hand"
+ N O U N + N O U N
-V ER B -V ERB
-A D -A D
+ C O M M O N + r 4 -A F F 1
+ C O U N T 4-INFL A FF g enitiv e ~ dative
-A B STR A C T 4 -C O M M O N
-A N IM A T E 4 -C O U N T
+D EF -A BSTRA C T
-A N IM A TE
hindan "from behind"
+ N O U N
hraedlice "suddenly"
-V ER B 4 -N O U N
+ A D -V ER B
+S O U R C E 4 - A D
4 -M O D
h laford "lo rd "
+ N O U N
hund "hundred"
-V ER B 4 -Q U A N T
-A D -N D EL
+[ +AFF] -G EN
+ C O M M O N 4 - IN TEG ER
+ C O U N T -C O U N T
+ H U M A N 4 - 4-PL
4 -O R D 4 - healf
hleapere "courier"
+ N O U N
hwa "what"
-V ER B +A R T
-A D -PRO
+ C O M M O N -DEF
+ C O U N T + D E M
+ H U M A N 4 - W H
-I
hlop "band" -II
+ N O U N
-V ER B
+ I I I
4 -N D EL
-A D
+ r +PA T 1
hwasr "where "
+PAT [+A N IM A TE] 4 -N O U N
+ C O M M O N -V ER B
+ C O U N T 4 - A D
-A B STR A C T 4 - W H
-A N IM A T E 4 -G O A L
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
284
hweorfan "turn back" +r +PA T +A FF1
-N O U N
4-/-PAT S
+V E R B
-A D
hyrsumness "obedience"
+r + G O A L + A G T 1 + N O U N
+PREP G O A L + dative -V ER B
-A D
hwelc "which, any" +C O M M O N
+ Q U A N T
+swa swa
-C O U N T
+A B ST R A C T
+/-N D EL
+D E F
ile a "same"
-SHIFT + N O U N
-G EN +V E R B
-PART + A D
-INTEGER + r +AFF1
-C O U N T
+ /— +PL -inq "son of"
+ IN FLECTED
+SUFFIX
hwil "while"
+ N O U N r+proper]
+ N O U N innan "ins id e"
-V ER B
-A D
+ C O M M O N
+ PR EP
+ G O A L
+ C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
inne "inside"
-A N IM A T E + N O U N
+T E M P -V E R B
+A D
hyd "hide, skin" + G O A L
+ N O U N
-V ER B
irnan "run"
-A D -N O U N
+C O M M O N +V E R B
+C O U N T -A D
-A B STR A C T + r +G O A L + A G T 1
-A N IM A T E
hyran "hear"
-N O U N
+V ER B
-A D
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
laedan " lead " lange "long"
285
-N O U N 4 -N O U N
+V E R B -V ER B
-A D -A D
4-r 4 -G O A L 4 -P A T 4 -A G T l 4 -T E M P
4-PR E P G O A L t o , on 4-SU P E R L - * longest
laefan "leave" lareow "teach er"
-N O U N 4 -N O U N
4 -V E R B -V ER B
-A D -A D
4 -r 4 -P L A C E 4 -P A T 4 -A G T l -tC O M M O N
4-P A T [4-A N IM A T E ] + C O U N T
4-PR E P PL A C E beæftan 4 -H U M A N
laestan "follow" la te "la te "
-N O U N + N O U N
4 -V E R B -V ER B
-A D + A D
4 -r 4 -G O A L 4 -A F F 4 -A G T l + T E M P
4-PR E P G O A L
la f "remainder"
4 -N O U N
leod "people"
4 -N O U N
-V ER B
-V ER B -A D
-A D 4-r 4 -A F F 1
4 -C O M M O N + C O M M O N
-C O U N T -F C O U N T
4 -H U M A N 4 -H U M A N
land "land" leof "dear"
4 -N O U N 4 -N O U N
-V ER B 4 -V E R B
-A D 4 -A D
4 - r (4 -A F F ) 1 4 - [ 4 -P A T 4 -A F F 1
+ C O M M O N 4 -C O M P A R - * le of r a
*C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
4 -L O C
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
286
lie "body" ly te l " l i t t l e "
+ N O U N +Q U A N T
-V ER B -N D EL
-A D -DEF
+ L +AFF1 -SHIFT
+ C O M M O N -G EN
+C O U N T -PART
-A B STR A C T -INTEGER
-A N IM A T E +/-COUNT
-PL
licqan " lie , lie dead" + INFLECTED
-N O U N
+V ER B
ma "more"
-A D + N O U N
+ f (+PIACE) (+ESS) fPATl -V ERB
+PREP PL A C E æ t, on + A D
+ M O D
locian "look"
-N O U N
m æ q "kinsman"
+V ER B + N O U N
-A D -V ER B
+ r +G O A L + A G T 1 -A D
+ G O A L [+A N IM A TE] + r r+ A F F )l
+PREP G O A L on +C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
lof "praise" + H U M A N
+ N O U N
-V ER B
m æ q "may"
-A D + M O D A L
+ [ +PA T 1
+INFL PA T dative maesse n ih t "eve of fe s tiv a l"
+ C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
+A B ST R A C T
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
lufe "love"
+[ +PA T 1
+ C O M M O N
+ N O U N + C O U N T
-V ER B -A B STRA C T
-A D -A N IM A T E
+ r +PA T]
+ C O M M O N
-C O U N T
+A B ST R A C T
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
287
mæst "most"
m icel "great"
+POST
+ Q U A N T
— O R D -N D EL
+D EF + -DEF
+INFLECTED -SHIFT
-G EN
man "one" +PA R T
+A R T
+PRO
-DEF
-D E M
-INTEGER
+ /-C O U N T
-PLU RA L
+INFLECTED
-I
- I I
mid "with"
+ I I I +PREP
+N D EL + C O M
+INFL C O M dativ e ~ in s tr
maniq "many" +INSTR
+Q U A N T
+/-N D EL
midwinter "Christmas"
+D E F (see w inter)
-SHIFT
-INTEGER mona "moon"
-C O U N T
+ +PL
+ INFLECTED
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
metan "meet"
+/-C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
-N O U N -A B STR A C T
+V E R B
-A N IM A T E
-A D
+ r (4 -PL A C E ) +PAT + A G T ] monah "month"
+PREP PL A C E on
+ N O U N
mete "food"
-V ER B
-A D
+ N O U N + C O M M O N
-V ER B + C O U N T
-A D -A B STR A C T
+ C O M M O N -A N IM A T E
-C O U N T +T E M P
+A B STR A C T
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
288
morfæsten "m oor-fastness" -A B STR A C T
+ N O U N
-A N IM A TE
+ L O C
-V ER B
-A D
+C O M M O N
mycla w inter "great w inter"
+C O U N T + N O U N
-A B STR A C T -V ER B
-A N IM A T E -A D
+ L O C +C O M M O N
+C O U N T
morqen "morning" +A B STR A C T
+ N O U N
+SPECIFIC (DEF)
+ T E M P
— V E R B
-A D
+C O M M O N
na "noj not"
+C O U N T +N EG PA R T
+A B STR A C T + ne
+T E M P + M O D
mundbora "protector" nasdre "adder "
+ N O U N + N O U N
-A D -V ERB
-V ER B -A D
+C O M M O N +C O M M O N
+C O U N T +C O U N T
+ H U M A N -A B STR A C T
+A N IM A TE
munt "the Alps"
+ N O U N
næfre "never"
-V ER B + N O U N
-A D
-V ERB
+PR O PER
+ A D
+C O U N T + T E M P
-A B STR A C T + N E G
-A N IM A T E
+ M O D
f-L O C
m u t> "mouth "
fN O U N
-V ER B
-A D
fC O M M O N
fC O U N T
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
289
nænig "none"
4 -P L A C E
+ Q U A .N T
4-SU PE R L nieh st
+/-N del
+D E F
nemnan "call"
-SHIFT -N O U N
+PA RT + V E R B
-INTEGER -A D
-C O U N T + r +ESS 4 -P A T ]
+PL
4 -PA SS wæron
-INFLECTED
niqonteo]oe "nineteenth"
nama "name"
+POST
+ N O U N + O R D
-V ERB -D EF +
-A D + INFL
+r +A FF1
+ INF L AFF dat ive n ih t "night"
+C O M M O N
+C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
4 -N O U N
-V E R B
-A D
4 - [ (4-T IM E ) 1
-A N IM A T E
nan "none"
4 -C O M M O N
-F C O U N T
+ Q U A N T -A B ST R A C T
+/-N D EL -A N IM A T E
+D EF 4 -T E M P
-SHIFT
-G EN niman "take"
+ PA R T
-INTEGER
-C O U N T
-N O U N
4-V E R B
-A D
4-r (4-ESS) 4-P A T 4 -A G T ]
+ PREP ESS to
+PL
+ IN FLECTED
ne "notj nor"
norb "north"
+N E G PA R T
+ M O D
+ / — na
+ N O U N
-V E R B
+ A D
neah "near, next"
+ G O A L
4 -N O U N of "from"
-V ER B
4 - A D
+ PR EP
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
290
ofer "over" oftræ dlice "frequently"
+ PREP + N O U N
+TIM E -V ER B
+ G Q A .L 4 -A D
+INFL G O A L dative ~ + T E M P
accusative 4 - M O D
oferherqian "ravage" on "on, in"
-N O U N 4-P R E P
+V ER B 4 -A F F
-A D 4-INFL AFF accusative
+ r 4-P A T 4 -A G T ] 4 -INS
4-/-PAT [4-A N IM A T E ] 4-P A T
4 -G O A L
ofermede "proud" 4-PIA C E
4 -N O U N
4-V E R B
4 -A D
4-T IM E
4-INFL TIM E dative ~
accusative
4-r -F A F F ]
onfeohtan "fiqht"
ofslean "slay" -N O U N
-N O U N
4-V E R B
-A D
4 - [ 4 PA T 4 -A G T ]
4-PA T [4-A N IM A T E ]
4 -RECIPROCAL PATIENT
4-V E R B
-A D
4-f 4-P A T (4 -C O M ) 4 -A G T ]
4-PA T [4-A N IM A T E ]
*PASS weor]oan/wesan
onfindan "find, discover"
ofstinqan "stab" -N O U N
-N O U N
-F V E R B
-A D
4 - [ 4-PA T -F A G T ]
4 -/-PAT [4-A N IM A T E ]
4-V E R B
-A D
4 - [ 4 -pat 4 - A G T ]
4-PA T [4 -A N IM A T E ]
onf on "rece iv e "
o ft "often" -N O U N
4 -N O U N
-V ER B
4 - A D
4 -T E M P
4 -M O D
-F V E R B
-A D
4-f (4 -SO U R C E ) 4-P A T 4-A FF]
4-IN FL PA T gen ~ dat ~ accus
+S O U R C E [ -F A N IM A T E ]
4-P R E P S O U R C E from
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
291
onqean "aqainst" ohywian "appear"
4-P R E P -N O U N
4-INFL dative 4 -V E R B
-A D
onqitan "understand" 4 -r 4-PIA C E 4 -P A T 1
-N O U N
4-PR E P PL A C E on
4 -V E R B
-A D
papa "Pope"
4 - r 4-P A T 4 -A G T l -F N O U N
-V ER B
on lonq "alonq" -A D
(see andlanq)
4 - r (4-P L A C E ) 1
4-PR E P PL A C E on
onmunan "esteem"
-F C O M M O N
4 -C O U N T
-N O U N 4 -H U M A N
4 -V E R B 4-TITLE T
-A D
4 - [ 4-P A T 4-A G T l p o rtic "chapel"
onridan "ride on a raid"
-F N O U N
-V ER B
-N O U N -A D
4 -V E R B -F C O M M O N
-A D -F C O U N T
4 - r 4-PA T 4-A G T l -A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
ol3^ "u n til 4 -L O C
4-C O N J
4-/-SUB0RD
raedhere "mounted force"
4 -N O U N
0 ^ 2 "up tOj as far a s "
-V ER B
4-PR E P
4 -G O A L
-A D
-F C O M M O N
4 -C O U N T
oloer "other " "second"
-A B STR A C T
+A N IM A T E
4 -PO ST
tORD raesan "rush"
4 -/-DEF +
4-/-N D EL
f/-ART D EL
4 - inflected
-N O U N
+V E R B
-A D
+ r +G O A L + A G T 1
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ralje "soon^ quickly"
+ N O U N
-V ERB
+ A D
+ T E M P
+ M O D
read "red"
+ N O U N
+V E R B
+ A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _ _+AFF]
recan "reck, care"
-N O U N
+ V E R B
-A D
+ [ +PA T + A G T ]
+PA T S hw aer
resta n " r e s t"
-N O U N
+ V E R B
-A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _ _+PLA C E +AFF]
+PREP PL A C E on
ric e ^ "kingdom"
+ N O U N
-V ERB
-A D
+ [_____
(+PLACE) (+AFF)]
+ C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
ric e 'reign
+ N O U N
-V ERB
-A D
+ [_____
(+AFF)]
2 9 2
+ C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
+A B ST R A C T
+ T E M P
ric s ia n " ru le "
-N O U N
4V E R B
-A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _ _+TIM E + A G T ]
rid an " rid e "
-N O U N
+V E R B
-A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _ _+SO U R C E +PIACE + G O A L
(+C O M ) +A G T]
+PREP G O A L l>aerto, of e r , up
+PREP PL A C E set
r i h t faedrencynn "d irect
p aternal descent"
+ N O U N
-V ERB
-A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _+AFF]
+ C O M M O N
+C O U N T
+A B STR A C T
riman "count"
-N O U N
+V ER B
-A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _+PAT +A G T ]
rod "cross"
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
+ C O M M O N
+C O U N T
-A BSTRA C T
-A N IM A T E
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
293
sae "sea" 4 -C O M M O N
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
U N D E C L IN E D
4 -C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
4 -L O C
+ C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
sculan "ought, sh a ll"
-A B STR A C T 4 -M O D A L A U X
-A N IM A T E
+ L O C se "th e"
scip "ship"
4 -A R T
-PRO
+ N O U N 4 -D E F
-V ER B 4-/-D E M
-A D -I
+ C O M M O N - I I
+ C O U N T 4-III
-A B STR A C T * C O U N T
-A N IM A T E *G E N D E R
+ L O C + / - r+PROPERl
4-/-N D EL
sciphere "fle et"
+ N O U N
se he "which, who"
-V ER B
4 -A R T
-A D 4-P R O
+ C O M M O N + D E F
+ C O U N T 4 -D E M
-A B STR A C T + REL
-A N IM A T E + N D E L
-I
sciphlasst "shipload" -II
+ N O U N
-V ER B
4-I I I
4-C O U N T
*PL
— A D
+ C O M M O N
4 - INFLECTED
+ C O U N T
+ H U M A N
secan "seek"
-N O U N
scolu "school" 4 -V E R B
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
+r +AFF]
-A D
4 - [ 4-PL A C E 4-PA T 4-A G T l
4-PA T [4 -A N IM A T E ]
4-PREP PL A C E æt
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
294
secqan "say" sibsumness "peacefulness"
-N O U N + N O U N
+V ER B -V ER B
-A D -A D
+ f +PA T 1 + C O M M O N
-C O U N T
seq elian "sail" +A B ST R A C T
-N O U N
+V ER B
siqe "victory"
-A D +N O Ü N '
+ r +G O A L + A G T 1 -V ER B
-A D
s e lf "self" + C O M M O N
+REFIEXIVE
tC O U N T
+A B ST R A C T
sendan "send"
simle "always, constantly"
-N O U N
+V ERB
-A D
+ r (+SO U RCEÏ+G O A L) +PAT
+A G T]
+ PA T [+A N IM A TE]
+ N O U N
-V ER B
+ A D
+ T E M P
+ M O D
+PREP S O U R C E of
+ PREP G O A L
sinoh "synod"
+ N O U N
seofolaa "seventh" -V ER B
+ PO ST
+ O R D
+ D E F +
+/-N D E L
+/-ART D EL
-A D
+ C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
-A N S T R A C T
+A N IM A T E
+ IN FLECTED
s itta n "sit"
s e t l "see ^ seat" -N O U N
+ N O U N
-V ERB
-A D
+r +A FF1
+C O M M O N
+C O U N T
+V E R B
-A D
+ r (+TIME) (+PL A C E )
+A G T ]
+PREP TIM E ofer
+PREP PL A C E on + accusative
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
295
silolpan "afterwards" sum "a certain "
+CONJ 4 -Q U A N T
-N D EL
s ix ta "sixth" 4 - 4 -D E F
+ PO ST
+ O R D
+N D EL
+A R T D EL
+ IN FLECTED
-SHIFT
-G EN
4 -P R O
-INTEGER
-C O U N T
4-/- 4-P L
slean "slay"
4 -IN FLECTED
-N O U N s umer "summer"
4-V E R B
-A D
4 - [ 4 -P A T 4-A G T l
4 -PA T [4-A N IM A T E ]
4 -N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
4 -C O M M O N
sona "soon"
4 -C O U N T
4-A B S T R A C T
4 -N O U N 4 -T E M P
-V ER B
4 -A D sumerlida "summer army"
4 - T E M P
4 - M O D
4 -N O U N
-V E R B
sprecan "speak"
-A D
4 -C O M M O N
-N O U N + C O U N T
4 -V E R B -A B STR A C T
-A D -A N IM A T E
4 - [ 4 -A G T l
sunne "sun"
stede "place"
4 -N O U N
4 -N O U N -V ER B
-V ER B -A D
-A D 4 -C O M M O N
4 -C O M M O N 4 -C O U N T
4 -C O U N T -A B STR A C T
-A B STR A C T -A N IM A T E
-A N IM A T E
4 -L O C
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
296
sunnansettlqanq "sunset" swa . . . swa "as . . . as "
+ N O U N + N O U N
-V ER B -V ER B
-A D + A D
+ C O M M O N + + Q U A N T
+ C O U N T
-A B STR A C T swan "herdsman"
-A N IM A T E
+TIM E
+ N O U N
-V E R B
sunu "son"
+ A D
+ C O M M O N
+ N O U N +C O U N T
-V ER B + H U M A N
-A D
-t-r +A FF1 s we Ice "as if"
+C O M M O N
-t-C O U N T
tH U M A N
+CONJ
+SJC
sut) "south"
swerian "swear"
tNO UN
-V ER B
-N O U N
+V ER B
-A D
+ [
F A D
F G O A L
+ PA T (+ INS ) (+AFF )
+A G T]
sut>an "from/to the south"
+ PR EP INS on
+ N O U N swit>e "very"
-V ER B
+ A D
+PLA C E
+ N O U N
-V E R B
+A D
+ M O D
+PREP PL A C E ^
swa "so"
sy llan "give up"
+ N O U N
-V ER B
+ A D
-N O U N
+V ER B
-A D
+ [
+ M O D
+ P A T +AFF +AG T]
swa "as"
+CO N J
+ S U B O R D
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
297
teolDa "tenth" tohweorfan "separate"
+POST -N O U N
+ O R D +V E R B
-DEF + -A D
+IN FLECTED + r + A G T 1
tid "hour" tun "town"
+ N O U N + N O U N
-V ERB -V ER B
-A D -A D
+r +TIM E1 +[ +AFF1
+C O M M O N + C O M M O N
+ C O U N T + C O U N T
+A B ST R A C T -A B STR A C T
+T E M P -A N IM A T E
+L O C
t i l i a n " t i l l "
-N O U N
tunqe "tongue"
+V E R B + N O U N
-A D -V ER B
+ r +A FF + A G T 1 -A D
+INFL AFF g enitiv e +r +A FF1
+ C O M M O N
to "to" + C O U N T
+PREP
+PA T
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
+INFL PA T dative
+A FF
tweqen "two"
+ESS +Q U A N T
+INFL ESS dative ~ accusative +/-N D E L
+PLA C E + /- +D E F
+G O A L +SHIFT
+INFL G O A L dative -G EN
+TIM E +PA RT
+INTEGER
todælan "d iv ide" -C O U N T
-N O U N
+V E R B
-A D
+ +PL
+INFLECTED
+G E N D E R
+ r + G O A L (+PAT) +A G T ]
+PREP G O A L on
+ G O A L [+ N U M E R A L ]
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
298
tw elfta "tw elfth" î>anne^ "then"
+POST + N O U N
+ORD -V ER B
-DEF + A D
+ IN FLECTED + T E M P
+ M O D
"then"
+ N O U N
hanne^ "than"
-V ER B +CONJ
+ A D
+ T E M P Toanon "whence "
+ M O D
+ N O U N
loa^ "when"
-V ER B
+ A D
+CONJ + L O C
+ SU B O R D + S O U R C E
T oæ r^ "there" ]pe "who, which"
+ N O U N +ART
-V ER B + P R O
+A D +DEF
+AFF/_[+ESS +AFF] + D E M
s
+REL
hær^ "where, where" + N D EL
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-t-A D
+PL A C E
-I
-II
+ I I I
+ C O U N T
+ G O A L
+ PREP G O A L + to ~ inne
loeah "nevertheless "
+ C O N J
loæ s "after th at" +/-SUBORD
+ N O U N
-V ER B
hearf "serv ice"
+A D + N O U N
4 -T E M P -V ER B
+ M O D -A D
+ r +PA T1
loæt "so th at" +C O M M O N
+CONJ
tSUBORD
+C O U N T
+A B STR A C T
+ /-SJC
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
299
]peqn "servant" +D E F
■ F N O U N
-V E R B
-A D
+[ +AFF1
-G EN
+IN TEG ER
-C O U N T
+ +PL
+C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
hridda "third"
+ H U M A N + PO ST
+ O R D
]oeod "people" 4 -/-DEF +
+ N O U N
-V ER B
+/-N D E L
+ IN FLECTED
-A D
+ r +AFF1
h r i t ti q "th irty "
+ C O M M O N +Q U A N T
+ C O U N T +PA RT
+ H U M A N +IN TEG ER
-C O U N T
]oes " th is " + +PL
+A R T
+ IN FLECTED
-PRO
+D EF
hrowian "suffer"
+ D E M -N O U N
-I +V E R B
-II -A D
+ II I +[ +AFF1
-PL
*G E N D E R hurh "throuqh"
f+PROPERl
-N D E L
f [ -TEM PO RA L])
+ PR EP
+ G O A L
-LOCATIVE] j
hus "thus"
t> ider " th ith e r " + N O U N
+ N O U N
-V E R B
+ A D
-V ER B
+A D
+ M O D
+ L O C
+ G O A L
hree "th ree"
+ Q U A N T
-N D E L
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
300
tous end "thousand" ungemetlic "immense"
+Q U A N T + N O U N
-N D E L +V E R B
+G E N + A D
+IN TEG ER +[ +AFF1
-C O U N T
+ +PL ungehuaerness "discord"
hv "because"
+ N O U N
-V ER B
+ C O N J -A D
+/-SUBORD + r +AFF1
+/-SJC +C O M M O N
-C O U N T
ufor "higher up" “ +A B ST R A C T
+ N O U N
-V ER B
unheanlice "sp irited ly "
+A D + N O U N
+ G O A L -V ER B
+ A D
under "under the sh e lte r of" + M O D
+ PR EP
+ INFL dative
unnan "grant"
-N O U N
underfon +V ER B
-N O U N
+V ER B
-A D
+ r +PAT +AFF + A G T 1
-A D
+ INFL P A T genitive
+ r +PAT + A G T 1
+ PA T [+A N IM A T E ]
u nrih t "uniust"
+ N O U N
unqecynde "not belonging by +V ERB
+ N O U N race"
+V ER B
+A D
+[ +AFF1
+ A D
+ r +AFF1
unsibb " s trife "
+ N O U N
ungefealice "unhappily" -V ER B
+ N O U N
-V E R B
- 1 - A D
+ M O D
-A D
+C O M M O N
-C O U N T
+A B ST R A C T
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
301
u n stilln e ss "disquiet" waels leaht " s laughter "
+ N O U N 4 -N O U N
-V ER B -V ER B
-A D -A D
4 C 0M M 0N 4-r 4-P L A C E 1
-C O U N T -t-C O M M O N
+A B ST R A C T 4 -C O U N T
4-A B S T R A C T
unwis "unwise"
+ N O U N
weelstow " b a ttle fie ld "
4V E R B 4 -N O U N
+ A D -V ER B
+r + A F F 1 -A D
4 -C O M M O N
unyôelice "with d iffic u lty " 4 -C O U N T
+ N O U N
-V ER B
+ A D
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
4 -L O C
-tM O D
wealas "B ritish"
up "up, inland" 4 -N O U N
4 -N O U N
-V ER B
4 A D
4O 0A L
-V E R B
4 -PR O PE R
4 -C O U N T
4 -H U M A N
ut "out"
wendan "turn "
4N 0U N
-V ER B
4 A D
4 -G O A L
-N O U N
4 -V E R B
-A D
4-r 4 -G O A L 4-A G T l
wæl "carnage"
weorod "army"
4 -N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
4 -r 4 -P A T I
4 G 0 M M 0 N
4G 0U N T
4A B ST R A C T
4 -N O U N
-V E R B
-A D
4 -C O M M O N
4 -C O U N T
-A B ST R A C T
4-A N IM A T E
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
302
w e ort> " imp or ta n t " w est-rice "west"
+ N O U N 4 -N O U N
+V E R B -V ER B
+ A D -A D
+r +A FF1 4 -C O M M O N
4 -C O U N T
we or loan "happe n " -A B STRA C T
-N O U N
+V E R B
-A N IM A T E
4 -L O C
-A D
+ r +ESS +A FF1
westweard
4 -N O U N
"westerly"
weorhian "honor" 4 -V E R B
-N O U N
+V ER B
-A D
4 -A D
4 -G O A L
4-PR E P G O A L
2k
+ r 4 -PA T +INS + A G T 1
+PAT [+A N IM A TE]
wic "dwelling"
+PREP INS mid 4 -N O U N
-V ER B
weorlpness "splendor" -A D
+N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
+C O M M O N
+C O U N T
4 -C O M M O N
4 -C O U N T
-A BSTRA C T
-A N IM A TE
4 -L O C
+A B STR A C T
wice "week
werian "keep, defend" 4 -N O U N
-N O U N
+V ER B
-A D
+ r +PAT (+A G T)1
+ PA T [+A N IM A T E 3
*PASS
-V ER B
-A D
4 -r 4-T IM E 1
4-PR E P TIM E ofer
4 -C O M M O N
4 -C O U N T
4 -A B S T R A C T
west "west"
4 -T E I'd P
+ N O U N
-V ER B
+A D
+ G O A L
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
wicinq "V iking "
3 0 3
+ N O U N
-V ERB
-AD
+PRO PER
+ C O U N T
+H U M A N
wif "wife woman "
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
+C O M M O N
+C O U N T
+H U M A N
w if cvT jI d "woman ' s company "
-A D
+ [ _
_+ T IM E ]
+TIM S
+ C O M M O N
+ C O U N T
+A B ST R A C T
+T E M P
+mid +
S s il^l^an
= "Christmas"
w in te rse tl "winter q u a rte rs"
+ N O U N
-V ER B
-A D
+ [_ _ _ _ _ _ _+PLA CE]
+PREP PL A C E on
+ C O M M O N
+C O U N T
-A B STR A C T
+ N O U N -A N IM A T E
-V ERB -F L O C
-A D
+C O M M O N w ita "c o u n cillo r"
+C O U N T
+H U M A N
4 -N O U N
-V E R B
w illan "w ill"
-A D
+ [ +AFF]
-N O U N
4 -C O M M O N
+V ER B + C O U N T
-A D
+ H U M A N
f r +PAT + A G T 1
-t-N E G - * nyllan
witan "know"
winnan "fiq h t, win"
-N O U N
-fV E R B
-N O U N
-A D
-1 -V E R B
+ [
4 -PA T 4 -A G T ]
-A D
+PAT - * S
f r -t-P A T -t-A G T l 4 -N E G - » nytan
f PA T [4-A N IM A T E ]
^RECIPROCAL PATIENT
wih "against"
w inter "w inter"
+ PREP
-TR tiC lPR O C A L PATIENT
4 -N O U N
+INFL P A T accusative ~ dat
-V ER B + P L A C E
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
304
wrecan "avenge" ymb "aboutj around"
-N O U N +PREP
+V E R B +TIM E
-A D +P L A C E
+ [ +PA T + A G T 1 +INFL PL A C E aecus
+PAT [+A N IM A TE]
, yrab-utan "about"
wudu "woods"
+ N O U N
+ N O U N -V ER B
-V ER B + A D
-A D +P L A C E
+ C O M M O N
+ C O U N T y st "storm"
-A B STR A C T
-A N IM A T E
+ L O C
+ N O U N
-V E R B
-A D
wunderlic "wonderful"
+r +PLA C E1
+PREP PL A C E on
+ N O U N +C O M M O N
+V E R B +C O U N T
+ A D -A B STR A C T
+ r +AFF1 -A N IM A T E
wunian^ "stay by"
-N O U N
+V E R B
-A D
+ r +A FF + A G T 1
wunian^ "dwell"
-N O U N
+ V E R B
-A D
+r (+TIME) +PIACE + A G T 1
wyrcan "work, make"
-N O U N
4V E R B
-A D
+ r +PA T + A G T 1
+PA T [+A N IM A TE]
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
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Creator Schulz, Muriel Ripley (author)

Core Title A case grammar of the parker manuscript of the "Anglo-Saxon chronicle" from 734 to 891

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Linguistics

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag language, linguistics,OAI-PMH Harvest

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Advisor Brown, William H. (committee chair), [illegible], Edward (committee member), Downing, Bruce T. (committee member)

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