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Consequences of heritage language loss and maintenance and factors that affect heritage language development: Voices from second-generation Korean-American adults

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Consequences of heritage language loss and maintenance and factors that affect heritage language development: Voices from second-generation Korean-American adults

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CONSEQUENCES OF HERITAGE LANGUAGE LOSS AND MAINTENANCE
AND FACTORS THAT AFFECT HERITAGE LANGUAGE DEVELOPMENT:
VOICES FROM SECOND GENERAHON KOREAN AMERICAN ADULTS
by
Grace Cho
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(Education)
December 1998
Copyright 1998 Grace Cho
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 90007
This dissertatioTir written by
G ra c e Cho
under the direction of hex. Dissertation
Committee, and approved by all its members,
has been presented to and accepted by The
Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of re
quirements for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PH KO SO PH Y
aduate Studies
Date ..J?.ecemfaer..l0,,.1998.
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
Ckairpersan
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DEDICATION
I dedicate my dissertation to my parents, especially to my dear father who is
no longer with us, but who always has been in my heart throughout this long journey.
He is the one who instilled in me the love of my culture and heritage language. I hope
that his pioneering spirit in providing literacy to the Korean community, while serving
as a missionary in Argentina, wiU prove worthwhile. His spirit is alive in many
individuals’ minds who knew him through the work he left behind. Of course, without
my mother’s sacrifice and support in taking over my father’s missionary work, his
accomplishments would not have been carried to fruition.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank the members of my dissertation committee, Dr. Stephen
Krashen, Dr. Robert Rueda, and Dr. Edward Park for their time, patience, guidance
and, most of all, for their excellent comments and suggestions. Without them, 1 could
not have finished my dissertation. Above all, I would like to extend my deepest
appreciation to my advisor. Dr. Krashen for his support and advice. He allowed me
the freedom to explore my interests and encouraged me to do a project that I really
wanted to do. His genuine “knowledge input” and “low affective filter” (i.e.,
providing me with resources as motivation, buying me coffee every time we met to
lower my inhibitions and giving me a great deal of encouragement in times of stress)
kept me moving. Most of all, even with his busy schedule, he was prompt in
responding and giving me feedback from anywhere.
I also would like to thank Dr. Agnes Lin who was a mentor and a friend to me.
She was a true emotional counselor, listening to all my finstrations in times of stress
and providing me with a place to work on my dissertation.
I also want to acknowledge my colleagues at Biola for continuously praying
for me, for easing my work load and for providing me with constant assurance that
someday, I would finish.
Finally, my sincerest thanks go to my mother and my family for their
unconditional love and endless support. I especially want to thank my brother,
Leonard, for the critical comments he provided throughout the process. He helped me
III
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when I was in need and pushed me forward. I also want to thank my husband, Hong,
for being such a loving person and caring presence, always encouraging me and
studying next to me to ease the painful process. I feel that I owe so much for so many
people that I will never be able to pay them back. Someday, however, I hope to pay
back all the love, knowledge, and wisdom that I received by sharing with others and
serving the community.
IV
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ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study was to examine the effects, among second
generation Korean Americans, of having or not having heritage language (HL)
competence. Specifically, this study examined the ways in which HL competence
affects individuals, their social interactions, and their relationships with parents and
HL speakers. In addition, the study examined factors that may have contributed to or
inhibited the development of the HL of these Korean American adults.
The findings show that having developed one’s HL, in addition to English, has
many advantages. Having strong HL competence was found to positively affect
relationships with parents, the HL community, and HL speakers firom one’s country of
origin, as well as enhance personal well-being. Moreover, HL competence plays an
important part in the personal, social, and intellectual life of those who are proficient
in their HL. High HL input yielded positive effects on the development of HL among
second generation Korean American adults. Specifically, those who spent some time
in Korea, read more printed materials in Korean, watched more Korean programs and
received more HL input from parents tended to have better HL competency than their
counterparts who were not proficient in their HL.
Understanding the experiences of language minority groups will yield
practical information for educators, immigrant parents, and new generation
immigrants in regard to the factors that are involved in HL maintenance and
development and how HL competence affects adjustment to the mainstream society,
as well as within the family and ethnic community.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
DEDICATION.................................................................................................................. ü
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...............................................................................................üi
ABSTRACT......................................................................................................................iv
LIST OF TABLES........................................................................................................... ix
CHAPTER I: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Introduction.......................................................................................................... 1
Background and Statement of the Problem....................................................... 1
Purpose of the Study............................................................................................7
Research Questions........................................................................................... 8
Significance of the Study.................................................................................. 8
Delimitations of the Study.................................................................................. 9
Limitations of the Study...................................................................................... 9
Definitions of Terms........................................................................................... 10
Organization of the Chapters............................................................................ 10
CHAPTER U: LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction........................................................................................................ 12
Language Maintenance and Language Shift.................................................... 12
Relative Advantages of HL Development........................................................16
Individual Benefits................................................................................. 16
Familial Benefits....................................................................................18
Socio-cultural Benefits........................................................................ 20
Second Language Acquisition Theory..............................................................23
Factors Affecting HL Development..................................................................24
Etiv Input Factors...........................................................................................24
Affective Factors...........................................................................................29
Language Learning Myth Discouraging the HL U se........................ 29
Individual Desire to be Fully Integrated into the Target Culture 33
Societal Pressure from Unrealistic Expectations for HL Acquirers.... 35
Poor HL Teaching Programs.................................................................38
Summary of Factors Affecting HL Development......................................47
Research Hypotheses......................................................................................... 48
VI
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TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)
CHAPTER m : METHODOLOGY
Page
The Study...........................................................................................................49
Research Questions...............................................................................49
Research Design.................................................................................................50
Subjects..................................................................................................50
Procedures and Data Analysis............................................................. 52
Independent and Dependent Variables................................................54
Methodological Assumptions............................................................ 55
Methodological Limitations.................................................................55
CHAPTER IV: ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS
Four Representative Participants.......................................................................56
Effects of Having Developed or Not Developed One’s H L ............................ 62
Family Relationships.............................................................................63
Advantages in family relationships..........................................64
Disadvantages in family relationships......................................66
Relationship with extended family...........................................68
Reasons for developing one’s H L ............................................69
Social Relationship with HL Speakers.................................................72
Socio-cultural Advantages.......................................................72
Promoting a Strong Sense of Ethnic Identity'.............. 73
Enabling Better Relationships with HL Speakers 76
Socio-cultural Disadvantages...................................................78
Interactional Problem with HL community................. 78
Interactional Problem with HL speakers outside U.S..80
Personal and Societal Benefits............................................... 83
Professional Advantage.......................................................... 83
A Resource for Society............................................................. 85
Factors Affecting HL Development..................................................................89
Conceptually Assumptions....................................................................89
Demographic Findings............................................................. 89
Language U se............................................................................92
Language Input factors as the Source of HL Development... 94
Summary of the Results.....................................................................................99
vu
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TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)
CHAPTER V: DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Page
Introduction................................................................... 100
Purpose and Methodology................................................................................100
Findings and Discussion....................................................................................101
Implications....................................................................................................... 110
Individual..................................................................................110
Societal.......................................................................................... I ll
Recommendations for Practice..................................................................... 111
Recommendations for Further Research....................................................... 112
REFERENCES.............................................................................................................114
APPENDIX A
Questionnaire..................................................................................................122
V lll
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LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. Families where Samoan was spoken by children................................ 25
2. Percentage of adopting English as HL.................................................. 26
3. Mean Greek speaking ability by generation.........................................27
4. Results of HL Classroom observations................................................43
5. Characteristics of Participants .............................................................. 60
6. Participants Quoted by Degree of HL Competency ........................... 61
7. Reasons for Improving HL Skills ........................................................67
8. Summary of Areas of Conflict ............................................................79
9. Demographic Information....................................................................87
10. Self-assessed HL Proficiency ..............................................................88
11. Self-assessed HL Proficiency by HL Class Level...............................89
12. Language Use by Participants .............................................................89
13. Correlations Between Variables ..........................................................90
14. Language Input. Length of Stay while Visiting K orea...................... 91
15. Language Input. How Often Participants Read Books or Other
Printed Materials in Korean................................................................ 92
16. Language Input. How Long Participants Have Attended
HL Classes/HL School........................................................................ 93
17. Language Input. How Often Participants Watch Korean Programs.. 93
18. Language Participants’ Parents Speak to Them and How Often 94
19. Language Factors Influencing HL Competence...................................95
IX
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CHAPTER I
OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Introduction
In the United States, the media reports claim that immigrant groups resist learning
the English language (Beard-WiUiams, 1994; Truebak, 1994). In addition, there is a
focus among educators, policy makers, and parents, involved in the education of
immigrant children, on a rapid transition to English firom one’s heritage or family
language. Such a focus implies that immigrant children are reluctant to give up their
heritage language and, as such, hesitant to leam English. However, contrary to these
widespread beliefs, many studies show that language minorities are acquiring English
rapidly and, at the same time, just as rapidly, losing their family or “heritage” language
(Krashen, 1996). In addition, contrary to popular opinion, maintaining and developing
one’s heritage language has been shown to be difficult. The consequences of heritage
language loss to the child, family, and society can only be estimated.
Background and Statement of the Problem
A heritage language (HL) is the language spoken in the family or associated with
the heritage culture of language minorities. Smdies have long recognized that
maintaining the heritage language of ethnic minorities in addition to English is beneficial.
Although the distinction is not always clear, the advantage of developing the HL of ethnic
minorities, in addition to English, can be categorized into three aspects: individual,
familial, and socio-cultural benefits.
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For the individual, the cognitive advantages of bilingualism have been documented.
In Peal and Lambert’s (1962) study, which controlled for socioeconomic status, bilingual
subjects performed significantly better than monolingual subjects on a wide range of
verbal and nonverbal tests. Similar findings, supporting the notion that bilingualism
brings about benefits in terms of cognitive fiexibility, concept formation, divergent
thinking, and creativity, were found in Hakuta and Diaz’s (1985) and Balkan’s (in
Romain, 1995) research.
Research also has shown that developing one’s HL allows one to benefit from one’s
own family and culture. Speaking two languages provides more access and opportunity,
consciously or unconsciously, to two cultures (Sharp, 1973). Since learning a language
involves acquiring the values and attitudes of the community using the language, there is
some evidence showing that knowing one’s HL enables language minorities to develop
closer and more meaningful relationships with parents and also to profit from deeper
contact with one’s own ethnic group members (Cho, Cho, & Tse, 1997; Min, 1997).
Research has shown that HL development can be an important part of identity formation
and can help retain a strong ethnic identity and sense of group membership with one’s
own ethnic group (Feuerverger, 1991; Tse, 1996).
There is also evidence that shows social advantages to developing one’s HL in
terms of academic and economic benefits. Research has shown that bilinguals can
perform better than monolinguals in the school situation and in society. Dolson’s (1985)
study looked at HL use patterns among Hispanic families in Los Angeles. The study
found that students whose families had maintained their HL, compared to those firom
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homes where English had replaced Spanish, performed significantiy better on scholastic
measures such as mathematics, Spanish reading vocabulary, and academic grade point
average.
Krashen (1997) reviewed studies that indicated that there are academic benefits in
developing one’s HL. In the review, Hispanic high school seniors who continued their
HL development did better than monolingual Hispanics in English reading and had higher
educational expectations (Fernandez & Nielsen, in Krashen, 1997). Nielsen and Lemer
(1997) came to a similar conclusion. They found that "Hispanicity” (a combination of
measures of Spanish use with parents and Spanish ability), controlling for socioeconomic
status, had a significantly positive relationship with educational attainment and
expectations, scores on tests of reading, vocabulary, and mathematics, and years of
residence in the U.S. Similarly, Rumbaut’s (1995) comprehensive longitudinal study
showed lower dropout rates, in addition to academic benefits, among bilinguals compared
to English monolingual groups. Garcia’s (1985) study showed that fluency in the HL was
positively related to self-esteem, ambitious plans for the future, confidence in achieving
goals, and the amount of control subjects felt they had over their lives.
As detailed in chapter 2, research also has shown disadvantages related to not
developing one’s HL. The most serious is the breakdown of communication within the
family. Some theorists link parent-child conflict to a deficit in communication skills
among the family members (Alexander, 1973; Doane, 1978; Grotevant & Cooper, 1985;
Hall, 1987; Hill, 1987). One of the negative outcomes of HL loss is a deterioration
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of parent-child communication^ which negatively affects the cohesiveness of family
relationships. Wong-FUhnore’s (1991) study also documented the adverse effects of
children not speaking the language of their parents.
Heritage languages, however, are difficult to maintain. As evidence of the claim
that HL development is difficult to maintain, many studies show that language shift to the
dominant language of the country is powerful and rapid. Although data firom language
minority groups on language maintenance and language shift have not been collected
systematically (Fishman, 1980), some studies have shown that language shift to the
dominant language occurs as a natural process in many social contexts, while HL
maintenance requires extra effort (Fishman, 1966; Glazer, 1966; Klos, 1977;
Lopez, 1982; Veltman, 1983).
There are consistent findings that show that HLs are typically not maintained and
are rarely developed among ethnic minority groups. Krashen (1996) reviewed many
studies that showed that language shift to the dominant language of the country over the
language of the family is powerful and rapid. Fishman (1991) has documented the steady
move to the dominant language across a number of language communities, and Wong-
Filhnore (1991) also has documented language shift to English in the U.S. In general,
language minority families are shifting to the dominant language and, at the same time,
losing their HL with remarkable speed. The transition is generally completed within a
few generations (Krashen, 1996; Veltman, 1983). The language shift is also noted even
in the Korean community, who exercises great efforts to hold on to their culture and HL
(Kim, Sawdey, & Meihoefer, 1980).
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Korean Americans are one of the most rapidly growing ethnic groups in this
country. According to U.S. Census data in 1990, the estimated population of Americans
of Korean ancestry was approximately 790,000 of which 142,000 were native-born and
654,000 were immigrants. In California alone, the Korean population is 251,981, which
represents an increase of 153 percent since 1980 (King & Lee, 1996). In addition, Korean
immigration has increased rapidly, from 271,956 in 1980 to 338,800 in 1990,
representing an increase of 24.6 percent and is expected to continue to grow.
In comparison to U. S. citizens, Koreans, both native-born and foreign-bom, have
high educational attainment levels. Sixty-four percent of native-born Korean Americans
and 55 percent of foreign-bom Koreans have attended college and beyond (U.S. Census,
1990). As part of this pattern, Korean immigrant adults are highly educated and are
highly motivated in regard to their children’s educational development. A survey of
Korean immigrant families shows that one of the most important reason for immigrating
to the U.S. is their children’s education (Oh, 1979).
In general, Korean parents seem to be satisfied with their children’s academic
achievement and social learning at school (Kim, 1980). However, as Kim, Lee, and
Kim’s (1981) research has pointed out, there is a growing concern that Korean American
children are rapidly losing or failing to leam their HL and culture.
Several studies have forseen a communication and ideological gap between first
generation (i.e., parent) and second generation (i.e. children) Korean Americas due to the
language and cultural barrier between the two generations (Kim, 1980; Kim et al., 1981;
Yu, 1979). Kang (1996) noticed a similar pattem in the Korean community. She
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reported that one parent said that she wished there was a simultaneous interpreter when
she talked to her children. Research reveals a continuously occurring phenomenon in
which many Korean Americans, who are either bom in the U.S. or came at an early age,
are losing or failing to leam the HL despite their parents’ effort in maintaining culture and
HL (Kim et al., 1981; Yoon & Nussenbaum, 1987).
Korean American adults have been actively involved in the maintenance and
development of their HL. This involvement stems firom a concem for passing on to
future generations the essence of Korean cultural heritage. Kim, Sawdey, and
Meihoefer’s (1980) research shows that Korean parents have a strong desire for their
children to retain Korean cultural traits while, at the same time, adopting American
cultural traits. As such, Korean parents have established ethnic schools, ethnic
associations, newspapers, and professional organizations to promote culture and language
(Geer, 1981). In addition, Korean immigrants in America, being predominantly
latecomers, are largely a Korean speaking group and the language spoken at home is
Korean. Kim et al. (1981) reported that 99 percent of the Koreans living in Los Angeles
Koreatown, New York, and San Francisco use Korean as their primary language.
Despite the above mentioned factors that help retard or prevent English firom
replacing the HL, a language shift to the dominant language is evident in Korean
immigrant families (Kang, 1996; B C im et.al, 1981). A statistical analysis of 1990 U.S.
Census data supports the fact that language shift in the second generation of Korean
Americans is high (Hing & Lee, 1996).
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Other research shows that the first generation adults tend to maintain and preserve
their language and ethnic culture, while the second generation consciously succeeds in a
partial assimilation into the dominant culture. However, since Korean Americans, due to
racial differences, cannot be completely assimilated into American society, like other
European immigrants, they come back to search for the language of their parents as well
as their lost identity (Kim, 1980).
Language shift to the dominant language is evident, yet the HL still plays an
intricate role in the lives of Korean Americans. For quite some time, several questions
concerning heritage language development have occurred to the present researcher as a
result of observations, surveys, and informal interviews with Korean Americans who
have grown up in the U.S. Two broad questions are of primary concem. The first
question is how HLs are developed and maintained in the Korean immigrant families.
The second is what the consequences are of HL loss or maintenance.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to explore the consequences of second generation
Korean American adults, considered language minority individuals in the U.S., having
or not having HL competence. In addition, the study examined factors that may have
contributed to or inhibited the development of the HL of these Korean American adults.
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Research Questions
This study sought to answer the following research questions:
1. What are the effects of having or not having developed heritage language among
second generation Korean American adults, in terms of the disadvantages or advantages,
specifically in regard to family relationships, social relationships, and personal well
being?
2. What language factors contribute to HL competency?
Significance of the Study
Previous research on heritage language development, in addition to English
proficiency, has revealed individual, familial, and sociocultural benefits. In addition,
there has been growing discussion about language shift among language minorities
(Krashen, 1996; Veltman, 1983) as evidence that maintaining and developing one’s HL is
very difficult. The shift to the dominant language is also noted in research on Korean
Americans. However, little empirical information is available on the effects of HL
maintenance or loss among language minorities. No previous research has explored and
compared the consequences of those who have or not have developed HL among Korean
Americans. As such, this study provides a unique perspective on HL development, based
on the perspectives of adult Korean Americans.
This study adds to the knowledge of language education, in general, by examining
the effective ways of acquiring and maintaining the HL of ethnic minorities in the U.S.
The findings are discussed in terms of the effects of having or not having developed HL
on family and social relationships and for personal, as well as societal, well being.
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Factors affecting language acquisition and implications of the HL development for both
the individuals and for society are also discussed. As such, this study provides practical
information to educators, immigrant parents, and new generation immigrants on the
factors that are involved in HL maintenance and development and the impact on
adjustment to the mainstream society, as well as within the family and ethnic community.
It is hoped that the results of this study will be used for planning educational programs to
take into account the needs and resources of language minority families.
Delimitations of the Study
The following delimitations were important to the study:
1. Subjects were limited to those whose HL is Korean.
2. Subjects were limited to second generation adult Korean Americans who have
had all their schooling in the U.S.
3. The study sample was limited to Korean Americans residing in the Southern
California area.
Limitations of the Study
1. The respondents of this study may not be a representative sample of all second
generation Korean Americans living in the Southern California area. A
substantial percentage were enrolled in classes to improve their Korean. These
subjects are likely to be those who feel the need for HL development.
2. The internal and external vahdity is limited to the honesty of the subject’s
self-report.
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Definition of Terms
Heritage language (H L~) is a language not spoken by the dominant culture, but
spoken in the family or associated with the heritage culture.
HL acquirer is someone who has more competence in the second language (L2)
than in the heritage language (LI). With successful language acquisition, one would
expect an HL acquirer to become an HL speaker. Typically, the opposite occurs, as HL
speakers lose the LI and acquire more of the L2. It also should be pointed out that most
people in the category of HL acquirer do not consider themselves to be acquiring
anything; rather they are simply losing their HL.
HL speaker is someone who has more HL competence than L2 competence or has
equal competence in both languages.
Second generation Korean Americans are Koreans who were bom in the U.S. or
who immigrated to the U.S. before school age and therefore grew up in the U.S. and
began their formal education in this country.
Organization of the Chapters
The remainder of the dissertation is as follows. Chapter H presents a review of
research on language maintenance and language shift, including research on the Korean
ethnic group. This is followed by studies on the relative advantages of developing one’s
HL within the individual, familial, and sociocultural context. In addition, research on
factors that inhibit or encourage HL development are presented in terms of Krashen’s
second language acquisition hypothesis.
10
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Chapter IE details the methodology used in the present study, including information
on the data sample and techniques used for analysis. Chapter IV presents the study’s
findings. Responses o f four representative individuals chosen firom the larger pool of
interviewees are presented first, followed by the overall analysis of the data. Finally,
Chapter V summarizes the major findings and presents a discussions of the results,
followed by conclusions and recommendations for future research.
11
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CHAPTER n
LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction.
This chapter contains three main sections relevant to this study. The chapter begins
with a review o f the research on language maintenance and language shift, including
research on the Korean ethnic group. This is followed by studies on the relative
advantages of developing one’s HL within the individual, familial, and sociocultural
context. In addition, research on factors that inhibit or encourage HL development will
be presented in terms of Krashen’s second language acquisition hypothesis.
Language Maintenance and Language Shift
A language shift and efforts to maintain one’s HL can occur whenever two or more
language groups are in contact. For example, when a group immigrates to the U.S.,
members of the group rely on the HL or “shift to” English as a principal means of
communication. The shift to English generally becomes more dominant with each
succeeding generation. As noted in Chapter 1, the research that has been conducted has
shown that a language shift to the dominant language is a natural process, occurring in
many social contexts. In contrast, the maintenance of one’s HL requires extra effort
(Fishman, 1966; Glazer, 1966; Klos, 1977; Lopez, 1982; Veltman, 1983).
Research findings are consistent in showing that HLs are rarely developed and
generally not maintained among ethnic minority groups. Moreover, Krashen (1996) in a
review of such research, found that language shift to the dominant language is evident
and rapid. Hudson-Edwards and Bills (in Krashen, 1996) reported better English ability
12
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than Spanish ability among yoimger Mexican-Americans living in a Spanish speaking
community in Albuquerque, while older subjects reported better HL compared to English
ability. However, even nearly half of the older subjects described their English
competence as “good” or “very good.” Similar findings were provided by Baratz-
Snowden, Rock, Pollack, and Wilder’s (1988) data. Parents of language minority
students rated themselves as more competent in their HL, but rated their children as more
competent in English. Langan’s (in Krashen, 1996) research also confirmed the
universality o f language shift in a linguistically conservative community such as the
K’iche’ community in Guatemala. This community is known to be resisting the shift to
the dominant language. Langan (1993) investigated 399 speakers of the K’iche’
community, and found that nearly 90 percent agreed or strongly agreed with the
statement, “it is important to the K’iche’ people to keep their own language and culture.”
Despite their strong feelings that their HL was important to them, a significant part of the
group felt more competent in Spanish, used it more among peers, and clearly recognized
that a shift was occurring.
Fishman’s (1991) research on a number of language communities has documented a
consistent move to the dominant language. Fishman observes that the shift of the HL of
any immigrant group typically occurs within three generations. The first generation of
immigrants struggles for survival m the new country and leams very little English. The
second generation children first leam their HL firom their parents and then learn English
in school. The third generation feel the pressure to conform to American mass culture
13
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and begin to lose their mother tongue. Veltman (1983) asserts that the shift of language
often starts as early as in the first and second generations and later accelerates.
Wong-Fillmore’s (1991) research on a variety of immigrant groups in the U.S. also
has documented a language shift to English. Wong-Fillmore found that children in over
1,100 families o f different linguistic backgrounds (Korean, Chinese, Spanish, Khmer, and
Vietnamese) shifted to English, to a significant extent, shortly after starting in schools.
Research findings are in agreement that language minority families shift to the dominant
language with remarkable speed and, at the same time, lose their HL. This shift is usually
completed within a few generations (Krashen, 1996; Veltman, 1983). Even in the
Korean community, who put forth a great effort to maintain their HL and culture, this
language shift is occurring.
Kim, Sawdey, and Meihoefer’s (1980) research shows that Korean parents have a
strong desire for their children to retain Korean cultural traits while, at the same time,
adopting American cultural traits. According to their findings, 99 percent of these
Korean Americans believed that their children should use Korean at home. As such,
Korean parents have established ethnic schools, ethnic associations, newspapers, and
professional organizations to promote culture and languages (Geer, 1981). In addition,
Korean immigrants in America, being prominently latecomers, are largely a Korean
speaking group and the language spoken at home is Korean. Kim, Lee, and Kim (1981)
reported that 99 percent of the Koreans living in Los Angeles’ Koreatown, New York,
and San Francisco use Korean as their primary language.
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Despite these factors intended to help prevent English firom replacing Korean, a
language shift to English is occurring in Korean immigrant families (Kang, 1996;
Kim et al., 1981). Eling and Lee’s (1996) analysis of 1990 U.S. Census data indicates that
language shift in the second generation of Korean Americans is substantial. Specifically,
45 percent of native bom Korean Americans and 15 percent of foreign bom Koreans
speak only English.
Kim et al. (1981) research has demonstrated an increasing concern among Korean
bom parents that their children are failing to leam or rapidly losing their HL and culture.
The researchers found that 54 percent of Korean parents, who had not yet experienced
linguistic or cultural conflicts between themselves and their children either expected them
or were concemed about them. Further, 33 percent already had experienced conflict.
Kim et al. (1981) noted that the responding families were mostly newcomers (i.e., 62.1%
of them lived in the U.S. for fewer than three years and 90.3% for fewer than six years)
and, as such, concluded that the incidence of conflict between parents and children would
increase significantly as time goes on.
Research has sensitized both a communication gap and ideological conflicts
between Korean American first generation parents and second generation children due to
the cultural and language barrier between them (Kim, 1980; Kim et al., 1981; Yu, 1979).
Yu’s (1979) analysis of historical immigration statistics and the 1970 U.S. Census data
highlighted the discrepancy between the two generations. He characterized the Korean
population as being predominately latecomers who are largely “Korean-speaking foreign-
born adults with an increasing number of native-bom children” (p. 128). Yu (1979) added
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that Korean community, similar to other recent immigrants, must cope with language
difficulty, job discrimination, culture shock, communication and ideological gap between
native-born children and foreign-bom adults, etc.
In a more recent report, Kang (1996) noted such a pattern within the Korean
community. “Communication is difficult because they [parents] lack a common language
with which they and their children can express themselves fluently’ (p. A12). Research
consistently points to a pattern among many Korean Americans, who are either bom in
the U.S. or came at an early age, of failing to leam or learning their HL despite their
parents’ efforts to maintain their culture and HL (Kim et al., 1981; Yoon & Nussenbaum,
1987).
Relative Advantages of HL Development
The degree to which HL development is supported or opposed will vary depending
on how one views the value of language diversity. While some laud it as a resource,
others see it as a serious problem. Those who see language diversity as a problem would
view multilingualism and cultural diversity as a weakness to be overcome rather than as
one of the country’s greatest strengths (Ruiz in Wrigley & Guth, 1988). However, studies
appear to show only advantages in becoming a proficient bilingual. Researchers have
long recognized that maintaining the HL of ethnic minorities in addition to English is
beneficial. WTiile the three advantages of developing the HL of ethnic minorities overlap,
they can be categorized into three aspects: individual, familial, and sociocultural benefits.
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Individual Benefits
Research has documented the advantages of bilingualism for the individual.
Peal and Lambert (1962) investigated bilingualism-monolingualism in Canada.
Controlling for socioeconomic status, the bilingual group performed significantly better
than the monolingual group on a wide range of verbal and nonverbal tests (e.g., concept
formation, cognitive “flexibility”), contradicting four decades of prior research. Previous
research that showed bilinguals to be inferior did not control for socioeconomic status of
the participants. The researchers found that French-English bilingual children scored
significantly higher than comparably matched monolingual children on both verbal and
nonverbal measures of intelligence. As such, the researchers concluded that the
bilinguals had a more diversified structure of intelligence and more flexibility in thought.
Furthermore, confirming findings were generated in other settings and from studies using
different approaches conducted around the world in Singapore, Switzerland, South
Africa, Israel, New York, Western Canada, and Montreal (Lambert, 1977).
Hakuta and Diaz’s (1985) research yielded similar findings, supporting the notion
that bilingualism brings about benefits in terms of cognitive flexibility, concept
formation, divergent thinking, and creativity. In addition, Balkan (in Romain, 1995)
found that bilinguals performed significantly better than monolinguals on cognitive
flexibility, including the ability to reorganize a perceptual situation and sensitivity to the
various meanings of words.
Developing and maintaining one’s HL also allows one to benefit from one’s own
culture. Research has shown that bilingualism provides more access, both consciously
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and unconsciously, to two cultures (Sharp, 1973). The advantages stem firom the fact that
learning a language involves acquiring the values of the community using the language.
Speaking one’s HL is a tool which enables language minority individuals to develop more
meaningful relationships with parents and to benefit firom closer contact with one’s own
ethnic group members.
Min (1997), in her self-reflective story, shares how she was able to hear her “real
voice” and achieve an ethnic bond once she had confidence in speaking her HL.
Once she felt confident in Korean, she was able to defend herself when she overheard a
conversation in which someone was making fun of her Korean speaking skills. “What a
shame! Another Korean who cannot speak the language . . . ” She challenged them, in
Korean, by saying, “I understand you and yes, it is shameful that I can only speak a little.”
She stated that, for the first time, she felt liberated firom a part of her that had been
“silenced” and saw a new part of herself “ a proud Korean American who could finally
hear her own voice” (p. 106).
Familial Benefits
Research has shown that developing one’s HL can help ensure closer and more
meaningful relationships with family members, especially with one’s parents. Min
(1997) described the moment when she called her parents and spoke in flawless Korean
for the first time. She felt a “tme bonding” in their relationship.
I was 24 years old, but they reacted as proudly as if I were a toddler who had just
uttered her first words . . . Although I am still stmggling, still studying so I can
become more fluent, I know enough now that my parents can tell me stories, jokes
and proverbs that would otherwise have gotten garbled in the static of translations.
Eagerly, I listen, laugh and nod in full understanding (p. 106).
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According to Min, when her Korean was weak, she was reluctant to speak in
public, and she had stopped trying to speak Korean. However, once she gained her
confidence in speaking the language, she also earned acknowledgment firom her fellow
Koreans. “And when I walked into a Korean restaurant and casually greeted the waiter,
who responded in Korean I knew he took me for the genuine article” (p. 106).
Wong-Fillmore (1991) documented the negative effects of children not speaking
their parents’ language. She spoke of how communication difficulties develop within the
family when the competence of HL acquirers is low. She described two cases of
intergenerational conflict in which HL loss played a role. In one case, children received
corporal punishment for showing disrespect to their grandfather, who was visiting firom
Korea. The children in the family had stopped speaking Korean at home, and they made
errors in using the linguistic marker which indicated respect when speaking to an older
person in Korean (i.e., honorific). In a second case, Wong-Fillmore describes a family in
which all four children had completely lost their ability to speak Spanish. They were
frustrated “when words failed them.” The mother spoke only Spanish and her children
refused to use Spanish. “They do not acknowledge it when their parents speak it, even
though it is the only language the parents know” (p. 344). When the 17-year-old son was
having problems in school, in a danger of dropping out, his mother could not help him
due to the language barrier. The study revealed the extent to which a breakdown in
family communication can lead to the alienation of children firom their parents.
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Similarly, Rodriguez’s (1982) autobiography describes the impact that HL loss had
on the cohesiveness of his family relationship. A parent-child conflict arose as his
parents switched to English to communicate with the children. As the children learned
more English, they shared fewer words with their parents. The children needed to speak
slowly and repeat themselves when communicating with their parents in English because
their parents could not understand the language. This would ôustrate the children and
they would end up cutting the communication short.
Socio-cultural Benefits
Research also has shown the sociocultural advantages to developing one’s HL.
Research has shown that bilinguals can perform equally well or better than monolinguals
in both the classroom and in society.
Krashen’s (1997) review of research found that there are academic advantages to
developing one’s HL. In one study reviewed by Krashen, Hispanic high school seniors,
who had developed their HL, performed better than monolingual ffispanics in English
reading; in addition, they had higher educational expectations (Fernandez & Nielsen, in
BCrashen, 1997). In addition, Nielsen and Lemer’s (in Krashen, 1997) study, using the
same data set but a different analysis, led to a similar conclusion. Controlling for
socioeconomic status, “Hispanicity” (a combination of measures of Spanish use with
parents and Spanish ability) had a significantly positive relationship with educational
attainment and expectations, including scores on tests of reading, vocabulary, and
mathematics, and years of residence in the United States. In addition, Garcia’s (1985)
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study also confinned that HL maintenance is an advantage. Garcia examined 1,500
Chicane college students and concluded that fluency in the HL had a positive relationship
to self-esteem, ambitious plans for the future, confidence in achieving goals, and the
amount of control subjects felt they had over their lives.
A comprehensive longitudinal study of students conducted at the San Diego
Unified School District demonstrated the academic advantages of developing one’s HL
(Rumbaut, 1995). Data were collected for the entire 1986-87 and 1989-90 high school
cohorts for a combined total of nearly 80,000 sophomores, juniors, and seniors. The
study showed that Fluent English Proficient (FBP) students do significantly better than
their Limited English Proficient (LEP) counterparts. More importantly, fluent bilinguals
surpassed English monolinguals (English only co-ethnics and white majority students) by
a significant margin. Moreover, fluent bilinguals had significantly lower dropout rates
than English monolinguals among all the Asian groups. These results lend strong support
to Peal and Lambert’s (1962) hypothesis that bilingualism does not detract firom scholarly
achievement and that, on the contrary, “true” bilingualism is positively associated with
the latter. According to Rumbaut, “loss of the mother tongue and a complete shift into
English is not necessarily associated with greater ability or performance” (p. 205).
Tienda and Neidert (1984) analyzed predictors of occupational status among 3,104
Hispanic men in the labor force, ages 18-64 in 1975. The findings show that education
and English language ability are clear predictors of occupational status. English-
dominant bilinguals were better off in having a high occupational status compared to
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Hispanic English, monolinguals. The language variable was not nearly as strong as the
education variable. However, the analysis confirmed that bilingualism is not harmfiil and
can be beneficial, given that English has been acquired.
Krashen (1998) states that developing one’s HL may have some important business
advantages. “The better we know other languages, the better chance there is to sell to
countries that use that language” (p. 7). Based on studies by Fishman and his co-authors,
Krashen asserts that nurturing and developing HLs may be a good thing for the economy
and the balance of trade and that HL speakers could be important resources.
Importantly, there is no evidence that maintaining the first language damages
second language development. Numerous studies show that literacy transfers across
languages (i.e., developing literacy in one language helps to develop literacy in another
language). Krashen (1996) states that “when confounding factors are controlled, there are
positive correlations between literacy development in first and second languages” (p.23)
and numerous research supports this hypothesis. When length of residence and/or age
were controlled, the relationships between first and second language literacy were
typically positive. Even when the languages and writing systems appear to be very
different, the underlying process of reading has been shown to be a good predictor of
second language reading ability in many different languages (Bossers, 1991;
Carroll, 1991; Hoover, 1983; Verhoeven, 1991;). If a child leams how to read in one
language, that child knows how to read, and that general ability will facilitate learning to
read in another language. As such, developing the HL was not shown to be harmfiil
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Second Language Acquisition Theory
Second language acquisition theory developed by Krashen (1982, 1985, 1991)
serves as the theoretical fiamework to the second part of this study. This theory will be
described first, followed by a discussion of the factors that inhibit or encourage HL
development.
Krashen (1982) makes an important distinction between two ways of acquiring a
new language. The first of these is acquisition. Acquisition is similar to the way children
develop their first language in a natural way. According to Krashen, we acquire a new
language subconsciously, by understanding messages, in other words, by receiving
“comprehensible input.” Krashen (1985) also suggests that we acquire language as we
read.
Krashen (1985, 1991) discussed other features that encourage language acquisition.
The input must be provided in low anxiety situations without any pressure. Krashen
hypothesizes that affective factors must be lowered if acquisition is to take place. He
refers to “affective factors” as a kind of emotional barrier to language acquisition. For
example, anxiety or boredom in a language class may serve as a filter that blocks input
for the students in acquiring the target language. Krashen (1985) sums up by stating,
“we acquire when we obtain comprehensible input in a low anxiety situation, when we
are presented with interesting messages, and when we understand these messages”
(p. 10).
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Acquisition is contrasted with learning in Krashen’s theory. Learning is a
conscious process in which we focus on various aspects of the language itself (e.g.,
structure of a language). There is empirical evidence which shows that acquisition based
strategies are better than conscious learning methods in second language development
(EUey, 1991; Elley & Mangubhai, 1983; BCrashen, 1982). Thus, according to BCrashen’s
theory, language is acquired when it make sense, and “comprehensible input” is the
essential environmental ingredient in second language acquisition. In order to encourage
language acquisition, BCrashen presents the requirements for “optimal input,” to generate
language acquisition in a more natural way. The input must be comprehensible to the
acquirer, interesting and/or relevant, and provided in sufScient quantity and in low
anxiety situations. The importance of these requirement is also supported in research on
HL development.
Factors Affecting HL Development
There are more factors that inhibit than encourage the HL development. In this
section, the factors that encourage and the factors that inhibit HL development are
discussed in terms of comprehensible input and affective factors which are the essential
elements for development of any language (BCrashen, 1985,1991).
HL Input factors
Living in an environment surrounded by an HL is one of the best ways of getting
language input naturally, which is necessary for the development of HL. The more the
HL acquirers interact, the more comprehensible input the acquirer is likely to be exposed
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to and to acquire. Studies have shown that using HL at home, living in ethnic enclaves,
or traveling to the home coimtry, and reading in HL printed materials play an important
role in the development of the HL among ethnic minority children.
Consistently using the HL at home is found to be one of the important means of
sustaining the language. Fairbaim-Dunlop (1984) showed that maintaining or developing
children’s HL speaking ability, even through to a second generation, occurs when the
desire to do so and support from home is great. Fairbaim-Dunlop’s (1984) study
explored the use of the HL among 40 Samoan families living in New Zealand. Forty
parents were selected from seven schools in the Wellington area. Except for six of the
families, who migrated from Samoa, the rest of the children were bom in New Zealand.
Almost all of the Samoan parents (39 of 40) valued the importance of knowing the E D L
and children were encouraged to speak Samoan.
Table I:
Families where Samoan was spoken by children (N = 40)
Spoken at home__________Not Spoken at home
Fluent in Samoan 25
Mix Samoan and English 6
But not fluent 5
Bits and pieces 4
from: Fairbairn-Dunlop, 1984
The results showed that 78 percent of the subjects were fluent in their HL and an
additional 13 percent were reasonably competent speakers. Thirty-six of the 40 parents
were very proud that their children spoke Samoan. Three parents expressed sorrow for
the Maori people who were “losing their language.” One o f the main contributing factors
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to HL maintenance and development was “the strength and all pervasive nature of the
‘faaSamoa’ which guided all the parents’ actions and was the basis of the behavioral
expectations they held for their children” (p. 104). The basic beliefs of the “faaSamoa”
stem from a strong love of and loyalty to family, village, and country. The parents stove
for identity as Samoans by speaking the HL to their children and by living according to
the values and beliefs of the Samoan way of life.
Living in an ethnic community and being fuUy surrounded by the HL and having
more opportunity to interact naturally with HL speakers slows down the “language shift”
process whereby one gives up speaking the HL and adopts the language of the dominant
culture. Duncan and Lieberson (1959) and Lieberson (1970) showed that residential
segregation had an Important impact in slowing down the process of intergenerational
language shift in Canada.
Li (1982) analyzed the one percent pubhc-use sample of the 1970 U.S. Census data
limited to 4,046 Chinese-Americans. Li found that Chinese Americans living in a
“Chinatown environment” maintained and developed their HL much more than those
living in more residentially isolated places where HL input was limited and the
opportunities to speak in Chinese were fewer. Even though HL maintenance only lasted
through to the third generation, being surrounded by the HL (i.e., living in an ethnic
community) and having more opportunities to use the language ensured that more
generations maintained the HL and the language shift occurred at a slower pace.
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Table 2:
Percentage of adopting English as HL
Under 20 20-39 40-59 60+________Total
Second generation
Chinatown 14.2 9.4 6.2 0.0 II. 1
Outside 18.2 6.1 1.7 0.0 12.1
Third generation
Chinatown 49.1 28.8 25.3 21.9 37.8
Outside 77.8 50.0 45.2 27.3 64.8
From: Li, 1982
Traveling to the home country and interacting with HL speakers are other effective
ways of providing more comprehensible input for the HL acquirers. More interaction
means more input, and more input means more development. Frequent contacts with the
home country and continued identification with the family's ethnicity is influentieil in
creating a better identification with one’s ethnic group and culmre. In addition, making
personal contact with their ethnic group motivates children to leam the HL for
communication purposes. Moskos (1980) observed that the frequency of “trips back to
the old country” ostensibly promoted not only identification with Greek ethnicity but also
fluency in the Greek language.
Demos (1988) conducted a study to examine language retention among two groups
of Greek Orthodox Americans in two Greek Orthodox churches. A questionnaire was
given to 548 Greek Americans, one group in Minnesota and another group in Maryland.
The study showed that the frequency of visits to Greece correlated with better Greek
speaking ability.
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Table 3
Mean Greek speaking ability by generation
1st generation 2nd generation 3rd generation
Visit to Greece*
every 1-2 years (n=41) 3.96 3.77 3.00
every 3-5 years Cn=103) 3.86 3.21 2.78
every 10 years or less (n=229) 3.64 3.10 2.42
never (n =106) 3.60 2.81 2.09
*_E_<.001.
from: Demos, 1988
Free reading is one of the optimal ways to receive comprehensible input in a
comfortable and low anxiety environment. Numerous studies using students of English
as a second/foreign language have demonstrated that more reading resulted in increased
second language literacy (Elley, 1991; Elley & Mangubhai, 1983; Gradman & Hanania,
1992; Janopoulous, 1986; Kaplan & Palhina, 1981; Pitts, Salyer, 1987; Smart, 1978;
White, & Krashen, 1989). Light reading for pleasure or interest was suggested by
Krashen (1989), as a method that second language acquirers could use to facilitate their
reading ability. In keeping with this, McQuillan (1995) conducted research on HL
development. He designed a 10 week program in a university-level HL course and
compared two classes of mostly English-dominant Spanish for Native Speakers (SNS).
A total of 39 students participated in the study. In the experimental course, McQuillan
(1995) promoted free voluntary reading (PVR) of magazines, comic books, children’s
stories, and novels, among other texts. His findings indicated that providing students
with high interest reading materials in low anxiety environments produces positive
results. Students in his experimental class made significant and greater gains in
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vocabulary than the comparison group (mean gain = 8%, t = 3.12, p < .01) and, at the end
of the 10-week course, exhibited positive attitudes toward Spanish literacy development
and reading habits. The students found such reading to be a comprehensible and
enjoyable source of input and they developed a habit of reading which continued well
after the course had ended.
Affective Factors
There are many factors that inhibit HL development. In particular, there are four
significant barriers to HL development: (1) the language learning myth that discourages
children from using the HL; (2) an individual’s desire to be fully integrated into the target
culture, with rejection of the heritage culture, a stage many minority group members go
through (Tse, 1997); (3) societal pressure from unrealistic expectations of HL acquirers
causing HL learners to hesitate practicing the HL and thereby causing them to obtain less
input; and (4) poor HL teaching programs.
Language Learning Mvth Discouraging the Use
While parents want the best for their children, some may either intentionally or
unknowingly hinder HL development. A parental decision not to support the HL
development of their children will influence the learner’s attitudes against it. Two main
reasons that parents discourage HL development are their dominant language preference
and their belief that learning the HL may “confuse” the child and even harm English
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language development- Therefore, the parents discourage the use of HL by emphasizing
English use at home. As such, they discourage the use of HL development at home and
provide less HL input.
A very influential factor in parents’ decision to discourage HL development is the
belief that English is the tool to succeed in American society. Yim (1992) interviewed
young mothers with school-age children to find out about the mother’s role in their
children’s literacy. She discovered that mothers preferred that their children leam
English. For example, even though one of her subjects, Ngo, was fluent in Vietnamese,
she preferred to teach her children in her limited English. She wanted her children to
become Americanized, and she insisted that her children speak English at home and at
school. “They live in America now... I feel sure that if I make her [daughter] leam to
read and write [English] she will be successful [in America]” (p. 31).
In a self-reflective essay, Min (1997) describes how her parents purposely stopped
speaking in Korean at home so she would speak English perfectly. Though her parents
spoke to each other in their native tongue, with her brother and her, they used only one
language— English. She explains, “They [parents] didn’t want us to speak Korean, they
said, because they didn’t want even a trace o f an accent to infect our American-style
speech” (p. 106).
Feuerverger (1991) conducted research on 148 university students from various
language groups, including Italian, Portuguese, Chinese, Korean, Japanese, Hebrew,
Ukrainian, and Yiddish, who were studying their EL at the University of Toronto.
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The purpose of her study was to explore in depth the perceptions of Canadian ethnic
group members regarding HL learning and ethnic identity maintenance. The finding
showed that some group (e.g., Jewish group and Ukrainian group) were more motivated
with respect to language maintenance than other groups (e.g. Japanese group). However,
parental desire to assimilate to the dominant culture and wanting their children to forget
their HL were greater for parents whose literacy levels were low.
Jose, a Portuguese-Canadian student, stated.
The Portuguese in Canada who say “Be Canadian and forget your Portuguese”
come form small villages and have a low education. They were already
disenfranchised in Portugal because of their lack of education and now they are
doubly disenfranchised. If they feel like they had no right to be a part of the
decision-making process in Portugal, they feel that even more so in Canada
(p. 665).
Feuerverger commented that,
“. .. it is more difficult for immigrants to leam English when they have not been
schooled in their own language. It is therefore not surprising that they would want
their children to forget their heritage because they feel that they literally have
nothing to pass on to them. This negative legacy leaves many children of
immigrants without an anchor and vulnerable to the forces of assimilation”
(p.665).
Another reason that parents discourage HL development is their belief that learning
HL may harm English language development.
Brook’s (1988) study found that there has been a shift from the Japanese language
to the English language among Japanese Americans living in Los Angeles. A
combination of participant observation, a survey, and interviews were used to collect the
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data. While Japanese is still being maintained by the first generation (i.e., Issei) as their
primary language, English has become the primary language of almost aU second, third,
and fourth generation Japanese Americans. One of the main contributing factors to the
shift has been the belief in the “myth of unsuccessful dual language acquisition”
(p. 132). Brook found that, many Issei parents discouraged their children firom
continuing to speak Japanese because they believed that their children’s acquisition of
English would be hindered by the HL.
Yoon and Nussenbaum (1987) conducted a study in three school districts in
Northern New Jersey to investigate Korean parents’ educational aspirations for their
children. One-hundred twenty-three Korean parents responded to the questionnaire used
in the study. The data showed that the majority (84%) of the children were bom in Korea
and the majority (69%) of the families had been in the U.S. fewer than five years. Nearly
half of the parents expressed the opinion that their children needed to improve their
Korean language. A majority (60%) of the parents wanted their children to be English
dominant. They wanted their children to speak the dominant language and to move into
the mainstream society as quickly as possible. “In other words, they willingly accepted
the slower development of the children’s Korean skills in favor of rapid learning of
English skills” (p. 55). This may indicate that many parents beheved that the
development of the native language might impede or retard second language learning.
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la summary, parents are a major influential factor in their children’s HL
development. They can encourage children to develop the HL by creating an environment
in which it is valued, fostered, and practiced, and they can enhance HL development by
providing HL input at home. However, parents also can discourage HL development by
emphasizing the use of English.
Individual Desire to be Fullv Integrated into the Target Culture
Parental support is not the only influential factor in the development of the HL.
When children are very young, they are more vulnerable to their parents’ influence.
However, when children begin to associate with others, the parental influence diminishes.
When a child begins to attend school, the linguistic behaviors of his peers, together with
the official language of instruction and the language use of authorities, begin to play a
role in the child’s capabilities and preferences toward different languages. She or he will
be heavily influenced by peers and society. When the child makes a more definite break
with the parental home, such as entry into the work force, college, or marriage, then the
individual decision about HL development will predominate. The stages of ethnic
identity development also play a role in HL development.
Phiimey (1989) and Atkinson, Morten, and Sue (1989) have proposed that ethnic
identity develops through predictable stages. Tse (1996) has proposed four stages of
ethnic identity development through which members of minority cultures often pass.
These four stages are as follows: (1) unawareness o f ethnic differences; (2) ethnic
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ambivalence/evasion, in which ethnic minorities prefer assimilation into the mainstream
group, and the use of English; (3) ethnic emergence, in which there is a preference for the
ethnic group over the mainstream, which could be caused by the experience of prejudice
and/or exposure to issues of ethnicity; and (4) ethnic identity incorporation, in which
ethnic minorities resolve their conflicts about ethnicity and find membership in the
majority as well as the minorily groups.
Ethnic identity development stages can influence HL development. If an HL
acquirer is in stage 2, it could be very difBcult to encourage HL acquisition because it is
in stage 2, according to Tse (1996), that ethnic minorities are likely feel uncomfortable
with their ethnic association; therefore, unlikely they will be interested in acquiring own
HLs. Tse states that in stage 3, ethnic minorities “realize their inability to fully fit into
and be accepted by mainstream society, confront their feelings of alienation and seek
alternative groups to join” and; therefore, proficiency in the HL can facilitate movement
into stage 3. HL development is possible if HL acquirer is in the final “Ethnic Identity
Incorporation” stage in which ethnic minorities join the ethnic American group and
resolve many of the conflicting feelings about their ethnic identity. If HL development is
seen as important for the membership, then the HL acquirer is likely to value it and want
to acquire it. Depending on what stage of ethnic identity one is in, it can be a catalyst for
the individual in developing one’s HL or it can affect negatively.
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Societal Pressure from Unrealistic Expectations for HL Acquirers
Social factors have an impact on the kind of learning that takes place, whether
informal or formal. Both types can occur in natural and educational settings. There is a
tendency for informal learning to occur in natural settings and formal learning to occur in
educational settings, particularly in foreign language classrooms. Social factors can play
an important role in giving HL acquirers the HL input and support they need to develop
the HL. While school and society can play an important role in giving HL learners the
support they need to develop positive attimdes towards the HL, they also can put up
barriers to maintenance and development. Studies had shown that, ironically, “unspoken
expectations” toward HL learners can be a barrier which keeps them from acquiring their
HL.
Several case studies have shown that the expectations of fluent HL speakers have a
major impact on less fluent HL speakers’ performance. The unspoken expectation that
every member of an HL group should speak the language prevents less fluent speakers
from doing their best, sometimes even causing them to give up trying to leam the
language. Krashen (1998) presented case histories in which smdents were discouraged
from speaking the HL because their imperfections were salient to more proficient
speakers of the same HL group. The less proficient HL speakers were corrected and even
“ridiculed” by fluent HL speakers.
I began to realize as I spoke Spanish to my relatives, they would constantly correct
my grammar or pronunciation. Of course, since I was a fairly yoimg child the
mistakes I made were ‘cute’ to them and they would giggle and correct me. This
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would annoy me to no end. I wasn’t trying to be ‘cute’; I was trying to be serious.
My relatives would say, ‘You would never know that you are the daughter of an
Argentine.’ Comments 1 like these along with others are what I now believe shut
me off to Spanish (p. 42).
A student in a university level Spanish class for native speaker course recalled,
“My father still interrupts me repeatedly every time I speak Spanish in his
presence to correct my grammar or pronunciation. I do my best to speak only
English in his company” (p. 43).
As Krashen (1998) has pointed out, error correction or criticism can be critical to less
proficient HL speakers. Instead of helping them master the correct way of speaking the
language, the corrections inhibit them firom speaking, out of fear of making errors.
Consequently they tend to withdraw and interact less with HL groups. “Less proficient
speakers will interact less in the HL, less interaction means less input, and less input
means less development.”
A similar case study was presented by Min (1997), in a recent self-reflective essay.
Min (1997) shared how fluent HL speakers made her feel ashamed of her imperfect
Korean speaking skills. She described a couple of incidents in which she was
discouraged firom speaking the HL. Once, she was in a nail salon and she overheard a
conversation in which some Korean manicurists were talking about her.
‘What a shame! Another Korean who cannot speak the language,’ the woman
filing my fingernails said to her colleague, both of them shaking their heads in
disapproval. Her remark hit me, and I stumbled for the right words to defend
myself.”
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In another incident, Min (1997) attempted to make conversation with a Korean-speaking
woman in her neighborhood, but was rejected. She confesses, “my efforts were clearly
unimpressive. She snickered at my accent and answered me in English” (p. 106). These
painful incidents remained with her for a long time. By the time she was in college, she
had stopped trying to speak Korean. She stated, “No one expected me to speak the
language anyway... I always felt that a part of me had been silenced” (p. 106).
Garreton (1995) conducted a qualitative study to determine the extent to which the
lives of native heritage learners were affected by their HL learning experiences. She
interviewed 15 native heritage learners of seven languages: Chinese, German, Greek,
Japanese, Korean, Polish, and Spanish. Twelve were bom in the U.S. and four came to
the U.S. at a young age. They all attended weekend HL schools or HL classes. One of
the subjects discussed the problem that she was having with HL natives. Kiyoko
explained, “Because I look Japanese, Japanese people expect me to speak [Japanese]
perfectly-that is a lot of tension that I feel” (p.99). She recalls one specific instance where
she had to address the congregation at her temple.
I went to the Buddhist meeting, everyone was Japanese, except for me-I was
considered American I guess. They conducted the meeting in Japanese. This was
the hardest, the most frightening experience I had had, trying to speak Japanese in
front of all those other Japanese people. Some of them didn’t really know my
background, others knew more; I stuttered, I felt like I could have spoken a lot
better had I been more comfortable in the situation, but the tension was there(p. 99).
Gupta and Yeok’s (1995) research showed that certain comments can inhibit and
even deter HL development. They conducted a longitudinal study collected over a period
of 14 weeks by participant observation in a Singaporean Chinese family of 15 members.
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They found that, despite the family’s efforts, HL development was not occurring in the
family; instead, a rapid language shift between the communication of children to
grandparents was occurring. The researchers pointed out how certain comments
humiliated and discouraged younger children from speaking the HL and alienated them
from their HL speaking grandparents. On one occasion, the seven-year-old grandson,
after much prompting, thanked his grandmother in Cantonese. His older cousin then
commented, “You speak like a foreigner trying to learn Cantonese.” The boy felt rejected
and was discouraged about speaking the HL. Consistent with other third generation
subjects’ reactions, he avoided contact with the HL speaker group by physically moving
away from his grandparents or ignoring his grandparents’ efforts at communication.
The hidden expectation of HL speakers can be devastating to less proficient HL
speakers. Instead of helping to instill in them the importance of knowing the HL, the
pressure can create the adverse effect of avoiding interaction with HL speakers.
Poor HL Teaching Programs
Studies have shown that attending HL schools helps students to develop positive
attitudes towards the HL, its group and its culture. Tse (1998) reviewed research on the
relationship between school-sponsored HL programs and attitudinal factors to identify
gaps in the literature. She concluded that contact with the HL in an environment that is
supportive of its development will yield positive attitudinal changes. She also concluded
that ethnic minority individuals may benefit from HL development. The most positive
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attitudes seem to be in those students who are in programs sanctioned by their day school
and are integrated into the regular school curriculum. It is likely that students who
perceive their school as recognizing the importance and value of having first language
ability also develop such opinions.
Research has also shown that there are certain problems associated with HL
schools and classes that prevent HL learners firom acquiring the language.
Several research studies showed that HL attendees hold negative attitudes about the
structure of many HL courses. Formal HL instruction is usually done outside of school,
as Saturday classes or as after-school classes. Students consistently complain about the
way the classes are run because they interrupt their weekend or after-school time.
Garreton (1995) interviewed HL learners about the HL school experience. Most of
them began their HL training at an early age; they attended Saturday or Sunday schools,
had tutors, or attended full-time language schools. The decision to begin formal language
instruction was their parents’, and most of them did not enjoy their early experience.
Mine, a junior at a private university, recalled.
When I was six years old my father enrolled me in Saturday school to leam
Japanese, so I went every Saturday for about six hours . . . I hated it, I really did. I
was very jealous of my sister [because] she got to go to swim meets and I had to
go to Saturday school (p. 87).
Rika, another Japanese American college student, had a similar experience.
Well, I missed the Saturday morning cartoons so I didn’t like it at first, and
basically [with] all the kids, the attitude was the same thing: ‘Oh, we’re here
because our parents forced us to come.’ There wasn’t lot of ‘let’s try and keep our
heritage, let’s leam Japanese.’ It was more like ‘Let’s try and survive the two
hours and go home’ (p. 87).
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Similar views were found in Feuerverger’s (1989) study which explored the attitude
of eighth-grade students emoUed in either “integrated” or “non-integrated” HL programs.
Using a survey, Feuerverger (1989) compared the attitudes of Italian-Canadian eighth-
graders in two Toronto schools. Students enrolled in “non-integrated” Italian heritage
language programs (weekend programs) felt that a weekend program was an “unfair” and
“inappropriate” means of teaching an ethnic language and culture. They did not consider
their HL program a legitimate school subject because it did not take place during school
hours. When students were asked which program they would prefer if given a choice
between the two formats, they unanimously opted for the integrated program.
Kim (1984) synthesized research about Koreans in America and identified some of
the major causes of difficulties they face. He pointed out that, consistently, children
complain about the tediousness of the Korean language school experience. He noted the
decline of school enrollment as students become older and less responsive to their
parents. Kim found that students begin school at around the age of five, enrollm ent
begins to drop off at about age 11, with few children attending after the age of 15.
Yet, Kim defended the importance of HL school, regardless of how well or poorly the
schools fulfill their varied goals because they imbued the children with a sense of
community. Children found the school experience tedious but formed strong social
bonds which reinforce the feeling of community. Kim concluded that the children’s
ambivalence and negative attitudes toward HL school was because of the quality of
instructional activities and materials and the inconvenient schedule of the classes.
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Another factor that inhibits HL development is the inappropriate methodology used
in HL schools and classes. The classes tend to rely on traditional, teacher-centered and
whole-class methods rather than using a method that provides students with a great deal
of comprehensible input.
Brook (1988) analyzed 83 questionnaires administered to Japanese Americans and
recent immigrants living in Los Angeles and Orange Counties. The results showed that
despite the efforts to maintain the HL in the Japanese American community by speaking
HL in their homes and ethnic institutions (i.e., church, ethnic organizations, media) and
by sending their children to HL schools, the use of Japanese in the community was greatly
decreasing with the Nisei (i.e., second) and subsequent generations. Brook cited the HL
school program as one of the contributing factors for the failure of HL maintenance.
While some students have acquired a basic knowledge of writing, reading and speaking
Japanese, most Japanese Americans have not benefited by their formal HL education.
On the whole, it seems that the majority of the Nisei grudgingly went to Japanese
schools. After-school hours spent in Japanese classrooms, dull and meaningless
study of a language that seemed extremely difficult and strict discipline enforced
by the instructors left some second generation with bitter feelings toward Japanese
language learning (p. 101).
Brook (1988) categorized the responses into two groups: second generation
Japanese Americans in one group and third or fourth generation Japanese Americans in
the other. Even though the two groups grew up under different social, cultural and
economic circumstances, their attitudes toward HL schools were quite similar. Five out
of 15 second generation subjects, who attended HL schools when they were younger.
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responded that they were not motivated to attend the HL schools because they were
forced to attend and the classes were boring. “There was nothing inspirational about
spending weekends in a spartan language classroom where the emphasis was on
memorization” (p. 103). Nine out of the 22, third generation Japanese Americans who
went to HL schools also did not feel positive about their attendance. They stated, “Too
boring, too rigid and academic to be stimulating to a kid”; “The school that I attended was
baby-sitting the students rather than teaching Japanese”; “Hard to get motivated as a
young kid to be in school all day Satnrday when friends are playing” ; “The Japanese
teachers spoke such poor Enghsh that they had trouble explaining Japanese grammatical
concepts to us in English.”
Even those who answered that they were motivated to attend HL school expressed
their feelings of hesitance by adding “to an extent” “somewhat” and other qualifiers to
their responses. “It was important to my parents that I leam Japanese and a bit about the
Japanese culture.”; “To an extent, but most of the time we were forced to go so I didn’t
feel like studying.”; “ I don’t know how much it motivated me. I just figured on my own
that 1 should keep up with it.”
“This is a weak ‘yes’ since Japanese school was more of a social environment and
learning Japanese was not of utmost importance at that time. Motivation came in
my later years when my interaction with real Japanese people increased and
sparked my interest in studying Nihongo and then the Japanese learned at J-school
became very useful” (p. 104).
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Geer (1981) compared two groups o f 48 Korean Americans, ages 10 to 14, in New
York. One group had attended Korean language school for a minimum o f two years and
the other group had not attended Korean language school. The HL school attendees had
more positive attitudes about the ethnic group and closer identification with Koreans
compared to the non-attendees. However, the analysis of questionnaire responses showed
that those with ethnic school experience did not appear to have especially favorable
attitudes towards the language school itself. Geer used the participant-observation
method to investigate further. The major emphasis of the school’s curriculum was to
develop Korean language skills including reading, listening, speaking, writing and
translating between Korean and English. Typical curriculum for primary grades was
mainly writing the Korean alphabet and words describing objects. It also included
vocabulary quizzes, worksheet exercises and text book reading. In addition, there was a
great deal of emphasis on learning Korean songs. Classroom activities for the oldest
students focused on basic Korean grammar and speech in addition to the curriculum for
primary grades. They also had to translate English sentences to Korean and vis-à-vis.
In a more recent evaluation of Korean language schools, Kim (1992) investigated
the teaching methods and techniques of three representative schools in Southern
California. He surveyed 170 students, 146 parents, 44 teachers, and three principals. In
addition, he interviewed three teachers, three parents, and three students firom each school
site in order to obtain more detailed information. A checklist was used to conduct
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classroom observations. The findings showed that most of the teachers did not use a
variety of techniques or methods that provided comprehensible input in a low anxiety
situation rather, they primarily used phonics, rote memory and definition finding
methods. Students in the seventh grade and above were combined in one class. The
curriculum was almost the same as the one used for fifth and sixth graders, except there
was more emphasis on grammar.
Table 4
Results o f HL Classroom observations (N = 30)
“Always or Usually”______________ “Rarely or never”
n (percentage)
Teacher uses various techniques
(e.g. choral work, small gr., individual work...) 11 (37.0) 19(63.0)
Teacher use proper paralinguistic clues
(e.g. kinetics, objects, pictures...) 10(33.0) 19 (63.0)
Teacher recognizes and manages different
ability levels in the classroom. 4(13.0) 26(87.0)
from: Kim (1992)
Kim’s (1992) findings also showed that parents are very interested in helping their
children develop and maintain appreciation for the Korean culture and language.
Although children stated that learning Korean is important, they often expressed
ambivalent and sometimes negative attitudes toward Korean schools, as compared with
the positive views expressed by their parents and teachers.
Crattenden (1986) found that students in Chinese language schools lacked interest
in attending classes even though they believed that learning Chinese is important.
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Cruttenden studied three ethnic Chinese schools in San Diego, California. Subjects
included four principals, 14 teachers, 101 parents, and 53 students. Of the 53 students, 95
percent responded that Chinese was important to them. When students were asked which
of the aspects of Chinese school they Uked the best, 65 percent of the students indicated
academic aspects and 43 percent non-academic aspects (i.e., fidends, recess). However,
almost all of the students (94%) complained about the academic aspects of the Chinese
schools. Academic complaints were equally divided between course content, teaching
methods, and the time commitment involved in attending class and doing homework.
The majority of complaints about teaching methods were that the classes were boring and
firustrating. This researcher claimed that students were not motivated by classes because
of the outmoded teaching methods and that they mainly attended school because of their
parents’ wishes.
Shibata’s (1988) study also found that traditional teaching methods were used in
HL schools. Questionnaires were distributed to 24 principals and 15 teachers from 24
Japanese language schools in the Los Angeles and Orange County areas. Shibata also
observed a total of 10 classrooms in three sample schools. The findings show that almost
all schools integrated Japanese cultural subjects into the language curriculum. The
classroom observations also revealed that teachers used mostly grammar-translation
techniques, especially for the higher grades. Reading out loud was another technique
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used by teachers. Students were asked to simply read aloud from readers, and then they
copied the material. Their pronimciatioii was corrected while they were reading.
Dictation was used to teach writing.
Another problem that HL learners complained about was that foreign language
classes had an inappropriate mix of native HL students with non-native students.
Krashen (1996) described the case of “false beginners” (or “false intermediates”) in
foreign language classes. Some HL speakers enroll for foreign language courses that are
intended for non-natives. Such courses nearly always focus on the conscious learning of
grammatical rules. Quite often, weak HL speakers lack just those rules that are
emphasized in class and are penahzed for it. Non-heritage language speakers who are
good at grammar will outperform weak HL speakers on grammar tests and get higher
grades in the classes, even if they may be incapable of communicating the simplest idea
in the HL. The weak HL speaker may be quite competent in conversation and fail the
grammar test. This only adds to the weak HL speaker’s problem, giving him or her even
less confidence in his or her command of the HL.
The unspoken expectation puts HL speakers in a no-win situation. Even if HL
speakers do well in class, their success is devaluated because they are members of the HL
group and they are expected to speak the language. One of Krashen’s (1998) subjects
reflected on a judgment she received from her fellow classmates in high school.
‘What are you taking Spanish classes for? They must be easy for you.’ Or
’you’re taking it for an easy A, aren’t you?’. .. Tmthfully, the Spanish classes I
took in high school were hard and I had to work with my grammar and accent for
a long period of time (p. 45).
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In Garreton’s (1995) study, Lorena felt the disadvantage of being a native speaker.
. . . because we grew up speaking [Spanish] and we know it, but we don’t know
the rules and 1 have had trouble actually learning them because 1 just let it go and
say, ‘Well, I know this.” If they say “Past” 1 know what the past is ,. . .
disadvantage for me because I notice that the students that have to leam Spanish,
firom the beginning, they don’t know anything, they are on a higher level than 1
am” (p. 102).
The pressure from the unrealistic expectations that HL learners should speak their
heritage language and the inappropriate teaching methods used in most of HL classes are
the main sociocultural factors that inhibit HL development.
Summarv of Factors Affecting HL Development
In summary, maintaining HL in addition to English proficiency is shown to have
individual, familial, and sociocultural advantages. As long as English is acquired, it is
harmless to the individual and may even be beneficial. There are other advantages of HL
development, as Krashen (1998) states, “. . . advantages of HL development that do not
obviously translate into dollars and cents but appear, nevertheless, to be very important”
(p. 9).
Despite the advantages to bilingualism, it is difficult to develop and maintain one’s
HL. Even when HL development is encouraged, there are more inhibitory factors than
those that encourage HL development. In particular, as noted above, there are four
barriers to HL development: (1) the language learning myth that discourages children
from using the HL; (2) an individual’s desire to be fully integrated into the target culture,
with rejection of the heritage culture; (3) societal pressure from unrealistic expectations
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o f HL learners; and (4) poor heritage language teaching programs. These barriers explain
why HL is lost so rapidly and why language shift to the dominate language is inevitable
for many language minority groups.
Research Hypotheses
1. Having developed one’s HL, in addition to English, will result in no
disadvantages, only advantages. In addition, having strong HL competence will
positively aSect relationships with parents, relationships with the HL community,
relationships with HL speakers from one’s country of origin, and personal, as well as
societal, well being.
2. High language input will yield positive effects on the development of the HL
among Korean American adults. Specifically, those who spend time in Korea will have
better HL competency, those who attend HL school or HL class will have better HL
competency, those who read more Korean printed materials will have better HL
competency, and those whose parents speak HL at home will have better HL competency.
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CHAPTER m
METHODOLOGY
This chapter presents the methodology used in this study. The chapter begins with
the purpose of the study, followed by the research questions, research hypothesis,
research design, the subjects, instruments and analyses, and independent and dependent
variables. The chapter concludes with a presentation of methodological assumptions and
limitations.
The Study
The purpose of this study is to explore the consequences of second generation
Korean American adults, considered language minority individuals, having or not having
HL competence. In addition, the study will examine factors that may have contributed to
or inhibited the development of the heritage language of these Korean American adults.
Research Questions
This study seeks to answer the following research questions:
1. What are the effects of having or not having developed heritage language among
Korean American adults in terms of disadvantages or advantages, specifically in regard to
family relationships, social relationships and personal well being?
2. What language factors contribute to HL competency?
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Research Design
The present study is intended to reveal the ways in which HL competence affects
second generation Korean Americans and their relationships and social interactions with
HL speakers. The researcher used in-depth interviews with one group of subjects and a
questionnaire with another group of subjects to obtain comprehensive responses from
second generation Korean Americans. To differentiate between the two groups, the
interview group is known as the “community group” and the questionnaire group as the
“HL class group.” The questionnaire data provide quantitative data on outcomes and the
interview data and the open-ended part of the questionnaire provide qualitative data on
the participants’ values and feelings.
The data collected from the “HL community” and “HL class” groups were
combined and sorted by the respondent’s self-assessed HL competence. Using these self-
assessments, the study compared one group of participants who had “strong HL
competence” to another group who had “weak or no HL competence.”
Subjects
The participants were limited to adults between the ages of 18 and 35. Early
adulthood is a period in which more interaction with diverse groups take place, and young
adults may have a keen awareness of the consequences of having developed or not
developed their HL. Therefore, the results of the study can be considered related to the
development or non-development of one’s HL, as other issues are controlled for.
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Participants have lived in a sim ilar era, and have had similar educational backgrounds,
social interactions, and concerns (e.g. leaving the parental home, entering into the work
force, going to college, or getting married). In addition, the criteria of selection were
broadened by including Korean American adults who immigrated to the U.S. before
school age. For the purpose of the analysis, the term second generation Korean
American is used to include Korean Americans who were either bom in the U.S. or who
immigrated to the U.S. before school age; therefore, they grew up and began their formal
education in this coimtry.
For the “HL community group,” 16 second generation Korean Americans adults
participated in the interviews. Subjects were obtained through Korean language classes,
Korean churches, and personal acquaintances. The participants included both women and
men, those who have experienced and have not experienced learning the HL, and those
who lived in both Korean and non-Korean neighborhoods.
For the “HL class group,” the researcher used data from a questioimaire that was
distributed to all second generation Korean American students enrolled in beginning
through advanced level Korean language courses at a private language program and at a
university. Copies of the questionnaire were handed out in various Korean language
classes at both campuses, sometimes by the instmctors and sometimes by the researcher.
The subject recruitment phase took place over three consecutive years (1996 to 1998).
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There were 117 participants; however, 19 cases were excluded, since they were not
second generation Korean American adults, leaving useable data from 98 respondents.
The respondents include 47 beginning, 30 intermediate, and 21 advanced level students.
A total of 114 subjects were used in the final analysis, which included 16 from the
interviews and 98 who filled out the questionnaire. Of these 114 subjects, there were 72
females and 42 males, of whom 55 were second generation Korean Americans bom in the
U.S. and 59 came to the U.S. at an early age (mean = 2.02 years; sd = 2.42). Only those
whose parents are both Korean were included in the analysis. The rationale behind this
was to have a balanced language input from both parents.
Procedures and Data Analysis
For the "HL community group” data, in-depth semi-structured interviews were used
to determine the experiences and perceptions of these subjects (Patton, 1987) in regard to
their language and family backgrounds, and their social relationships in which HL played
a role. The interview questions concerned personal background, language use in the
family, attitude toward the HL, and personal experiences using the HL outside the family.
Although the main questions were used to organize the interviews, the participants were
encouraged to elaborate on their thoughts as freely as possible. Detailed notes were taken
during the interviews and the interviews were tape recorded. The tape recorded sessions
were transcribed.
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For the “HL class group” data, the questionnaire was developed mainly from the
responses we gathered during several interviews used in the pilot study. Also, anecdotal
evidence and personal observation were used in developing the questionnaire items.
Similar to the interview questions, the main questions of the questionnaire concerned
personal background, language use in the family, attitude toward the HL, and personal
experiences using the HL outside the family, and two open-ended questions. The first
open-ended question asked the respondents to recount their experiences in interactions
with other Koreans, as they related to the respondent’s own Korean language ability. The
second open-ended question asked the respondents to state their reasons for wanting to
improve their HL.
In the first part of the analysis, the interview data and the responses to the two
open-ended questions from the questionnaire were examined in regard to the effects of
having or not having developed one’s HL among Korean American adults. Using
qualitative analysis procedures (Strauss & Corbin, 1990), both the interview transcripts
and the open-ended part of the questionnaire were coded and categorized allowing several
themes to emerge.
In the second part of the analysis, both interview and the questionnaire data were
used to determine which language input factors affect the HL development of the
participants. Data were obtained by the questionnaire administered to “HL class” group
(Appendix A). In addition, the verbal responses of the interviewees were quantified and
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included in the analysis. The data were coded for computer analysis using the SPSS
package, which is commonly used for statistical analysis in the social science including
the area of linguistics. Various procedures available in this package were applied to the
data, in particular, frequency and descriptive analyses, correlation, and regression.
Independent and Dependent Variables
The independent variables included the source of HL input the subjects received.
The independent variables were based on the Language Backgroimd Questionnaire (LBQ)
found in Appendix A. The LBQ was used as a guide during the interviews. Through the
LBQ, biographical information was obtained concerning the relative amounts of Korean
language which subjects were exposed to and received through various sources such as
visiting Korea, watching Korean programs, attending HL classes, reading printed
materials in Korean and parental HL input at home.
HL input (Input) is measured by a scale containing five Likert-type items which ask
subjects about their HL input. A higher score indicates high HL input.
The dependent variables included the following HL fluency items: (a) HL speaking
ability, (b) HL listening ability, (c) HL reading ability, (d) HL writing ability, and
(e) overall HL skills. The dependent variables were assigned values by asking
participants to rate their own levels of HL abilities on a Likert-type scale (1 = very poor,
2 = poor, 3 = average, 4 = good, 5 = very good). “Weak HL competence” represents a
range of 1 to 2, “average HL competence” is 3, and “strong HL competence” is a range of
4 to 5 from the above scale.
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Methodological Assumptions
The following methodological assumptions were considered in this study:
1. The samples of adult subjects in the study were sufficiently representative of the
second generation Korean American population to permit the generalization of findings.
2. The self-reports of subjects were honest and not affected by a desire to be
socially acceptable.
3. The instruments employed were reasonably reliable and valid measures of the
constructs that they were intended to represent.
4. The procedures employed in the data analyses were appropriate to obtain the
evidence necessary to answer the research questions.
5. Methods of test scoring and of data collection recording were relatively free
of error.
Methodological Limitations:
The following limitations posed a possible threat to the internal and external
validity of this study.
1. Validity may be compromised in cases where the honesty of the subject’s self-
report was compromised.
2. The extent to which any of the methodological assumptions were not met would
constitute a limitation to the study.
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CHAPTER IV
ANALYSIS OF THE FINDINGS
This chapter contains an analysis of the data collected through in-depth interviews
and a questionnaire. The data will be used to answer the research questions posed in the
study. Research findings are first presented through focusing on the responses of four
representative individuals chosen from the larger pool of interviewees. Second, the
findings are reported in terms of the effects of having or not having developed HL on
family and social relationships and for personal well being. Third, the language factors
that influence HL competency are discussed.
Four Representative Participants
Four participants were selected as the main “voices” for the study. While the
opinions of all 16 interviewees and open-ended portion from the questionnaire are present
in this study, the following four exemplify the different backgrounds and personal
histories we discovered in our interviews. These four individuals were able to articulate
their beliefs and experiences and explain their reactions in ways that helped us understand
some of the issues highlighted by the entire group. Cami and Sandy have “weak Korean
competence,” whereas Albert and Hae Jin have strong HL competence, according to the
self-assessed HL proficiency measure.
Cami is a 26-year-old Korean American adult who works at a government ofiBce in
Southern California. She immigrated to the U.S. at age three with her parents. Even
though she spoke Korean before entering elementary school, she has lost most of her
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Korean skills. English is her dominant language. Cami speaks English with her parents,
her brother, and her friends. She does not speak in Korean “with anybody anymore.”
Even when her father speaks to her in Korean, she answers him back in English. Cami
confessed that the loss of her capacity to use the HL interferes with her ability to
communicate with her parents.
I felt more than a literacy and cultural gap with my parents like... think of the
most basic friction that a parent and a child can have. It [the relationship] is
aggravated when they don’t speak the same langtiage. Not just in a sophisticated
way. I don’t speak it. We can’t understand each other.
Once, she felt ashamed of her own heritage language.
I felt embarrassed when people were speaking in Korean or a parent took a child
to translate for them because they don’t speak English. That would make me angry
and embarrassed; but, now, I try to see this differently.
Cami refused to leam Korean in college; but, now her attitude has changes.
Now, 1 want to leam Korean. Before, I rejected it bluntly. ‘No, I am not Korean.
This is America. You leam English. I’m an English major; I am an American.’
But, now I see the need to leam Korean. I can’t say that I am an American because
that is not the whole of me. America is comprised of all these different cultures
and, once you become an American, you don’t just erase the past or your
background completely. You don’t try to sublimate it.
Cami confessed that “If I were fluent in Korean, I would have had a different opportunity
with Koreans.”
Sandy, 26, was bom in the U.S. and lived all her life in a “mainly white”
neighborhood. She is an accountant, currently working in a big business corporation.
Her parents were very supportive of her HL development. Sandy received HL instruction
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from her father on basics such as Korean alphabet and basic readings until she entered
elementary school. During her elementary school years, she also attended a church
related Korean language school for about three years. Despite her early training, she rates
her Korean proficiency as “poor.” Similar to Cami and other “weak HL “ speakers, Sandy
has a communication gap with her parents due to her HL proficiency. In addition to the
intergenerational conflict, she also faces conflict with HL speakers. She tries to avoid HL
speakers as much as possible.
I try to stay away as much as I can, from Koreans, since I don’t understand at all. I
don’t know, but I don't consider myself as a Korean American. I consider myself as
an American who is Korean. People [her officemates] see that I have that kind of
attitude. They label me as very much an Americanized Korean and I know that,
because of the language barrier, people ban me from Korean activities. I don’t get
asked to do a lot of things with the Korean community.
Sandy fears associating with fluent Korean speakers because of her preconception
about how they would treat a non-fluent Korean American such as she. This is one of the
reasons why she does not want to travel to Korea.
At our age, we have a desire to travel, but I don’t have a desire to travel to Korea.
Korea is not even in my list o f places to go. Plus, I heard how discriminatory they
are when you can’t speak Korean. Everyone looks down on you.
Albert, 30, a fluent Korean speaker, was bom in Virginia and then moved to San
Francisco where he lived for 18 years. He is currently working on a graduate degree in
Education. Even though he did not have any contact with Koreans until he entered
college, he maintained his Korean speaking abilities and is fluent in Korean. He is
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competent enough to translate for others, read the Bible, and listen to a sermon given in
Korean. Another aspect of Albert’s family background, that appeared in several other
interviewees as well, was the role his parents played in his language learning process. He
attributed HL speaking ability to several factors. First, he was he was always forced to
speak in Korean at home.
I learned at an early ag e... my parents were telling me that if I asked for som ething;
If I said, ‘Mommy, I want some milk,’ they wouldn’t even answer me. I had to
speak in Korean to get a response firom them. I was like their little project because
they were so afraid that I would lose my Koreanness, so they didn’t answer me.
But, my Korean got really bad in junior high school and high school because I only
talked in Korean with my parents. Then, when 1 came to college, 1 picked it up
again.
Then, he also attributed his “strong HL competence” to reading Korean printed materials,
such as Korean newspapers and a Korean version of the Bible, as well as to participation
in church.
When 1 was little, my parents read to me. They read to me little silly books like
‘Sambo.’ 1 read the book when I was little and then, when 1 got to high school my
parents wanted me to read more. My father wanted me to read the newspaper
everyday and it was hard enough to read the newspaper in English. So 1 read the
Chronicle everyday, and then he always had “The Korea Times.” So 1 tried to read
some of that; it was hard, but 1 read it. It was boring. A lot of political stuff...
Probably, I think, as far as reading, it would be through church because 1 attended a
very Korean church when 1 came down here [Los Angeles]. I had no choice, but to
attend bible study and to listen to sermons in Korean, communicate in Korean, and
pray in Korean, and stuff like that. So that had a lot to do wdth my in developing
Korean competence. 1 would read the Bible in Korean. So that’s probably where I
got mostly my Korean firom.
Also, similar to others in the “strong HL competence” group, Albert did not fear
associating with Korean native speakers. His relationship with HL speakers was very
pleasant. He was accepted by his ethnic group members and felt a sense of belonging.
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I think they [HL speakers] liked me because I made such an efifort to leam. And
they were always like ‘Wow, you were bom here? Your Korean is so good,
considering you were bom here.’ And I think they liked the fact that I kept speaking
to them in Korean. So they were pretty amazed that I knew so much, considering all
the students that they compared to me.
His motivation for improving his HL competence was to know more about his heritage
and his identity. His interest in associating with other Koreans basically sprang from his
father’s constant reminder of his ethnicity and of his culture. Another factor was his
“visible minority” status in the U.S., which continuously reminded him of his ethnicity.
When he interacted with mainstream people, became aware of his “visible minority”
status.
No matter how much I try to adopt the American culture, I don’t fit in. I always
feel marginalized. It’s the little th in g s that people think don’t happen, but it does
happen all the time. A year ago, when I was th in k in g of applying as an English
language teacher, I was talking to the director of the program, I was thinking about
teaching English. He said ‘Wow, your English is perfect. I don’t understand why
you want to join this program.’ I said, ‘No no no.’ And it’s a little five second
comment like that that makes you know this person looks at you differently.
Whether you speak perfectly or not, articulate your thoughts or not. They think
that you’re not a native English speaker; they th in k you’re not an American.
Hae Jin, 22, another Korean American, was bom in Korea and came to the U.S.
when she was four years old. According to her, she is bilingual. She speaks Korean and
English perfectly.
I never considered myself to be a bilingual until I actually got here [university] and
realized that I can talk to my friends in English or in Korean. I took it for granted
that I had [mastered both languages]. I didn’t realize until I came to college. 1
really looked back and 1 really thanked my mother for making me to go to Korean
language school all this time.
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Hae Jin maintained her Korean by visiting Korea regularly once a year until she was in
high school. She learned the basics of Korean writing by attending Korean language
school (but see previous discussion on the value of language schools). However, she
acquired her HL mostly by talking to her parents in Korean, watching soap operas and
reading Korean books.
My parents from early on, when my father would go on for a trip, as a present, he
would bring me little books. My grandmother still to this day, sends me Korean
books from Korea. I haven’t read like the literature or history books or any of those
books that go in depth, but I have started out reading Korean books like simple
stories, folktales like ‘Cinderella,’ fables . . . At the beginning, my mom read to
me. My mom used to tell me that, when my dad sat to read the newspaper in the
living room, and I didn’t know how to read at that time, I would sit next to him and
mumble out words that I knew. Later, she began teaching me what this letter looks
like, what it means . . . Gradually, I learned how to read.
The advantage of her HL development is shown in embracing “two different worlds and
cultures” and her good relationship with her parents.
The Korean language is important to me. First, it enables me to communicate with
my parents, and especially using Korean. I grew up in a very small family and just
the thought of not being able to communicate with my parents is suffocating and
the basic thing in our family is that we talk about anything and it is very unusual. . .
My parents and I are more like friends than just a high authority figure. The HL
really helped me in building a strong relationship with my parents. Definitely this
relationship would have been altered if I didn’t speak Korean. They [my parents]
do speak English but it is not as fluent as their Korean, so that would lead to
another level of communication.
These four voices had very different experiences. Some developed their HL and
some did not. These four voices clearly show the factors that encourage or inhibit the
development of HL and the consequences. Having developed or not developed the HL
played an important role in their ethnic identity, their social relationships and interactions
with other HL speakers and, most important of all, their relationship with own parents.
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Effects of Having Developed or Not Developed One’s HL
Hypothesis 1. Having developed one’ s HL will result in no disadvantages, only
advantages. In addition, having strong HL competence will positively affect
relationships with parents, relationships with the HL community, relationships with
HL speakers from one’ s country o f origin, and personal well being.
This study compares one group of participants who has “strong HL competence” to
another group who has “weak or no HL competence” in a self-assessed HL proficiency
measure. These assessments were made by asking participants to rate their own levels o f
HL ability in speaking, listening, reading, writing, and overall skills on a Likert-type scale
(1 = very poor, 2 = poor, 3 = average, 4 = good, 5 = very good).
From the total 98 questionnaires collected, 26 responses were missing the two
open-ended questions, leaving 72 useable responses. Thus, for this part of analysis, we
will report findings firom the 16 in-depth interviews and 72 open-ended questions firom
the questionnaire. Table 5 presents the characteristics of the participants.
Table 5
Characteristics of Participants
HL Competence HL Community Group HL Class Group
Females: n = 6: Cami [P], Elena [C],
WeakHL Karen [C], Lisa [P], Females: 35
Competence Nancy [P], Sandy [P], Males: 26
Males: n = 2: Hyun [C], Eric [P],
Average HL Female: n = l: Eun Ae [C] Females: 16
Competence Males: 11
Strong Females: n = 6: Emily [P], Hae Jin [C], Females: 8
HL Competence Su Mi [C], Ji Yeon [P], Males: 2
Judy [P], Yuri [P],
Male: n = I: Albert [P]
Total Participants n = 16 n = 98
Note. The letters represent status. C = college; P = post-college.
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While each of the participants in the study presented a unique set of circumstances,
much of the data gathered seemed to cluster around similar themes: advantages and
disadvantages of degrees of HL development. We first will look at the advantages or
disadvantages of having developed or not having developed one’s HL. This information
W Ü 1 be drawn firom the interview data and the open-ended portion of the questionnaire.
The consequences of having or not having developed one’s HL wiU be analyzed in terms
of relationships with parents, the HL community, HL speakers firom one’s country of
origin and personal well being. Those who have been quoted in the analysis are listed in
Table six.
Table 6
Participants Quoted bv Degree of HL Competency
HL Competence HL Community Group HL Class Group
WeakHL
competence
Camf, Karen, Lisa, Sandy Aaron, Amy, Ana, Becky, Carol, Caroline, Elsa,
Esther, Evelyn, Harry, Jacky, James, Jessica, Joyce,
Luke, Ralph, Ruth, Sally, Samantha, Tammy, Vicky
Average HL
Competence
Eun Ae Christine, Dave, Garrett, Jack, Jim, Mary, Sarah,
Sonia, Tim
Strong
HL Competence
Albert, Emily, Hae Jin, Su Mi, Yuri Cindy, Jeatmine, Judy, June
Familv relationships
In this section, we report on findings as our participants recount their family
relationships in which their HL competency played an important role. As predicted in
Kim, Lee and Kim’s (1981) study, and as seen in Kang’s (1996) report, conflicts due to
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the language gap within a family were seen in our data. We hypothesized that HL
development, in addition to English proficiency, would lead to a better relationships with
parents and relatives, especially if the HL was the only mean of communicating with one
another. Our findings support this hypothesis. Having developed one’s HL positively
affects relationships with parents and relatives.
I had a language barrier with my parents and relative. I rarely speak to my
grandparents, and my father and I don’t get along because of the barrier.
(Jacky)
I have many problems speaking with relatives and fidends of my parents.
It’s quite frustrating because I am not able to say what I want. (Vicky)
Knowing Korean has never imposed any problems or conflicts on me. It has
been very useful as I was able to communicate with my parents, and help
other students who just immigrated from Korea. It has also allowed me to
talk to other Korean adults who didn’t know much English. (Dave)
Advantages in Familv relationships
HL development is shown to ensure strong parent-child communication and, at the
same may time, prevent alienation and delinquency, which can be caused by the lack of
dialogue between the first and second generation. Su Mi’s case summarizes well the
consequences of having and not having developed HL, when living in the same
household. Su Mi was bom in Korea and came to the U.S. when she was four; she has
developed her HL. In comparison, her sister came when she was two years old, but did
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not maintain her HL. Su Mi stated that “speaking in Korean is extremely important to
me, especially in my case, because I see barriers between my mom and my sister.” Su Mi
shared the conflict her sister was having with her parents because of the lack o f HL skills.
We are different in levels of understanding in Korean and also communication-
wise. Because she [my sister] is forgetting Korean, my parents and my sister are
having a lot of conflict. One [conflict] is communication because my sister can’t
express herself fully. A lot of tension [between them]. I get what I want because I
can explain myself, but a lot of time my sister can’t get what she wants because of
the language barrier, plus being ‘Americanized.’ She is very defensive since my
parents don’t really understand English. Sometimes, the way my sister responds to
my mom makes my mom mad. It’s because my sister can’t express herself fully
and she doesn’t know any other way of saying it in Korean. I act like a moderator
between them because they can’t communicate with each other because of the
language barrier.
Su Mi described a specific incident in which her HL speaking abihty helped solve a
conflict her sister was having with her mother.
I can explain what I want. But, when my sister wants something and if she says it
directly to my mom, and since my mom just doesn’t get it, and they get fimstrated
with each other, and they are like fighting, tension. I just can say, ‘Mom, this is
what she meant’ and my mom says, ‘Oh, why doesn’t she say so, OK. Go to the
movie!’
Emily, a graduate student, illustrates a similar case in which her strong HL ability
helped her to have a closer and deeper relationship with her parents, especially with her
mother.
If I hadn’t have developed my HL skills, I think we would have had a very limited
[and] very surface level relationship. Because then we really wouldn’t be able to
share what is in our hearts, the deeper issues. They would imderstand only surface
level, you know because I wouldn’t be able to communicate with them. A lot of
people that I know have that kind of relationship with their parents, which I don’t
have.
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Knowing the Korean language provided freedom to express feelings and thoughts for a
better family relationship. Judy used Korean to engage in a serious talk with her family.
When I am serious with my parents, like when I am trying to express myself, then I
speak in Korean, even when I am trying to get through to my brother. My brother is
studying in Korea right now in the international school, and when I talk to him over
the phone and I want him to understand what I am getting it, then I speak in
Korean.
However, the push for English among parents is very strong, so strong that some
parents insist on using English with their children even though it is not their first or even
best language. Nevertheless, there are excellent reasons for parents to support HL
development. Emily described an incident in which her mother’s attempt not to use HL
at home created an uncomfortable situation.
At a point, she [my mom] tried to talk in English. She said, ‘only speak to me in
English,’ and my brother and I had a terrible time because it was so uncomfortable
because it was culturally awkward for us to talk to our mother in English. And
then, she couldn’t communicate with us. We just said ‘Hello, how are you ...’
you know that kind of thing.
Disadvantages in familv relationships
These findings are similar to those described in Wong-Fillmore’s (1991) study,
which showed that not having developed one’s HL negatively affects the relationships
with one’s parents. Several subjects from the “weak HL competence” group stated that
their loss of ability to use in their HL interfered with their ability to communicate with
their parents. Basic exchanging of words was possible, but children had a difficult time
opening up and sharing their emotions or engaging in dialogue with their parents. Joyce
explained that “it’s hard to open up my emotions with my parents, so we always have to
use symbols, body language ...”
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Sandy reported.
My parents and I do have a communication gap, a communication problem. I can’t
even hold a normal conversation with my parents. I just say my thoughts once and I
repeat it constantly until they understand
Cami noted,
I can say the most subtle thing to my friends and they understand the whole color of
it. But, with my parents, I have to literally say everything like, ‘I am sad! This is
why.’ However, with my friends I just talk about all different aspects of how I am
sad and how it reminds me of the time and how I can get over it with what I have
learned. But with my parents, I am just reporting to them. It totally loses the
interactive connection.
As a consequence of not having a tool to communicate with their parents, for some,
the amount of communication between parent and child had diminished and sometimes
even led to unnecessary arguments.
Caroline reported that, “when speaking with my parents, sometimes I am unable to
communicate. I have a language deficiency. Many arguments and explanations are cut
short because I lack the language ability.” Another respondent, Ruth, reported that “due
to my lack of vocabulary in Korean, I tend to have a difficult time communicating with
my parents. Sometimes it results in unnecessary arguments which could have been
resolved quickly.”
Finally, Esther stated that “it is frustrating when I’m speaking with my parents and
we can’t fully comprehend what we’re trying to say to each other. I hate it when I eat
dinner with my parents and they always carry on their own conversation that I can only
half understand. Yet, they complain that we don’t eat as a family enough. I hate having
something to say, but not being able to say it.”
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Kang (1996) found a similar pattern in the Korean community: “Communication is
difficult because they [parents] lack a common language with which they and their
children can express themselves fluently” (p. A12). Kang also reported that one parent
said that she wished there was a simultaneous interpreter when she talked to her children.
Relationships with extended family
In keeping with this pattern of findings, some of the “weak HL” group stated that
being fluent in HL would have helped in their relationship with their extended family,
especially with their grandparents. In comparison to those who have developed Korean,
the “weak HL” group had more problems with their relatives (see Table 7). Sally stated,
“It is this language barrier that separates and distances the Korean American youth firom
communicating with their elders. Furthermore, elders often times look down upon the
Korean American youth who do not speak well.”
Jessica shared the firustration she experiences in her relationship with her
grandmother.
The situation which I most desperately want to speak Korean is when I am with my
grandmother. Although we manage to express ourselves through simple words, I
can’t help but feel completely firustrated when it comes to talking with my
grandmother. I want to ask her so many things: how things were, what has
changed, what has not and such. I want to ask about our family history and world
history. I want to talk to her instead of just ‘parroting’ phrases my mother tells me
to say.
Samantha realized the need to be able to speak in Korean when her grandfather passed
away.
My grandfather died three years ago fi-om a stroke in a nursing home in L.A. But
his death did not affect me very much because I was not very close to him. I
attribute this fact to being a second generation Korean American who hardly knew
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how to speak Korean. The language barrier was raised and it was very high. I look
back at my childhood and remember just saying hello and good-bye to my Korean
relatives, including my grandfather and that was all. Without a common language,
people can never grow closer to each other. During the reception after the funeral, I
began to realize what a treasure I had lost by not knowing my grandfather because
of the language barrier. I want to communicate better with the people I love.
Similarly, Mary felt the importance of developing her HL when she visited Korea.
During my trip to Korea last summer, I learned a valuable lesson. I realized how
important it was for me to learn Korean, not just to ask for directions, but to
understand my other family members in Korea. For two months, it was so
frustrating not being able to communicate with people who were supposed to be my
family. That was when I decided that I needed to leam Korean; I can’t expect my
relatives to leam English! I have the opportunity and privilege to know both.
Reasons for developing one’s HL
Another way of indirectly determining the role of HL competence in a family
relationship was to investigate why second generation Korean Americans want to
improve their HL skills. We asked our participants their reasons for taking HL classes in
the open-ended part of the questionnaire. As shown in Table 7, almost 41% of the total
respondents agreed that their main reason for wanting to improve their HL was to have a
better relationship with parents, relatives, and HL speakers.
Table 7
Reasons for Improving HL Skills
Better relationship
w/ parents,
relatives and
HL speakers
HL maintenance
(i.e. to identify with
Korean culture)
Career benefit General
Improvement
(e.g. additional
language, self-
confidence)
n (Percentage)
WeakHL 32(57.14) 25 (54.35) 13 (72.22) 7 (38.89)
Average HL II (19.64) 10(21.74) 2(11.11) I ( 5.55)
Strong HL 13 (23.21) II (23.91) 3 (16.67) 10 (55.55)
Total 56 (100) 46 (100) 18(100) 18(100)
Note. Participants could provide more than one response.
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Consistently, many respondents felt that they needed to enhance their HL skills for
a closer and more meaningful relationship with their relatives and especially with their
parents. Yuri, an elementary school teacher who maintained her Korean language, stated,
“It [HL] is important to me that I would try my best to maintain and develop it because
that’s my only communication with my mom, who only speaks Korean; she doesn’t speak
any English.”
Another interviewee, Eun Ae, stated her reason for taking a HL class.
I enrolled in a class to improve my Korean because there are people important to
me that I want to communicate with-my family, parents, relatives, community
people. That is the reason why I took a Korean class while studying at Harvard
University.”
Eun Ae wished that she could read a Korean newspaper and written materials because “it
will make me more aware of what kinds of news my parents get and be more aware of
their perceptions.” James, who rates his Korean proficiency as “poor,” explained that
I want to be able to communicate with my parents more. I usually speak to my
parents with simple terms such as T’m hungry,’ ‘What is for dinner,’ etc. I feel that
I’ll have a better relationship with my parents if I at least converse with them.
Mary stated.
My parents never really forced me to leam Korean. They just encouraged me to
leam it for my benefit. Now that I am in college, I realize the importance of
learning Korean not just for educational purposes, but for my parents’ sake as
well. I’m glad that I can communicate with my parents in our native language.
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A U.S.-born respondent, Harry, echoed these sentiments. “I feel handicapped not
being able to speak Korean with my parents, relatives, and whoever else.” Carol
commented that she felt “uneasy” at home because “my parents do not totally understand
me when I speak English.” She adds, “I want to be able to express myself in Korean to
those who are close to me and part of my family. Because my parents’ generation is more
comfortable with Korean, [I] believe it is up to me to leam Korean to be able to
strengthen my relationships with my parents, aunts, uncles, and other relatives.”
Jacky also has this language barrier in her family. As a result, she notes that
“I rarely speak to my grandparents, and my father and I don’t get along because of this
barrier.” These respondents see their limitations in the HL to be obstacles to
communicating with members of their family and which limit the extent of their
relationships with members of the community.
In sum, as shown in research related to language minority groups, language shift to
the dominant language was apparent in the Korean Americans being studied in this
research. Such a shift was a source of intergenerational conflicts if the HL was the only
means of communication between parent and a child. Wong-Fillmore (1991) has asked,
“What happens to familial relations when the language children give up happens to be the
only language that parents speak? What is lost when children and parents caimot
communicate easily to one another?” (pp. 342-343). Our findings show that those who
developed their HL interacted better with own parents, extended family members, and
relatives, indicating that ethnic minority individuals may benefit from HL development.
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Social Relationship with HL Speakers
Socio-cultural Advantages
Our findings further support the hypothesis that HL development positively affects
social relationship and interaction with HL speakers, as seen in the following quotes.
I speak Korean fluently. I can communicate with anybody when I go to Korea.
(Judy)
I wish I could interact better. With American merchants, we joke around, but when
we come to a Korean store I feel bad that I can’t speak in Korean. Think of an
interaction we do in a store in Enghsh, joking around.. .but, the only thing I could
say is ‘Thank you.’ It’s unfortunate! It’s hard enough for them already to deal with
others who don’t speak Korean and I don’t want them to feel animosity toward me.
1 feel like we are robbing the Korean community of our wonderful resources, too
bad we can’t communicate.” (Cami)
According to Van Dan Berg (1988), the ethnolinguistic identities of immigrant
children are constructed in the family and further strengthened through various wider
contacts beyond the family, such as ethnic community networks and in-group peer
relationships. As Van Dan Berg (1988) has suggested, our study shows that those who
developed their HL had a strong ethnic identity, further enhancing their interactions with
HL speakers. The term “ethitic identity” is defined more subjectively as an individual’s
self-identification and perceived membership in an ethnic group or groups. Those who
had “strong HL competence” had a strong sense of who they were (i.e., being proud of
their culture and ethnicity), were strongly connected to their ethnic group (i.e., no fear
or avoidance of HL speakers), and had greater identification with Korean culture
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(i.e., understanding and knowledge of cultural values, ethics, and manners), which helped
in socializing with HL speakers in both the HL community and when visiting their
homeland.
Promoting a Strong Sense of Ethnic Identity
HL development is equated with a strong sense of ethnic identity. Ethnic identity is
a powerful issue for many language minorities living in the U.S. As second generation
Korean Americans who grew up in the U.S., many participants had to deal with questions
about who they are and what it means to be Korean American.
Several of the respondents mentioned that their interest in the HL developed in
recent years, a phenomena described as ethnic emergence in Tse (1996), who also notes
that this often occurs in the late adolescent and college-age years. Patrick shared that, as
he grew older, he wanted to speak Korean more.
I started to talk to my parents totally in Korean, by my own choice. I realized that I
wanted to speak both language fluently, and I did not want to forsake my Korean
identity, as many of my Korean American fiiends have. Also, I realized that
speaking two or more languages fluently could only be an asset in today’s business
world and environment.
Joyce, who was raised in a predominantly Caucasian community, recalled attending
college and befiiending other Korean Americans. This prompted her “desire to leam
more of the culture and language.” Similarly, Eric, who came to the U.S. at age two,
realized the need to leam HL when he encountered with other cultures in college.
At college, I met a lot o f people firom other countries. I didn’t know a lot about my
parent’s country and culture since I was bom in Korea, it’s more like my culture.
Having met people firom other culture and learning firom them about different
cultures and values and things like that. I sort of developed my interest in
learning Korean culture and language. Also, I met a lot of Korean Americans at
college. That was my first exposure to Koreans.
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Garrett, who also grew up in a “very Caucasian neighborhood” and is now 27, also
developed a desire to acquire the HL only a few years ago. Patrick shared that, as he
grew older, he wanted to speak Korean more. “I started to talk to my parents totally in
Korean, by my own choice. I realized that I wanted to speak both languages fluently, and
I did not want to forsake my Korean identity as many of my Korean American friends.”
Our data showed that many respondents considered their HL part of their identity.
As shown in Table 7, 41% of the respondents were motivated to acquire the HL because
they felt that the HL was part of their heritage, a heritage they did not want to lose. Tim,
who arrived in the U.S. with his family at age two, wrote that “I want to leam Korean
because, being Korean, I feel I should know my own language and knowing more
language makes me a more of a diverse person.” Jeannine also felt this way, stating that
“... 1 am a Korean American; therefore, I should at least leam my native language.”
Sarah also wrote that she wanted to leam Korean “because I am Korean and I feel that
leaming/speaking Korean is part of being Korean.” Moreover, Samantha shared how she
felt about her HL:
Korean gives me a sense of security that I never get from Enghsh. Korean
language carries with it more love and imderstanding than English. It reminds
me of my heritage, of where I am from and I will always respect that.
Even though these Korean Americans were bom or raised in the U.S., they
described the Korean language as an integral part of their Korean identity. Aaron, who
immigrated to the U.S. at age one, explained that learning the HL was important because
“it’s my ethnicity, culture, and heritage. My self-concept, my identity is inseparable from
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the ability to comprehend and communicate in Korean. I have more to lose by not trying
to leam Korean.” Cindy commented that she wants to develop the HL because of her
pride in her identity. She stated that,
[a]Ithough I was bom in the U.S., I acknowledge and I am proud of the fact that I
am a Korean. As a Korean American, I feel that it is necessary to be able to
speak, understand, read, and write the Korean language.
Similarly, Jessica stated.
Every Korean should know how to speak Korean, regardless of where their
geographical location is. For example, I am a Korean American living in Southem
California, but as a Korean, for that is the culture. It is something I should be proud
of, and I truly am. We have a truly wonderful and rich culture, full of unique and
different things, and brimming with life. One should feel so lucky to have
something so rich and diverse, as part of their culture. In my opinion, in order to
have pride you must be ‘leamed’ and to be ‘leamed,’ one must know the language,
be knowledgeable. This would mean for us as Korean Americans to take the
initiative to leam.
Jim saw the importance of knowing one’s heritage language and culture.
Being of Korean descent, I see it as important to find one’s roots and know one’s
traditional backgroimd. Besides, it’s an advantage to know a second language. 1
wouldn’t want to lose or cut the strings to my past as it’s every part of me now and
my future.
Albert, as described earlier, shared that his motivation for improving his HL competence
was to know more about his heritage and his identity. As described in Tse’s (1996)
“ethnic emergence” stage, Albert preferred associating with his own ethnic group over the
mainstream when he experienced prejudice while interacting with mainstream people.
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Because of the integral role of the HL in their self-concepts, a few of the
respondents also felt that they needed to improve their own HL proficiency in order to
pass it on to their children. Tim, who has “average” proficiency in the language, fears
that his own relatively low ability in Korean is a precursor to the language being lost in
future generations.
Evelyn, age 18 and U.S.-bom, wrote that “[w]hen 1 raise my future children, I want
them to be able to speak Korean. I see too many second generation children who only
speak English.” She plans to visit Korea in the near future in hopes of strengthening ties
to her home country. Another subject, Lisa, despite her limited HL competency, asserted
that she would support her children in developing their HL.
Definitely! I really really will try everything to have them leam Korean and the
culture. This will be very difficult, of course. 1 want my children to be bilingual
and to be proud of being Korean. I am very proud to be Korean, but it took a while
for me to reach this level.
Enabling Better Relationships with HL Speakers
HL development fosters a strong group membership leading to better socialization
with HL speakers. Having high HL competence means having stronger identification
with one’s own cultural group and better interaction with the HL community and also
with HL speakers outside the HL community. Yuri shared that her strong E G L competence
made her have a positive attitude toward her language and culture.
I never felt like ashamed of my culture or my language. Even though at this
university, there are a lot of Caucasian people, I always felt proud of my heritage. I
didn’t mind sharing it. I didn’t mind talking on the phone when other people were
around. I never, it really never bothered me. I was never ashamed of it.
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Albert said that his Korean proficiency helped him not only to overcome his identity
crisis but also to interact with Korean international students during his college years.
When I came to college, I think everyone goes through an identity crisis when they
go to college and they want to know who they are and I had sort of this leaning
towards a lot of Korean students. And then I met all of these older international
students. And they were so interesting. They were just intriguing to me. And I
said, ‘wow.’ Oh they treated me fine. I think they liked me because I made such an
effort to leam [the HL]. And they were always like ‘Wow, you were bom here?
Your Korean is so good, considering you were bom here.’ And I think they like
the fact that I kept speaking to them in Korean.
Knowing one’s HL helps one to understand Korean culture, allowing one to
participate fireely in Korean cultural events or activities. Su Mi shared that, because of
her fluent Korean skills, she was able to watch Korean videos and soap operas with her
parents and also played traditional Korean games such as “Yut” during holiday seasons.
Similarly, Hae Jin was able to participate in reading and watching Korean television
programs and expressed having strong emotional bonds with her culture and with HL
speakers.
My mom has a friend whose husband is a writer, and every time he publishes a new
book, he sends to her and whenever a miniseries comes up on TV, we watch it
together. Maybe this summer, I would experiment with reading older type of
books, in series like ‘Ye Meng E Nun Dong Ja’: I have watched it on video so I
know the story, now I want to read the book.
In addition, she was able to use her parents to further gain cultural knowledge and
nuances in the Korean language that need to be understood in certain situations.
I had two different worlds. In school, it was completely English and, at home,
completely Korean . . . Learning language, there was always a chance for me to ask
my parents about Korean, about culture, history. . . you can always interpret or
translate, but don’t always get the same type of meaning and it is not always the
exact meaning in each situation. I think it could have been a lot different if I didn’t
speak the language.
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Yuri could actively participated in church activities.
Most of my Korean contact comes from church, being with my church friends
who are Korean. I feel good that Fm capable of reading in Korean. I remember, I
think, in junior high, or it might have been high school, when we had worship at
my church. I was the president, so I had to pray in the pulpit, so I wrote a prayer
in English but... I was speaking Korean, so I think my parents felt really proud,
and I was happy that I was at least able to read it and do that instead of having to
speak in English. And the congregation wouldn’t understand any of it. I like
being able to speak Korean.
Further, Albert felt that he would have no problem associating with Koreans in Korea
because of his high HL proficiency (note, however, his limitations).
If I were to go to Korea, I could get by fine. Ordering food, driving a taxi, buying
clothes, talking with fiiend. You know, basic stuff, no problem. I can almost sneak
by as almost a native. But, if I were to engage in a discussion about education or
politics, then they would know immediately that I’m limited in vocabulary. But I
can’t express myself using words like culturally, academic capital, college
preparation.
Socio-cultural Disadvantages
Interactional Problems with HL Community
Loss of the HL interfered with interactions outside the immediate family. The
“weak HL competence” group was more reticent than the fluent Korean Americans,
participated less in cultural activities and events, and some strictly avoided contact with
Koreans.
Some subjects reported a feeling of isolation and exclusion from members of their
own ethnic group. Sandy commented on problems with family acquaintances and people
in the neighborhood where the HL is spoken.
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Whenever someone calls my home and are looking for my parents and they don’t
speak English, I say the word ‘market’ in Korean. That’s all. After that, if they ask
me anything else I get so frustrated. I wish I could be very personable and ask
about their kids . . . because many times I know who they are.
Su Mi shared how her sister also feared and avoided answering phone calls because of her
weak Korean.
My sister didn’t want to pick up the phone because she can’t speak in Korean
because of her ‘American style of speaking.’ She always passes me the phone to
speak. My sister feels more comfortable being around people who speak English.
She felt isolated when we all went to Korea because of her limited Korean
speaking. She doesn’t want to go to Korean language school anymore. She has
attended for more than three years.
Kris reported the following incident.
Once I went to Koreatown to get a haircut to get ready for a sorority event. The
hair dresser started doing a French braid, but I asked her to do a French twist. I
kept saying ‘no, no.’ The two people with me were Filipino and Japanese. The
hairdressers were talking about us. You know, once they knew that you didn’t
speak Korean fluently, they were saying to each other that we were ‘Chinese,’
’Japanese’. . . it was kind of an insult for m e...’ ‘If I go to Koreatown or go to a
Korean restaurant, usually I would say ‘an young ha sae yo,’ meaning ‘how are
you?’ and they think I speak Korean fluently... It’s kind of embarrassing that I
can’t speak my own language.
Sandy works in a company that employs a number of fluent Korean speakers.
In my office, my coworkers and the board decided it was a good idea to get all
Koreans together to network and get to know each other. All these people spoke
Korean as their first language... but the fact that they had to sit there putting so
much effort to speak English just so that I could understand them . . . made me feel
so awkward and frustrated. At that point I decided to not hang around with them; it
was too much of a headache for everyone.
Sonia reported that.
At home, when we have company, I feel left out because my communication skills
are limited and I guess the people get fed up with me, too. After a while, they just
ignore me since I can’t speak Korean that well and they don’t really speak English.
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Interactional Problem with HL Speakers Outside the U.S.
Another frustration for those with “weak HL competence” occurs when dealing
with native Koreans in the home country. Those who have lost even some ability in the
heritage language, or who have not developed high levels of competence, face special
problems when visiting the country where the language is spoken, especially when they
look like native speakers.
Cami had tremendous difficulties when her aunt called from Korea. “She never
spoke to me before and we only exchanged three sentences and her final words were,
‘Why don’t you leam to speak Korean?’”
Yuri, when she was traveling in Korea, a taxi driver yelled at her.
In Korea, I really felt like burdened, not ashamed but... a taxi driver would yeU at
us Uke ‘How come you can’t speak Korean. You are Korean, why don’t you speak
it?’ And I hated taking the taxi. I’d rather take the subway because they would
really like . . . It was more than once that they would say to us ‘Why can’t you
speak Korean?’
Lisa experienced strong rejection from HL speakers, while living in Los Angeles
and also while visiting her homeland.
Whenever 1 encountered Koreans, many of them ‘looked down’ on me because 1
can’t speak Korean. Some are bold enough to scold me. Some blame me or my
parents because 1 didn’t leam. As a result, many times 1 would have mixed
emotions. Shame, embarrassment and anger (towards Koreans). 1 remember
feeling resentful and angry at Koreans, both in Los Angeles and in Korea, for not
understanding why 1 didn’t speak Korean. 1 also ‘rejected’ them as a result... In
other words, 1 went through a stage thinking ‘they’ were the ignorant ones because
they couldn’t speak English very well. Plus, I always felt English was more
important, and if the Koreans couldn’t accept me as who 1 was, well then, 1 didn’t
need to associate with them.
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She added.
The language issue was a major factor why I didn’t associate with many Koreans.
Every time I got together with a Korean group, they tended to speak Korean only!
Thus, I was excluded.
Another participant, Elsa, shared her sincere wish to develop her HL.
I want to be able to speak more than one language. I want to be able to
communicate with others in fluent Korean. Just once, would I like to be able to go
to Korea and feel at home with my language abilities.
One’s flrustrations and conflicts with the Korean community may not be related just
to HL speaking ability, but, as seen the above cases, having one’s HL developed may
facilitate in understanding more about the culture and about individuals. This, in turn,
helps to minimize conflicts and fl-ustrations.
As presented in Table 8, there were five respondents in the “weak HL“ group and
eleven in the “strong HL” group who specifically mentioned having no conflict with
family or with HL speakers. However, the meaning of having “no conflict” differed
between the two groups. For all eleven participants firom the “strong HL” group, “no
conflict” meant having no problem in basic communication in Korean, whereas for the
“weak HL” group, it meant having no conflict because they totally avoided contact with
HL speakers.
Table 8
Summary o f Areas o f Conflict
Family Relatives HL community Other No Conflict More Than One Conflict
Weak 21 18 45 14 5 18
(n = 51)
Average 4 1 15 0 4 1
(n=19)
Strong
(n = 18) 0 0 2 1 11 0
Note. From N = I 14, 26 responses were missing.
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For instance, Dave, who rated himself “strong on HL” stated that, “I have no problems
with communication because I can speak and understand well.” Similarly, June, a fluent
HL speaker, stated that having developed her HL did not cause any conflict in socializing
with others.
BCnowing Korean has never imposed any problems or conflicts on me. It has been
very useful as I was able to communicate with my parents and help other students
who just immigrated from Korea. It has also allowed me to talk to other Korean
adults who didn’t know much English.
In comparison, Amy, who rated herself as “poor on HL,” stated that she did not
have any conflict because she could avoid contact with Koreans; therefore she could
avoid speaking in Korean.
In high school, most of the Koreans that I knew were mostly Korean Americans and
we communicated through English. Now, I don’t really hang out with Koreans
anymore.
Carol shared how her inability to speak Korean fluently was not an hindrance in
school, but was a problem at home.
I have never really encountered any fiustrating problems at school due to my
inability to speak Korean fluently. Because my fiiends and classmates speak in
English, I never felt excluded or isolated at school. At home, I do feel somewhat
uneasy because my parents do not totally understand me when I speak English.
Similarly, Lisa said that not having developed Korean does not affect her much
now, since she is living in a community where there are no Koreans. However, she
confessed that she had a different reaction while living in Los Angeles and that she would
have benefited from having better HL competence.
I have mixed reactions . . . When I was living in L.A., I used to always feel sort of
like I was missing out. However, when I really think of things, it’s only if I’m
with Koreans . . . Professionally, if I wanted to continue working with the Korean
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community, it would definitely be important. It is pretty impossible to have any
ties with the Korean community if you don’t speak Korean. In my field, I do
realize I would have had many advantages if I spoke Korean.
Those who had “weak HL competence” suffered far more than those who had
“strong HL competence.” The “weak HL competence” group was more reticent than the
fluent Korean Americans, participated less in cultural events and activities, and avoided
contact with Koreans. These results indicate that ethnic minority individuals may benefit
from HL development.
Personal and Societal Benefits
While the previous cases can be described as showing integrative motivation,
motivation for developing ones HL can also be viewed as instrumental. Instrumental
motivation refers to the desire to acquire a language as a means for attaining instrumental
goals such as furthering one’s career or the HL’s potential use in tourism or trade
(Gardner & Lambert, 1972). In addition to it being a tool needed to communicate and
socialize with one’s family and with others, HL development provided a personal gain,
eventually contributing positively to the betterment of the society.
Professional advantages
In addition to wanting to communicate with family, fiiends, and community, and a
desire to hold on to one’s Korean heritage, a number of the respondents mentioned the
career benefits of being bilingual as a reason for their desire to acquire the HL .
Luke, 20, wrote that, in addition to wanting to be closer to the Korean community,
he is developing his Korean so that he can “become more marketable in the business
community.” Christine shared a similar thought.
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I’m going into the entertainment industry and I’m trying to bring Asians in. It
would be a shame if I didn’t even know how to speak my own language. I know a
lot about my culture. I just need help with reading and writing.
Ralph also wanted to improve his Korean for career-related reasons. “I intend to have a
large number of Korean clients in the future, and fluency in Korean is obviously an
essential part of that.”
Jessica experienced the need to know her HL when she applied for an internship.
There was a time that I can distinctly remember where I wished I could study
Korean in order to leam how to write correctly, when I applied for an internship
job last summer here [Southem California]. The company assumed that because I
was Korean, and spoke the language, that I could also write fluently. When 1
explained to them that 1 could not, they told me they were very sorry, but they
would have to turn me down, because the position required someone who could
fluently speak and write in a foreign language. 1 was utterly embarrassed and
disappointed in being tumed away. But more than anything, 1 was ashamed of
that fact that 1 could not write in what is supposed to be my native tongue.
Ana stated that, “It’s embarrassing for people to say to me, ‘You are a Korean and
you don’t speak Korean?’ 1 hate that! Plus, 1 want to become a dentist and would like to
be able to converse with my Korean patients.”
Those interested in working with the Korean community believed that Korean
proficiency would help them in their work as well as give them more legitimacy.
Jeannine, 17, is the president of a Korean American student association and feels that “it
would look really bad if the president didn’t know how to speak Korean.” Jack, 28, also
felt this way and stated that “1 am interested in working with Korean families and thus it
is vital for me to improve my Korean language skills.”
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Some participants mentioned personal benefit of having developed one’s HL.
Tammy, who has “weak Korean proficiency,” mentioned that she participates in Korean
beauty pageants. However, she feels at a substantial disadvantage during the interview
portions of the competitions because of her limited HL ability.
Another respondent. Jasmin, feels that having maintained her HL would have
helped in her cognitive development.
It isn’t until recently that I picked up my native tongue again. I feel almost
handicapped as compared to those who maintained their HL. I felt as though I have
lost opportunities to better advance my language skills both in English as well as
Korean. If I would have studied Korean, my English would have been enhanced
instead of stifled. Learning a different language helps any student leam to
communicate in many forms. It helps restructure their way of thinking to fit in both
paradigms, therefore increasing their insight and knowledge.
A resource for society
The degree to which HL development is supported or opposed will vary depending
on how one views the value of language diversity. While some laud it as a resource,
others see it a serious problem. Those who see language diversity as a problem would
view multilingualism and cultural diversity as a weakness to be overcome rather than as
one of the country’s greatest strengths (Ruiz in Wrigley & Guth, 1988). However, our
findings support the latter point of view.
Albert, a fluent speaker, tried to convince his fiiends that not maintaining Korean
language was a waste of resources.
I’m always comfortable with Korean, which is great. But I want to be able to
speak in Korean with them [my fiiends]. They think it [speaking in Korean] is
odd. They ‘d say ‘Why should we speak Korean? It’s so much easier to speak
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English.’. .. And, I’d say, ‘Don’t do that, because it is a waste. It’s a waste of
perfectly good talent and resources to not speak a language that you can with
somebody who can also... Why not encourage each other and somehow keep the
language for our future?’
Tim wanted to develop HL for his own benefit and also to contribute to society.
I want to leam Korean because I am Korean and I feel that learning and speaking
Korean is part of being Korean. I like to watch Korean shows on TV and, at
times, I don’t understand. I want to speak fluently and eloquently with my parents
and my relatives. I want to major in law and I want to do as much as I can to help
the Korean community.
Having developed one’s HL was shown to have an additional gain for an individual
as well as for the society. Some of the fluent HL speakers were able to translate and
interpret for others who were not fluent in English. Similar to Tse’s (1997) research, our
participants found that “brokering,” an act of interpreting or translating a language for
another, provided positive results for the individual as well as for the society.
Those who brokered established a trusting relationship with their parents through
the process of “brokering.” Yuri, who used to translate for her parents, shared how her
father feels more comfortable when she accompanies him when he has to deal with non-
Korean speakers.
If we go to the bank, my dad takes me with him so he feels comfortable in feeling
that he is not, you know, being misunderstood. Usually he can stand on his own,
but he likes to take me.
Similarly, Su Mi was able to translate for her parents and they “depended on me a
lot.” Besides being a source of emotional support, she was also able to be a moderator
between her sister and her parents who were struggling to communicate with one another.
She shared that “My parents trusted in all of my judgments.”
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Aside from the above benefits, some respondents also reported that being fluent
enough to translate English into Korean spurred one’s heritage language development as
well as the cultural knowledge. Hae Jin shared that, “My mom started learning English at
the same time I was learning Korean, but she would make me translate things for her...
I realized practicing the translation really helped me to maintain the Korean language
even more.” Su Mi provided a specific example that showed that “brokering” helped her
expand her vocabulary, maintain her HL. “I explain the easy way in Korean and they [my
parents] supply the key word. That’s how I gained Korean vocabulary.” Both Hae Jin’s
and Su Mi’s cases showed that ‘brokering” helped them to maintain the HL. Su Mi’s
case demonstrates the important role of brokering in maintaining and developing one’s
HL. Su Mi lived in the same condition as her sister (i.e., attended HL class, parents spoke
in Korean at home, came to the U.S. at an early age); yet, she maintained her HL, but her
sister didn’t. The only difference they had was that Su Mi took the responsibility of
“brokering” for her parents while her younger sister did not.
In summary, having developed one’s HL, in addition to English, is beneficial to
individuals, families and society as discussed in numerous studies (Cho, Cho, & Tse,
1997; Hakuta & Diaz, 1985; Krashen, 1997; Min, 1997; Peal & Lambert, 1962). We had
hypothesized that HL development, in addition to English proficiency, would result in no
disadvantages, only advantages and our findings support this hypothesis. Having strong
HL competence positively affect relationships with parents, relationships with the HL
community and relationships with HL speakers from one’s country of origin.
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Moreover, HL acquisition plays an important part in the personal, social and intellectual
life of those who are proficient in their HL. Then, what factors encourage or inhibit the
development of HL? The following section will address factors which helped better the
participant’s HL competency.
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Factors Affecting HL Development
Hypothesis 2. High language input will yield positive effects on the development
of the HL among Korean American adults. Specifically, those who spend time in
Korea will have better HL competency, those who attend HL school or HL classes
will have better HL competency, those who read more printed materials in
Korean will have better HL competency, and those whose parents speak the HL at
home will have better HL competency.
In this part of the analysis, data were obtained by interviewing participants of the
“HL community” group and by administering questiormaires to participants of the “HL
class” group. The findings show that those who received more comprehensible aural or
written input achieved higher proficiency in the target language than their counterparts
receiving less input. This finding is in keeping with Krashen’s (1985) hypothesis which
states that language is acquired by understanding messages, which are comprehensible
input. First, the findings are reported in terms of the source of HL input and home HL
usage. Second, what language factors influence HL competency are discussed, based
upon the findings of a regression and a correlation analysis.
Conceptual Assumptions
Second language acquisition theory developed by Krashen (Krashen, 1982, 1985,
1991) serves as the theoretical framework to the study. This theory is described in the
review of literature in Chapter U.
Demographic Findings
The distribution of subjects according to age, generation, sex, competency group,
and HL class level are in Table 9. The following is a summary of the responses to the
questionnaire and interview data. A total of 114 subjects were used in the analysis, which
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included 16 from the interviews and 98 who filled out the questionnaire data. Of these
114 subjects, there were 72 females and 42 males, of whom 55 were second generation
Korean Americans bom in the U.S. and 59 came to the U.S. at an early age (mean = 2.02
years; sd = 2.42). The largest number of participants was in the 21- to 30- year-old age
group.
All of the participants were considered to be of Korean ethnicity because the
ethnicity of their parents was determined to be Korean. Only those whose parents are
both Korean were included in the analysis.
Of the 98 participants in the “HL class group,” there were 47 beginning,
30 intermediate, and 21 advanced level students.
Table 9
Demographic Information
n Percentage
Age
18-20
21-30
31-35
Generation
U.S. Bora
Foreign bora
Sex
Female
Male
Group
Weak
Average
Strong
HL class level
Beginning
Intermediate
Advanced
41
71
7
55
59
72
42
69
28
17
47
30
21
36.0
62.3
1.7
48.2
51.8
63.2
36.8
60.5
24.6
14.9
48.0
31.0
21.0
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The participants were asked to rate on a Likert-type scale (1 = very poor, 2 = poor,
3 = average, 4 = good, 5 = very good), their own levels of HL ability in speaking,
listening, reading, writing and overall skills. “Weak” represents a range of 1 to 2,
“average” is 3, and “strong” is 4 to 5 from the scale. Table 5 displays the results. There
were 60.5% (69) participants who rated themselves in their “overall HL skills” as “weak,”
25.5% (29) “average,” and 14.0% (16) “strong HL competence” group.
Table 10 shows that the participants demonstrated better communicative skills
(speaking/listening) than literacy skills (reading/writing). Among communicative skills,
listening comprehension was rated higher than speaking, while writing ability was judged
to be the most poorly developed. While there was a clear correlation between self-rating
and placement (e.g. weak HL speakers tended to be placed in the beginning class),
interestingly, self-ratings did not perfectly match with the class levels students were
enrolled in. Each level had a wide range of students with diverse HL proficiency. For
example, as presented in Table 11, o f advanced level students, 47.6% rated themselves as
having “weak HL competence,” while only 23.8% of them claimed to have “strong HL
competence.”
Table 10
Self-assessed HL Proficiency
HL Speaking HL Listening HL Reading HL Writing Overall HL Skills
n (Percentaeef
W eak 58 (50.9) 42 (36.8) 71 (62.2) 82(71.9) 69 (60.5)
Average 3 6 (3 1 .6 ) 37 (32.5) 34 (29.8) 27 (23.7) 29 (25.5)
Strong 20 (17.5) 35 (30.7) 9 ( 8.0) 5 (4.4) 16(14.0)
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Table 11
Self-assessed HL I*roficiencv by HL Class Level
Beginning Intermediate A dvanced
n (Percentage)
Weak 35 (74.5) 16 (53.3) 10 (47.6)
Average 10(21.3) 11(36.7) 6 (28.6)
Strong 2 ( 4 .3 ) 3 (10.0) 5 (2 3 .8 )
Language Use
The language use variable was analyzed to determine the dominant language of the
second generation Korean Americans. The subjects were asked, both in the questionnaire
and in the interviews, to state which language, Korean or English, they felt more
comfortable speaking in. The results showed that 90.4% of the 114 participants felt more
comfortable speaking in English, including those who spoke Korean before school age.
To determine the extent to which they used Korean, the students were asked to indicate
how often they spoke in Korean with various groups of people (See Table 12).
Table 12
Language Use by Participants
Always
English
M ostly
English
Equally mixed M ostly
Korean
Always
Korean
N/A
n (Percentage)
Parents 26 (22.8) 18 (15.8) 31 (27.2) 20 (17.5) 19 (16.7)
Sibling 85 (74.6) 5 ( 4 .4 ) 13 (11.4) 0 ( 00.0) 2 (1 .8 ) 9 (7 .9 )
Friends 81 (71.1) 7 ( 6 .1 ) 23 (20.2) 1 (0 .9 ) 1 (0 .9 ) 1 (0 .9 )
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As presented in Table 12, the majority of the participants mostly or always used English
in communicating with their siblings (79%), with friends (77.2%), and with parents
(38.6%). Table 12 also shows that only 34.2% o f participants mostly or always speak in
Korean with their parents. Comparably, an overwhelming majority of parents use Korean
when communicating with the participants. Although 69.2% of the parents use their
native language at least most of time, their children use less Korean (See Table 18). This
discrepancy demonstrates a language shift within Korean immigrant families. The longer
they lived in the U.S., the less likely they were to use their HL (r = -.364, p < .01) and the
more their “HL speaking” skill diminished (r = -.246, p < .01). The following table
presents the correlations between variables.
Table 13
Correlations Between Variables
Factor 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II 12
l.H L 1.00
Speaking
2. HL .SOO*^ 1.00
Listening
3. HL .63M* 343** 1.00
Reading
4. HL ,526*^ .463** .861*^ 1.00
Writing
S. Overall .S02’ * .769** .708*^ 6 2 r ^ 1.00
HL Skills
6. Overall .703 •• .643*^ .604*^ .574*^ 689'^ 1.00
H LU se
7. Visiting 181 J233^ 348*^ 320** 3 8 8 ^ ' 1.00
Korea
S. Reading in ,285^^ 375*^ 4 7 4 " .421 • • 37 362** .067 1.00
Korean
9. HL Class .211 • .187* 354** .176 315* 350^* 325* .072 1.00
10. Watching .366^^ J59** 384** 3 I0 ^ ^ .434"^ .498^^ 366*^ J 3 0 ’ * .144 1.00
Korean
Programs
II . Parental 334^^ J7S** .292^* .254* • 369*^ 3 6 r * .163 -.001 .086 I96^ 1.00
Use
12. Length -2 4 6 ^ ' -.144 -.166 -.187^ -.136 -364^* -379*^ -.107 -.028 - 2 3 9 " - 3 8 9 " 1.00
* £ < . 05. • • £ < . 01.
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Language Input as the Source of HL Development
Language input was analyzed to determine which factors affect the HL
development of the participants. Data were obtained from the questiormaire administered
to “HL class” group. In addition, the verbal responses o f the interviewees were quantified
and included in the analysis. The following variables were found to affect HL
development: visiting Korea, watching Korean programs, attending HL classes, reading
printed materials in Korean, and parental input at home.
Visiting the home country was found to positively affect HL competency. There
were 90 respondents who had visited Korea at least once and 24 who had never visited
their home country. The total length of stay of those who visited Korea is presented in
Table 14. A large portion of the subjects (79%) visited Korea at least once but, their total
stay was between 1 to 6 months. The correlation analysis show that length of time spent
visiting Korea was an important indicator of participants’ higher HL competence. That
is, those who stayed longer in Korea had higher HL speaking competence (r = .348,
p < .01) and better “overall HL skills” (r = .320, p < .01) In addition, those who stayed
longer in Korea tended to use more HL at home (r =.288, p < .01) and tended to watch
more Korean television programs (r =.266, p < .01).
Table 14
Language Input Length o f Total Stay while V isitine Korea
Less than
1 month
1-6 months 6m o.-l year 1-2 years 3 years
or more
n fPercentage)
Visited Korea
(n = 90)
17(19.0) 41 (46.0) 13 (14.0) 12(13.0) 7 ( 8.0)
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Reading was shown to be an important factor in HL development. As shown in
Table 15, a large percentage of the participants (71%) have never read in Korean.
However, reading books in Korean was positively correlated with higher HL reading
skills (r = .474, p < .01), HL listening skills ( r =.275, p < .01), HL speaking skills
(r = 285, p < .01) and overall HL skills (r = 371, p < .01). In addition, reading books in
Korean was positively correlated with using more HL at home (r = .262, p < .01) and
watching more Korean television programs (r = .330, p < .01).
Table 15
Language input. How Often Participants Read Books or Other Printed M aterials in Korean
Never Sometimes Often Always
n (Percentage)
Weak 50 (72.5) 7(10.1) 4 ( 5 .8 ) 0 (0 .0 )
Average 17 (60.7) 6(21.4) 3 (10.7) 0 (0 .0 )
Strong 6 (35.3) 4(23.5) 4 (23.5) 2(11.8)
Total 73 (71.0) 17(17.0) 11 (1 1.0) 2 (2 .0 )
Note. From N = 114, 11 responses were missing.
Another source of HL input was attending HL class and HL schools. Table 16
presents the number of years students attended Korean language classes or HL weekend
schools. Attending HL classes was positively correlated with HL listening skills (r =.187,
p < .05), with HL reading (r = 254, p < .01), with HL speaking skills (r = .211, p < .05),
and with overall HL skills (r = .215, p < .05). Attending HL classes also was positively
associated with using more HL at home.
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Table 16
Language Input. H ow Long Participants Have A ttended H L Classes/HL Schools
less than 1 year 1-2 years 3-5 years 6 years o r more
n (Percentage)
W eak 24 ( .83 ) 23 (.62) 11 (.40) 4 ( .57)
Average 3 (.1 0 ) 11 (.3 0 ) 8 (-30) I (.14)
Strong 2 (.0 7 ) 3 (.0 8 ) 8 (.30) 2 ( .29)
Total 29 (29.00) 37 (37.00) 27 (27.00) 7 (7.00)
Note. From N = 1 14, 14 participants did not attended HL classes/HL schools.
As presented in Table 17, the majority of the participants watched Korean
programs. Perhaps this was possible in Southern California where Korean television,
videos, and movies are accessible. Watching Korean programs were positively correlated
in the following areas: HL listening (r = .359, p < .01), HL reading (r = .384, p < .01),
HL speaking (r = .366, p < .05) and in overall HL use (r = .498, p < .01). However, years
of living in the U.S. was negatively correlated with watching Korean programs
(r = - .289, p < .01).
Table 17
Language Input. How O ften Participants W atch Korean Programs
Never Sometimes Often Always
n (Percentage)
W eak 34 (54.0) 14 (22.2) 13 (20.6) 2 (3 .2 )
Average 7 (26.9) 4 (14.3) 7 ( 26.9) 8 (30.8)
Strong 1 (6.3) 5 (29.4) 6 (35.3) 4 (25.0)
Total 42 (40.0) 23 (21.9) 26 (24.8) 14(13.3)
Note. From N = 114, nine responses were missing
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The largest amount of HL input participants received was from their parents.
Parental use of HL was positively correlated with higher HL speaking skills
(r = 33, p <.01), HL listening skills (r = .38, p <.01), HL reading skills (r = .29, p < .01),
HL writing skills (r = .25, p < .01), Overall HL skills (r = .37, p < .01) and overall HL
use(r=.36, p<.01).
Table 18 shows that a 69.2 percentage of the parents use Korean at least most of
time with their children, while only 9.6 percent mostly or only use English to their
children. Conversely, 90.4% of the participants stated that their dominant language is
English. This result demonstrates a language gap within these families.
Table 18
Language Participants’ Parents Speak to Them and How Often
Always
English
Mostly English Equally
Mixed
M ostly
Korean
Always
Korean
n (Percentage)
Weak 7(10.1) 3 ( 4 3 ) 18(26.1) 6 (8 .7 ) 35 (50.7)
Average 1 (3 .6 ) 0 (0 .0 ) 4 (14.3) 4 (14.3) 19 (67.9)
Strong 0 ( 0.0) 0 ( 0.0) 2(11.8) 1 (5 .9 ) 14 (82.4)
Total 8 (7 .0 ) 3 (2 .6 ) 24(21.1) 1 1 (9 .6 ) 68 (59.6)
A regression analysis was run to examine the independent contributions of the input
variables (See Table 19). All the variables were entered simultaneously. As predicted in
Hypothesis 2, high language input yielded positive effects on the development of the HL
among Korean American adults. Specifically, those who spent time in Korea had better
HL competency in speaking and overall HL skills. Those who read more printed
materials in Korean had better HL competency in overall HL skills, especially in reading
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and writing skills. Those who received more HL input from parents had better HL
competency in all skills. However, contrary to Hypothesis 2, participation in HL classes
or HL schools showed no effect on HL development. The limitation of this study is that
our results were based on one question probed for each predictors. For a greater
reliability, further research with more probing questions is needed.
Table 19
Language Factors Influencing HL Competence
Denendent Variable Predictors b beta t
B
I. HL Speaking HL Class 3.86E-02 .09 .99 .32
parent speak in Korean .24 28 3.25 .0 0 *
read Korean books .19 .13 1.44 .15
watch Korean programs .19 .20 2.06 .04*
visit to Korea .17 .20 2.60 .01*
R Sauare = .317 R=8.83 g _ —.000
Dependent Variable Predictors b beta t
E
2. HL Listening HL Class 4.90E-02 .11 1.22 22
parent speak in Korean 29 .34 3.73 .00*
read Korean books .20 .13 1.44 .15
watch Korean programs .22 .09 2.26 .03*
visit to Korea 2.84E-02 .04 .41 .68
R Sauare = .279 £ = 7.37 £ = .000
Dependent Variable Predictors b beta t
E
3. HL reading HL Class 5.80E-02 .14 .63 .10
parent speak in Korean 22 .27 3.18 .00*
read Korean books .47 .33 3.76 .00*
watch Korean programs .18 .20 2.13 .04*
visit to Korea 6.60E-02 .09 1.07 .29
R Sauare = .370 £ = 1 1 .1 8 3 £ = .000
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Denendent Variable Predictors b beta t
E
4. HL writing HL Class 2.32E-02 .06 .67 .50
parent speak in Korean .18 2 4 2.69 .01*
read Korean books .41 .32 3.43 .00*
watch Korean program s 9J26E-02 .11 1.10 2 7
visit to Korea 9.67E-02 .06 1.62 .11
R Sauare = J 8 0 F = 7.393 £ = .000
Denendent Variable Predictors b beta t
B
5. Overall HL skills HL Class 3.66E-02 .89 1.07 2 9
parent speak in K orean 26 .33 3.99 .00*
read Korean books 2 8 .12 2.40 .02*
watch Korean program s 22 2 4 2.66 .01*
visit to Korea .12 .18 2.06 .04*
R Sauare = 3 9 \ F= 12.189 £ = .000
Summary of the Results
In summary, having developed one’s HL, in addition to English, is advantageous to
both the individuals and the society. We had hypothesized that HL development, in
addition to English proficiency, would result in no disadvantages, only advantages and
our findings support this hypothesis. Having strong HL competence positively affect
relationships with parents, relationships with the HL community, relationships with HL
speakers fiom one’s country of origin. Moreover, HL acquisition plays an important part
in the personal, social and intellectual life of those who are proficient in their HL. As
Krashen (1982, 1985, 1991) hypothesized, high language input (i.e., comprehensible
input in a low anxiety situation) yielded positive effects on the development of HL among
second generation Korean American adults. Specifically, those who spent some time in
Korea, read more printed materials in Korean, and received more HL input from parents
tended to have better HL competency.
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CHAPTER V
DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Introduction
In this chapter, the findings of the present study are discussed. The chapter begins
with a restatement of the purpose and a brief review of the methodology. Then the
findings are presented and discussed in terms of the research found in the review of the
literature. Implications, both individual and societal, are presented, followed by
recommendations for practice. The chapter concludes with recommendations for future
research.
Purpose and Methodology
The purpose of this study was to explore the consequences of second generation
Korean American adults, considered language minority individuals, having or not having
HL competence. In addition, the study examined factors that may have contributed to or
inhibited the development of the heritage language of these Korean American adults.
A questionnaire and in-depth interviews were used to conduct this research. The
questionnaire provided quantitative data of the findings and the open-ended part of the
questionnaire provided qualitative data on the participants’ values and feelings .
The participants were limited to second generation Korean American adults
between the ages of 18 and 35. Early adulthood is a period in which more interaction
with diverse groups take place, and young adults may have a keen awareness of the
consequences of having developed or not developed their HL. Therefore, the results of
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the study can be considered related to the development or nondevelopment of one’s HL,
as other issues are controlled for. In addition, the criterion of second generation was
broadened by including Korean American adults who immigrated to the U.S. before
school age. For the purpose of the analysis, the term second generation Korean American
was used to include Korean Americans who were either bom in the U.S. or who
immigrated to the U.S. before school age; therefore, they grew up and began their formal
education in this country.
A total of 114 subjects were used in the final analysis, which included 98 subjects
who filled out the questiormaire and 16 who participated in the interviews. In the first
part of the analysis, the interview data and the responses to the two open-ended questions
firom the questionnaire were examined in regard to the effects of having or not having
developed one’s HL among Korean American adults. In the second part of the analysis,
the interview and the questionnaire data were used to address which language input
factors such as visiting Korea, watching Korean programs, attending HL classes, reading
printed materials in Korean, and parental use of HL at home were most helpful in
developing HL competency.
Findings and Discussion
Overall, the findings showed that having developed one’s HL, in addition to
English, is beneficial to both the individuals and the society as discussed in numerous
studies (Cho, Cho, & Tse, 1997; Hakuta & Diaz, 1985; Krashen, 1997; Min, 1997;
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Peal & Lambert, 1962). Our results revealed that there were a number of familial,
sociocultural, and personal advantages to developing one’s HL. The five main findings
are presented and discussed below.
First, the findings showed the advantages of HL development in family
relationships. Having developed one’s HL positively affected relationships with parents
and relatives. HL development was shown to ensure strong parent-child communications
and, at the same time, may have prevented alienation and delinquency, which are often
caused by the lack of dialogue between the two generations. It also was clear that many
of the participants believed that improving their HL ability would improve their family
relationships.
These findings were similar to those described in Wong-Fillmore’s (1991) study,
which documented the adverse effects for children of not speaking the language of their
parents. The “weak HL competence” participants in this study stated that, because of
their weak HL competence, little meaningful communication occurred between their
parents and themselves, resulting in distance between the two generations. The findings
showed a pattern similar to the pattern found by Kang (1996), in which communication
barriers existed in Korean immigrant families. Kang reported, for example, that one
Korean parent said that she wished there could be a simultaneous interpreter present when
conversing with her children. Many of the “weak HL competence” participants
experienced a similar firustration when communicating with their parents, who could not
fully comprehend what they were trying to say to them.
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In keeping with this pattern of findings, some of the “weak HL” group stated that
being fluent in HL would have helped in their relationships with their extended family,
especially with their grandparents. In comparison to those who had developed Korean,
the “weak HL” group had more problems with their relatives. Consistently, many
respondents stated that they needed to enhance their HL skills for a closer and more
meaningful relationship with their relatives and especially with their parents. As such,
learning one's HL as a means to ensure strong parent-child communication is an excellent
investment for both the individual and the society. Without it, children lose a great deal.
As Wong-Fillmore (1991) notes:
What is lost is no less than the means by which parents socialize their children.
When parents are unable to talk to their children, they cannot easily convey to
them their values, beliefs, understanding, or wisdom about how to cope with their
experiences. They cannot teach them about the meaning of work, or about
personal responsibility, or what it means to be a moral or ethical person in a world
with too many choices and too few guideposts to follow. What is lost are the bits
of advice, the consejos [advice] parents should be able to offer children in the
everyday interactions with them. Talk is a crucial link between parents and
children (p. 343).
Second, the findings also indicated that HL development brings sociocultural
advantages. The present study showed that those who developed their HL had a strong
ethnic identity, further enhancing their interactions with HL speakers. Those who had
“strong HL competence” had a strong sense of who they were, were strongly connected to
their ethnic group (i.e., were able to interact better with HL speakers), and had greater
knowledge and understanding of cultural values, ethics, and manners (i.e., were able to
participate fi-eely in Korean cultural events or activities). These factors helped them in
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socializing with HL speakers in both the HL community and when visiting their
homeland. In comparison, those who had “weak HL competence” suffered in their
interactions in comparison to those who had strong HL competence. The “weak HL”
group was more reticent to interact with Korean speakers than the HL fluent Korean
Americans and participated less in cultural activities and events. Some even strictly
avoided contact with Koreans. These results indicate that ethnic minority individuals
may benefit firom HL development. Loss of the HL also interfered with interactions
outside the immediate family. Some subjects reported a feeling of isolation and exclusion
firom members of their own ethnic group, both in the U.S. and while visiting their
homeland.
Not being accepted by one’s ethnic group, due to not having the requisite
membership badge of language, may have negative consequences as indicated by many
participants in the “weak HL competence” group. Some felt resentful and even angry at
Koreans both in Los Angeles and in Korea for not understanding why maintaining and
developing their HL was difficult for them. As a result, some avoided all contact with
HL speakers. Having developed one’s HL may facilitate in understanding more about the
culture and about individuals. This, then, helps to minimize conflicts and firustrations.
Many of the participants seem to be in “ethnic emergence” or “ethnic identity
incorporation” stages, as proposed by Tse (1996). Tse pointed out that some members of
a minority culture pass through several ethnic identity stages. “Ethnic emergence” is a
period of identity exploration for ethnic minorities, while “ethnic identity incorporation”
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is a period in which they resolve many of their conflicts about their ethnicity and find
membership in the minority American group.
The findings indicated that, even though the participants were bom or raised in the
U.S., many claimed their HL as an integral part of their Korean identity. Several of the
respondents specifically mentioned that their interest in the HL developed in recent years.
As was proposed by Tse (1997), some of these respondents in “ethnic emergence”
preferred being associated with their own ethnic group over mainstream society because
they experienced prejudice while interacting with mainstream individuals.
Some of the participants appeared to be in Tse’s “ethnic identity incorporation”
stage, in which they had overcome the feeling of alienation and accomplished a strong
ethnic identity and strong sense of group membership in a minority American group. For
example, Lisa shared how she finally realized need to learn her HL; however, she more
closely identified with Asian Americans who, similar to her, were not fluent in their HL,
rather than identifying with Koreans.
I feel like I’ve gone through so many phases of whether Korean is important. In a
nutshell, yes, it’s very important. Yes, it would have helped me tremendously
professionally. Yes, I would have liked to work with the Korean community
closely. Truthfully, I have always felt much more at ease with my close friends
because I have much more in common with them than I do with Koreans. I
classify them as Asian Americans who also speak English only.
Third, In addition to being a tool needed to communicate and socialize with one’s
family and HL community, HL development provided a personal gain, eventually
contributing positively to the betterment of the society. A number of the respondents,
mentioned the career benefits of being bilingual as a reason for their desire to acquire the
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HL. Those interested in working with the Korean community especially believed that
Korean proficiency would help them in their work, as well as give them more legitimacy.
Being fluent enough to translate or interpret for others spurred participants' HL
development as well as their cultural knowledge.
Having developed one’s HL was shown to have possible advantages for individuals
when interacting with the community. Knowing the Korean language provided, for some,
the fireedom to express their feelings and thoughts to HL speakers at any given moment.
Knowing their HL allowed them to serve the community. For some, their ability helped
in translating and interpreting for others who were not fluent in English. Krashen (1998)
has stated,
HL development is not harmful for nations, and may have important trade
advantages. As long as the dominant language is acquired, it is harmless to the
individual and may even beneficial (p. 9).
Among those who had “strong HL competence,” no one regretted having learned
and maintained their HL, nor did they ever experience any trouble or disadvantage due to
being able to speak their HL. Perhaps due to their “visible minority” status, even those
who did not care about their HL development at an early age, later changed their attitude,
a phenomenon that would be expected based on Tse’s (1996) ethnic identity stages. In
addition, it may be that participants felt more of a need to develop their HL because they
were second generation Koreans who had some sort of connection with HL speakers,
including their parents. HL development is crucial if the HL is the only means of
communicating with one’s parents. My sample may be biased becasue it include a large
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number of those enrolled in HL classes and may not be a typical of all Korean Americans
with this background
Fourth, the results also indicated that developing one’s HL is very difficult. Many
of our participants showed a shift firom their HL to English, with a remarkably rapid
speed. Despite the fact that the majority of the parents mostly or always spoke Korean to
their children, nearly all of the participants indicated English as their dominant language
and used little Korean on a daily basis.
The findings also showed that high language input yielded positive effects on the
development of HL among second generation Korean American adults. Specifically,
those who spent some time in Korea and those who had more language input in the form
of interactions, books, and other form of media did better in their HL competency.
However, each of these language input factors has limitations.
Visiting the home country was found to positively affect HL competency; however,
further research is needed to see whether visiting voluntarily or involuntarily made a
difference in acquiring HL. Reading was shown to be an important factor in HL
development; however, a large percentage of the participants (i.e., 71% of the
respondents) have never read in Korean. The majority of the participants watched Korean
programs. We can assume that this is possible in Southern California, where Korean
television, videos, and movies are accessible, but not in other parts of the country.
Parental input was shown to play an important role in HL development; however, such
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input is limited to the home domain. These limitations in the sources of input explain
why heritage languages are lost so rapidly and why language shift to the dominant
language is inevitable for many second generation Korean Americans.
Fifth, the findings indicated that, although attending HL classes and HL schools
was positively correlated with HL speaking, listening, reading, and overall skills, as well
as with using more HL at home, contrary to what was expected, participation in HL
classes or HL schools had no effect on HL development. It is too premature to judge the
effectiveness of HL classes or HL schools solely based on this study’s results since, in
general, participants’ length of attendance was short (i.e., less than two years). In
addition, affective factors such as motivation and attitude toward one’s HL development
and toward HL speakers were not dealt with in this study. Therefore, further investigation
is needed to examine the effectiveness of Korean language classes or Korean language
schools in the development of Korean American’s HL.
It is important to note that research (Brook, 1988; Cruttenden, 1986; Geer, 1981;
Kim, 1992; Shibata, 1988) has shown that HL classes attendees, in general, have not been
satisfied with the curriculum and structure of HL classes. Some research has cited the
inappropriate methodologies used in HL classes as one of the inhibiting factors in HL
development. Many of HL classes and HL schools rely on traditional methodologies, with
direct teaching of grammar, reading comprehension and translation of written texts and
HL attendees did not prefer such traditional methodologies. Another problem that HL
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acquirers mentioned as related to the failure of these schools to develop the attendees’ HL
was that many HL classes have an inappropriate mix of native HL students with non
native students (Kataoka, 1978).
Krashen (1998) has suggested that HL classes can provide comprehensible input
(Cl) that some HL acquirers find difficult to obtain in the informal environment. He noted
that “firee voluntary reading,” an activity that can build language competence
tremendously, can be done in private and is an especially powerful form of CL The
findings of the present study also support reading as an essential element in HL
development. One way of helping HL students establish a reading habit in the HL is to
teach popular literature as part of curriculum of HL classes or HL schools. McQuillan
(1995) has observed that providing HL students with high interest reading materials in
low anxiety environments produces positive results in terms of language acquisition and
improved confidence and attitudes. Students in McQuillan’s classes found such reading
material to be enjoyable sources of input, and they developed a habit of reading in their
HL which continued well after the course had ended.
In conclusion, there is mounting evidence that HL development is beneficial
(Tienda & Neidert, 1984; Fernandez & Nielson, 1984,1986; Tienda & Neidert, 1986).
HL development has cognitive and practical advantages, such as helping HL speakers
interact with and learn firom their elders and community (Wong-Fillmore, 1991). In
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addition, the present findings demonstrated a number of advantages of developing HL
among second generation Korean American adults. Overall, HL development appears to
be a good investment for the individual as well as for our society.
Implications
Heritage language development, in addition to English development, is an excellent
investment both for the individual and for society. The implications o f HL for each are
presented below.
Individual
1. Those children who immigrated to the U.S. were easily “Americanized” and
rapidly acquired a command of English. However, their parents were not always in a
position to acquire high levels of English competence. This discrepancy creates a
language gap within a family. HL development can minimize the gap and also help foster
closer and deeper familial relationships.
2. HL development can lead to better interactions with the HL community and HL
speakers outside the immediate family by helping individuals establish strong bonds with
their ethnic group members.
3. HL development can promote a child’s understanding of the parents’ culture and
his or her own heritage.
4. HL development can expand career opportunities.
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Societal
1. An individual who has strong HL competence can serve as an interpreter or
translator for immigrant families. Such individuals can assist newcomers or language
minority individuals and families to make a smoother transition from one culture to
another by bridging their language and cultural gaps.
2. HL development can ensure strong parent-child comm unication and, at the same
time, prevent alienation and delinquency, which are often caused by the lack of dialogue
between the first and second generation (Kim, 1981). HL development also will provide
the opportunity to pass down cultural ethics and wisdom. The preventation o f alienation
and delinquency, as well as the passing down of ethics have benefits for society.
3. HL development can lead to multilingual and multicultural individuals who can
participate in the local and global economies.
4. HL development can be an important part of ethnic identity formation. Those
children who immigrated to the U.S. at an early age, or who were bom in the U.S., often
face identity crises. HL development can instill a strong sense of who they are as
individuals and as members of a group.
Recommendations for Practice
1. The push for English among parents is very strong, so strong that some parents insist
on using English with their children even though it is not their first or even best language.
Nevertheless, there are excellent reasons for parents to support HL development.
Parental support is essential for their children’s HL development. Therefore, educators
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should inform parents of the importance of creating a supportive environment for the HL,
in which the HL is valued and comprehensible language input is provided. To create
such an environment, educators should inform parents about the factors that affect HL
development and make them aware of the reality of the language shift, a common
phenomenon in immigrant families.
2. As noted in the hterature review, nearly all HL classes are based on traditional
methodologies which discourage HL learners form acquiring the HL. As such, HL
schools should determine which methodologies encourage proficiency and should provide
programs rich in meaningful input and low in stress and firustration to help students
develop their HL proficiency and their feelings of efficacy.
Recommendations for Further Research
1. The present research was limited to subjects fiom the ages of 18 to 35. Thus, further
research needs to be conducted across a wider age span to determine which factors affect
which aspects of HL development across the life span.
2. The present study was conducted in Southern California, which is home to a large
Korean population and, as such, may have distinguished the subjects fiom those living in
areas with fewer Korean Americans. Thus, further research could study second
generation Korean Americans in other geographic areas which do not have as large a
Korean population.
1 1 2
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3. The present research used two sets of data from two sets of participants, specifically,
one set o f participants filled out a questionnaire, while another set participated in in-depth
interviews. While the two sets of participants were similar, further research could use
both a questionnaire and in-depth interviews with the same participants as a means to
triangulate various research methods.
4. The present study considered HL classes or HL schools as an independent variable, but
did not consider the efiectiveness of diSerent kinds of HL classes (different methods),
whether it was voluntary choice or not nor considered age of students taking the classes.
Thus, more detailed study of HL schooling is needed. Further research should examine
the effectiveness of HL classes or HL schools in the development of Korean American’s
HL.
5. Trips to Korea had positive affects in developing one’s HL; however, more detailed
study of trips to Korea is needed to see whether voluntary or not voluntary trips make a
difference in HL development.
6. The present research explored the consequences of varying degrees of HL competence
among second generation Korean Americans. Further research could involve a
replication of the present study with a variety of ethnic groups living in the U.S. In this
way, a broad body of knowledge could be acquired and added to the present
conceptualization of second language acquisition theory.
113
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Appendix A
(Questionnaire)
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Date:__________
Language Background Questionnaire
(Please or fill in the answers)
I. Personal B ackground:
1. Date of Birth / /, Age:________________ (month) (day) (year)
2. Sex:
a. Male
b. Female
3. Generation:
a. F irs t_______ (if you immigrated here) at the age o f .
in the year o f_______
b. S e co n d (if you were bom here)
0 . O ther (please explain)________________
4. How long have you been living in the U.S.? _____________________ years
5. Your father/mother’s ethnicitv: Father_____________________
M o th e r____________________
and occupation: Father_____ ________________
Mother. ____________________
6. W hat language do you feel more comfortable speaking?
a. English
b. Korean
c. Both
d. O ther(Specify)_______________________________________________
7. W hat is the level of your Korean language class are you enrolled?
a. Beginning
b. Intermediate
c. Advanced
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II. Language Proficiency
1. W hat is your primary language?
a. Korean
b. English
c. Both
d. O ther (Specify)_________
2. How well do you speak English/Korean? Please answer the following questions by
circling the num ber that best describes your ability in Korean and in English.
1 = very poor 2 = poor 3 = average 4 = good 5 = very good
a. Speaking
c. Reading
d. Writing
Korean
English
very p oor
b. Listening
Korean
English
Korean
English
Korean
English
e. Overall Skills
Korean
English
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
very good
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
III. Language Input
1. W here did you live the major part o f your life (more than 50%)?
a. Koreatown
b. With many Korean neighbors
c. With many or all non-Koreans
2. W ith whom did you live, who were fluent in Korean when you were growing up?
childhood: yes no n/a (not fluent in Korean)
a. father __________ __________ ________________
b. mother __________ __________ ________________
c. brother(s) __________ __________ ________________
d. sister(s) __________ __________ ________________
e. my grandparent(s) __________ __________ ________________
f. other ( s ) ______________________ _________________
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3. W hat language did your parents speak to you?
a. always English
b. mostly English
c. equally mixed
d. mostly Korean
e. always Korean
4. W hat language do your parents speak to each other at home?
a. always English
b. mostly English
0 . equally mixed
d. mostly Korean
e. always Korean
5. Have you ever visited Korea?
a. yes
b. no
If the answer is yes, how many tim es
How long was the total stay in Korea?
6. Have you taken any Korean language classes in Korea?
a. yes
b. no
If the answer is yes, how lo n g ? ________ (years) (months) When?
7. W hat were your prior experience in studying Korean language? Mark all th a t apply,
a. Korean language class: Yes / No For how long? _________________________
b. Korean weekend language school: Yes / No For how long?
c. Other form al learning experience:______________ For how long?_
8. If any of the above answers were "yes", how effective was your Korean language learning
experience? M ark all that apply.
a. Korean language class: Very effective Effective Not Effective Don’t know
b. Korean weekend language school: Very effective Effective Not Effective Don’t know
c. Other form al learning experience: Very effective Effective Not Effective Don’t know
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9. How often do you v/atch Korean TV programs, videos or movies?
never sometimes often always
10. How often do you listen to Korean music or tapes?
never sometimes often always
11. How often do you read books o r other printed materials in Korean?
never sometimes often always
12. How often do you read books in English?
never sometimes often always
III. L anguage U se
Use the scales in the box below to answer the following questions.
1 = English all the time (91%-100% English)
2 = Mostly English (60% - 90% English)
3 = Equally mixed (50% -59% English, 50%-59% Korean)
4 = Mostly Korean (60% - 90% Korean)
5 = Always Korean (91% - 100% Korean)
6 = Another language
7 = Not applicable ___
1. What language do you use the m ost with the following persons?
English E> Equal K> Korean Other n/a
a. parents 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
b. siblings 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
c. friends 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
2. W hat language do you use the most?
a. at hom e (e.g. meal times)
b. at church
c. at w ork
d. shopping in Korean stores
e. in a Korean restaurant
f. overall use
English E> Equal K> Korean Other n/a
2 3 4 5 6 7
2 3 4 5 6 7
2 3 4 5 6 7
2 3 4 5 6 7
2 3 4 5 6 7
2 3 4 5 6 7
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3. What language do you use in the following activities?
English E> Equal K> Korean Other n/a
a. watching T.V./video 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
b. listening to music 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
c. reading books 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
d. reading newspapers
or magazines
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
4. Describe an episode such, as a problem, a frustrating situation, or a happy moment that you
had because of your Korean language ability.
11. For what reason are you taking Korean language class?
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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

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Asset Metadata

Creator Cho, Grace (author)

Core Title Consequences of heritage language loss and maintenance and factors that affect heritage language development: Voices from second-generation Korean-American adults

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Education

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag education, bilingual and multicultural,education, language and literature,OAI-PMH Harvest,sociology, ethnic and racial studies,sociology, individual and family studies

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Krashen, Stephen (committee chair), Park, Edward (committee member), Rueda, Robert (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c17-403469

Unique identifier UC11353658

Identifier 9930482.pdf (filename),usctheses-c17-403469 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 9930482.pdf

Dmrecord 403469

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Cho, Grace

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA