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The aesthetics of performance in experimental Russian culture of the 1910's

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Content INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly fiom the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be fi*om any type of computer printer. T he quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. 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THE AESTHETICS OF PERFORMANCE IN EXPERIMENTAL RUSSIAN CULTURE OF THE 1910's Volume I by Meurk Cl2trence Konecny A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Slavic Languages and Literatures) May, 1998 © Mark Clarence Konecny Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. T3MI Number: 9902830 UMI Microform 9902830 Copyright 1998, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA THE GRADUATE SCHOOL u n iv e r s ity p a r k LOS ANGELES. C A LIFO RNIA 90007 Tkis dissertation, written by k .................. U ..... wr j d£r tke direction of h .u Dissertation Committee, and approved by a ll its members, has been presented to and accepted by The Graduate School, in partial fu lfillm en t of re quirements for the degree of DOCTOR O F P H IL O S O P H Y Dean of Graduate Studies Date 1998 DISSERTATION COMMITTEE L . Chairperson I f d ^ c r ) v f . A Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Mark Clarence Konecny 1653 Amberwood Dr. #26 S. Pasadena Ca. 91030 The Aesthetic of Performemce in Experimental Russian Culture of the 1910's This dissertation analyzes the various elements of performcuice culture as it relates to Modernism and Futurism in Pre-Revolutionary Russieui; among topics to be addressed are the interrelationship between theater and the poetic text, the mixing of high and low genres in Russian Modernism, cabaret, theater and the Futurist aesthetic. By identifying emd evaluating the performative qualities of the diverse groups of Russian artistic groupings, this study places Futurism within the context of a larger cultural milieu — a milieu in which the eccentric experiments emd ideas of the avant-gardists are to be seen not as anomalous, but as an intrinsic element in the new esthetic of the transfiguration of man. The relationship between the major Futurist groups and artists and the concepts of performance, peurody, emd improvisation in light of performance theory is elucidated. It is the contention of the author that Russiem artistic movements of the 1910 s, especially Futurism and Cubo- Futurism, must be reinterpreted as performance art, an aurt form that relies on the interaction of art and artist in a theatrical arena. The frequent critiques of Futurist poetry that stress its obscurity or incomprehensibility fail to take into account that the text is only a single element of the performance, much in the same way that the written script of the Commedia dell ' curte does not convey the true message of the improvisatory theatrical form. When "eurt" or "literature" is seen as part of a lemger whole, encompassing the role of the artist as actor {Gesamtkunstwerk), the tension between the written and spoken word, and the idea of oral culture, the "incomprehensible" text bec<xnes more that just a cipher, it reveals itself to be a complex part of the cultural mosaic Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. intentionally produced by the aurtist/performer. This dissertation examines prixnatry poetical and dramatic texts, and works of visual aurt, auid draw intertextual parallels with other works amd movements, both within the Russiaui context and in the wider context of European Cubism, Futurism, and Vorticism. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 11 Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to Joan and Anna Marie who patiently waited as I worked, and to my mother who couldn't wait for me to finish. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. iii Acknowledgements I would like to thank my advisor, John Bowlt for his advice and help, as well as Sharon Carnicke and Nancy Troy for their support and encouragement. My special thanks to the scholars and institutions in Russia for guidance and resources, especially Anna Opochinskaia, Alexander Parnis, Dmitrii Sarah'ianov, the staff of the Library of the Institut Mirovoi Literatury imena Gork'ogo (IMLI) and Russkii Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Literatury i Iskusstva (RGALI). I am also grateful for the support of the American Council of Teachers of Russian (ACTR) for a long term research grant in 1992 and to International Research Exchange (IREX) for a ten month grant in 1995-1996 to complete my research. While research for this dissertation was funded in part by ACTR and IREX, these organizations are not responsible for the views expressed. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. IV Notes to the Reader Transliteration The transliteration modifies the Library of Congress system, so that the Russian soft and hard signs have been rendered by ' and " respectively (e.g., Grigor'ev and s"ezd). This system is also used throughout the footnotes and the bibliographical data where references involve Russian language sources. Many Russian artists and writers spent part of their lives in Europe or the United States and often their names received various, even contradictory, transliterations from the original Russian into the language of their adopted home. For the sake of uniformity, however, names have been transliterated in accordance with the above system, except when a variant has long been established and recognized, e.g., Alexandre Benois, not Alexandr Benua; El Lissitzky, not Lazar Lisitsky. Times and Places Dates referring to events in Russia before January 1918 are in the Old Style. Consequently, if they are in the nineteenth century, then they are twelve days behind the Western calendar, whereas if they are between 1900 and 1918 they are thirteen days behind. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The city of St. Petersburg was renamed Petrograd in 1914, Leningrad in 1924, amd then St. Petersburg again in 1992. However, both the names Petrograd amd Petersburg continued to be used freely in common paurlamce and in publications until 1924. As a general rule, however, Petrograd has been retained here as the official name of St. Petersburg for the period 1914-24. Titles of books, catalogs, journals, and newspapers aure italicized; titles of aurticles, manuscripts, amd exhibitions aure in quotation maurks, but names of societies and institutions aure not. The Christian name amd surname of am individual aure given in full when he or she is first mentioned in a given section or chapter. Subsequent references to the individual caurry only the surname. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. VI TABLE OF CONTENTS Volume I Chapter 1: The Performance Aesthetic in Russicui Experimental Culture Chapter 2: Predecessors to Russian Futurism: Folk Theater, Urban Fairs, and the Passion Play 29 Chapter 3: Theater: The Futurists Perform- Circuses but no Bread 59 Chapter 4: The Russian Futurists Look at the Circus 116 Chapter 5: The Evolution of Theater: The Futurists Enter the Cabaret 139 Chapter 6: Victory euid Tragedy: The Futurists in St. Petersburg 189 Volume II Chapter 7: Vladimir Maiakovskii Tragediiai Synthesis in the Art of the Stage Chapter 8: Pobeda nad solntsem: The Future is a Dark Place 74 Chapter 9: A Feast in the Time of Plague : Futurism, Food, and Trams f igur at ion 165 Chapter 10: Conclusion: Life into the Theater- Theater into Life 195 Bibliography 200 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter One The Performance Aesthetic in Russian Experimental Culture As is often the case, this study was not in its inception a study of performance, but an analysis of a single minor incident in the history of Russian Futurism. I began to research a curious footnote to the year 1913 which was not, in itself, earth shattering in importance or destined to change the way we see the Futurist movement; however, it was a fascinating example of the role of mystification in the avant-garde. This incident led me to rethink the way I had interpreted the actions and intentions of the artists and writers of Futurism. Perhaps, it will provide an instructive example to define the task ahead. In the almanac Oslxnyi kbvost i mishen'(1913)[Donkey's Tail and Target], the critic S. Khudakov praises a group of new poets whom he describes as developing Rayonist poetry as the written counterpart to the style of painting developed by Mikhail Larionov and Natalia Goncharova and first exhibited in the "Donkey's Tail Exhibition" (held in conjunction with the Union of Youth, January-Febuary, 1912). The group was founded as a reaction to the pervasive Westernism of Russian avant-garde artists of the time, especially the artists of the Jack of Dieunonds group with Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 which Goncharova and Larionov had been allied until the fall of 1911. The connection between painterly and poetic rayonism was overt and intentional; Khudakov stated that B noaiax jiy^ncTax acho cKaawBaKTCA aaflann yiapnoHOBCKaro «HBonMCHaro viyAWSMa, lo/ibKO aHa/iornHHO paspaGoraHHaa b /inTepaiypHbix Oopwax/ These poets, identified as Anton Lotov, N. Bleklov, Reishper, and A. Semenov^, experimented with typography, with words extending out in rays from the baseline linear word or combining shapes with words. However, there is no evidence that any of these poets ever existed, apart from a couple of poems published in Teatr v karrikaturakh and the descriptions of plays written by Lotov to be performed at the Futurist theatre "Futu"^ As Khudakov's article makes explicit, these poets were portrayed as "real" artists, separate from the Donkey's Tail. This gave the impression of a widened scope of influence of the group among the population at large. However, it seems likely that these Rayonist poets and their biographies were inventions of the artists of the Donkey's Tail group. The mystery of why would this established group of painters and poets (Sergei Bobrov, Konstantin Bol'shakov and Il'ia Zdanevich) who participated in creating Rayonist poetry did not use their own names. Although these artists were still young, they were recognized as talented representatives of Futurist poetry. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 However, the Donkey's Tail group chose to present Rayonist poetry using imaginary poets. This mystification leaves the historian of this period with several questions ; 1 ) Does the pseudonymity of the author imply an insignificance for the text? 2) Is Rayonist poetry (and by extension poetry itself) subordinate to the visual arts? 3)Is this intentional mystification intended to be a significant element of the Futurist esthetic? 4)Was the mystification for the benefit of a wider audience or was it an inside joke? Of course, it is difficult to answer these questions or, in any comprehensive manner discover the intentions of the perpetrators of this hoax. If memoirs reveal the "truth" behind this event, that evidence has disappeared. The participants were closed-mouthed about the identities of the poets and even obfuscated the facts.* There is no doubt that there is a relationship between this hoax and the nature of the Donkey's Tail, given the obvious reference to the hoax at the Paris Salon des Indépendants in which a canvas smeared with paint by a donkey's tail was submitted by the art critic Roland Dorgelès and the owner of Le Lapin Agile, Frédéric Gérard, under the pseudonym of Joachim Raphael Baronali, but it is by no means assured that the audience was meant to reject the value of the poetry as innovation or that the poetry was meant to be merely a joke. Anton Lotov, who according to Khudakov, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. iavliaetsia edinstvennymi, gde slova nachinaet byt' svobodnym, ^ which is high praise indeed for an imaginary author. In fact, in an interview with Larionov in Teatr v karrikaturakh^ [Theater in Caricatures],there is a description of Lotov's play Pyl' ulitsy pyl which was to be performed at the projected theater "Futu." The imaginary had taken on a life of its own and become an intrinsic part of the theater. My original task was an inquiry into the "real" identity of Lotov. This imaginary author has an interesting history; apparently, Alexei Kruchenykh and Vasilii Kamenskii believed that Lotov was Zdanevich, or, at least, they told Nikolai Khardzhiev that they believed this in the 1930's.’ Gerald Janecek echoed this opinion and pointed to the similarity between Lotov's book Rekord (which apparently did not exist)® and Igor Terentiev's Rekord nezhnosti ® Other possibilities for the true identity of the author could include virtually any poet or painter who took part in the almanac Oslxnyi khvost i mishen ', or Lotov could have been Larionov or Goncharova, both of whom are mentioned in connection with Lotov. Khardzhiev concluded that Lotov was actually the poet Bol'shakov because 3 arviaBMe ntecbi A . /loTosa «nbiyib-ynui^bi nbm » BCKope 6biyio aaMeHeHO apyri/iM (« IlyiacKa y/inq») M asTopoM HassaH K Bo/ibinaKOB (cm. 3CKM3bl H. rOHHapOBOM M npOGKT HOCTaHOEKH M. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. /lapnoHOBa B xypH . Tearp b Kapf»fKaiypax M., 1913, No. 4 n 3aMeTKy « ^yiypMcwHecKaa flpaMa» B ra3. C T a n n v i/aa M OJwaUi., 1913 ? 0KTa6pa. “ This explanation provides the best proof of the identity of Lotov as Bol'shakov; the poet was closely allied with Larionov in 1913 and worked on the almanac; however, it is curious that a rather well-known poet would agree to have his work attributed to an imaginary person at a time when he was trying to achieve fame within the Futurist movement. Because poetry is an act of individual creation, the ego of the poet is very much invested in the poetry; however, writers often resort to alter egos for several reasons. Some, like Pushkin, wrote under a pseudonym to escape the attention of the censor or avoid political or social unpleasantness. Others, like Briusov who wrote Futurist poetry under the pen name of Nelli, to enable him to experiment with a style while deflecting the wrath of the reading public to an imaginary writer, still others have adopted an imaginary author as an alter ego to heighten the literary effect of the mystery. It would seem that the Futurists would not be affected either by political censure or public approbation; however, this Futurist effort is unique in that the imaginary authors were an integral part of a literary work, and even more significantly were included in the critical analysis of the movement. Perhaps the Futurists were expanding the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6 concept of literariness beyond the work, encompassing poetry, literature, and even the critical work as part of a larger Gesamtkunstwerk. Of particular importance to this study are the groups and individuals who were central to the genesis and evolution of Russian Futurism: Hylea, the Mezzanine of Poetry, and the Donkey's Tail; and Nikolai Aseev, Sergei Bobrov, Bol'shakov, the Burliuks, Goncharova, Khlebnikov, Kruchenykh, Larionov, and the Zdanevich brothers. These alliances, which came into being between 1912 and 1917, constitute the programmatic axis of Russian Futurism, and the manifestoes, literary and visual productions that resulted constitute the principal material for my appraisal. Futurism was not limited to performances in Moscow and Petersburg; many of the Futurists toured the provinces performing and scandalizing provincial society. One result of these tours was that the Futurists were also parodied by local, regional groups, often from provincial centers such as Rostov, Saratov, and Tver'. The results were miscellanies, almanacs, and journals that imitated and, at the same time, made fun of the metropolitan Futurists. These provincial publications often exhibit a view of Futurism radically different from that found in the parodies of the Futurists produced by the more sophisticated literary establishment which consisted of devotees of the more established Symbolist movement. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 7 However, the works from the outlying areas were almost indistinguishable from the works by the "legitimate" Futurists, and the writers and artists such as Bobrov, David Burliuk, Nikolai Burliuk, Khlebnikov and Larionov even felt it necessary to disclaim these groups as frauds. This provincial dimension is especially intriguing, because it enables the researcher to formulate an esthetic by which to judge Futurism. By identifying and evaluating the performative qualities of these diverse groups I hope to place Futurism within the context of a larger cultural milieu — a milieu in which the eccentric experiments and ideas of the Futurists are to be seen not as anomalous, but as an intrinsic element in the new esthetic of the transfiguration of man. In this work, I examine primary poetical and dramatic texts, and works of visual art, and draw intertextual parallels with other works and movements, both within the Russian context and in the wider context of European Cubism, Futurism, and Vorticism. Memoirs (such as Benedikt Livshits' Polutoraglazyi strelets and Kamensky's Zbizn' s Maiakovskim and Put ' entuziasta ), newspaper accounts of the time, and archival material play a crucial role in my assessment of the Futurist program. Also of great importance to this study are the memoirs of writers who were not a part of the Futurist movement, but who witnessed the performances or were in contact with them: accounts of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8 the Futurists at cabarets, chiefly, the Stray Dog and the Pink Lantern, memoirs and articles written by the Symbolists and the Acmeists, Konstantin Bal'mont, Valerii Briusov, Sergei Gorodetsky, Nikolai Gumilev, Georgii Ivanov, and Dmitrii Merezhkovsky. This dissertation is limited to performance and its application within the context of Russian Futurism during the period 1912-16. My concentration on this early period of Futurism is occasioned by several conditions. First, this initial stage of Futurist development owes much to the Symbolist heritage as a reaction to the cultural primacy of the ideas and philosophies associated with the Symbolist movement in the 1910's. It also is a reaction to 19th century personalities and phenomena which represented cultural hegemony. Figures such as Aleksandr Pushkin, Nikolai Gogol, and Fedor Dostoevsky were icons which the Futurists had to debunk or idolize (and in many cases both simultaneously). In the words of Benedikt Livshits, "I slept with Pushkin under my pillow- and who didn't? Would he not continue to disturb the sleep of those who declared him to be more incomprehensible than hieroglyphics ? To throw him overboard, together with Dostoevsky and Tolstoy, from the 'ship of modernity' seemed hypocritical." The tension between the heritage of Russian literature and the vision of the new man led the Futurists to vacillate wildly between worship and vilification. Second, the most Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 fruitful period of performance and of replies to these performances by both the press and rival literary groups was at this time. Third, pre-Revolutionary Futurism, essentially apolitical in nature, presents the researcher with a rather different avenue of inquiry that distinguishes it from the more "politicized" extension after 1917; finally, in the early years, the very relationship between theatricality and the Russian Futurist movement provides a fruitful field of research into the concept of the modernist esthetic, especially with regard to the role of performance. My methodology for this work is, in a sense, archeological cultural criticism. I attempt to place the Futurist movement in its contemporary context, making sense of references, subtexts, influences, and nuances of culture that have not previously been connected to the Futurist movement. In so doing, I give an added dimension to works that have been dismissed as boring, incomprehensible, and bad, and these descriptions are by noted specialists such as Vladimir Markov (" Kruchenykh's opera reads like boring nonsense,") ^^and Charlotte Douglas ("Kruchenykh's language [in Victory over the Sun] is . . . almost devoid of narrative content " ). The problem is that the researcher lacks the wealth of cultural information that was available to the contemporary audience, making sense of the nonsense. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 10 I draw on the writings of figures of the time who dealt with the problem of theatricality, most prominently Andrei Bely, Aleksandr Blok, Nikolai Evreinov and Vsevolod Meierkhol'd in addition to theorists in the Futurist movement such as Bobrov, Kazimir Malevich, Igor' Terent'ev and Zdanevich. The problem of theatricality and performance in the act of artistic creation figures prominently in their writings and aid in the interpretation of the performances and art of the avant-garde. Equally important is the creative act as described in the writings of the philosophers of that time. The philosophy of Henri Bergson, Benedetto Croce, and Aleksandr Potebnia and their theories regarding the aesthetics of artistic invention were of vital interest to early theorists of Russian Modernism; Evreinov, Nikolai Kul'bin, and Mikhail Matiushin adopted the concepts espoused by these thinkers in order to create a new art form that was based on performance. The concept of life as creative act was not new to the Futurists; the Symbolists were also concerned with this life as creation (zhiznetvorchestvo), which Belyi described as "Zhizn’ est’ lichnoe tvorchestvo. Umenle zhit' est' nepreryvnoe tvorchestvo. . .edinaia forma- tvorcheski prozhitaia zhizn'"^^ However, the application of this philosophy was realized not in Symbolism of the 1890's but in the experimental culture of Russia in the 1910's, most prominently in Futurism; the synthesis of the word and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 11 image, the ascendancy of abstraction, and the destruction of grammar and syntax all indicate that the work was not nearly as important as the artist. In fact, without the artist, the Futurist work of art is virtually incomprehensible. The Futurists expended much of their effort not only on the production of books or critical texts, but also on the production of appearances, readings, debates, disputes, and even scandals designed to shock the public. In fact, it was the creation of the image of Futurism rather than the creation of the corpus of work of the art form of Futurism that was their primary preoccupation. Perhaps the most important element of this image was the creation of an image of their way of life that would set them apart from the Russian populus and would prepare them for the new world envisioned in their art- which is the essence of zhiznetvorchestvo. Even though the task of reconstructing the world in the image of the Futurists would seem to indicate that these artists and poets were impossibly pompous, nothing could be further from the truth. Their pronouncements, art, and poetry show a wealth of humor, both coarse and sophisticated at the same time. Perhaps in reaction to the ponderous gravity of Vladimir Solov'ev and Viacheslav Ivanov, the Futurists chose to express their world view through absurdity and parody, refusing to fall into pathos and taking to heart the words of Nietzsche: " Who among you Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 12 can laugh and be elevated at the same time? Whoever climbs the highest mountains laughs at all the tragic plays and tragic seriousness. " The mark of the Futurist work is the ironic juxtaposition of tragedy and comedy as in Vladimir Maiakovskii. Tragediia (1913) [Vladimir Maiakovskii. Tragedy]. This combination of pathos and slapstick was not limited to the work, but was evident in the lives of those in the movement: the suicide of the leader of the Ego- Futurists, Ivan Ignat'ev which was at once terrifyingly tragic and farce. One of the most difficult tasks facing the researcher in an inquiry into the culture of the 1910 s is determining exactly what is Futurism. In 1913, the esthetic principles of Futurism had not been integrated into a cohesive system; Maiakovskii himself observed that before the revolution. Futurism was a term which was applied to all groups that were considered avant-garde.^ Added to this confusion, is the profusion of groups associated with Futurism, Modernism and the avant-garde in Russia: Ego-futurism, Cubo-futurism, Centrifuge, Hylea, Fuism, Orphism, Mezonin Poezii, to name only a few. Each of these groups claimed to be distinct from the other groups and connected to Futurism; each group produced manifestoes which purported to prove the significance of its achievements. Inevitably, these groups were short-lived and transitory with an ever-changing roster of supporters and contributors who often became Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 13 harsh critics and enemies. By the same token, it was not unusual to see a poet or artist allied with a group that only months earlier he had assailed with great vehemence. Because of this instability, it is virtually impossible to declare with conviction exactly what are the tenets of Russian Futurism; even within one group, such as the Byleans, there was no unanimity of artistic vision- Khlebnikov's and Kruchenykh's works bear little resemblance to those of Benedikt Livshits and Nikolai Burliuk. To add to this confusion, the researcher must also take into account other groups and writers who were considered to represent modernism, if not the avant-garde of art, and who were influential at that time. The Symbolists were still active in the 1910's, Belyi's Peterburg was first published in 1913. The Acmeists were also a potent force in Russian culture in pre-Revolutionary Russia, representing a counterpoint to Futurism; however, it must be remembered that the groups of Acmeism and Futurism were not in open conflict. The artists and writers of each group attended the readings and performances of the other, often at cabarets or disputes. The complexity and diversity of experimental culture make it almost impossible to use the traditional terms of "Futurism," "Modernism," and "avant-garde" with any hope of precision; therefore, I will retain the approximate definitions of Russian artistic groupings found in Vladimir Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 14 Markov's Russian Futurism: A History, that is, the groups and individuals identified by Markov as Futurist will be referred to as such in this dissertation. "Avant-garde" will be expanded to include poets, writers, and theatrical figures who can be considered to be the radical left of art: Vsevolod Meierkhol'd and Nikolai Evreinov, while not Futurists, were certainly avant-garde and shared certain artistic goals with the Futurists. The experimental culture of this time period should not, and indeed, must not, be limited to Futurism and the avant-garde, the contributions of the Symbolists and Acmeists as well as groups and individuals who do not fit into designated categories must be ever-present in any discussion of this period- The culture of the pre-revolutionary Russian empire must be seen as a fluid, dynamic mixture of ideas without the rigid dogma that would lend itself to easy definition. By reorienting the analysis of this period from the text to the event, many of the limitations of text bound analysis can be overcome, allowing a reconstruction of the social and cultural experience of that time. Using Richard Schechner's theory of performance as a systematic organizing framework, I examine the poetics of performance devised by the Futurists to create a new esthetic system which incorporates both the artistic and the social.^' I also apply the theories put forth by lurii Lotman in his essays "The Theater and Theatricality as Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 15 Components of Early Nineteenth-Century Culture," "The Stage and Painting as Code Mechanisms for Cultural Behavior in the Early Nineteenth Century," and "The Decembrist in Everyday Life."^^ Although the idea of performance and its relationship to the creative act has been examined in relationship to Russian Symbolism, most notably by Ann Lane in her essay "Balmont and Skriabin; The Artist as Superman." and Aleksandr Flaker in his essay " Metamorfoza, " and to the avant-garde by Nikolai Khardzhiev in his essay "Poeziia x zhivopis"' and by Krystyna Pomorska in "Mayakovsky and the Myth of Immortality in the Russian Avant-garde," these studies do not engage the concept of performance as the organizing esthetic of Futurism, and a comprehensive analysis of the role of performance in Futurism has not been produced. It is at this point that we must define exactly what constitutes performance. While this task would seem to be rather obvious : a perfoimance consists of a performer and an audience in which an action or idea is conveyed to the audience by the performer. Unfortunately, this simplistic description does not take into account the complex act that the performance represents. Even the relationship of performer and audience is not a unidirectional exchange of information; it is, as De Marinis defines it in The Semiotics of Performance, "a complex discursive event, resulting from the interweaving of several expressive Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 16 elements, organized into various codes and subcodes. . .through which acts of communication and signification take place. The audience is intimately involved in the act of performing, providing cultural context as well as reactive and interactive communication with the performer. Performance also takes place outside the traditional boundaries of the theater. The street, the auditorium, and the salon can also be considered the arena in which the performance occurs. The designation of theatre occupies both physical space, buildings constructed specifically as performance space or converted to that purpose, and symbolic space designated as an impromptu stage existing as a result of the consensus of performer and audience. Even the definition who is the performer in a society not a simple matter; whereas, traditionally performance was associated exclusively with the theater or with artistic endeavor, the relatively new field of performance theory redefined performance to include ritual, dance, music, sports, judicial proceedings, even societally defined etiquette. The Futurists exploited all of these areas in their experimentation with the mixing of art and life. Thus performance transcends the relatively minor arena of behavior defined as theater and becomes a means of cultural analysis. One of the difficulties which affects the study of the performance of Futurists is the problem of reconstruction Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 17 Of the performance. While the scholar has texts, eyewitness accounts, stage directions, newspaper reviews, and autobiographical statements about the nature of the performance; however, this information does not actually portray the nature of the performance: cadence, intonation, emotional shadings. There are a few audio recordings of Futurist declamations and some scenes from the films of Maiakovskii exist, but for the most part, we cannot know exactly the context for the Futurist performance. The question for the researcher is essentially the same one which faced Evreinov in his reconstruction of medieval Spanish drama and mystery plays: Bonpoc 0 TOM, j/M npaeT /in co CMepibio aK iepa v i ero MCKyccTBO, p a a p e m a e ic a rjml 6y a y m e r o oTpni^aieyibHo.- KuHeMaxorpacJ), rpaMMO(JjoH, n cxeHorpaMMbi cnacyx HamuM noxoMKaM v\ KocxioMHbiM oBtimk aKxepa XX sega, M ero MUMi/iKy, njiacxuKy, rojioc, xoTTKOBaHne poyiM n aa)Ke flexajibHoe, m ar sa uiaroM, Bon/ioiqeHkie xoro v \j\v \ hhofo o6pasa. Ho yMepyio m nojiHocxbro ci^eHnaecKoe XBopHScxBo aKxepa npouiTibix bgkob? Unfortunately, Evreinov's hope for technological preservation of performances was misplaced; film has deteriorated or has been lost, records have cracked, archives have burned or rotted. Even more importantly, most performances were never recorded at all. The scholar must draw clues from the text and from contemporary accounts and relate them to known models in order to understand the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 18 cultural milieu and semiotic sense of the performance. The Futurists represented a réévaluation of traditional models for literary and artistic behavior. Often, the writers and artists of this period drew upon the work of folklorists and the resurrected texts and motifs of pre-Petrine Russia, but the group was not content to follow the staid path of the elitist Symbolists who were more comfortable with the rarified scholarship surrounding folklore than with the folk themselves. The major figures of the movement were, for the most part, "of the people" coming from the rural areas of the Ukraine, Saratov, Baku, and Astrakhan. The Futurists' view of folk and popular culture was unblemished by the uncomfortable ironic distance that marked the relationship of the Symbolists to the masses. Unlike Bely, who was unable to disguise his distaste for the unwashed peasants in Serebrianyl golub' [Silver Dove], or Blok, whose Dvenadtsat ' [The Twelve] was less than a rousing affirmation of the rabochil narod, the Futurists were immersed in the popular culture of the time. Kruchenykh savored vulgar language and grafitti, compiling lists of dirty words as would a schoolboy. David Burliuk collected signboards and childrens ' art (most of his collection was destroyed in a fire at the estate in Kherson in 1913). Il'ia and Kirill Zdanevich discovered and promoted Niko Pirosmanashivili who was working at the time as a signboard painter in Tbilisi and exhibited his work in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 19 Moscow and St. Petersburg. The Futurists reveled in the wild anarchy of the street fair and the riotous fury of the working class hooligans and celebrated this in their art and poetry. For the purposes of this study, two major areas of performance theory will be considered. First, performance behavior as a tool to analyze the artistic, experimental culture in the second decade of the 20th century, using eyewitness accounts of the audience, critical texts, manifestoes, anecdotes and memoirs of participantswhich describe specific performances (in the broad sense that I have already indicated) as a means of recontextualizing this culture. Second, I will look at performance as a theatrical text^^ that is, examining the artifacts (texts) associated with the performance in order to understand the events as historical phenomenon. This second consideration is occasioned by the unique nature of the performance: it is contemporaneous, having occurred only once, the sets, costumes, even the dialog exist only as adjuncts to the moment of performance, in this way the act of performance is intrinsically linked to the performer and cannot be considered without a recognition of this fact. Unlike other forms of art which can be experienced long after their production, the performance is limited to the present by its very nature; therefore, no study of performance can fail to take into account audience and contemporary Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 20 considerations that would affect audience reactions necessitating an emphasis on the cultural semiotic codes which are addressed in the performance. The text of the performance, whether it be poem, lecture, or scandal, cannot be considered as an independent artifact; its meaning is linked to the act of performing.^® In addition to these concerns, care must be taken in determining what constitutes a performance or theatrical text in the modernist context. It is interesting to note that within the context of this study, few artistic endeavors are excluded from consideration because of the public nature of the modernist Russian culture, even such static art forms as painting, poetry, and book production become part of the performance process. However, the performance event is not limited to these artistic endeavors; the event inevitably is larger than the rigid confines of art, often the performance became a part of larger social eventssurely it is not happenstance that the height of Futurist scandals coincided with the hysteria over the Bailis affair.^® The performance event is equal parts aesthetic ideal and practical response to crisis.^* The event, is not only a matter of significance to the small circle of the audience, but also is related to the overall concerns of the society that gave birth to the performance. The semiotic subtext places each event within a larger historical context. The Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 21 event is for the artists "an instrument for achieving, by reality or illusion, a positioning of themselves and their audiences in a hostile and seIf-destructive world" this often utopian impulse is consistently historically self aware concerned with the position of the event in time. Even more significantly, the avant-garde artist was also aware of the historical significance of the event in retrospect, often restructuring history to add even more emphasis to the event. The struggle for control of the past and of the literary heritage of the avant-garde was especially acute in Russian Futurism; on one hand, LEF and the post-revolutionary Futurists expended much effort in order to include Khlebnikov in the history of their organization to place Futurism as the official art of the new communist state, on the other, David Burliuk, Kruchenykh, and Kamenskii rewrote history in their memoirs with an eye to the significance of their place in the world of art. Neither of these efforts happened by chance; they were a direct consequence of the transitory nature of the art which they produced; only the historical artifact and the significance of the art event within history exist as a result of the obsession of the avant-garde with performance. Even more significantly, this obsession with history and art became a part of the official Soviet doctrine under Stalin: Maiakovskii, and Maxim Gor'kii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 22 became cultural icons, not because of what they wrote, but because of what they represented- Within the context of Russian culture, these concerns can be demonstrated by an analysis of an anecdote which occurs in Anatolii Mariengof's memoirs "Roman bez vran'ia:" there is an account of a meeting between Sergei Esenin and Velimir Khlebnikov; Esenin and a group of his friends convinced Khebnikov to be crowned President of the World in a ceremony at the Kharkov City Theater. Esenin and Mariengof did not take the performance seriously. For them this was a spectacle designed to outrage the public; however, Khlebnikov apparently believed he was being crowned in earnest and cried piteously when the ring "which was the symbol of the office of President of the World" was returned to its owner who had lent it for the performance. This anecdote shows the dual nature of the Futurist performance; on one hand, the performance is a farce, borrowing elements of folk culture and theater to crown the carnival poet/king; on the other, Khlebnikov, through mysticism and madness, has aspirations to rule and transform the world through ritual and incantation. These two seemingly contradictory views are often contained within the same performance. This intermeshing of the epiphanic revolution with farce is strikingly similar to Bakhtin's vision of the role of the carnival in medieval society.Of course, there are many such anecdotes about Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 23 Futurist performances and the scandals that these performances provoked. These anecdotes, however, are not incidental to the research of this period; in fact, the myths and stories surrounding the artists and writers of this period are vital tools for the study of the Russian culture of the 1910's, seirving both to describe performances that the written text does not adequately encompass and discribe, and provide clues to the enigmatic meaning of the performance and the performer. Many of the so-called peripheral elements of Russian culture, alternative movements such as Theosophy, Siberian shamanism, animism, faith healing, and iurodstvo [holy foolishness], are significant, but under-investigated, influences on the art, literature, and theater of this period; these movements, while not central to the present study, should, nevertheless, be mentioned as a part of the artistic milieu of Pre-revolutionary Russia. In many cases. Futurist performance was non-literary or extra-literary. For the Russian Futurists, the hoax, the scandal, and the theatricality of life^^ imbued meaning in their actions. It is this inextricable link between performance and the artistic output that must be examined to grasp the significance of this movement. In early Futurism (1912-1917), because of the nature of the artistic work, the ideas behind the nonsensical and transensical were conveyed primarily through performance Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 24 rather than in the written text, for this served the dual purpose of imbuing the text with "meaning" not in evidence within the confines of the work of art and bringing the artistic text into the world of "culture". In many cases, the performance and the parodistic theatrical elements of Futurism were the only method of conveying meaning and content to the audience. Of major concern to the present study are the aspects of the Russian avant-garde which incorporated elements from disparate registers and disciplines such as primitivism (face painting, naive art), science (Khlebnikov's mathematical formulae), circus and burlesque (scandals at the various cabarets), musical theater and farce ( Victory over the San ,1913), menial life (Larionov's paintings Soldier, 1912 and Gypsy, 1909). The Futurists often imitated, depicted, or paraphrased these phenomena, and in the process of their parodies created new artistic systems. Futurism, which received much of its resonance from caricature, imitation, forgery, mystification, hoax, fraud, and word play, focused not on the written text but on the act of performing as an art form. Meaning, within the context of the Modern period and more particularly in the context of Russian Futurism, is not conveyed through text; it is, rather, a result of the melding of text and authorial persona through the act of playing the part of the author as actor. The text itself lacks the ability to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 25 bear meaning outside of the context of the performance that takes place within the artistic milieu. Performance, as it pertains to the modernist esthetic, is the focus of the experimental culture of the 1910’s. However, performance is not merely an artistic pretense for the Russian avant- garde; it is a method to combine the artistic act with life in order to transform humankind. It is precisely performance which is a principal impetus to the art and literature which we consider to be the body of Russian Futurism. The act of performance, including cultural presuppositions regarding audience, voice, rhythm, and setting, is linked to the creative act within the movement. Performance art was at the core of the Futurists’ creative act. However, the locus of this performance was not the élite salon of the Symbolists, but, rather, the burlesque. In other words, for the Futurists, the street was their stage. Often these performances would be dictated by elements taken from popular theater including outrageous costume and makeup, and in order to fulfill the dictates of impromptu theater, the Futurists intentionally provoked insults, arguments, fights, and catcalls. For those not sympathetic to Futurism, these scandals and bizarre occurrences seemed to be the work of madmen or clowns. However, the public was also fascinated with these events. This fascination with their antics led to a polyphonic resonance between the "legitimate" voices Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 26 of culture, namely, journalists and recognized artists and writers, and the radical avant-gardists. The defenders of culture were not blind to the apparent humor of the scandals; journals such as Satirikon and Teatr v karrikaturakhr as well as the newspapers Rech' and Stolichnala molva, published biting articles which parodied the Futurist satires, and the journalists of the time wrote misleading, sarcastic accounts of events that were intended to be satirical, adding to the confusion of both the identity and meaning of the Futurist performance. ^Oslinyi khvost i mishen' (Moscow, 1913) 144. ' The first names and initials of these poets were not given in Oslinyi khvost i mishen' or in Teatr v karrikaturakh. ^Futu was Larionov's and Goncharova's cabaret that would put on Futurist performance. See Mark Konecny, "Mikhail Larionov: Futurist Performance in Moscow," Experiment, 1 (1995) 182-197. Also "K proektu futuristicheskogo teatra v Moskve," Teatr v karrikaturakh, 8 Sept. 1913, No. 1: 14. *See Gerald Janecek, The Look of Russian Literature: Avant- Garde Visual Experiments 1900-1930 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984) ^ Oslinyi khvost i mishen' 142. ® Teatr v karrikaturakh, 29 Sept. 1913 No. 4: 13. ’ ’ Nikolai Khardzhiev "Poeziia i zhivopis'" K istorii russkogo avangarda (Stockholm: Hylea, Almqvist and Wiksell International, 1976) 80. ® Khardzhiev, 80. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 27 ® Janecek, 151. 10 See Konecny, Experiment 1(1995). 183-200, Khardzhiev, 80-81. ^^Especially interesting are the review of Neo-Futurizm by Nikolai Burliuk's article "O parodii i o podrazhanii" 1913 and Bobrov’s review of S. Podgaevsky's Pisanka futurista Sergeia Podgaevskogo in Rukonog. Livshits, Benedikt. The One^and~a-half Eyed Archer. trans., ed. John Bowlt (Newtonville, Mass. Oriental Research Partners, 1977) 121. Markov, 144. Charlotte Douglas, "Birth of a 'Royal Infant': Malevich and 'Victory over the Sun,'" Art in America 62 (Mar-Apr, 1974) 45. Andrei Belyi, ’ ’ Iskusstvo" Arabeskiz Kniga Statei. Moscow, 1911) 215-216. ^’Friedrich Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra. trans. Walter Kaufmann (New York Penguin. 1978) 40. Vladimir Markov, Russian Futurism: A History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968) Brown, 69. Richard Schechner, Performance Theory. (New York: Routledge, 1977) See also Richard Schechner, Between Theater and Anthropology (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 1985) Ann Shukman, ed.. The Semiotics of Russian Culture (Ann Arbor: Ardis, 1984) Marco De Marinis, The Semiotics of Performance (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993) 1-2. "According to RosaLee Goldberg: "Performance became accepted as a medium of artistic expression in its own right in the 1970's. . .It was during this period that the first history of performance was published, demonstrating Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 28 that there was a long tradition of artists turning to live performance [to] express their ideas." RosaLee Goldberg Performance Art From Futurism to the Present (New York: Harry N. Abrams, inc. 1988) 7. Most notably. The Futurist perform Cassette Tape, (Moscow: Gileia 1995) Fischer-Lichte, 173. Fischer-Lichte, 6-7. Stephen C. Foster, "Event" Arts and Art Events (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1988) 4. The Bailis affair was perhaps the most notorious antisemitic trial of the Prerevolutionary era in which a Jew was accused of murdering a child in a mysterious blood ritual. ^^Foster, xiv. ^°Foster, 3. ^^Mariengof, Anatolii. Roman bez vran'ia in S. V. Shumikhina ed. Moi vek moi druz'ia i podrugi- vospominaniia Mariengofa, Shershenevicha, Gruzinova (Moscow, Moskovskii rabochii,1990) 358. ^^Bakhtin, Mikhail. Tvorchestvo Fransua Rable (Moscow, Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1965) ^^Evreinov, Nikolai. "Teatralizatsiia zbizni" Teatr kak takovoi (St Petersburg: Sovremennoe iskusstvo, 1912) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 29 Chapter Two Predecessors to Russian Futurism- Folk Theater, Urban Fairs, and the Passion Play. Folk theater and its allied traditions of theater of the boulevard: the theater of the balagan (carnival) and gulian'e (fun fair^), is a second, albeit unrecognized, tradition of performance in Russia; the artistic culture of the first two decades of the 20th century with the increasing prominence of the malye formy (variety theater) and the revival of miracle and mystery plays is a direct result of the influence of popular culture on the theater of that time. For the Futurists, the wealth of folklore and pre-Petrine literature, as well as popular culture such as lubki (broadsheets), Petrushka, peasant theater, naive art, represented a viable alternative to the bankrupt values of Western art and literature. The discussion of popular and folk culture in the Russian context demands a clarification of terms. For the most part, folklore and folk culture refer to specific traditions related to the lives of peasants, specifically the songs, verses, and stories that developed within the oral tradition of rural Russia. The folk tradition was the subject of intense study in the 19th century by the Slavophiles who saw folklore as the true source of the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 30 literature and art that is characteristic of Russia. Popular culture on the other hand is the study of mass entertainment encompassing rural and urban, national and foreign sources. Popular culture has not, until recently, been studied to any great extent in the Russian context. The study of folk theater and popular culture was weighed down by political considerations under Communist rule as has been demonstrated in the studies of carnival and the character of Petrushka by Catriona Kelly and J. Douglas Clayton^. Skazki (folk tales), bylini (heroic epics), and folk dramas were important to the communist regime as both representations of the creative (and therefore, legitimate) acts of the working class and as the stirrings of revolutionary struggle against the nobility. Often, the folk theater was used by the Communist elite (Narkompros, Proletkult) as vehicles for propaganda.^ The terms poplaliarnaia kul'tura and fol'klornyi teatr have taken on the added ideological baggage of Marxist ideas of evolution and enlighten consciousness.* If we may accept the contention that the distinguishing characteristic which separates literature from folklore is the existence of a definitive written text in literature, then the difference between folk theater and popular-cultural theater is not so easily discerned. Often, folk plays such as Lodka (The Boat) and Tsar' Maksimilian were performed both in organized performances and in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 31 impromptu gatherings. I. N. Rozanov, a noted collector of folk tales in Russia, described the usual informal performance : necHfl pegbKo noeicR go KOHua. B oôw H H O M XOpOBOAOM MCnOJIHeHMM BoyiblUeiO HaCTbK) cyibiuiMTiJb H an a/10 v \ i \ v \ n e p s y io noyioBMHy necHu, 6o /1 bUJ»1 HCTBO neBUOB HaCTO He 3HaX3 T Bcew necHM . Hanayio B c e rfla aanoMUHaeTCfl yierne.^ The half-forgotten formulas of the folk drama indicate the point at which folklore makes the transition to popular culture. Motifs, half-remembered lines, and melodies from folk performances appear unexpectedly in the cultural contexts of urban balagany or gulian'ia having become a part of the cultural shorthand that creates common culture; thus, the reference to a boat in a Petrushka puppet show coupled with a familiar melody played by the sharmanka brings to the mind of the viewer the intended intertextual reference for Petrushka's savage beating of his bride to be as a reference to Stenka Razin's murder of his true love to insure the loyalty of his compatriots. Although folklorists often try to trace versions of folk tales to the earliest possible source in order to maintain the "purity of the folkloric text"® and point with disdain to popular inventions like the tooth fairy as fakelore, the problem of influence on the experimental artistic culture of the turn of the century does not divide itself so neatly between folklore and popular culture. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 32 Often the question of influence encompasses both "pure" folklore and folklore filtered through popular sources. The synergistic relationship between traditional folklore and its popular reception was, in fact, the spirit which the Futurist hoped to capture in their own works combining both the past and the future in the hopes of creating a new art form. For the purposes of this study, folklore and popular culture can be viewed as facets of the same phenomenon. Although certain texts have entered the realm of literature with the codification of a standard text, as in the case of Slovo o polku Igoreve or Zadonshchina which are no longer seen as part of the folk culture, they were perceived as being part of the culture of the masses. Most of the pre- Petrine tales, such as Frol' Skobeev or Sbemiakin sud, had, by the beginning of the twentieth century, also become the subject of literary or historical studies. Even though folk culture can be seen to encompass popular culture, the problem of the perception of folk culture remains: urban amusements, dirty chastushki, vulgar songs, the bawdy music hall are all commonly excluded from consideration when the term "folk culture" is used. In his introduction to Russian Drama From its Beginnings to the Age of Pushkin, Simon Karlinsky points out the preconception most scholars hold about the nature of Russian dréuna before Griboedov- that Russian drama was Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 33 at that time a poor imitation of French neoclassicism and was beneath consideration as a serious subject.’ However, Karlinsky unwittingly reveals a second, if unintended, bias that his masterful study only partially addresses: the superiority of traditional Western theater over its folk counterpart, even more pointedly, the superiority of the literary play over the oral mimetic performance. This bias is a result of both the nature of scholarship on the theater which relies on artifacts (plays, memoirs, playbills) and the perception of the society itself which gives preference to the creation of a national literature rather than to the ideas which formed this literature.® A recurrent, if not obsessive, theme in Russian intellectual thought is the problem of the creation of a national literature. A progression can be traced from Alexander Pushkin, who, in the 1820's and 1830's was concerned with creating a reading public as the basis for a national literature, to Vissarion Belinsky in the 1840 s, who first framed the question "Does Russia have a literature?" and on to "o pricbinakb upadka i o novikb techeniiakh sovrenennoi russkoi literatury" (1893) [On the Reasons for the Decline and on the New Trends in Contemporary Russian Literature] in which Dmitrii Merezhkovskii claimed that Russia had failed in its quest to create a literature based on the Western model. The bias against folk theater was yet another manifestation of the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 34 drive toward Westernization instituted by Peter the Great and nurtured by Catherine the Great (who wrote several plays during her reign) on one hand and the resistance of the Russian Orthodox Church to displays of so-called pagan ritual on the other. These two seemingly opposed forces stunted the popular culture of the skomorokhi ^[minstrels], the puppet theater, vertep, and even rituals involving death and marriage. Belinsky, in his letter to N. Gogol (1847), outlined the reasons for suppression of this 'second' culture: Russia sees her salvation not in mysticism, nor asceticism, nor pietism, but in the successes of civilization, enlightenment and humanity. What she needs is not sermons (she has heard enough of theml) or prayers (she has repeated them too oftenI), but the awakening in the people of a sense of their human dignity lost for so many centuries amid the dirt and refuse. It is precisely these elements of mysticism, asceticism and pietism which Merezhkovskii advocated in his article. This search for a replacement for a literature that the Symbolists saw as old and decrepit, led to a search for different models that would provide a basis for the new literature. The resurrection of the folk tradition in literature was part of an evolving process in Symbolism leading to the "mystical" novel of Andrei Belyi Serebrianyx golub' (1910) [The Silver Dove] which was a study of a religious sect, as well as many theoretical articles on the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 35 subject of religious ecstasy, most prominently Belyi's "Magiia alov" (1909)[The Magic of Words] and Alexander Blok's "Poeziia zagovorov i zaklinanii"[The Poetics of Magic Spells and Incantations.](1908) The Futurists drew upon this tradition by elaborating the theories of the Symbolists and transforming their ideas into actual works. It is only with Futurism that the influence of the marginalized folk genres becomes not merely a literary affectation but a driving force in the creation of a new art form. The Futurists accepted even the "dirt and refuse" of Belinsky's Russia that the Symbolists were unwilling to allow into their literature; such previously unacceptable forms as graffiti, dirty words, advertising, peasant chastushki, and scatological humor became vital elements of art and literature allowing the folk sensibilities of the peasant to invade the temple of high art. The influence of the folk genre, both directly through the research of folklorists and and indirectly in the ideas of the Symbolists, is prominent in the works of the Futurists. This manifestation of popular culture is especially pronounced because of the relationship between folk performance and Futurist performance as a synthesis of theater with life. Victor Turner observed: Theatre is one of the many inheritors of that great multifaceted system of preindustrial ritual which . . . interdigitates clowns and their foolery with gods and their solemnity, and uses all the sensory codes, to produce Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 36 symphonies in more than one music: the intertwining of dance, . . . song , chant, architectural forms (temples, amphitheaters) . . . ritualized feasting and drinking, painting, body painting. . . and so much more. Rapid advances in scale and complexity of society, particularly after industrialization, have passed this unified liminal configuration through the analytical prism of the division of labor, with its specialization and professionalization, reducing each of these sensory domains to a set of entertainment genres flourishing in the leisure time of society, no longer in a central driving place. ^ It is precisely this rejection of entertainment genres within the realm of art which the Futurists hoped to achieve, using the models of the past as a means to this end. However, it was not merely the motifs of folk art which intrigued the Futurists; it was the culture and ideas which led to the creation of this art which were vital to the Futurist ethos. In order to understand the influence of folk theater on the Futurists, it is necessary to outline the rediscovery of the tradition, analyze the important works and genres of the folk traditions, and point to direct influence on Futurism with regards to the creation of its esthetic system. The history of the study of Russian folklore and associated genres is directly related to the questions which the Futurists would address in the 1910's: nationalism, the idea of a native literature, the creation of a heroic literature, and creation of a pure Russian Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 37 language. The broad interest in the study of Russian folk literature can be traced back to Count Aleksei Musin- Pushkin's ' discovery ' of a manuscript of Slovo o polku Igoreve [The Tale of Igor 's Campaign]. This manuscript (which was lost in the burning of Moscow in 1812)/^ along with the discovery and publication of the Zadonshchina in 1852, sparked an interest in the lost heritage of Russian literature. In the 1830's, the Slavophile Petr Kireevskii began collecting Russian folksongs as a result of the influence of Friedrich Schelling's and Joseph Gorres' inquiries into the nature of myth and its nationalist implications. Gorres collected German folksongs between 1806 and 1813 as part of an effort to reunite the German people into one nation; Kireevs kii had a similar goal in mind- the detachment of the Russian state from the influences of the West. Although Kireevskii and Vladimir Dal' gathered large collections of folk songs and tales in the 1830's and 1840 s, it was not until the 1860's that their efforts were published for the first time. The 1860's marked the beginning of widespread collection and study of folklore in Russia; the folklorists of this time were greatly influenced by the mythological theorists Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, and Friedrich Max Müller who proposed that all folk creations were an echo of the original Indo- European myths. However, the Russian theorists, led by the music critic Vladimir Stasov, held that the majority of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 38 Russian folklore came not from Indo-European sources but from the East. Stasov claimed that Asian influence on Russian culture "manifested itself in everything: in language, clothing, customs, buildings, furnishings,items of daily use, ornaments, melodies and harmonies, and fairy tales.Aleksei Veselovskii, a proponent of this position wrote several articles analyzing the connection between legendary tales of the East and Russian byllny. These folklorists were not only concerned with the content of the stories but also with the language and structure of the tale, relating the language to the primordial roots of the tale. The Russian folklorists, drawing upon and elaborating the theories of the German mythologists, attempted to create a connection between the language of poetry in the folk genre and ur-language. Drawing upon the theories elucidated by Giambatista Vico^® on the relationship between the genesis of language from poetic form and the mythic forms imbedded in folklore, both Veselovskii and Aleksandr Potebnia developed theories that linked the development of myth to the development of language. Pre-poetic language, according to Potebnia, was merely an amalgam of unrelated words which did not differentiate between objects, the properties of a given object, or the action of that object.^ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 39 Potebnia went even further and held that the word contains within itself the structure of the poetic work, that the word encompasses the poetic act by the complex interactions of the parts within the semantic discourse. Veselovskii, on the other hand, drawing on Friedrich Max Müller's dictum that "myth was a disease of language," was inclined to see myths as a corruption or imprecision of the naming of natural events.These two competing views of the nature and origin of poetry became the starting point for the modernist search for new forms. Both the influence of the orient and the question of poetry and its origins were central to the Futurist esthetic system. The study of folklore afforded the Futurists a little researched literary and artistic heritage that served the dual function of grounding the new art with familiar symbolic elements and lent legitimacy to their experiments. In 1913, in preparation for the publication of Sadok sudei 2 [A Trap for Judges], the cosigners of the opening manifesto of the almanac gathered for a discussion; David and Nikolai Burliuk, Khlebnikov, Kruchenykh and Livshits met at the house of Elena Guro and Mikhail Matiushin on Pesochnaia Street in St. Petersburg. According to Benedikt Livshits' memoir, Polutoraglazyi Strelets, [The One and a Half-Eyed Archer], the point of contention centered on a heated discussion of Potebnia's myth theories which led to the inclusion of point II in the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 40 manifesto: "We believe the word to be a creator of myth; in dying, the word gives birth to myth, and vice versa. " This programmatic debate on the nature of the Futurist conception of the word and the relationship of art to the world in Futurist poetry involved Nikolai Burliuk, Aleksei Kruchenykh, and Livshits and functions within Livshits' memoir as a signifier for the appearance of Khlebnikov as a principal character within the narrative. Although Khlebnikov himself did not participate in the argument, his presence as a "Hawk-Horus" brightened the room as "a fortuitous comet. Khlebnikov, more than any other Futurist poet, took the ideas of Potebnia and applied them to the word, exploring not only the origins of myth but also the poetic potential of phonemes in the poetic text. The mythological melding of scientific process, historical perspective, and poetic creativity provided Khlebnikov with a theoretical basis for his experimentation with mythological primitivism. In the poem "Perunu"^^ [ To Perun], Khlebnikov demonstrated the historical connection between the poetic and the mythological: B or, BOgaMM HOCWMblM, ^ H a H b e M B c ip e n e H JieB eaew , H e npeflonpefleyiM yi rm ibi U y c n M W P o fly HM 3B epruiM x t a yuoflew. . . . HaBb8M B03V10>KeHHblM Ha CaHM, K ax HeKOFfla Tbi nponbiyi f ln e n p - T a x Tbi oxoHHMJi H e p y H e n p , ysn aB BHOBb cyiaaocib bck3 xacaHWM^^ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 41 ' This poem illustrates several important links to the Mythological school. First and perhaps most importantly, it invokes the nationalism and orientalism which had such a prominent place in the discussions of Kireevskii and the Slavophiles. Khlebnikov points to the conversion of Vladimir to Orthodoxy and the subsequent influence of the West as the turning point which directly contributed to the naval disaster at Tsutsima and the apocalyptic repercussions of the Russo-Japanese War. The destruction of native Russian values resulted in the chain of events which led to the humiliating defeat of Russian forces by the Japanese in 1905. However, Vladimir's casting down the idol was not merely the origin of the problem of the decay of Russia, Tsutsima was a reinactment of the betrayal of the Russian people. By awakening, what was to him, the true spirit of Russia embodied in the folklore and mythology of the Slavs using the poetic form, Khlebnikov hoped to purify the Russian soul and eradicate the malaise brought on by the disease of European influence. The second link to the mythological school is in the formal aspects of the poem which also reflect this concern with purification and transformation. Khlebnikov's slavophilic rigorism in language has often been cited^’; in this poem, only one foreign word, "Tsutsima," appears as the last word in the seventh line where it acts as a jarring reminder of contemporary history in a religious meditation of water and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 42 mythology. Khlebnikov also uses a neologism "Perunepr" to effectively demonstrate the role of the word in mythology; the combination of the mythological personage with the natural landmark creates a new entity, in essence, a rebirth of the God of the Slavs; however, this rebirth is a result of the corruption and confluence of two distinct words and concepts, perhaps even reproducing the effect of the ancient manuscripts which did not mark word or sentence boundaries. The large number of nouns in the instrumental case in this poem reproduce formally the act of transformation described in the poem. Khlebnikov, however, made the connection between the origins of poetry and the transformative process explicit. His often-cited ”Zakliatie smekhom" [Incantation by Laughter] reproduced the hypnotic repetition of the folk incantation to literally produce a change in the state of the listener; the ceaseless repetition of the root "smekh" when read aloud would cause the listener to internalize the word and begin to laugh, thus, completing the spell. This repetition echoed not only folk spells but also liturgical chants; the hallmark of the style of the 17th century hesychasts, such as Simeon Polotskii,was a rhetorical repetition of nouns and adjectives combined into neologisms {pletenie slaves)Khlebnikov returned to this style time and again; in the poem "My charuemsia i churaemsia" (1913?) [We bewitch and shun], Khlebnikov identifies the roots that Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 43 will be repeated at the beginning of the poem, and as in "Zakliatie smekhom," the repetition of the word root is associated with spells and enchantment: (KOpHM- Hyp. . . M Hap. . . ) Mbi HapyeMCfl m H ypaew ca. TaM H apyacb, 3flecb n y p aacb . To H yp axapb , to napaxapb, 3flecb HypwYib, la M napi/i/ib. Khlebnikov carried his experimentation beyond this rudimentary emulation of folk rhythm; he explored the meaning of sound that he felt was implicit in the poetic act. C/1060 He/IIOÔMMblM, H6 /IB/IM M blM - BCXpblBaiOT oTHomeHMe /no^a n rnobm POflCTBeHHOCTb, CBaiOCTb M C B B T, FpeX M ro p e ib - yxaabiBaeT, h to npagevi pas/in navi : a y m a -oroHb le n /ia a v \ g y m a - c a e i. CnoBo len jib m M M eei 6paHHbiM cmwc/i, CBeii/iK- /lacxaTeyibHbiM. By adding the dimension of meaning as a function of the euphonic orchestration of the word, Khlebnikov was able to dispense with syntactic relationships between words within the poem and to, instead, rely on rhyme or analogy to suggest the logic of the relationship between two seemingly unrelated concepts. This element of Khlebnikov's style suggests that poetry was a means of rediscovering the origins of primal language as identified by Vico and Potebnia. The conclusions drawn by Vico closely parallel the poetic "discoveries" of Khlebnikov: At the same time that the divine character of Jove took shape- the first human thought in the gentile world- articulate Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 44 language began to develop by way of onomatopoeia,. . . From the whistle of lightning must also have come the Latin cel, one of the monosyllables of Ausonius, pronounced however with the Spanish cedella (ç) which is required to give point to Ausonius's own jesting line about Venus: Nata salo, suscepta solo, patre édita caelo, "Born of the sea, adopted by the soil, raised by her father to the sky." The meaning of seti [nets] is clear, as something that closes around the movement of a catch of fish, something that forms a bond so between the hunter and his quarry. The common bond of ancestors is soi [clan], that is, people of a common tribe are connected by common truth and customs and walk so. Selo [settlement] is a place where people are in so with the earth. In both instances, the emphasis is on the intrinsic connection between sound and meaning. Both authors attempt to discern the hidden logic of the creation of language. Vico's use of Ausonius's pun is remarkably similar to Khlebnikov's word play suggesting a common root in folklore. This obsession with the origins of language led Khlebnikov to examine many different primitive cultures, Egyptian, Persian, Finnish, and incorporate elements from their mythologies into his personal world vision, but interestingly, he never exeunined any of these languages to bolster his argument.However, this is not to say that his references to these cultures was without foundation; Khlebnikov often referred to Herodotus and other classical writers in his works. Many of the obscure references to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 45 mythological beings in his poetry were drawn from his obsessive research into history to calculate his "tables of destiny." The inspiration for the union of folk tales and modern poetry that came to fruition in zaum undoubtedly came from the article "Poeziia zagovorov i zaklinanii" in which Blok asserts: Ceepx Toro, saroBopw, a c hmmm sea o6jiacib HapoAHOM Marwi/i v\ oGpaAHOcTW, OKaaajiMCb Torn pyAOM, FA© 6iie iA e i aonoTo HenoAAe/ibHow no33 Mio. . . Box noHGMy aaroBopw npi/io6p ejin ncMxo/iornHecKMM, ncxopMHecxMM v\ s c p e m 7ecsr^ i7 v\HTepec M xmaiejibHo coBwpaioTCfl v\ MccAeAyK)Tca. 3 3 This article, which advocates many of the ideas which the Futurists would later implement in their poetry also laid a scholarly foundation for the Futurists' experimentation with word formation, citing important source material that would be used by the new generation to create zaum. In addition to such important philologists as Veselovskii and Potebnia, Blok carefully documents folklorists who worked on Slavic magic spells, most notably Ivan Sakharov whose work Skazaniia russkogo naroda (1841)^^ was the first attempt to collect magic spells in Russia. It is interesting to note that Sakharov's book was prized by Khlebnikov, so honored that Khlebnikov has his Rusalki reading magic spells from Sakharov's textbook in his poem ”Nocb' V Galitsii"(December, 1913) [Night in Galicia]. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 46 Sakharov’s work fulfills a dual function in the poem, providing a historical background for the use of zaum in poetry and as a magical book in and of itself with Khlebnikov invoking its sacred nature. Blok's desire that the magic spell be revealed as true poetry comes to fruition in this very poem: PycayiKM ( a e p x a i B pyK e yneGHMK C axapoea v \ noioT no HSMy) nycKaw K nHK) TOMy npnTibHy/ia T y m a 6eyiaa obuw H K cBnpe/iM npoTflHy/ia 06Ha^eHHbie peai^bi. P y a x a a o , pwHflo, pwHflo. niOHO, mOHO, UIOHO. IlMHqo, HMHUO, nnHqo. n a u , n a q , nai;.^^ Inevitably, Khlebnikov contextualized his transrational language within the work so that the nonsense syllables had meaning. In this case, by placing zaum in the magic spell, the audience would understand the word's use as a function of a specialized, secret lexicon. Although Khlebnikov's obsessive concern with mythology and history set his activity apart from many of the poetic and artistic experiments which the Futurists conducted before the revolution, his poetic oeuvre and the sources which he used were incorporated (and at times, appropriated) by his fellow Futurists as an organizing principle of the incipient movement. Khlebnikov's influence Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 47 was especially evident on his sometime collaborator Alexei Kruchenykh. Kruchenykh, unlike Khlebnikov, was not a rigid Slavophile, and much of his poetic output reveals his fascination with the polyglottal nature of language and word origin. It was Kruchenykh's experimentation with words and with glossolalia that led to the development of zaum [transrational language] in 1913; this alogical poetic form was the basis for much of the experimental literature produced by the Futurists and was the element which caused the critics of Futurism to trumpet the irrationality and incomprehensibility^® of the movement. The fascinating and rapid developments of zaum in 1912 and 1913 largely through the efforts of Kruchenykh reveals the great influence of folk sources on the Futurist performance. Kruchenykh took the process of poeticization of the mystic word one step further than even Khlebnikov or Blok had envisioned: the reduction of the poetic text to its most basic elements, the word, the syllable, the letter. By reducing zaum to its most basic elements, Kruchenykh asserted that language consisted of two different systems- vowels which carried universal meaning and consonants which "render everyday reality, nationality, weight."^This principle was demonstrated in Vzorval' and "Deklaratsiia slova, kak takovaia" by the contrast between the two types of language; in Vzorval' Kruchenykh demonstrated the national character of language: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 48 an p e/ifl b 3 Haca nono/iyflH n a MFHOBeHHO OBJiaaeji B coBepmeHCTBe Bceww asbiKaMw. TaKOB n03T COBpeMGHHOCTM IIOMeniaK) CBOM CTMXM Ha anOHCKOM MCnaHCKOM V\ eBpeWCKOM fl3blKaX- U I K 3 MMHa H kl CHHy KCM HMax ajMK 36/1 ro O C H E r K A M A M P BATy/lbBA BHHy A E K C E /1 B E P TyM flAX TH3 UIMUI)* Nils Âke Nilsson points out that these neologisms are mostly corruptions of words or endings that are more parodie than poetic.^' However, these examples from Vzorval' show the variety of methods of producing zaum; the Japanese example was lithographed drawings of words and drawings meant to resemble Japanese calligraphy The German zaum, on the other hand, was inkstamped on a blank page without any illustration. The Jewish illustration consisted of the Russian vulgarity ”shish"*^ drawn to resemble Hebrew lettering. The variety of styles applied in this section reveals Kruchenykh's attitudes toward the groups involved. The German example is the least visually and contentually interesting, merely reproducing the aural cadence and normal consonant sounds of the language; the stamping is crooked and uncentered on the page. It is as if the typography was part of the polemical discourse, indicating Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 49 the relative unimportance of the influence of Germany on the Futurist esthetic. The Japanese selection is the most visually pleasing of the three examples, while the ersatz Hebrew is vulgar and could be understood to be an anti- Semetic slur. Given the context of the anti-Western sentiment of Futurism, it would seem that Kruchenykh is also advocating a rejection of Europe in favor of the more delicate East and, by the visual and auditory reproduction of the characteristics of various nationalities, he implies that language is as much a description of a people as it is a means of communication. Kruchenykh made this connection to the east even more explicit with his best known poem "Dyr bul sbchyl" which he claims contains "more of the Russian spirit than in all of Pushkin."*^ This extravagant boast is all the more curious because the poem was an adaptation of the Japanese forms of the haiku and tanki*^ and because of the use of Turkish words as the root source for sound orchestration.*^ The reliance on Eastern languages and forms for this poem may at first seem to be paradoxical. Kruchenykh"s purposeful comparison of the greatest Russian poet, Pushkin, to a poem that has little to do with Russia seems to be inappropriate; however, within the context of the ideas of Russian Futurism of 1913, the intent of Kruchenykh"s polemic makes both rhetorical and ideological sense. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 50 As we have seen with Khlebnikov, the ideas of Slavophilism and the Folklorists of the late 19th centuzry were alluded to in Kruchenykh's contention; Pushkin, whose first language was French and whose literary style is closely patterned after the tenets of European Romanticism, is the wrong model for Russian poetry. The true model for Russian poetry comes from the Russian heritage which descended from the arts and philosophy of the East. Kruchenykh's point of view was certainly influenced by the debates surrounding the schism between the Jack of Diamonds group and Goncharova and Larionov. Goncharova, in the Preface to the Catalogue of her One-person Exhibition in August of 1913, summed up the sentiments of the NeoPrimitivists: "Hitherto I have studied all that the West could give me, but in fact, my country has created everything that derives from the West. Now i shake the dust from my feet and leave the West, considering its vulgarizing significance trivial and insignificant- ray path is toward the source of all arts, the East.Aleksandr Shevchenko elaborated the connection between the art of Russia and the East in his book Neoprimitivizm. Ego teoril, ego vozmzhnostif ego dostizhenli. (1913) [Neoprimitivism. Its Theory, Its Potentials, Its Achievments]: Russia and the East have been indissolubly linked from as early as the Tatar invasions, and the spirit of the Tatars, of the East, has become so rooted in our life that at times it is difficult to distinguish where a national feature ends Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 51 and where an Eastern influence begins. . . That is where we obtain such epithets as "frenchified" painting, in which, if we investigate a little more deeply, we will again sense the splendor of our barbarity, the primitive of the East.*’ Given the highly charged atmosphere of the artistic scene in Moscow in the summer of 1913 and the extensive press coverage of the events surrounding the Futurist exhibitions, the contemporary audience would have had no trouble recognizing the subtext and ideological position of " Dyr bul sbchyl. " This amalgam of influences from folk sources, 19th century Slavophilism, psycholinguistic theory, and German folklorists accounts for the riotous, almost haphazard, use of allusion in Futurism. The idiosyncratic mythological system of Khlebnikov, in which Egyptian gods and Slavic gods coexist without contradiction or historical contextualisation, is not merely a whim but an organizing principle. The audience for the Futurist performance was expected to deduce internal connections between seemingly disparate concepts. In Vstsvka k dokladu o zblvopisx ( ''Zbivopis' vsekov) [ Insert to a Report on Painting (Painting of the Everythingists], Le Dantiu carefully distinguishes this procedure from eclecticism which he describes as "a reconciliation . . . without rigid assessment of its values" while the principles of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 52 "everythingism" demand "a thorough understanding of the principles of a work’s inner construction." Futurism, from which Le Dantiu carefully distances himself, also functions in this manner, expecting the audience to supply understanding of the internal connection between two dissimilar objects. In order to do this, the audience must be familiar with both the art form which is being referred to and the function of this form in the Futurist work. It was presumably possible to arrive at this understanding through assiduous study of other writings by the Futurists, but more often the context of the discourse and meaning of the text were transmitted to the audience through performance. For example, Kruchenykh's vowel poem which he inserted into the manifesto Deklaratsiia slova kak takogo (1913), "o e a// i e e i// a e e e" which, when read, would seem to be incomprehensible, becomes clear in performance. The poem, when sung in the style of the Orthodox church service, becomes "Otche nash" [Lord’s Prayer] which would be instantly recognizable to the informed audience. Similarly,. when the poet Konstantin Bol’shakov performed his poem "Gorodskaia vesna’ ’^°( 1913) [Spring in the City] for the 200 members of the Art Society in Moscow for its 200 members, the audience came to a new appreciation of the Futurist form: COTpyflHMK «PyCCKMX BeAOMOCTeM. r. rayib6epujTaAT aauBnyi hto KorAa oh HMiayi caM CTMXOTBOpeHUe $yTypHCTO B, TO HMHerO KpOMe Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 53 6e3CMbicyiMij;bi b hmx H axoflnyj. . . T en ep x<e, BbicyiyuiaB cinxoTBopeHne nsycT caMoro noei, O H HycTBOBayi /lacxaiomyio Manofluio ero . . . B npoHMTaHHOM cTMXoTBopeHMM A a e ic fl BnenaTJieHMe BecHbi.^^ It is the additional element of performance that brought the abstract theories of Symbolism and the folklorists into the production of art and literature. The "low" culture that was the basis for Russian national culture was the source for the Futurist theatrical experiment. This term was used by Catriona Kelly to create the distinction between gulxan'e and iarmarki, i.e. the fun fair vs. the trade fair Catriona Kelly, Petrushka: The Russian Carnival Puppet Theatre (Cambridge: Cambridge: University Press, 1990) 17. 2 j. Douglas Clayton. Pierrot in Petrograd. (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993). ^See, for example, Catriona Kelly's chapter "The Sanitized Petrushka" in Petrushka and G. Tarasov, Petrushka v shkole i V pionerotriade, (Leningrad, 1930) For example, Berkov, P. N. Russkaia narodnaia drama XVii- XX vekov: teksty p'es i opisaniia predstavlenii (Moscow 1953) and E. Uvarova ”Nastuplenie prodolzhaet 'Siniaia bluza'" in Estradnyi teatr (1917-1945) (Kalinin, 1982) ^A. F. Nekrylova and N. I. Savushkina. Fol'klornyi Teatr. (Moscow, 1988) 35. ^Kelly, 9. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 54 7 Simon Karlinsky. Russian Drama From its Beginnings to the Age of Pushkin (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1985) vii. ®Michel Foucault. The Archaeology of Knowledge and the Discourse on Language (Mew York: Pantheon Books, 1972) 137. Q Musicians, jugglers, bear wrestlers and puppeteers who wandered the countryside performing at fairs. However, this practice was outlawed by Aleksei Mikhailovich in 1648. Vissarion Belinksii, "Letter to N. Gogol, July 3, 1847" quoted in Jeffrey Brooks, When Russia Learned to Read (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985) xiii. Victor Turner "Are there Universels of Performance?" Richard Schechner and Willa Appel, eds. By Means of Performance Intercultural Studies of Theatre and Ritual. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) 12. 1 9 There is some question as to the authenticity of the Igor' Tale. Some scholars have claimed that it was an 18th century forgery based on a late version of the Zadonshchina, however, most scholars now accept the authenticity of the work. For more information on the controversy see J. Fennell "The Tale of Igor's Campaign" John Fennell and Anthony Stokes Early Russian Literature (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974) 191-206. Khlebnikov saw this event as a catastrophe for Russian culture comparing it to the disastrous Russo-Japanese war in his poem Zverinets: "Gde v zveriakh pogibaiut kakie-to prekrasnye vozmozhnosti, kak vpisannoe v chasoslov Slovo o polku Igorevi o vremia pozhara Moskvy." ^^P. G. Bogatyrev (ed.) Russkoe narodnoe poeticheskoe tvorchestvo (Moscow, 1954) 80. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 55 Burton Feldman and Robert D. Richardson (eds.) The Rise of Modern Mythology 1680-1860 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1972) 381. ^^Felix J. Oinas and Stephan Soudakoff (eds.) The Study of Russian Folklore (The Hague: Mouton, 1975) 2. l^This according to the theory of 'borrowing' from German orientalist Theodor Benfey. Oinas. 3. ^®Yuri Olkhovsky. Vladimir Stasov and Russian National Culture. (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1983) 40. Vico's influence on Russian scholars would come primarily through the works of Friedrich Schelling and the German Mythologists. Although a French translation of Vico was produced in 182 7 by Jules Michelet, Principes de la philosophie de l'historire, traduits de la Scienza nuova. Vico was not translated into Russian until 1901. John Fizer Alexandre A. Potebnja's Pscholinguistic Theory of Literature: A Metacritical Inquiry (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986) 51. V. Ivan'o and A. I. Kolodnaia, "Esteticheskaia kontseptsiia A. Potebnia” in A. Potebnia Estetika i poetika. (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1976) 16. ^^P. D. Uxov "Fixed Ephithets in the Byliny" in Felix J. Oinas and Stephan Soudakoff (eds.) The Study of Russian Folklore (The Hague: Mouton, 1975) 220. Sergei Sukhoparov (ed.) Aleksei Kruchenykh v svidetel’stvakh sovremennikov (Munich: Verlag Otto Sagner, 1994) 220 n. 2. ^^Livshits Bowlt 125. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 56 ^^Ancient Slavic god whose wooden idol was thrown into the Dneper by Vladimir upon his conversion to Christianity. Velimir Khlebnikov, Tvoreniia, M. la. Poliakova (ed.) (Moscow: Sovetskii Pisatel', 1986) 85. See Gerald Janecek "Kruchenykh and Chlebnikov Co- authoring a Manifesto" in Russian Literature VIII (1980) (Amsterdam: North Holland Publishing Co.) 483-498. ^^Serge Zenkovsky (ed.) Medieval Russia's Epics, Chronicals, and Tales (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1974) 259 Thomas Goddard Bergin and Max Harold Fisch (trans.) The New Science of Giambattista Vico (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984) 150. ^^Velimir Khlebnikov "Here is the way the syllable so is a field” in Paul Schmidt (trans.) Collected Works of Velimir Khlebnikov vol. I (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987) 273. Willem Weststeijn "Chlebnikov's Language Experiments" in Jan M. Meijer (ed.) Dutch Contributions to the Eighth International Congress of Slavists. Zagreb Sept. 3-9 (Amsterdam: John-Benjamins B. V. 1979) 412. Henryk Baran "Khlebnikov and the History of Herodotus' in Slavic and East European Journal Vol 22, No. 1 (1978) 30- 34. ^^Aleksandr Blok "Poeziia zagovorov i zaklinanii" in Sobranie sochinenii v vos'mi tomakh Tom V (M-L: Gos. izdatel stvo khudozhestvennoi literatury, 1962) 37. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 57 P. Sakharov. Skazaniia russkogo naroda t. 1. kn. 2. (St. Petersburg: Ocherki semeinoi russkoi zhizni, 1841) ^^Khlebnikov, Velimir. Sobranie proizvedenii. Tom II 200. in V. V. Khlebnikov Sobranie sochinenii I V. Markov (ed.) (Munich: Wilhelm Pink Verlag, 1968) One of the most famous contemporary criticisms of Futurism was Dmitrii Merezhkovskii's article for Russkoe slovo "Eshche shag griagushchago khama" in which he lambasts Futurism as nothing but empty words which would lead to the coming of the antichrist. Russkoe slovo 29 June, 1914. 149. Aleksei Kruchenykh "Deklaratsiia slova, kak takovaia” (M 1913) reprinted in Vladimir Markov Manifesty i programmy russkikh futuristov (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1967) 63. Aleksei Kruchenykh Vzorval' (Moscow: Gilieia) ^^Nils Âke Nilsson "Kruchenykh's poem 'Dyr bul shchyl'" Scando-Slavica Tomus 24 (Copenhagen, 1978) 146. These drawings are remarkably similar to the lithographed reproductions of the work of Ganako in Rannee utro 18 January, 1913. 7. which announced her exhibition. The paper announced "Ganako i igraet dramy i tantsuet i poet i dazhe risuet." According to Janecek, "shish "is the word for the hand gesture of a clinched fist with the thumb extending between the two middle fingers which has the meaning "you'll get nothing but shit from me." Janecek, 95-96. ^^Velimir Khlebnikov and Aleksei Kruchenykh Slovo kak takovoe (Moscow, 1913) reprinted in Markov Manifesty, 54. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 58 *^This form was specifically adapted by the Russian Futurists. See Tank! Samuil Vermel (Moscow, 1915) ^^Nilsson, 144. Maiakovskii echoed Kruchenykh's sentiments in his article "Rossiia, iskusstvo, my"(1914) "a iz svetlogo rusla, rodnogo, pervobytnogo slova, iz bezmiannoi russkoi pesni." cf.Nilsson, " 'Pervobytnost'’- 'Primitivizm'” Russian Literature XVII (1985) 39-44. ^^Natal'ia Goncharova "Preface to Catalogue of One-Man Exhibition, 1913" in John Bowlt, ed. Russian Art of the Avant Garde. Theory and Criticism. (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1988) 55. Aleksandr Shevchenko Neoprimitivizm. Ego teorii, ego vozmzhnosti, ego dostizhenii. in Bowlt, Russian Art of the Avant Garde 48-49. AQ Le Dantiu. This according to Markov; however, he gives no reference for his information. Markov Manifesty, 64. See also Janecek, Zaum. 79. ^^Konstantin Bol'shakov "Gorodskaia vesna" in the collection Serdtse v percbatke (Moscow, 1913) 8. ^^Moskovskaia gazeta. 7 October, 1913 No. 272. 5 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 59 Chapter Three Theater; The Futurists Perform; Circuses but no Bread While performance is by no means limited to theater, the theatrical medium is the ideal point of departure for an analysis of avant-garde performance. Theater is the inspiration for, and the central metaphor of, performance theory; elements of performance art which manifest themselves in other arenas of endeavor such as poetry or painting can be seen most clearly in Futurist theater or the Futurist theatrical criticism. Victor Turner sees performance as a means of examining culture: Cultures are most fully expressed in and made conscious of themselves in their ritual and theatrical performances . . . in which the central meanings, values, and goals of a culture are seen "in action," as they shape and explain behavior.^ Performance, then, becomes emblematic of the culture which gives birth to the performance. The philosophical and cultural presuppositions which are embedded in everyday life take on new prominence and significance in the theatrical setting; in the case of the Futurists, the choice of set and costume design, actors, and texts places the artist movement within the larger context of modernism. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 60 The relationship between the pre-revolutionary avant- garde and theater was short and stormy, manifested primarily in two performances of Pobeda nad solntsem and Vladimir Maiakovskii: tragediia in Luna Park in 1913 and various set designs by artists: Le Coq d'or (1914 costumes and designs by Goncharova)Deistvo o tsare Maksimiliaa i ego nepokoraom syne Adol'fe (1911 costumes and sets by Vladimir Tatlin) Famira Kifared (1916 sets by Exter) Le Soleil de nuit (1915 costumes and sets by Larionov). However, this short list does not reveal the central role of theater in the avant-garde esthetic which came to fruition only in the years after the revolution. This interest manifested itself not only in the close relationship that the artists maintained with the theater, working with directors like Vsevolod Meierkhol'd,^ Aleksander Tairov, and Nikolai Evreinov, but also in the effort devoted to writing plays that were unproduced and, in many cases unproducible: Ivan Aksenov's Elisavetintsy (1916),Bolshakov's Pliaska ulista (1913) and Koroleva mod (1916),Chortik (1910?^) and Uchitel' i achenik (1912)by Khlebnikov, Kruchenykh's Gly- gly (1913) and Fedor Platov's Gor (1913). D. Burliuk and Khlebnikov also participated in Kulbin's Studio Impressionistov (1910) which was, as Markov called it, "a prologue to the history of Russian Futurism, " in which Evreinov published his monodrama "Predstavlenie liubvi” (which certainly was an inspiration for Kruchenykh's book Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 61 of poetry/parody Starinnaia lluboV (1913)).The Burliuks and Kul'bin were also involved in Die Blaue Reiter (1912) which devoted much space to the problems of theater, music, and dance and included a Russian translation of the play Yellow Sound by Kandinsky. Futurism was shaped by the theatrical nature of the artistic culture of Russia; the revolution of theater and its diversity of styles and sources created a laboratory of experiment that coincided with the Futurist vision of a world that was half-church and half-carnival. The wide range of theatrical influences that were available to, and were used by, the Futurists were symptomatic of the eclectic restlessness of the artistic culture before the revolution. The Futurists relied on sources of influence which can be divided into three groups. First, the Futurists based their overall esthetics on theoretical sources such as Symbolist theatrical articles by Viacheslav Ivanov and Belyii. Second, Futurist performance was parodie; it relied on the context of the Russian culture as a whole to define the discourse of the movement and to create a jarring juxtaposition with contemporary movements and ideas. Third, unlike some artistic movements which drew from well defined sources, the Futurist theater was a pastiche of ideas and influences from various cultures, philosophies, theories, and whimsy, drawing from various technologies and disciplines to create a system that was Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 62 not merely an art form but grew to become a world view that encompassed not only art but even daily life and, moreover had aspirations to recreate and transform life, both in the cultural and physical sense. Theater afforded the Futurists a forum for their ideas and for the transformative process that their art represented. Building on the sources which had given Modernist theater its vibrancy, this loose alliance of artists and poets set about to create a new theater encompassing religious ritual, political debate, and the fairground. Just as for the Symbolists before them, the artistic salvation of man was, for the Futurists, an essentially theatrical act. It is as a theatrical system that the ideas of Futurism come closest to their fruition. Symbolism was an elite movement that inhabited salons and estates of their patrons: Viacheslav Ivanov and Zinovieva-Annibal hosted a salon where some of the most important works of that era were first read, discussed, and reworked.* Repin's salon Penatakh was also known for the wide range of visitors who presented their works for evaluation by their peers.^ Patrons such as Sawa Mamontov and Maria Tenisheva® put on plays in the small family theaters at Abreimtsevo and Talashkino. These " zhivye kartiny” were produced and performed by artists of the Mamontov circle: Viktor Vasnetsov, Mikhail Vrubel', Isaak Levitan, Vasilii Polenov.’ For the most part. Symbolist performances, readings, and discussions were not open to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 63 the public and were hothouse environments where like-minded people gathered and collaborated without fear of derision. In the years following the Revolution of 1905, the intellectual life of Russia turned from the insulated world of the salon to the lively world of the cabaret, the balagan, and the circus; 1905 marked a change in the mindset of the artistic culture of Russia: the intrusion of political and social concerns resulted in new dedication to theater as a public art that could bring art to the masses. By the end of that year, unrest had forced the closure of theaters in both Moscow and Petersburg;® for the Symbolists, this event had a metaphoric significance: the death of the old theater and the institution of a new mystically transcendent church of theater which would lead the new revolution. Feodor Sologub proposed the institution of a "theater of one will" that would be a religious experience.® While the Symbolist vision of the theatre never came to fruition. By 1906, Meierkhol'd's production of Balaganchik,La which Blok satirized the earlier Symbolist mysteriim, marked the waning of the movement's hope for the transformation of the theater, however, the idea of a new theater was firmly implanted in the discourse of the time, with or without the input of Belyii, Briusov, or Ivanov. The collection of articles V sporakb o teatre presented the essence of the debate between literary purists who saw Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 64 theater as a reflection of literature and the believers in the new theater. lulii Aikhenval'd contended in his article "Otritsanie teatra” that "teatr -lozhnyi i nezakonnyi bog iskusstva<,..> On beznadezhno zavisit at literatury. However, this view of the written word as the basis for theatrical art was outmoded long before the publication of this article. Russian artistic culture in the 1910's was essentially a theatrical milieu; the various groupings of artists and writers that constituted the artistic milieu moved from the insulated confines of the salons of famous writers and artists and estates of rich patrons to form a lively cafe culture in St. Petersburg and Moscow. Although the leading Russian Symbolists, Andrei Belyii, Aleksandr Blok, Georgii Chulkov, Viacheslav Ivanov, Dmitrii Merezhkovskii, wrote extensively on theater- seeing theater as a means of transforming human consciousness,^^ their involvement in theatrical life was limited. By 1913 theater in Russia was a collection of widely varied forms- traditional plays performed in the Imperial theaters, cabaret, music halls, pantomimes, variety theaters, few of which depended on the written word as the guiding force for their art. In 1914, almost every city in Russia with more than 50,000 inhabitants had a variety theater, cinema theater,and an art cafe.Theater had become the art form for the masses; the major newspapers of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 65 Moscow, St. Petersburg, and Kiev of that time had daily columns devoted to theatrical news. The advent of new literary and artistic movements in 1909-1910 was also a part of this movement away from the rarified strata of the Symbolists into the populist democratic art of the people. The left artistic groups were drawn to performance both as a means of spreading their message and as a means of breaking down the barriers between art forms. Vasilii Sakhnovskii in his article "Jgra i spektakl' (vozrazhenie)" points out that the craft of the actor is the art of "... BejiMKoe MOJiHaHMe. A a K ie p TBopwT He T o ra a , K o rfla oh roBopuT cjiob. A K ie p TBcpwi He cjioBaMM, M cM bicyi ciioB yibiuib nyxen HaCTOOKO, HaCKOJIbKO Hÿ>KHa FpaHM l^a 3HaHeHMH TOMy, HTo OH coaaaeT/^ This is, of course, the same idea that the Futurists claimed for their poetic and artistic output- the creation of meaning outside of the realm of logic and language. Performance became the medium of expression- poetry readings, debates, cabaret events were held not merely to gain notoriety, but because they were the main moments of creation for the Futurists and for other groups.. Of course. Symbolism was a major influence on Futurism and its theater, not only because of the dominance of Symbolism in the artistic culture of the time, but because of the erudition of the Symbolist thinkers who defined Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 66 modernist discourse and articulated the major problems of the modernist esthetic in their writings. Bozhidar comments in his preface to Raspevochnoe edinstvo that in order to read his poetry, the reader must have read, and understood, Belyii's Simvollzm.^* Soloviev and Ivanov, adapting Potebnia and Veselovskii, first grappled with the problems of language and symbolic representation which occupied Kruchenykh in Malakbolia v kapote, Khlebnikov in Uchitel' i uchenik and later, A. Tufanov in Zaumnyi iazyk Even as the Futurists published diatribes against the old guard of Symbolism, they continued to read, consult, and on occasion, even compliment the same writers they publicly pilloried. Even the hated Bal'mont was welcomed at a Futurist event at the "Brodiachaia sobaka.”^^ The Symbolist interpretation of Richard Wagner is a possible starting point for a discussion of the relationship between theater and transformation of the human spirit. In Art and Revolution (1849) and Opera and Drama (1851), Wagner revealed his vision of the world united under the guidance of the great artist. Wagner also offered opera as the ultimate art form that would gather all arts together. Regardless of Wagner’s own political or artistic aspirations, his idea of the revival of theater as a religious act was the catalyst for transformation of the theater in Europe and Russia. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 67 Ivanov, adapting Wagner's idea of the theater/temple, wanted to revive the Dionysian art form, encouraging audience participation and the collective creation of art. The theater would become a synthetic union of chorus, dance, and "mifotvorchestvo” Ivanov saw that the ideas of Wagner had to be elaborated upon in order to be realized; 6opb6a 3a aewoKpaTM necKM M w a e a /i CMHieHklHeCKOrO j^eWCTBa, K O ropO M M bI xotmm v \ KOTopyio M bi npeflBMflMM, ecTb 6opb6a sa o p x e c rp y \A sa coôopH oe c/ iobq^ ^ The next step was the introduction of the liturgy to the theatrical act. The Futurists would have surely been influenced by Ivanov's contention that the task of the the theater is to create a union between the poet and the masses and return the theater to its origin as a festival and church service.^® This sentiment was also echoed in a speech given by Kamenskii in 1916 outlining his vision of Futurist theater: «...»TeaTp ôj/flyuiMM m h 6 npeACTaByieHamaa xpaMOM CMHiesa MCxyccTBa, x y aa oTfle/ibHbie peKM MHororpaHHoro TBopxecTBO co/ie»TCfl b eAMHbIM QKeaH COBSpmeHCTB. «...» XaWAblM spMTeyib Torfla 6yA©T yqacTHWxoM npeACTaB/ieHnfl/® Belyi also saw Wagner as a vital link in the historical progression towards the Modernist understanding of drama and humanity. Although Belyi did not advocate the same sort of theatrical theurgy that Ivanov championed, he did look to Wagner, who he believed represented a Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 68 destruction of the limits and boundaries of the stage and the union of the audience and the stage.But perhaps even more important for Belyi was the idea of synthesis of art forms and the rhythms of music that guided the artistic work.^^ Belyi's Simfonii were undoubtedly a result of the influence of Wagner as a champion of synthesis of art forms. Theatrical innovators were also guided by Wagner's artistic vision. In ”K postanovke <Tristana i Izoldy> na Mariinskom teatre" Meierkhol'd', who staged Tristan i Isolde in 1909, outlined his vision of the synthetic theater in Wagnerian terms : T a H e q f l/ia H a m e ro leyio to « e , hto M yaw Ka flyifl Hamero HysciBa «..» rapM0HHanposaHHbiM l a H e q - o cH o saH n e coBpsMeHHOM cum ^ohum .^^ The union of dance, opera, and symphony took on a bodily significance for Meierkhol'd: the arts were linked to remolding of the body on stage. Evreinov, like Meierkhol'd, saw in Wagner this renewal of the stage ,and Evreinov's teatralizatsiia zhizni was adapted from Wagner's idea of Gesamtkunstwerk.^^ Evreinov, like Ivanov saw the future of the world in the idea of theatrocracy: n p n M a i TeaipoRpaiMM, i. e. rocnoflciB a n afl HaMM T e a ip a , noHi^MaeMoro a cMbicyie aKona o6u;e o6flaaTe/ibHoro B ocnpnHMMaeworo naMU Mnpa../^ The Futurists were naturally drawn to the Wagnerian concept of "theatrocracy, " a reworking of the Platonic Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 69 dictatorship of Philosophers. Wagner’s influence on Russian culture was also profound. His popularization of the national character of folklore, and his search for the Aryan roots of German art also bore fruit for the Russian Slavophiles and was undoubtedly influential for the primitivist visions of Khlebnikov and Shevchenko. Despite the assurances of Teatr i iskusstvo in 1900 that "V Rossii net kul'ta vagner. Vagner u nas ne interesuiutssia... I zacbem nam voobshche ves’ etot Vagner ne trogaiushii nashei dushi?"^^, there was indeed a great interest in Wagner at the turn of the century. Many elements of the Modernist movement were based on the operatic forms devised by Wagner. The contention that Teatr i iskusstvo put forth was not supported by the fact that a great amount of literature was devoted to Wagner in Russia at that time: several editions of translations of his librettos were published between 1868 and 1900 and two major works on Wagner in Russia were issued between 1910 and 1913 Wagner was also current in Russian culture of the 1910 s; the operas of both Moscow and St. Petersburg had elaborate revivals of Wagner's works in honor of the 100 year anniversary of his birth. The theatrical journals Teatr i zhizn' and Teatr i iskusstvo devoted much space to the works of Wagner and his relationship to Russian theater.^® Belyi and Ivanov also published tracts on the influence of Wagner on their theatrical efforts. Perhaps Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 70 this revival of Wagner influenced the Futurists to choose the opera as the form for their magnum opus Pobeda nad solntsem. The influence of Nietzsche on Russian culture of the 1910's is both more complicated and more widespread than Wagner's heritage. Almost every major thinker in Russia at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century devoted time to the problem of Nietzsche's relationship to Russia. Although Bernice Rosenthal claims "We know that Maiakovskii read Nietzsche and there are clear allusions to the German in the writings of Aleksei Kruchenykh, Khlebnikov, and Matiushin, it is by no means clear how the Futurists came to know Nietzsche. The most likely sources of influence were the Russian Symbolist writers: Andrei Belyi, Georgii Chulkov, Viacheslav Ivanov, and Vladimir Solov'ev. The philosophy of Nietzsche, and his interpretation of Wagner's significance were central to the Symbolist worldview. The Nietzschean stridence of Chulkov's statement that "the world will be saved by theater.can only be seen as a rallying cry for the mystical transformation of the world. The idea of "theatrocracy" was even more emphatic in Nietzsche's interpretation of the the Theater of Dionysus than in Wagner. The Nietzschean framework of theatrical representation which was developed in Die Geburt. der Tragodie aus dem geiste der Musik (1872)[The Birth of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 71 Tragedy out of the Spirit of Music] and Der Fall Wagner. Ein Musikanten-Problem (1888) [The Case of Wagner: A Musician's Problem] was the basis for Viacheslav Ivanov's theoretical articles “Novye maski" (1904) [New Masks], “Vagner i dionisovo deistv“o (1905), [Wagner and the Dionysian Play] and "0 suabchestve tragedii" (1912) [On the Essence of Tragedy]. Nietzsche's work on the theater also influenced Belyi's concept of the theater.Belyi's articles on theater and the mystery play as well as his artistic works return time and again to the Apollonian/Dionysian opposition developed by Nietzsche. Other Symbolist writers and theorists also contributed to the reconstruction of Russian theater at the turn of the century; the intermixing of traditional Russian themes, stories and motifs with the sophisticated theatrical staging of the Symbolists in Blok's comedy, Balaganchik (1906) [The Fairground Booth] as well as Aleksei Remizov's Deistvo o tsare Maksimilian i ego nepokornom syne Adol ' fe (1911) [Tsar' Maksimilian and his Disobedient Son, Adol'f] point to the adaptation of Nietzsche's vision of the theatrical return to its roots, but more specifically, to the Symbolist reinterpretation of Nietzsche in the Russian context. The Symbolist revival of the mystery play, medieval passion play, 17th-century Spanish drama as well as folk drama, vertep, raek and shkolnaia drama can be directly Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 72 traced to the Nietzschean conception of the Dionysian origins of music and ecstasy: [i]n the Dionysian dithyramb, man is incited to the greatest exhaltation of his symbolic facilities. . . . and the entire symbolism of the body is called into play not the mere symbolism of the lips, face, and speech but the whole pantomime of dancing, forcing every member into rhythmic movement. Then other symbolic powers suddenly press forward, particularly those of music, in rhythmics, dynamics, and harmony. For the Symbolists, the religious dimension of the theatrical act had been lost in the artistic estheticization of modern drama. Nietzsche's conception of Greek tragedy as the unification of the older Dionysian chorus with the Apollonian action coincided with the Russian Symbolists' search for truth in art through exploration of the unsullied past. The Futurists drew upon and elaborated the Nietzschean aspects of Russian Symbolism; in Pobeda nad solntsem, Kruchenykh and Matinshin combined the disparate (and, in a sense, contradictory) elements of Nietzschean philosophy in their opera, as will be discussed later. The use of masks and character types, the chorus (both as the kbor of the 2nd scene and as the Mnogie of the 4th scene), and the silachi who steal the sun, were dualistic elements within the opera, functioning as identifiable parodies of Symbolist ideas and as the basis for the new art form returning, in fact, to the Nietzschean roots of modernism. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 73 In fact, the plot for Pobeda echoes Nietzsche's formulation of the world after the death of god in "The Gay Science:" The Madman jumped into their midst and pierced them with his eyes. 'Whither is God?' he cried; " I will tell you. We have killed him — you and I. All of us are his murderers. But how did we do this ? How could we drink up the sea? Who gave us the sponge to wipe away the entire horizon? What were we doing when we unchained this earth from its sun? Whither is it moving now? Whither are we moving? Away from all suns? Are we not plunging continually? Backward, sideward, forward, in all directions? Is there still any up or down? Are we now straying as through an infinite nothing? Do we not feel the breath of empty space? Has it not become colder? Is not night continually closing in on us? Do we not need to light lanterns in the morning?^ The Nietzschean overtones of Pobeda are reflected both in the infinite possiblities of the world envisioned by the Futurist strongmen and the unspeakable horror that this new world offered. The Futurists often drew upon sources from outside the Russian tradition. Shershenevich published the first extensive translations of Italian Futurist manifestoes in 1913. Konstantin Bol'shakov and Benedikt Livshits both claimed to be influenced by the French Symbolists without the intermediary influence of Russian Symbolists. David Burliuk pointed with great pride to his mastery of French, Italian, and English and to the fact that he had acquainted Maiakovskii with the influential authors and texts of world literature. Other Futurist groups, most notably, the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 74 Donkey's Tail, pointed to the Eastern influence on their works. The adaptation of the ideas and styles of related systems of performance, most notably (and yet, most vehemently denied by the Futurists) the influence of Italian Futurism, but also French Symbolism, ^^Cubism, and Fauvism was especially emphasized by the members of the Centrifugue group, especially Sergei Bobrov. These foreign movements provided frameworks of influence for the Russian avant-garde, allowing for an infusion of new ideas without the stricture of the presence of the artists themselves as was the case with the "living legends" of Russian Symbolism. The relative ease of access to foreign influence allowed the avant-garde to react to these artistic movements, adapt those ideas which were appealing, and build a new system from the melding of foreign and domestic sources. The airplane, the high-speed train, the automobile, the telegraph, and the telephone eased the problem of cultural isolation and allowed the avant-garde to participate in the first international movement that occurred in all places at precisely the same time. The rhetoric and strident technological tenor of the early manifestoes mirror similar ideas in Italian Futurism. This adaptation was not an acceptance of the system or its underlying precepts, but a reworking of the ideas postulated by the Italians. Livshits, in Polutoraglazyi Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 75 strelsts, recounted the conversation between Russian Futurists and Marinetti at Kul'bin's apartment in 1913: a npo6yK), K3K yMGK), pacTo/KOBaTb MoeMy co6eceflHMKy, b hgm sacnyrn Xyie6HHK0Ba nepefl pyccKUM asbiKOM n pyccKOM noaaneM. 3to nonynaeTca y weHa, ao/dkho 6biTb, He cyiMiuKOM y6eflMTe/ibH0, noroMy hto MapuHerrn Bopyr saaB/iaeT- «Hex, cTioBOTBopnecTBo em e He Bce... Bot m w - mw paapymw/iM cMHiaKcnc!»^® Although Livshits had reconstructed the events of that evening and added theatrical emphasis,^’ this passage points out the basic problem of Russian Futurism and Marinetti; Kulbin and Livshits tried to discuss with Marinetti the merits of the new, uniquely Russian system of Futurism. However, Marinetti, the egomaniac, saw the Russians as disciples and lectured them on the true nature of Futurism. Goncharova, Khlebnikov, Kruchenykh, and Larionov vigorously protested Marinetti's visit, arguing that "inye tuzemtsy italianskii poselok na Neve ±z lichnykh soobrazhenii pripadaiut k nogam Marinetti"^^ instead of acknowledging the true path of Russian art which lay to the east. The avant-garde continued the paradox of both constant comparison to, and borrowing from. Western art and of rejection of the Western source of influence that had marked Russian culture from the time of Peter the Great. The "anxiety of influence" led the Futurists to assume the role of absolute innovators who had no debt to any foreign sources; Goncharova's call for a rejection of Western art Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 76 in favor of the influence of the East at the opening of her exhibition in September of 1913^® was symptomatic of the widespread reappraisal of Western influence prevalent in the avant-garde. The experimental, artistic culture of Russia in the 1910's was not a monolithic aesthetic system: followers of Symbolism, Acmeism, Futurism, Cubism, Primitivism, Fauvism, Expressionism, Realism, Neoclassism, Proletarianism, and many other groups coexisted and created in the relatively confined space of Petersburg and Moscow. Ideas and theories freely flowed from one group to another often carried by artists and poets who would leave one group for another. Saianov observed He 6bi7io eflHHoro $yTypM3Ma b pyccKOM no33i/iM, a 6biJio H ecK O JibK O C M C T S M $yTypM3Ma. Ka>xaaa M 3 hmx MMSTia cbom Tpawii^MM, cbom KOpHM, Kaxgaa M 3 3TMX CM C T6M B H O C M T ia pa3/iMHHoe coflep>KaHMe b HOByio pyccKy» n033MK). $yiypM3M 6bl71 KOayiMllMeM 3TMX CMCT6M, OH Ce-beflMHaJI Ka>KflyK) M 3 HMX, HOHTM xax cyBepeHHyro. But the Futurists borrowed and adapted ideas not only from groups considered to be Futurists, but from any source that Ccune to hand. It is this spirit of eclecticism and appropriation of art forms that permeated the culture of Russia at that time; thus, concepts and ideas that would seem to be antithetical to a movement, such as primitivism and technological futurism peacefully coexisting in the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 77 Rayonist movement, are purposely synthesized together to achieve a certain aesthetic effect. The theatrical performance was vital to this synthetic union. The juxtaposition of different time periods, styles of set decoration heightened dramatic or comic effect, just as David Burliuk's famous top hat worn during the Futurist debates was worn as a parodie corruption of the bourgeoise taste in art. It was the combination of parody and eclecticism which created the Futurist style of performance. In almost every manifestation of Futurism; art, literature, demonstration, debate, lecture, poetry, reading, in the years leading up to the revolution there is an element of parody. Even though the Futurists were earnest in their search for new art forms- even opponents of the new artists conceded their talent,their statements, performances, readings, and exhibitions were curious mixtures of sincere art and parody often overlapping and unlabeled. In the miscellany Oslinyi khvost X mishen', the interaction between parody and art production is indiscernable; for exeunple in the manifesto "Luchxsty X budushchnikx. Manifest" (1913) Goncharova and Larionov declare: "We let sleeping dogs lie, we don't bring fools to their senses <...> We have no modesty- we declare this bluntly and frankly" and yet this manifesto also delineates the precepts and techniques of rayonist painting Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 78 clearly and concisely- "The style of rayonist painting that we advance signifies spatial forms arising from the intersection of the reflected rays of various objects, forms chosen by the artist's will. " For the inattentive or ignorant reader, either the significance of the work or the gist of the joke can be lost. And yet, this is a hallmark of the avant-garde in all its manifestations, the implicit satire and often brutal and crude lampoons of enemies, former friends, and friends on the way to becoming enemies. Futurism made use of every type of parody, satire, hoax, fraud, falsification, and misrepresentation in its quest to create a new art form; however, this levity was not merely an attention grabbing ploy as its opponents often claimed. It was an intergral part of the artistic creation. The reason for parody as the basis for Futurism is complicated and has not been the subject of consideration for scholars of the movement.At its most basic level, the avant-garde as a reaction against the past is always a parodie movement, destroying old forms and contexts as outmoded for modern life. In the case of Futurism, parody was not limited to literary forms, instead it criticized the cultural values of Russia, a country in the midst of economic, technologic and social upheaval. It is no coincidence that several of the major architects of Futurism dabbled in leftist politics in the years following the revolution of 1905. Second, Futurist parody functioned Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 79 as a means of discrediting the conventions and styles of literary and artistic discourse. Disputes, exhibitions, debates, and poetry readings were honored occupations of the ruling class in the cities of Russia; the Futurists disregarded the niceties of the rarified society by inciting riots, fistfights, catcalls and general mayhem. Vladimir Burenin, the reactionary writer and parodist, that Futurism oTHockiTca oTHKDfl H6 K oôJiacTM TiMTepaTypbi a K o6yiacTM coepeM eH H oro xyyiw raH C Tsa. f la , a a , k o6yiacTM HucTeM uioro x y T in ra H c iB a n no cBoePi cym HocTM, v\ n o (JjopMe cbomx «B blC iynJieH H M M ». ** This hooliganism was not designed to scare the public away; people who had never been to a poetry reading before flocked to the spectacle of the Futurists dismantling the honored traditions of literary gentility. The very nature of the parody also called into question the forms that were used to frame the artistic act; poetry, art, drama, music became inadequate markers for the Futurist act which was parody, self-parody, and physical action. The destruction of the familiar markers of literary discourse forced the audience to participate in the theater of the Futurist in a struggle to reorient to the act of performance. The Futurist performance often burst out of the bounds of theater and became real life with physical consequences. Parody was a means of integrating the work of art into real Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 80 life; the experience of truth and deception is left to the discretion of the audience who, as in life, is left to judge the experience by their own values rather than those imposed by the artistic source. Finally, the Futurist parody serves as theatrical meta-criticism of contemporary culture; the performance becomes, at once, a theatrical act and a criticism of itself. The audience is always aware of the frame of reference and is able to stand outside of the usual theatrical mindset, that is, to suspend disbelief, and is instead encouraged to maintain a critical attitude during the performance and add cultural and literary reference to the performance. Although specific parodie aspects of Futurist theater will be dealt with in the next chapter, I would like to discuss the overall theory of parody as it related to Futurism. Often the text of the Futurist performance echoes, distorts, or corrupts well-known authors or artists: Larionov's Kumerskaia Venera appropriates the Reclining Nude of Matisse; Malakholiia v kapote corrupts quotations from Pushkin, Dostoevskii and Turgenev to find scatological references in the classics ; Khlebnikov's Markiza Dezea is a parody of the literary salons of St. Petersburg, especially Viacheslav Ivanov's Wednesday salon. The Futurists manipulated the accepted conventions of literature and art both to set their new forms apart from Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 81 the preceding movements and to articulate their aesthetic position in relation to the artistic discourse of the time. As lurii Tynianov, in his article "0 parodii" [On Parody], identified parody as an innovative force in the evolution of literature stating that the literary form not only M306peTeHMa HOBbIX $OpM, HO M, TiiaBHblM o6pa30M, nyreM npi/iMeneHkifl CTapbix $opM b HOBOM 3fl6Cb MPpaGT CBOK) pOVIb, TBK cxaaaTb, ynsèny», axcnepi/i weHTa/ibHym, n noapaxaHMe, i / i napoAMa.*^ Futurism, by virtue of its emphasis on the formal aspects of art and literature [coming from the tradition of Lawrence Sterne*^ and Gustav Flaubert*’], was forced to rely on parody and imitation to give context to experimentation; as Futurism moved from reaction and parody to abstraction and alogism that theory gained ascendancy over the work of art. The Futurist performance was not encompassed within the context of theatrical parody; although their performances were called readings, debates, disputes, or meetings; these gatherings were, in fact, theatrical performances (for paying customers). The outlandish costumes, (Maiakovskii's yellow coat with a wooden spoon in the lapel) the face paints, and the outlandish behavior were consistent not with the conservative world of poetry and art, but with the exaggerated world of the theatrical Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 82 comedy. Argus made implicit this connection in a lampoon of Futurist face painting; under a photograph of a man wearing seashells on his ears and eyes, the editor wrote: OHM ($yrypMCTbi) HaMayiesajiM flpyr apyry na JIMl^aX HepTMKOB C pO>KKaMM OCJIMHbie yuiM M BCBKoro poaa MeporjiM(#bi v\ b laxoM Bnae 6poflMyiM no n yio m aaflM m yyini^aM M ocksw . Ho Kyaa KaK aayieKO ymviM Hamw aKcaeHTpuKn ot CBOMX aMepMKancKMX coBpaibeB.'*^ The use of the word "eccentric" in this article, especially in the phrase "American eccentric," has the connotation of circus clown, whose role was to confuse the action of the straight man and resolve a problem with an unexpected "alogical" solution.^" In this case, the comparison, while intended to be derisive, was especially accurate; the Futurists had broken out of the traditional mode, but their behavior was governed by specific rules. The associative nature of the Futurist alogical anti system precluded a specific poetic definition for any word, color, or sound. Words such as "sxiat"’ [to shine] and "zlato" [gold], which for both the Romantics and for the Symbolists were evocative set pieces for certain emotions and times of day, had incorporated both these meanings and a parodie associative meaning for the more plebian Futurists : for example in Kruchenykh's Pustynnxkl: Mbi i^apflM noA oôH bi b s/iaie Tax Ha K a x < a o M pw a aanJiaie M bi Kap6yH KyyioM c u a e M Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 83 Hyib HMCnOM, HTO TOyibKO 3HaiOT Mbi fla Bor 151 Of course, the language of this poem is in the elevated style of liturgical texts, but the intention is parodical and prosaic. The ridiculous juxtaposition of royal gold with boils adds to the comic effect of the piece. In most cases, the association is not parodie, but merely evocative of a set of cultural references. Literary parody represented only one aspect of the modernist discourse of the Futurists. The ascendance of the the "malye fonay" [minor genres] in theater at the turn of the century was a response to the unchanging repertoires of the conservative theaters of Russia. "Letuchaia mysh'" [The Bat] was opened by Nikita Fedorovich Baliev and served as a place for the actors of MKhAT (Moscow Art Theater) to relax and perform for an audience of their peers.Cabarets like Letuchaia mysh', Krivoe zerkalo,[Crooked Mirror] and Brodaiachaia sobaka [Stray Dog] were also meeting places for the actors. A related, though distinct, source of influence was plagiarism or imitation. Vsechestvo, [Everythingism], the movement founded by the members of the Donkey ' s Tail and Target groups, was emblematic of the wide range of influences to which the Futurists were susceptible. Vsechestvo which claimed to represent the best of all the art which had come before seemed to have at its inception Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 84 the Idea stated in the manifesto Lachisti x budushniki (1913) [Rayonists and Futurists], " there has never been such a thing as a copy and [we] recommend painting from pictures painted before the present day. . . We acknowledge all styles as suitable for the expression of our art, styles existing both yesterday and today. . . . The artists of this movement went even further than acknowledging influence; they advocated appropriation of art techniques from any epoch or style into their system. Mikhail Le Dantiu, in his essay, ' ' Zhivopis vsekov" [The Painting of Everythingness]. stated, "it can be argued that a more or less exact copy of a work is merely a reflection of the influence of the original on the copy, and that the latter, therefore, must be considered an independent work of art. " Le Dantiu's defense of plagiarism is, in part, a response to the controversy that sprang up in 1909 over the publication of Limonar' by Aleksei Remizov. Limonar' was roundly criticised as a plagiarism of Russian folk texts. The Futurists, especially Khlebnikov, defended the work of Remizov as an artistic reconstruction of the folk text. In the manifesto Bukva kak takovaia, [The Letter as Such], Khlebnikov and Kruchenykh describe the process of artistic reconstruction of a text; Of course, it is not mandatory that the wordwright [recbar'] be also the copyist of a handwritten book: indeed, it would be better if the wordwright entrusted this job to an artist. . . .A piece may be rewritten in longhand by someone else or Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 85 by the creator himself, but if he does not relive the original experience, the piece will lose all the charm acquired by means of free handwriting during the "wild snowstorm of inspiration." Although this manifesto was referring specifically to the collaborative manufacture of the Futurist handmade book, Kruchenykh's book of poetry Pomada ^’(1913) lithographically reproduced with illustrations by Larionov. However, the handwritten text seems to be by Kruchenykh. This pamphlet and Konstantin Bol'shakov's poem Le F u t u r , (1913) illustrations and text designed by Goncharova, are two of the best examples of this art form. Kruchenykh and Khlebnikov, in Bukva kak takovaia, also indicate the possibility of the artistic rebirth of a text through the inspiration of the book illustrator. It is the inspiration, rather than the creative act, that marks the book as a work of art. mirroring the contentions of Vsechestvo. This paraphrasing and borrowing from other sources was advocated by Kruchenykh as a reinvention or transrational reading of other authors. In Malakholiia v kapote (1918), as well as 500 novykh ostrot i kalamburov Pushkina (1924), Kruchenykh appropriated from other poets, supplying his own inspiration, to recontextualize and deform the text to create an entirely new work. This sense of adventure and lack of a rigorous system allowed the Futurist culture to flower in unexpected ways. Artists like Goncharova and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 86 Malevich were able to paint in many different styles and develop their styles remarkably quickly.The loosely allied grouping of Futurists gave forms to expressions of artistic creatity that would have been unthinkable in movements such as Realism or Classicism. It is the diversity and scope of influence which makes the "code" of Futurism so difficult to decipher. The burst of technological advances at the beginning of the twentieth century in communication, transportation, medicine, and science provoked changes in the way people lived, worked, and enjoyed themselves. K. I. Arabazhin in his article, "Krlzxs teatra" (1914) warned his readers that: KonaccayibHbm ycnex xn HeMaTorpa$OB aoKasbiBaei no/iHyx) BOSMOJKHOcib KOHKypeHi^MM 3Toro HOBoro copia 3pejiMu;a c leaipoM, Kax apani^u^eM. Cpean coBpeMeHHbix pasByieneHMM w 3pe/inm leaip, oco6eHHO b npoBWHu;MM, 3aHkiMaei lenepb He nepBoe, a Biopce wecio, paflOM c XMHeMaiorpa^aMM New entertainment technologies such as cinema and the phonograph were more than merely something else to do for the audience; the new art forms changed the way the audience looked at all types of art and theater. The technological limitations of the phonograph (and later, the radio) caused changes in the style and type of music that became popular (the limited range of microphones and recording instruments necessitated the use of smaller bands and singers with higher Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 87 voices which could be adequately reproduced on the wax records). Automobiles, airplanes, radios, even x-rays had enormous influence on artists and writers by changing their perception of the world. V. M. Friche in a lecture on Futurism in 1913 saw Futurism as ” nervyi, bystro nesusbchiisia temp chuvstva s mysli V sootvetstvii s tempom sovremmenoi zhizni s era mashinami, avtomobilami, aeroplanami, neboskrebami i pr. It was not only the tempo of life, but as a revelation of the hidden world that had changed by the turn of the century. The discovery of radio waves and radiation opened new possibilities for percieving the world. Matiushin's theory of undeveloped eye nodes that could be used to see with, David Burliuk's landscapes done from 4 perspectives, even Goncharova's and Larionov's Rayonism^^ were all responses to these new possibilities. The cult of speed and movement first championed by the Italian Futurists was also central to the notoriety of the Russian Futurists. In his memoirs, Kruchenykh recalls overhearing the audience complaining that there was"ni odnoi mashiny, net, ni odnoi proletki" in Vladimir Maiakovskii. Tragediia.^* Clearly the audience expected cars and airplanes in Futurism. Kamenskii drew audiences with his lectures on airplanes and his daring as a pilot. Although the Russians embraced this idea of speed, their works were never as unambiguously positive in the celebration of technology and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 88 destruction as were tbe Italian Futurists'. While the scientific future held promise, it was also very frightening: *ane3H bie v \ xm poyM H w e H ep io rn B KaxoM-To xpocTHOM no>Kape, Kax njiaweHb, soaHM xaioii^M M w a >xapa Ha MecTo cTaHOBxcb, A a s a iiM n y A y H o rn . TpyGbi, cTOflmne sexa, /leTHT, ^Bki>KeHnflM noApa^Kaa nepB axa, H rp M B en b m a y ic c w x o t a t . (1909)®^ The relationship between danger and technology is emphasized by the fact that this poem is dedicated to Kamenskii, who was seriously injured in an airplane accident in 1911. Technology was demonic and personified for the Futurists, regardless of their avowed embrace of modernity. The immense popularity of cinema had a radical effect on theater in the first decade of the twentieth century. Cinema was, on one hand, an objective witness of actual events; Gor'kii reported the fear and awe inspired by the first film shown in Russia "Pribytie poezda," (1901) [The Arrival of the Train] which was, in fact, merely the arrival of a train. However, this new realism and eyewitness accounting of events in detail such as Tolstoy as lasnaia Foliana (1910) and disasters in faraway places had an unintended effect on the theater: it destroyed the convention of the reality of the stage; the illusion of reality in naturalism could not compete with the reality portrayed in cinema. It was this destruction of illusion which forced the theater to reexamine its conventions and precepts. A second effect of cinema on Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 89 theater was the "cinematization" of people's taste. Films of the beginning of the century were short, lasting no more than several minutes and during this time, a story was developed through gestures and sequences. According to A. R. Kugel' who founded the Krivoe zerkalo cabaret, theater had become " stereotyped <... > New forms were needed to reduce theater to its primary elements, compress and condense it."®’ Cinema had become a model for theater, increasing the pace of action, replacing dialog with gesture, moving away from traditional plays. In the 1910's the so-called "mimodrama" enjoyed a revival and pantomimes became regular elements in staging. Sergei Volkonsky, who was the major Russian proponent of Dalcroze's theories of movement, remarked that the return of theater to pantomime was a direct result of the influence of cinema.®® Variety theaters, cabarets, and satirical theaters were also the result of the failure of the theater quickly to adapt to the new tastes of the times. Russian theater was also influenced by the new theories of theater which had developed in Europe in the beginning of the century. The reconstruction of the theater led to experimentation with every aspect of staging, design, acting, and directing. Throughout Europe, there were technological advances in the theater: electric lighting, hydraulic lifts for sets and risers. Theatrical directors, especially Max Reinhardt of the Berliner Kammerspiele, adapted these developments to the demands of the new theater. Symbolist Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 90 plays demanded staging that was radically different from the naturalistic theater, and in response to the "crisis in the theater," that is, the fragmenting of the monolithic theater dominated by large well-funded troupes that were slavishly copied in style and repetoire by the smaller provincial companies, there arose new innovative theaters, cabarets, and intimate theaters which worked according to the new perception of the essence of the stage. Russian theater, while not at the forefront of this movement, eagerly took up this experimentation in the first decade of the twentieth century. Innovative directors such as Evreinov, Meierkhol'd, and Aleksandr Tairov discussed, designed and developed these pioneering techniques for the Russian stage. However, it was not a director or a theoretician but a dancer who introduced the new theatrical style to Russia. Isadora Duncan created a new style not only in dance but in the theater. Her bare-footed dance in imitation of ancient rituals was a revelation to the theatrical world of Russia. A writer for Teatr i iskusstvo exclaimed : ”Ocharovanie tantsa bosox nogi- v eia zb±znenosti<...> Obnazhennala noga takoi ze mimicheskxi sposob vyrazhennxxaf kak x obnazhennaxa ruka.”^^ The flowing movements and simplicity of the dance, along with the trappings of primitivism and classicism, caused many to rethink the basic precepts of dance in Russia. Isadora Duncan's dance was more than merely a method of dance; she founded schools in England, Germany, and in Moscow. Often her Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 91 perfoinnances were not on a stage, but took place in a meadow or in a summer amphitheater with the minimum of staging. Dance became the art of free expression. In a review of an evening of dance and poetry called "Vecher melodeklama.tsi±, meloplastiki, i tantsev O. V. Gzovskoi", [An Evening of Melodeclamation, Melomovement, and Dance by O. V. Gzovskaia] the writer sourly commented, Oco6eHHO He BbiHoci/iMoe 3pe/ikiu;e npeflCTaB/iiiyio co6ow to, hto b np orpaM M e MMeHOBaJiocb «Meyicn/iacTMKOM». 3aecb k n/ioxoM, Hanbin^eHHOM v \ $avibmMBOM ASKJiaMam^M npncceAMHayincb en^e abh^shi/ia B A y x e Hbine y x e , CAasa B ory, Bbim eAuioro H3 MOAbI «MOCKOBCKOrO 60C0H0*l/ia » . TaKMM * e 6yieAHbiM nepejKMTKOM AyHKannaM a 6biyin v \ nocyieAOBaBmne 3a «MeyrcnyiacTMKOM» T aH H b i/° This new conception of dance as a form of expression was the creation of a new genre outside of the traditional form of ballet. The blatant sexuality of the dance revealed a new dimension of reality for the viewer, breaking out of the traditional roles of audience and performer. However, despite the predictable consternation of the Russian press, Isadora Duncan was wildly popular in Russia and her followers there were devoted to the idea of expression using the body as language. For actors and directors of the new theater, experimentation with movement and the body was part of the exploration of the new conception of theatrical space. Pantomime, dance, rhythmic gymnastics, masks, and puppets Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 92 were all used to redefine theater as an expressive, creative art, not merely as Aikhenval'd had claimed, "teatr ne samostoiatelen. On beznadezhno zavisit ot literatury.”^^ Words became an aid, rather than an end, on the stage. The naturalistic theater of Stanislavsky and MKhAT had increasingly become the object of parody and criticism. In 1908, Stanislavsky staged Revizor which, according to critics, "was an uninspired return to the archéologie naturalism ... of the first years of MKhAT. This production was lampooned by Evreinov in his highly successful Revizor (1911)(which was the staging of the same scene from Revizor by 5 different directors in the styles of Craig, Stanislavsky, and Max Reinhardt, as well as a pantomime done in cinematic style.) This production, in addition to causing Stanislavsky to refuse to meet or greet Evreinov for several years, was instrumental in creating a new critical attitude among the public, which was no longer able to accept the conventions of naturalism. It also pointed to the diversity of styles available at the time. Evreinov's Revizor parodied the current theatrical theories of the time; at the beginning of the third act "Grotesknaia postanovka v manere Maksa Reingardta" the theater representative describes the training of the director; " Nesmotria, odnako, na to, cbto odna noga u nego koroche drugoi, on s upekbom zanimalsia prepodavaniem ritimicbeskoi gimnastiski v sbkole, po sisteme Dal'kroza.”^^ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 93 Emile Jaques-Dalcroze's system of eurythmies came to Russia in 1910 through the efforts of Prince Sergei VoIkonskii. Volkonskii spent 1910-1911 in Geneva studying with Dalcroze. Upon his return to Russia, Volkonskii became a tireless propagandist for this new system. He wrote several books on the subject, relating rhythmic gymnastics to life in general. His book, Cbelovek na stsene,(1912) was an exploration of how the body is related to symbolic gesture. He related each quadrant of the body to a set of emotions and ideas, thus developing a second language on the stage. * This book was not, however, limited to the craft of acting; Volkonskii painstakingly related art, nature, even the movements of animals to the absolute rhythms of their symbolic essence. In 1913, Volkonskii wrote a book, Vyrazitel'aoe slovo, that paralleled the Futurist theories of poetry which developed the ideas the genesis of poetry of Potebnia and related them to the study of eurythmies.’^ In a description of a Futurist poetry reading at the Zhenskii Meditsinskii Institute in St. Petersburg on Nov. 2, 1913 there was the following review of the performance: fBOSAeM nporpaMMbi 6biyia MMMWHecKaa flGKyiaMat^Mfl Bacnyinca P. [Apparently the author means Vasilisk Gnedov, m.k.], KOTOpbIM JKeCiaMM «PpilflyiDMM KOHGi;» [more likely, Poema kontsa, which had no words m.k.]. BbmO AOCTaiOHHO M KpMBJiaHMH V \ yioMaHMfl M no3.’® Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 94 This description of Gnedov's performance of pantomime poetry is remarkably close to Volkonskii's assertion that gesture is the best method of conveying meaning. The silence of the performance shows that the poem has a meaning outside of the text, and only in its performance is this meaning conveyed. This interpretation was also supported by impressions of newspaper reviewers of Futurist poetry readings, who most often fixed on costumes or the interactions between performers and audience rather than on the poetry that was read. Volkonskii's theories concerning music and poetic language also bear more than a passing resemblance to Futurist theories. In a chapter entitled "Ptitsa i chelovek", Volkonskii painstakingly draws a relationship between the human conception of music and the bird song, concluding that they come from the same source.’® Music is "un art d'ensemble" created not as an individual act but as social intercourse. Communication is the goal of music in nature, and this universal communication is also the goal of human music. This conception is reminiscent of Khlebnikov's interchanging the voices of birds with the voices of gods and prophets in Zangezi (1920). It must be noted that Khlebnikov's interest in birds was a life-long one; his father was an ornithologist in Kazan', and throughout Khlebnikov's works are references to birdcalls as an understandable language. Volkonskii, like the Futurists, was in search of a universal language that would be Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 95 communicative to all living things. However, these experimentations were not limited to Russia. While the scandals and odd behavior of the Russian Futurists resemble similar acts by groups in France, Germany, and Italy, the concrete actions of the Russians should be seen in the context of Russian culture. The role of theater and theatricality in Russian culture can be traced back to the imposition of European values on Russia by Peter the Great and his successors; the boyars were forced to dress and act in accordance with the rules of Western decorum, in essence, playing the role of Western nobility while seeing themselves as upholders of the Russian traditions. Boris Uspenskii noted that " "by forcing his people to wear "German," i.e. European, clothes Peter had in the eyes of his contemporaries transformed his entourage into mummers. . .[I]t was said that Peter had "dressed people up as devils." Indeed, European dress in pre-Petrine times was perceived as a "mockery," a masquerade, and on icons devils could be depicted in German or Polish dress."’® The Futurists, too, recognized the tension of clothes as a sign of demonic possession. The famous yellow vest and top hat which so scandalized society were corruptions of the accouterments of respectable bourgeois society and yet, like the outfits worn by Peter’s subjects, the Futurists' suits became theatrical costumes that marked the Futurists as, at the very least. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 96 disreputable and for some, such as Merezhkovskii, their very appearance marked the end of civilization: "kak budto vsia Rossiia seichas~ oruzbeinaia palata, gde stuchat moloty. "®° In this context, Larionov's seemingly innocuous Parikmakher (1909) [Hairdresser] takes on the demonic context of the forced shearing of the nobility by Peter as depicted in the lubki of the time, and by extension, takes part in the theatricalizing context of Russian society. The Futurists also relied on the political tradition of theatricality in the forced transformation of Russia. Peter and his entourage also engaged in acting during the famous drinking bouts of the Society of All Fools; the blasphemies committed during these binges were not merely innocent fun but concerted efforts to erode the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church in order to concentrate power in the hands of the TsarThe Futurists also organized bacchic celebrations that, at least covertly, were aimed at destroying the social order. The scandal at the Pink Lantern cabaret which resulted in a near riot was not a capricious demonstration by the Futurists but rather was a revolutionary repudiation of the values of proper Russian society. Goncharova and Larionov's offer "po zhelaniiu pnblikx, budut raskrashivat' litaa i ukrasbat' tsveteuni golovy”^^ resulted in huge crowd that became increasingly hostile after the artists refused to honor their offer. The Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 97 newspapers of the time hinted at orgies and improper behavior; this tinge of personal impropriety , however, in the strong light of publicity, blossomed into societal discontent rather quickly as the Futurists learned how to manipulate the crowds that gathered at their performances. The Futurists looked to the theater as a model not only for their art, but also for their lives. As Lotman pointed out in his article "The Theater and Theatricality as Components of Early Nineteenth Century Culture," the Russian noble class was given to patterning their lives on the example of characters in literary texts; moreover "the epoch as a whole was theatricalized,"®^ creating within society an arena for behavior that was highly stylized and semiotically charged. Noblemen would pattern their lives on classical figures from Roman antiquity; F. F. Vigel noted in his memoirs, "What the new Brutuses and Timoleons ultimately wanted was to recreate this exemplary antiquity of theirs in their own surroundings. Russian society of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries relied on models derived from Roman and Greek histories but the influence of these models was by no means direct; it was, rather, mediated by the influence of European Neo- classicism and through this mediation and distortion the influence became uniquely Russian. Thus, the models for behavior were not mere imitations of the lives of great men, but instead were, as Evreinov termed it. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 98 khudozhestvennaia rekonstruktstiia,^^ [artistic reconstruction] an interpretation of the past which combines the spirit of the past with the ideas and preconceptions of the contemporary audience. However, this theatricalization of life was not restricted to pre- Decembrist nobility; time and again, the Russian intelligentsia returned to the literary model as a means of transforming life. N. Chernyshevskii's Chto delat'? [What is to be done?] in which the novyi chelovek Rakhmetov is consciously modeled upon hagiographical sources in turn became the model for the theatricalization of the lives of the Russian radicals, among them Lenin and his older brother. The Futurists also consciously engaged in zhiznetvorchestvo [life-creation]- The most common example of this act was Khlebnikov and his iurodstvo which is copiously described in anecdotes. However, the intense theatricality of the Futurists extended far beyond Khlebnikov's tragic model. Vladimir Maiakovskii carefully crafted his poetic hero in Vladimir Maiakovskii. Tragedxia, Oblako v ahtanakh, and Fleita pozvonocbnikh as a lyrical "I" referring, for the most part, only to the poet and his inner conflict. Maiakovskii allowed the poetic persona to manifest itself in his daily life, both in his confrontations with the public and in his personal life, especially his hopeless obsession with Lili Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 99 Brik. His daily attire, the yellow vest and top hat, was also his costume for Tragediia.^^ His public persona was used more often as a poetic device than a reflection of his real feelings, much in the same way that Lermontov portrayed himself as a Romantic poet. Maiakovskii was in love with the theater and acting; his declamatory style was loud and brash, often prompting his contemporaries to compare his performances to plays. Even the details of his suicide point to his theatrical concerns that he be regarded as a poet. His dramatic gesture was a single shot to the heart to demonstrate his despair over the affair with Lili. Aleksei Kruchenykh always played the role of the wild man; he was described by his friends as '' zloben i iadovit"^^ [malicious and poisonous] " zudesnik"^^ [irritant] and ' ' shalik"^^ [mischievous]. In the parodie sketch "Poslednii futurist"(1914), L. D'Or imagined the fate of Kruchenykh after the sensation of Futurism had faded: MO/lOflOM He/10B6K Ma/FeHKOFO pocia B $ypa>KKe MunuciepiBa HapoflHoro npocBeu^eHMH ipoHyvi Mena aa pyxaB. - He yaHaeie?' cnpocnyi oh o6n>KeHHG- KpyneHbix. noMHUTe? -K pyneH bix? K pynenbix? fla w 6o r naM fliM ... -3a6bmn? BbiHUiMM BOKflb ero-$yTypMCTOB.^° Mo)KHO cxasaTb rpeMeyi b CBoe spsMfl Ha bcio POCCMK. . . . -H to Bbi ceMHac fle /ia e ie ? - C/iy>Ky-C, K3K BMWITG, B MMHMCTepCTBe HapoAHoro npocBeu^eHkiH. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 100 -flaBHo cyiyjKMTe? -OneHb flasHO. H Koraa 6biyi bow a s m 3ro- ^yrypMCTOB, cyiywuyi. . . . ny6/?MKa cHMia/ia ero fleMOHOM- paapyuiMieyieM, a oh craBnyi oBowKy ynennKaM v\ cTaBM/1 npw Bxofle M HcnexTopa, reMopoMAayibHoro cTaicKoro coBeiHUKa. . . . Kruchenykh savored his role as an agitator, writing articles about scatology and other forbidden subjects to maintain this position. He also actively promoted this type of behavior as the future of literature; he wrote several pamphlets on this phenomenon; Apokalipsis v russkoi literature,(1923) Lika Esenina ot kheruvima do khnligana,(1926) Na bor'bu s khuliganstvom. (1926). Kamenskii actively advertised himself as an aviator and lectured on the relationship of futurism and aviation. In imitation of the Italian Futurists, Kamenskii's lectures involved the poetics of speed; in his lecture, "Aeroplany i poeziia futuristov" given in Tbilisi in 1914, his major tenet was "probegi avtomobilei i prolety aeroplanov sokrashchaia zemliu, daiut novoe miroosbchushchenie" echoing Marinetti’s Manifesto del Futurismo (1909): "Noi affermiamo cbe la magnificenza del mondo si è arricchita di una bellezza nuova: la bellezza della velocità.”^^ The movement itself was subject to theatrical reinactment through the Futurists’ obsession with the autobiography. However, these autobiographies were polemical, philosophical dialogs often echoing, at Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 101 different times, the fervency and mystical primitivism of Awakum's Zbitie and the intense introspective psychologism of Rousseau's Confessions. These documents are not histories of Futurism, despite their claims to the contrary; they are multi-valent narratives designed to address various audiences. Often the autobiography is a written continuation of the arguments and feuds that erupted during the active period of the movement, asserting the primacy of the artistic vision of the narrator or his faction. Often the rhetoric is pointedly obscure and directed at those already familiar with the events in question. A second, more pressing, reason for the autobiography was to justify the actions and ideas to the contemporary audience, most prominently the political critics of Futurism who saw the movement of bourgeois excess. The writer was obligated to shape his history to the political realities of the 20 s and 30's. Like an actor, the Futurist was able to reinterpret his performances to play to the relevant audience. Finally, the Futurists, like many other modernists, were forced to write autobiographies to contextualize the art and poetry which had lost significance through the passage of time and through the pressures of Stalinist political demands. The framing of art and poetry in the culture of the late imperial era augmented works that had been dismissed as Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 102 irrelevant or incomprehensible. Memoirs became the written symbolic equivalent of the unrepeatable performance. Kamenskii wrote and published three separate autobiographies in which he describes his adventures with the Futurists : Ego-moia biografiia velikogo futurista was published in 1918, almost at the height of interest in Futurism and certainly at a time when Futurism was still a vital artistic (and political) force in Russia. Later, he rewrote his biography twice: Put' entuziasta (1931), and Zhizn' s Maxakovskim (1940). In both of the later biographies, there were substantial changes in order to bring the work into line with the political demands of the day. Nikolai Aseev, David Burlink, Kruchenykh, Livshits, and Vadim Shershenvich also wrote histories of the movement, often polemicizing with the other Futurists and promoting their own agendas. These autobiographies hold in common not only the predictable self-aggrandizement that is found in such memoirs but also an unusual sense of theatrical presence; each memoir carefully sets up literary parallels and heightened dramatic tension to help solidify the roles occupied by particular Futurists within the movement. The traditional theater, however, represents only one aspect of this relationship; plays and elaborate productions of theatrical events were, for both practical and theoretical reasons, not the focus of the efforts of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 103 the Futurists. The expense of producing a play, as well as the technical expertise and effort demanded by such a project, made the creation of Futurist spectacles rare indeed and one suspects, that regular exhibitions of Futurist plays would not be well attended by the paying public which was more enchanted by the novelty of Futurism than by the esthetics. But notwithstanding the financial practicality of production, the avant-garde saw the theater as another manifestation of the status quo of artistic endeavor: the large production with endless rehearsals and the polish of professionalism did not appeal to the tastes of the Futurists. However, in addition to the conservative, traditional theater, much of the artistic and intellectual life of the European city revolved around the cabaret and the music hall: as Harold Segel described it "cabaret. . .in its early, most vibrant, most creative period- from its inception in the Parisian "Chat Noir" in 1881 up to and including the birth of Dada at the "Cabaret Voltaire" in 1916- . . . was no marginal activity but instead a cultural and artistic phenomenon of some significance. Just as in the rest of Europe, the cabaret in Russia and the Russian Empire became the meeting place for the artistic community in the first decades of the Twentieth century. These small intimate theaters were given to experimental theater or the revival of old forms of folk theater that did not lend themselves to the public stage. On any given night the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 104 stage would be filled with acrobats, clowns, puppets, singers, poets, and actors; the bill would be eclectic- Greek revival would follow circus act without conflict or contradiction. The malye formy were much more attuned to the tastes of the avant-garde who were influenced by the diverse elements provided by the cabaret, and who, in turn, became a source of influence for these art forms in post revolutionary Russia and for Russians who had taken up residence in Germany and France. It would not be an exaggeration to say that Futurism was an art form and esthetic born in the circus, the fairground, and the cabaret. The fact that the cabaret was not exclusive to the Futurists, that it in fact was integral to the artistic culture of Russia and Europe at that time, points to a need to integrate Futurism into an overall structure of cultural study. The experiences and events which shaped the creative activity of the Futurists also shaped the work of other groups within the context of modernism. The cabaret, the cafe, and the music hall provided a setting for the exchange of ideas, both political and artistic. Lectures, exhibitions, debates, and discussions exposed the artistic community to movements and art forms that would otherwise have been only vague rumors, allowing even the poorly educated provincial artists access to the works of French, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 105 Italian, and German artists as well as "primitive" art from exotic places like Africa and New Zealand. Schechner, Richard and Appel, Willa eds.. By Means of Performance: Intercultural studies of theatre and ritual, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1990) 1. Hoover, Marjorie. Meyerhold: The Art of Conscious Theater (Amherst, Mass: University of Massachusetts Press,1974) 113. Meierkhol'd collaborated with both Maiakovskii and Malevich on his production of Misteriia Buff in 1918. Dated 1906 by D. Burliuk in Tvoreniia V. Khlebnikova Tom I 1906-1908 (Moscow, 1914); however, this date is suspect. According to N. Stepanov, the text could not have been produced earlier that 1909, the date of the founding of the journal Apollon, which was the subject of the play. Nikolai Stepanov, Sobranie proizvedenii Velimira Khebnikova Tom IV (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1968) 338. However, certain parallels with Bely's Peterburg suggests that the text was produced even later than 1909. *The Futurists (or those who were to become Futurists) also visited this salon. Khlebnikov read his poem "Peredo mnoi varilsia var," (1909) at the Bashnia and joined Ivanov's "Akademiia stikhov." in 1909. Nikolai Khardzhiev, Commentaries to Velimir Khlebnikov. Neizdannye proizvedeniia. (Moscow, 1940) 418. Isaak Izrailevich Brodskii, Moi tvorcheskii put' (Moscow- Leningrad: Iskusstvo,1940) 76. Maiakovskii often visited Repin's Wednesday salon. "Repin, vsegda neprimirimo otnosivshiisia k futurizmu, sumel ob"ektivno otnesti k tvorchestvu Maiakovskogo, u kotorogo on nakhodim mnogo interesno <...> chasto vstrechalis [s Maiakovskim] na <sredakh> u Repina." ®L. Zhuravleva, Kniaginia Mariia Tenisheva (Smolensk: Poligramma, 1994) 152. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 106 John Bowlt, Khudozhniki russkogo teatra 1880-1930 (Moscow; Iskusstvo, 1991) 16. In the winter of 1882/83, Viktor Vasnetsov produced A. N. Ostrovskii's ' ' Snegurochka, " and Polenov designed the sets and costumes for Mamontov's play "Alaia roza." p Rosenthal, Theatre as Church, 124. ^Feodor Sologub, "Teatr odnoi voli," Teatr^ knlga o novom teatre Georgii Chulkov,ed. (St. Petersburg: Shipovnik, 1908) 180. ^®Iu. O. Aikhenval'd, ”Otritsanie teatra" in v sporakh o teatre. Sbornik state!. (Moscow,1913) 13. The symbolists' abiding interest in the theatrics of the mystery play and their concern for reuniting the people with art dates from the early 1890's but intensified after the revolution of 1905. See Georgii Chulkov, "Khronika kul'turnoi zhizn!, teatr-studHa," Voprosy zhizn!. No. 9 (Sept. 1905) For a complete discussion of this problem see Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal, "Theatre as Church: The Vision of the Mystical Anarchists," Russian History Special Issue Devoted to Religion and the Revolution of 1905 Vol. 4, part 2 ( 1977) 122-141. A perusal of a list of theatrical houses for Russia for 1914-1915 shows that throughout Russia, theater and cinema were the major social pastimes in the provincial centers as well as in the major centers. See Al 'amnakh-spravochnik vsia teatral 'no-muzykal'naia Rossiia 1914-1915. B. S. Rodkin, ed. (Petrograd: 1914) l^Vasilii Sakhnovskii,"Jgra i spektakl' (vozrazhenie)" v sporakh o teatre. Sbornik state!. (Moscow,1913) 108. ^^Bozhidar, Raspevochnoe edinstvo . (Moscow, 1916) 7, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 107 ’Brodiachei sobake"’ Birzbevyia vedomosti. 9 Nov, 1913, 7. ^^Viacheslav Ivanov, "Vagner 1 dionisogo delstvo," Vesy, No. 2 (1905) 14. Ivanov, 16. ^^Viachislav Ivanov, Po zvezdam. (St. Petersburg, 1909) 54- 55. ^^Kamenskii, V. V. Stat'ia o teatre, 1916 RGALI f. 1497, op.1 ed. khr. 143. Andrei Belyi, "Teatr 1 sovremennaia drama" in Kritika, estetika, teoriia, simvolxzmav dvukh tomakh, Tom II.(Moscow: Iskusstva, 1994) 27. ^^Tat'iana Nikolesku, Andrei Belyi and Teatr (Moscow, Radiks, 1995) 27. Vsevolod Meierkhol'd "K postanovke <Tristana i Izoldy> na Mariinskom teatre" Stat'i, pis'ma, rechi, besedy Tom I. (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1968) 148. Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal, "Richard Wagner and the Modernist Theatrical Aesthetic" Canadian-American Slavic Studies Special Issue on the Aesthetic of Performance in the Russian Avant-Garde, Patricia Carden ed.. Vol. 19 (1985) 389. N. N Evreinov, Teatr dlia sebia, chast ' pervaia (teoreticheskaia) (Petersburg: N. I. Butkovskoi, 1915) 13- 14. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 108 ^^Tat'iana Nikolesku, 5. ^^Teatr i iskusstvo, 1900, No. 49, 489 V. Stanislaviskii, Vagner v Rossii (St. Petersburg, 1910) and S. Durylin, Vagner i Rossiia (Moscow, 1913) ^®See, for example "Rikhard Vagner v Peterburge." Teatr i iskusstvo No 19 (1913) 418-420. 9 Q See Kruchenykh's reference to German philosophers in Tainye poroki akademikov (Moscow, 1916) 10 as well as Kruchenykh, Stikhi V. Maiakovskogo (Moscow: Buy, 1914) 13- 14. Although these references do not reveal a depth of understanding of Nietzsche, they point to an awareness of his philosophical viewpoint. Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal, "Nietzsche and Russian Futurism" The European Foundation of Russian Modernism Peter Barta ed. (Lewiston: The Edwin Melien Press, 1988) 225. ^^Georgii Chulkov, Sochineniia, V (St. Petersburg, 1912) 220. For a discussion of this influence, see Virginia Bennett, "Esthetic Theories from The Birth of Tragedy in Andrei Bely's Critical Articles, 1904-1908" in Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal, ed. Nietzsche in Russia (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986) 161-180. ^^Friedrich Nietzsche, Die Geburt der Tragodie aus dem geiste der Musik (1872)[The Birth of Tragedy out of the Spirit of Music] in The Basic Writings of Nietzsche Walter Kaufmann, ed.,trans. (New York: The Modern Library, 1968) 40. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 109 ^^Friedrich Nietzsche, The Gay Science Walter Kaufmann trans, (New York: Penguin,1974) 181. The influence of French Symbolism was more evident on the works of the Centrifugists than the Hyleans. Sergei Bobrov cited Rimbaud a major influence on his first book of poetry, Vertogradari nad lozami. See his article "Zhizn’ i tvorchestvo Artiara Rimbo" Russkaia mysl' October, 1913. M., as well as Sergei Bobrov; N. Goncharova (ill.) Vertogradari nad lozami.( Moscow: Lirika, 1913) Konstantin Bol'shakov cited Jules LaForgue as the source for the title of his book of poetry Serdtse v perchatke (Moscow; Lyirka, 1913) Benedikt Livshits, in Polutoraglazyi Strelets, described his affinity for French Symbolism in the first chapter. ^^Livshits, 482-483. Kruchenykh, Aleksei. Our Arrival. (Moscow, Russkii Avan- gard, 1995) 55. Kruchenykh claimed that on many occasions, Livshits memoirs were riddled with inaccuracies and conversations that had never taken place or that Livshits had not taken part in. Of course, this is a fault that can be claimed of all autobiographies. ^®Livshits, 474. "Zapad mne pokazal odno, chto u nego est'- s vostoka" Goncharova in the introduction to the catalog of the exhibition, 1913 cited in lurii Bocharov, "Put' k vostoky" Rannee utro 1 October, 1913 no. 225, 5. Saianov, Ot klassikov k sovremennosti. Kriticheskie stat'i. (Leningrad, 1929) 102. Alexander Benois and Igor' Grabar wrote critical articles about Futurist exhibition for the press. However, they conceded the talent of the artists who took part. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 110 See Alexander Benois, "Posledniaxa futuristicheskaia vystavka" Recti', 16 Jan., 1916, 3. I. Grabar, "0 skuchnom" Den' 14 Jan., 1916. Rosstsii, "Vystavka kartin N. S. Goncharovoi," Russkie vedomosti, No. 225 1 Oct., 1913, 2. ^Natalia Goncharova and Mikhail Larionov, "Luchisty i budushchniki. Manifest"in Oslinyi khvost i mistien' (Moscow, 1913) in John Bowlt, ed. Russian Art of the Avant garde: Theory and Criticism 1902-1934 (New York; Thames and Hudson, 1988) 89-90. At present only one monograph that deals tangentally with this subject has come out, S. T. Tiapkov, Russkie futuristy i akmeisty v literaturnykh parodiiakh sovremennikov (Ivanovo, 1984) Burenin, "Po povodu futurizma" Novae vremia 28 Feb. , 1914, No. 13687, 5. ^^Tynianov, lu. N. "O parodii" Russkaia literatura XX veka V zerkale parodii. (Moscow: Vyshaia shkola. 1993) 370. ^^Tynianov's study of the formalistic parody in Tristam Shandy highlights the similarity of Sterne to Modernism. ^Flaubert claimed that he could write a novel that had no discernible words only orchestrated sounds that would convey meaning. This tendency manifested itself in virtually every aspect of Futurism. The almanac Oslinyi khvost i mishen ' was primarily a justification of the Rayonist movement relying on manifestoes and criticism that was perhaps the first example of this tendency. However, it can also be seen in Kruchenykh who by 1914 had virtually abandoned poetry for the combined form of poetry/criticism. Malevich also stopped painting after 1916 to create a theoretical basis for Suprematism. At the other extreme, Vasilisk Gnedov stopped publishing poetry after "Poema kontsa." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Ill "Zdes' i tarn" Argus, No. 11, Nov. 1913, 124. It is interesting to note that in the December 1913 issue of Argus Larionov and II'ia Zdanevich published their manifesto "Pocbemu my raskrashivaemsia" [Why we paint ourselves] Malen'kaia entsiklopediia tsirk. A, la. Shneer and R. E, Slavskii eds. (Moscow: Sovetskaia Entsiklopediia, 1973) 332. ^^Aleksei Kruchenykh, Pustynnikx (Moscow, 1912) Until 1913, The Bat was not open to the general public limited to MKhAT employees and to those who were invited by petition to the cabaret. John Bowlt. "Cabaret in Russia" Canadian American Slavic Studies Winter (1985) Vol 19. 448. John Bowlt (ed.), Russian Art of the Avant-garde: Theory and Criticism 1902-1934 (London Thames and Hudson, 1988) 90. S^Mikhail Le Dantiu, "The Painting of Everythingness" Experiment 1, (1995) 205. ^^Aleksei Mikhailovich, "Pisatel' H i spisyvatel'" Birzhevye vedomosti, 1909, No. 11160, 15 June. ^^Anna Lawton, Russian Futurism through its Manifestoes, 1912-1928. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988) 64. ^^Aleksei Kruchenykh, Pomada. (Moscow; G. Kuz’min and S. Dolinskii, 1913) ^^Konstantin Bol'shakov, Le Futur (Moscow, 1913) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 112 59gee Kruchenykh's book Zaumnyi iazyk u; Seifnllinoi, Vs. Ivanova, Leonova, Babelia, Ac. Veselogo (Moscow: 1924) ®®Note, for example, the evolution of Malevich's style from his Blue Rose influenced style of 1908 to Suprematism in 1915. K. I. Arabazhin, "Krizis teatra," Al'manakb-spravochnik vsia teatral'no-muzykal'naia Rossiia 1914-1915 Sost. B. S. Rodkin (Petrograd, N. Davingor, 1914) 4. 62 No author, "Lektsiia o futurizme" Russkie vedomosti, No. 284, 10 Dec., 1913, 5. Nikolai Radlov remarks that Larionov's "traktat o <luchizme> i <pnevmoluchizme>, v kotorom ssylkami na ul'trafioletovye i iks—lucbi, na toi'ko cbto vycbitannye, no neponiatye zakony optiki avtor dokazyvaia, cbto vidim, i prizyval izobrazbat' ne predmety, a kakie-to nevidimoe izlucheniia etikb predmetov." Nikolai Radlov, O Futurizm i pr. (Peterburg, Akvilon, 1923) 19. Aleksei Kruchenykh, " Vospominaniia o V. V. Maiakovskom i futuristakh" Vystuplenie v TsGALI, Dec. 18, 1953. In RGALI f. 1334, op. 1 ed. khr.44,. 16. Velimir Khlebnikov, Tvoreniia Moscow: Sovetskii pisatel', 1986. 189. However, this date seems to me to be impossible. The poem is dedicated to V. Kamenskii who did not meet Khlebnikov until 1910. Neia Zorkaia, Na rubezbe stoletii, u istokov massovogo iskusstva v Rossii 1900-1910 (Moscow: Nauka, 1976) 44. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 113 A. R. Kugel'List'ia s dereva (Leningrad, 1926) quoted in C. Moody "The Crooked Mirror," Melbourne Slavonic Studies, No. 7 (1972) 27-28. Sergei Volkonskii, "O kinematografii" in Otkliki teatra (Petrograd, 1914) 179. B- "Hoveishiia techeniia v tantsakh" Teatr i iskusstvo No. 41, 11 Oct., 1909, 703. "Vecher melodeklamatsii, meloplastiki, i tantsev O. V. Gzovskoi" Utro Rossii, 9 June, 1915, 6. 71 Aikheval'd, lu. Otritsanie teatra, 13. ^^Moody, 31. 73 N. N Evreinov, Revizor in Russkii teatr v krivom zerkale parodii, M. Ia. Poliakov, ed. (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1976) 624. ^^Sergei Volkonskii, Chelovek na stsene (St. Peterburg: Apollon, 1912) 148. ^^Sergei Volkonskii, Vyrazitel'noe slovo (St. Peterburg: Apollon, 1913) 64. 7 6 " Studencheskaia vecherinka s futuristami" Den' 4 Nov., 1913 No. 299, 3. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 114 77 For example see E. Adamov's review of the Futurist performance at the Tenishevskii zal on Nov. 3, 1913 in which he devotes the article to the fashion and style of the readings and nothing to their poetry. "Na estrade^ poezii lektora, okazalsxa- staro, druz'ia moil- chelovek v zheltoi kofte. Cherez 5 minut vse znali chto eta poet Maikovskii [sic]." E. Adamov "Na Burliuke" Den' 4 Nov., 1913, No. 299, 2. ^®Sergei Volkonskii, "Ptitsa i chelovek" Otkliki teatra (Petrograd: Apollon 1914) 99-108 B. A. Uspenskii "Tsar and Pretender; Samozvanchestvo or Royal Imposture in Russia as a Cultural-Historical Phenomenon" Ju. M. Lotman, B. A. Uspenskij, The Semiotics of Russian Culture (Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Contributions, 1984) 273. ®^Dmitrii Merzhekovskii. "Eshche shag griadushchago khama." Russkoe slovo 29 June, 1914, 149. Bluspenskii 274. ^^"Rozovyi fonar'" Golos Moskvy 19 Oct., 1913, 3 lu. Lotman "The Theater and Theatricality as Components of Early Nineteenth Century Culture" in Ju. M. Lotman, B. A. uspenski]. The Semiotics of Russian Culture (Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Contributions, 1984) 147. ®^Lotman, 143. ®^N. N. Evreinov, Teatral'nye novatsii (Petrograd: Tret'ia strazha, 1922) 81. ^^Lawrence Leo Stahlberger. The Symbolic System of Majakovskij (The Hague: Mouton & Co. 1964) 21. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 115 David Burliuk, "Zloben i iadovit," Sergei Sukhoparov, Aleksei Kruchenykh v svidetel’stvakh sovremennikov (Munich: Otto Sagner, 1994) 59. ®®Igor Terent'ev, "0 zudesnike" Sukhoparov, 58. ®^Velimir Khlebnikov, “Kto-to dikii, kto-to shalyi... "Sukhoparov, 57. Q A Of course, this is a mistake. D'Or. "Poslednii futurist" S. Tiapkov. Russkie futuristy i akmeisty v literaturakh parodiiakh sovremennikov (Ivanovo: 1984) 54. ^^Vasilii Kamenskii, Tango s korovami (Moscow; Kniga 1990) 536. T. Marinetti. Teoria e invenzione Futurists (Rome: Arnoldo Mondadori Editors, 1968) 11. Harold B. Segal. "Russian Cabaret in the European Context: Preliminary Considerations," Theater and Literature in Russia 1900-1930 Lars Kleberg and Nils Nilsson eds. (Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell International, 1984) 83. Parnis, A. E. and Timenchuk, R. D. "Prograimy <Brodiachei sobaki>" in Pamiatniki kul'tury: novye otkrytiia Ezhegodnik 1983, (Leningrad, 1985) 160-257. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 116 Chapter Four The Russian Futurists Look at the Circus "The Variety Theatre is a school of subtlety, complication, and mental synthesis, in its clowns, magicians, mind readers, brilliant calculators, writers of skits, imitators and parodists, its musical jugglers and eccentric Americans, its fantastic pregnancies that give birth to objects and weird mechanisms. F. T. Marinetti "The Variety Theatre" Sept. 29, 1913^ This quotation from Marinetti's manifesto, while ostensibly an affirmation of the aesthetics of the music hall and cabaret as the future of theater, is more accurately describing the phenomenon of the circus of that time in Europe. In fact, the larger concept of this manifesto, that variety should supplant traditional theater was more an analysis of what had already been accomplished by 1913 than a rallying cry for the future. Adolph Appia, Edward Gordon Craig, Emile Jaques-Dalcroze, Littman Fuchs, Vsevolod Meierkhol'd and Max Reinhardt had all, in one way or another by that time, been influenced by or had appropriated from burlesque and the circus.^ However, I would like to focus on the last line of Marinetti's quotation which describes a transformation of the Modernist conception of the circus, and, in the case of the Russian Futurists, calls attention to the concept of performance Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 117 within the context of the circus. Marinetti 's "fantastic pregnancies" that produce "weird mechanisms" is a description of the act of performance combining the organic and the inorganic in almost seamless union. The paradoxical and wildly improbable exist without contradiction in the Russian Futurist esthetic, often intermixing "high" and "low" culture. Marinetti uses the metaphors of pregnancy and birth with regards to technology. Often the Futurists are described as having "a love affair" with technology and the fruit of this affair is the monstrous and weird. In the Russian context, this marriage between Futurism and the circus was especially fruitful; the progeny of this union was to shape the Russian theater throughout the 1910's and 20's. In this chapter, I will identify and define the commonalty of the circus and Futurism, not only as mutual sources of inspiration, but in their common goals and philosophical precepts of the artistic community of pre revolutionary Russia. As a literary and artistic movement. Modernism is inextricably linked to the circus, existing as an alternative model for the theater as artists and writers sought to reject the rigors of Naturalism and the spoken word. The coincidence of the so-called Golden age of the circus, which began in about 1850, with the rise of Modernism can be attributed to a new-found enthusiasm among European intellectuals for the traditional folk elements of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 118 the circus. ^ However, for the Modernists, it was the unexpected union of folk theater with new technologies which provided a new model for the theater. The revival of the circus as a popular art form was a result of the institution of the circus in permanent structures in urban centers. The circus in Europe became a popular diversion for the workers who, in turn, became a reliable source of income for the established circus dynasties. This relocation to metropolitan areas also took place in Russia with one significant difference; the circuses that were established in Petersburg and Moscow had relocated from Europe. The circus dynasties of Russia were, for the most part, from Italy: the most well-known of these troupes— Cinizelli, Tanti, Truzzi — came to Russia in the 19th century;^ however, European performers had toured Russia from the time of Peter the Great. This is not to say that Russia had no circus of its own prior to the arrival of these companies; in fact, there was considerable resistance to the founding of permanent circuses in Kiev and even in Moscow; opponents argued against the circus not only on moral grounds, but on nationalistic ones.® It was only in the 1880's and 90 s that the first permanent circuses were established in Moscow and St. Petersburg. These enterprises integrated traditional Russian artists from carnivals and fairs with popular acts from Europe. The Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 119 circus in St. Petersburg was not a refuge from the dreary life of the city for workers; it was frequented by the elite society of Russia. The circus was described as being the "place to see the latest fashions from Paris, how to place the lorgnette. . . the circus on Saturdays was the gathering place of the demi-monde."^ Thus, the circus became an important source of Western influence on Russia's artistic community fueled by the constant influx of performers from Italy and Germany into the Circus Moderne and Cinizelli in St. Petersburg and the Circus of the Nikitin Brothers in Moscow. It was the grand mixture of classes, cultures, and ideas present in the circus that appealed to the artists and writers of Russia. Because of the international nature of the circus which relied on visual sketches that were easily adapted for audiences in different countries. Western ideas spread more rapidly in the circus and vaudeville than was possible in traditional theater, which was limited by the constraints of translation and integration into repertoire. It was only in the late 1850's folk performers of the Russian circus and fairs also began going to the West; at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century, Europe was enchanted by the exoticism of Russia and eagerly attended performances featuring acts derived from songs and dances of the Russian skomorokhi (traveling minstrels) of the 16th and 17th Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 120 centuries or Russian performers dressed in peasant costume with trained "Siberian bears." The popularity of these folk performers was one source of inspiration for Diaghilev and his Ballets Russes. In fact, Petrushka was designed specifically with the Russian Fair in mind; its set and costume designer Alexandre Benois wrote " Petrushka, the Russian Guignol, had been my friend since childhood. I had immediately had the feeling that ' it was a duty I owed to an old friend' to immortalize him on the real stage."® It is significant that Benois was unable to appreciate Petrushka as a part of popular culture, it was only with his inclusion on the "real stage" that the traditional Russian fair became acceptable. It was, then, only natural that the Futurists would subsequently return to the circus as a reaction to the estheticization of Russian culture in order to wrest from the Symbolists the emblems of popular culture. It would be a disservice to Russian Futurism to intimate that its affinity to the circus was merely a reaction to Symbolism or an extension of the Modernist esthetic; the alternative tradition of performance in the circus is the basis for the Futurist performance. The esthetic of the circus exists in opposition to the precepts of theater. While Konstantin Stanislavsky, the major proponent of naturalism on the stage, emphasized the realism of theater, urging the actor to draw on real Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 121 emotion and motivations to bring life to the character, it was inevitable that the shortcomings of his system would become apparent: theater is based on the illusion of reality, not on reality itself. As Nikolai Evreinov, the avant-garde director, observed in his lampoon of Stanislavsky, The Fourth Wall, if theater were actually to conform to the precepts of realism, the action of the play would be unobserved, hidden behind walls built to preserve the authenticity of the scene.* It was within this context that symbolist and post-symbolist theater began the search for alternatives to the hidebound traditionalism of legitimate theater. The search for alternatives led to explorations of ancient theatrical forms^°, medieval passion plays,and folk theater.^Terhaps, just as importantly, the circus was living theater with a proven ability to entertain and a long tradition from which to draw. In addition to its popularity, the circus had an infinite variety of repertoire, giving the avant-garde room to adapt from the circus as necessary. Circus provided the new theater with a unique model having all of the best elements of the stage, drama, suspense, comedy, and passion without the constraints and limitations of theater, especially the artificiality of the conventions of the stage. The circus, on the other hand, is non-representational; the acrobat is actually flying through the air and the danger is real. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 122 There is no need for a suspension of disbelief; the act of performance in this context is essentially non-mimetic. Even the clowns and the pantomimes underscore this immediacy, acting as a contrast to the core performers. The first, and arguably the most important, area of commonality between Futurism and the circus is as a shared cultural framework for the audience, allowing the public to participate in, and understand the conventions of, the Futurist art form as being derived from the boulevard theater. This essential indivisibility of the circus and life is a mirror of the desire to bring "art into life" and destroy the traditional boundaries between the work of art and the artist, and more importantly, to destroy the boundary between artist and spectator. In this context, the Futurists' walks through the fashionable shopping district of Kuznetskii most with painted faces, which resulted in a near riot, becomes a reinterpretation of the circus parade and an invitation to a carnival. As one newspaper incredulously reported; "at Filippov's bakery, the public crowded around the painted Futurists, whispering 'Lookl he is sipping tea. ' and watched in amazement as each bite of pastry was slowly chewed."^* This is very similar to descriptions of rubes at the sideshow watching the dog faced boy. The Futurist framework of the circus was also apparent to the contemporary audience; newspapers of the time invariably used circus terminology and metaphors of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 123 the circus when describing the Futurist performance, usually derisively. This association was not accidental; the choice of outrageous clothing (top hats, yellow coats, wooden spoons pinned to the lapel, painted faces) could not but draw comparisons to the circus. The Futurist represented a different world, the world of the carnival where the normal rules do not apply. If we look at the circus in Bakhtinian terms, as a manifestation of the mass folk celebration at which the laws of the church and state are suspended,then the Futurists’ association with the circus takes on a transfigurative quality. The freedom from reprisal afforded the circus was not merely a projection of the past freedoms of the carnival. The best known Russian clowns of the beginning of the century, Anatolii and Vladimir Durov, tweaked the noses of the powerful with relative impunity. In 1907, while performing in Berlin, Vladimir Durov placed a military cap in the ring. His trained pig went to pick up the cap and Durov threw his voice so that the pig appeared to say "Ich will Helm," having the double meaning of "I want the hat" and "I am Kaiser Wilhelm." The audience laughed uproariously, and Durov was arrested. However, the court declined to convict the clown, perhaps because of the nature of circus parody.Durov was fond of using his pig to portray powerful politicians; in the Crimea, he painted his pig green as a pointed protest against the oppressive Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 124 actions of a Governor General named Zelenyi (Green in Russian); he was also arrested in this case, but again, the case was dropped. Even within the Russian artistic community, such freedom was unheard of; all literature and theater was subject to censorship by the Tsar's government and the artists and writers were subject to prosecution. Even seemingly innocuous liberties routinely granted to artists were capriciously withdrawn by the state; for example, the artist Natalia Goncharova was censured for pornography in 1910 for the exhibition of studies of , 18 nudes.. The implications of the carnival extend far beyond immunity from political prosecution; for the Russian Futurists, this nether world represented the utopie future, a world where man transcended even physical laws. Just as the acrobat and juggler appeared to defy gravity within the confines of the arena, the Futurists wanted to recreate the precepts of the circus in everyday life. Velimir Khlebnikov's vision of future architecture for the transformed man is remarkably similar to the elaborate sets of the Circus Moderne. In My i doma,(1915) [Ourselves and Our Houses] Khlebnikov proposed "The filament building consisting of single rooms connected in a single strand between two towers. Lots of light but not much room. . . very attractive at night, when it resembled a thread of fire strung between the dark gloomy needle towers. . . The Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 125 swing-building. A chain fixed between two factory chimneys with a little dwelling house hung on it. Suitable for thinkers, sailors or Futurians. " Could anything but the circus aerialists be the inspiration for such architecture? The transformed world of the Futurists would be a world governed by the rules of the circus. Even more importantly, the Futurists do not attempt to refigure the circus into their esthetic system, as Benois did to Petrushka, rather circus is accepted on its own terms as a self sufficient form. While the cultural context of popular celebration provided the Futurists an arena for their performance, the circus also afforded the Futurists a model for integrating technology into art. The circus in nineteenth century Europe was at the forefront of the adaptation of technology to the arena, preceding the traditional theater in the use of lighting and mechanical sets, as well as integrating the concerns of industrial life into art forms. The technological innovations in the circus of the 1880's were not adapted to use in the theater until the turn of the century. For instance, Paul Busch introduced the hydraulically lifted stage into his circus in the 1880 s so that he could flood the arena for water acts; this innovation was also used in the Cirque Nouveau in Paris.However, the Aphaleia System of hydraulic lifts was not installed in German theaters until after 1900; Gordon Craig, in his memoirs, stated that Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 126 he learned of this technological innovation only in 1912 on the eve of his visit to Moscow.In general, the circus was open to innovation because of its need to cater to the public taste. New technologies, such as the car and the airplane, were items of intense curiosity, and because of this, the circus performers often used technological props in their acts. In this slide from 1914, the poster proclaims that "Mr. Zbyshko will be run over by a car with passengers," and hopefully live.^^ Airplanes were also popular attractions in the circus, both as part of acrobatic acts and in pantomimes using the airplane as a prop. In one of the few pre-revolutionary Futurist performances the opera "Victory over the Sun" the crash of an airplane marked the finale of the opera; this event was similar to the grandiose disasters staged at the circus (fires, floods, battles) and the pantomimes which used disasters as a counterpoint to humor. It is not surprising that at that time the image of the airplane crash was often used in Futurist works, for example, Goncharova's Airplane over a Train and Malevich 's Simultaneous Death of a Man in an Airplane and on the Railroad. Perhaps the most interesting example of the intersection of Futurism and the circus was Tatlin's airplane (the neune of the airplane Letatlin is a play on the Russian word letat' to fly and Tatlin's name.) This Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 127 airplane, according to Tatlin, was "built on the principles of life, of organic forms. . . Creative work is giving form to material. " However, as with most projects of the Futurists, the intent of this project was not to build a flying machine per se. It was to build a machine that represented the union of man and machine. Just as in the circus, the illusion of the act of flying coupled with the aesthetically and philosophically^* beautiful machine resulted in a work of art that was not a representation of its subject but an interpretation of flying. Tatlin, in his speech to the Moscow Writers' Club in 1932, urged the audience to view his work of art as part of the transformative process that would bring man closer to the utopia envisioned by the Futurists: [A man in]Letatlin will lie in the position of a swimmer. And do the flying. . . And that will be aerial swimming. . . Birds learn to fly from their infancy and people should learn it too. When they make as many "Letatlins" as they now make Viennese (bentwood) chairs, then children will have to learn how to fly from about the age of eight. This human age roughly corresponds to two weeks for a bird. In all the schools there will be flying lessons, because then it will be as necessary for a person to fly as it is to walk now. Tatlin's airplane, like Mr. Zbyshko's car wreck, worked as a circus performance, promising an impossible feat and requiring a suspension of disbelief. This sort of performance contains the mixture of an art is tic/ideological Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 128 framework of the impossible (and yet, part of a basic sety of mythological tropes) with the technological principles which make such a feat conceivable. For Tatlin, the unification of an actual event within the context of a larger frame of reference allows the artifact and the performance to function as both a work of art and as a feat of science. This technique is the basis for all performance in the circus; the aerialists combine technique and illusion to convince the audience to believe that which cannot possibly be. Thus the influence of circus technology, and more importantly ideology, can be seen not only on the props used by the Futurists but, more significantly, on the Futurist concept of the theater. In the September 9, 1913 edition of Moskovskaia Gazeta, it was announced that "a Futurist theater will be opened in Moscow in early October." The Donkey's Tail group's love of deception and mystification is well documented; it is possible that the whole episode was a hoax played on the gullible public, and, in the tradition of the circus, the farce was played grandly with great fanfare in the press. The influence of the circus on Larionov’s plan was obvious. Each element described by Larionov had a parallel with the circus performance; the use of nets and moving platforms, dance and pantomime reflect the succession of acts in the arena. Larionov adapted another new technology Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 129 which was also in common use in the circus : the cinema projector as a backdrop for live action. In the Aquarium variety theater in 1908, the film Stenka Razin was projected while actors beneath the screen reinacted the movements and sang the folk song "The Tragedy of Stenka Razin" in accompaniment to the movie.In addition to this film, variety numbers were filmed for intermission in the circus and at theaters: in a Russian paper of 1906, the following advertisement was run: Variety Numbers available. . . Living Phenomena. 1. Tattooed Lady- An American. 2. Seventeen year-old Giant- Weight 450 pounds. 3. Amazing Lilliputian- Weight 35 pounds. 4. Living Untamed Boa Constrictors. In keeping with the use of filmed backgrounds and intermissions, Larionov envisioned "the gradual change of sets will happen in this way: beginning on one side- for example, the next scene shown in cinemagraphic relief " in essence using film as a segueway to the next scene. The use of film, proposed by Larionov in 1913, was introduced into theater in 1923 by Meierkhol'd and Eisenstein in their production of The Wise Man, which intermixed live action and film, and which, incidentally, was a film about the circus/" Perhaps the most compelling evidence for the influence of the circus on the movement was in the personal relationship and involvement of the Futurists in the circus and the circus in the performances of the Futurists. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 130 One of the most fruitful collaborations of circus performers and Futurists was between the clown/acrobat Vitalii Lazarenko and Vladimir Maiakovskii, which began at the circus. Vasilii Kamenskii describes the 1914 meeting in his memoirs Life with Maiakovskii. "Lazarenko wore the costume of an equestrienne with a huge red hat, rhinestones in his ears and an enormous black radish on his chest. 'Why the black radish? asked Volodia (Maiakovskii). Lazarenko explains: 'I’m incarnating an equestrienne who is madly in love with Maiakovskii. You are usually wearing radishes in your buttonhole, and she is trying to please you and seduce you by also wearing a radish. Hopelessly in love she recites your poetry riding in the arena of the circus and, constantly falling off the horse, she presses the radish to her heart and exclaims: Oh! Maiakovskii, Maiakovskii, why did you make me lose my head.' We watched the act. Maiakovskii sent kisses to the equestrienne and Lazarenko yelled frenetically: Maiakovskii, genius, take me, with my horse and bridle. I'm all yours. Take me!" Maiakovskii explained later that "God knows why I am drawn to the circus and to the cinema. I suppose it's because there are real people there.Interestingly, Lazarenko later in 1914 appear in a film, "I want to be a Futurist!" in which he played Mikhail Larionov.The journal Sinema-Pate describes Lazarenko in this role as "simply a contortionist without the benefit of any talent. But in order to become a Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 131 Futurist, is any kind of talent really necessary?The plot of the movie chronicled Lazarenko's efforts to perform as a Futurist at one of their demonstrations and involved some sort of excess like that of "Drama in Futurist Cabaret No 13." Lazarenko comes to his senses and walks away from Futurism. If we assume that the audience was aware of Lazarenko's participation in the movie, then the movie could have been little else than a circus pantomime Several elements of this film point to a relationship between Lazarenko's previously described act and Futurism. In the years 1913-1914, four films were produced in Russia on the subject of Futurism. The first was a short subject documenting the aforementioned Futurist stroll on Kuznetskii most. According to the magazine Sine-Fono (1913, No. 2. : The French filmmaking company Eclère filmed Maiakovskii, David Burliuk, and Vasilii Kamenskii on the stroll along Kuzenskii most'. . . Now all of France, Germany, Holland, and Spain can gawk at our Futurists This documentary was apparently quite a success and led to the filming of "Drama in Futurist Cabaret No 13 " which was produced less than a month later.. It is by no means clear that "Drama in Futurist Cabaret No 13" was not itself seen as a parody; it is clear that the Futurist who took part did not consider it a drama and participated merely to increase their notoriety. As is the case with most Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 132 manifestations of Russian Futurism, there is no clear demarcation of the attitudes and ideas of the Futurist in regards to their art; the interplay between parody in "Drama" and "I want to be a Futurist" indicate the complexity of the movement. Just as in the circus, reality freely intermixes with performance. What did result from these films was an alliance between Futurism and the new art form. According to Kruus, it was very likely that the Futurists took Marinetti to view these films on his visit to Russia in 1914,^^ perhaps influencing the Italian Futurists to become involved in film in 1916. The relationship between Marinetti and the circus and its influence on the Russian Futurists is actually quite remarkable. On Marinetti's 1914 visit to Russia, The Russian Futurists insisted that he visit the Nikitin Brothers Circus performance in honor of Vladimir Durov, proudly pointing to Durov as the flower of Russian culture. After the performance, Marinetti remarked that the circus was his favorite art form.^^ Given his apparent disdain for the art and ideas of the Russian Futurists, this was indeed high praise. Of course, the Futurists did not choose Durov at random; the affinity between the art of the Durovs and Futurism was vital to the creation of the art form. Anatolii and Vladimir Durov, whose political exploits I have already mentioned, were connected to the Futurists through their circus act and as active participants in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 133 lectures and debates which the Futurists organized or in which they took part. On Jan. 19, 1912 at the Moscow Polytechnic Museum, Anatolii Durov gave a lecture " On Laughter and the High Priests of Laughter" which was well attended by the Futurists. This lecture (which was not a lecture in the traditional sense— all of the explanatory points were acted out by Durov) laid a philosophical foundation for the art of the clown using Henri Bergson's theory of laughter, emphasizing that laughter was a result of alogical action paired with certainty of outcome.^* Durov's lecture was undoubtedly influential in the development of transrational language which was supposed to be intuitive and transcendent. Aleksei Kruchenykh, the notorious poet, once claimed that the transrational word eyu lily), which was a word devised by Kruchenykh himself to express the essential nature of the lily, was more profound and beautiful than all of the works of the poet Pushkin. Khlebnikov's well known poem. Incantation by Laughterf which consists of variations of the Russian word "smekh" [laugh] was claimed by the Futurists to be the first truly intuitive poem. Durov's familiarity with Bergson and, more importantly, his ability effectively to demonstrate his understanding no doubt encouraged the Futurists similarly to act out their philosophy. Vladimir Durov, younger brother of Anatolii, also presided over Futurist events. Perhaps the most Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 134 symbolically significant the crowning of the King of the Poets at the Poet's cafe; Durov presided over the evening as the King of Clowns. The salon poet Igor' Severianin was chosen by the crowd to be Poet/King and was given a wild party to celebrate. On the next evening, the Futurists organized "a death to all kings" event at the cafe. The obvious parallel to the carnival king celebrated and then beaten to death could not have been unintentional on the part of the Futurist organizers; however, it is not known if Severianin was an informed participant or not. Vladimir Durov also parodied the Futurists in many of his circus acts, using trained animals to act out the latest scandal in which the Futurists were involved.Within Futurist works, there are often curious references to animals; Larionov included pigs in many of his paintings from 1906- 1912 his Gypsy in Tiraspol and Walk in a Provincial Town inexplicably feature pigs as prominent figures; Kruchenykh and Malevich designed a book named Piglets in 1913. Perhaps, this is part of a dialog with Durov, whose trademark was his entrance to the arena riding a pig.^® It is after the revolution that we see a flowering of performance in Russian Futurism. The stage designs of Liubov Popova for the Magnanimous Cuckold and Exter's designs for the film Aelita are the result of the elaboration and refinement of the pre-revolutionary Futurist movement, while the direct influence of one artist Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 135 on another is relatively easy trace, the overall cultural climate is harder to gauge as an influence. The circus and related cultural phenomena such as magic shows, seances, folk medicine shows, holy fools, and mass religious ecstasy have not been fully explored in the context of influence on the avant-garde. The interrelationship between the circus and Russian Futurism affords us a new insight into the cultural process of artistic inspiration. Michael Kirby and Victoria Nes Kirby. Futurist Performance (New York : PAJ Publications, 1986) 181. -Claudine Amiard-Chevrel, "introduction" Du Cirque au Théâtre. Claudine Amiard Chevrel (ed.) (Lausanne: L'Age D'Homme, 1983) 13. For a more detailed discussion of the relationship between folk culture and modernism see Colin Rhodes Primitivism in Modern Art. (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1994) and Burton Feldman and Robert Richardson. The Rise of Modern Mythology 1680-1860. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1972) ^Robert A. Jones Art and Entertainment: German Literature and the Circus 1890-1933. (Heidelberg: Universitatsverlag, 1985) 24. 'lurii Dmitriev Tsirk v Rossii ot istokov do 1917 goda. (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1977) 168. ’ Dmitriev Tsirk v Rossii, 91. Dmitriev Tsirk v Rossii, 91. ^Suzanne Massie Land of the Firebird. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1980) 442. See also Lynn Garafola Diaghilev's Ballets Russes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989) for a detailed discussion of the influence of the Russian merchant patrons on the choice of subject matter. ’Spencer Golub Evreinov: The Theatre of Paradox and Transformation. (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1984) 171. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 136 “The return to the ideas and forms of greek theater, while Nietzschean in origin was a matter of some concern to Russian theorists of the theater at the beginning of the century. For a detailed discussion of this problem see Virginia Bennett"Esthetic Theories from The Birth of Tragedy in Andrei Bely's Critical Articles, 1904-1908" in Nietzsche in Russia Bernice Rosenthal, ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986) pp. 161-181. Also Viacheslav Ivanov, "O sushchestve tragedii" and "Vagner i dionisovo deistvo" in Sobranie sochinenii vol. II, D.V. Ivanov ed. (Brussells: Poye Oriental Chrétien, 1974) Nikolai Evreinov produced a series of medieval plays for his Ancient Theater (Starinnyi teatr) in 1907 including The Three Magi (a liturgical drama of the eleventh century) and Le Miracle de Théofile (Rutebeuf 1245-1285).Spencer Golub Evreinov: The Theatre of Paradox and Transformation. (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1984,1977) 112-113. "The staging of Tsar Maximilian and his Disobedient Son, Adolf (1911) by Mikhail Boch-Tomashevskii with sets by Vladimir Tatlin was an immensly popular adaptation of a folk play of the eighteenth century. Flora.Syrkina "Tatlin's Theatre" in Larissa Zdadova(ed.) Tatlin. (New York: Rizzoli) 154-173. Savely Senderovich "The Roman Legacy: The Circus and the Avant-Garde Theater." in Canadian-American Slavic Studies. Special Issue devoted to The Aesthetic of Performance in the Russian Avant-Garde. Patricia Carden (ed.) Winter, 1985. 465. 'Rannee utro. Oct. 21,1913. 13. '"Mikhail Bakhtin Rabelais and his World. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984) 220. * “Joel Schechter Durov's Pig: Clowns, Politics and Theater. (New York: Theater Communications Group, 1985) 4. A. Talanov Brat'ia Durovy. (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1971) 146. "^Jane Sharp "Redrawing the Margins of Russian Vangard Art: Natalia Goncharova's Trial for Pornography in 1910." Sexuality and the Body in Russian Culture. Jane Costlow, Stephanie Sandler, Judith Vowles (eds.) (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993) 98. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 137 ■ ’ Velimir.Khlebnikov "Ourselves and Our Buildings." Collected Works of Velimir Khlebnikov. Paul Schmidt (trans.) (Cambridge: Harvard University Press.1987) 354. ■ ' ’ Jones, 25. Edward Craig Gordon Craig: The Story of his Life. (New York: Limelight Editions, 1985) 233-234. ■'E. A. Kuznetsov (ed.) Sovetskii tsirk 1918-1938 sbornik. (Lenigrad: Iskusstvo, 1938) 26. John Milner Vladimir Tatlin and the Russian Avant-Garde. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983) 217. ■ ’Tatlin developed the idea to build the flying machine from his interpretation of Velimir Khlebnikov's mathematical explanation of history which linked Tatlin to Leonardo da Vinci. Tatlin decided to resurrect da Vinci's project Milner, 218-220. ■'Isai Arkad'evich Rakhtanov "Letatlin- An Aerial Bicycle" in Zhadova, Tatlin, 309-310. ■‘ Paolo Usai, et al. (eds). Silent Witnesses: Russian Films 1908-1919. (London: British Film Institute, 1989) 58. Mairy Seton Sergei M. Eisenstein- The Definitive Biography. (New York: The Grove Press, 1960) 58. "Trantisek Deak "The AgitProp and Circus Plays of Vladimir Mayakovsky." The Drama Review Russian Issue. Vol 17. No. 1 March 1973.52. ■'Kuznetsov, 121. “Kruus, 347. Sine Fono 1913, No. 2 42. ■Kruus, 347. 'Giovanni Lista "Esthétique du Music-Hall et Mythologie Urbaine chez Marinetti" Du Cirque Su Théâtre. (Paris; L'Age d"Homme, 1983) 52. ’lurii Dmitriev "Tsirk" Russkaia khudozhestvennaia kul'tura kontsa XIX- nachala XX veka (1908-1917) kniga tret'ia Zrelishchnye iskusstva muzyka. (Moscow: Nauka. 1977) 230. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 138 "This word was given as an alternative to the Russian word for lily (liliia) an obviously borrowed word. Transrational language was posited by Kruchenykh and Khlebnikov to be the step beyond language and was based on a system of innate meanings given to sound. See A. Kruchenykh and V. Khlebnikov "The Word as Such" and "The Letter as Such" in Anna Lawton Rasslan Futurism through its Manifestoes, 1912- 1928. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988) 'Viktor Woroszylski The Life of Mayakovsky. (New York: The Orion Press, 1970) 208. Dmitriev, Tsirk v Rossii. 309. 'John Bowlt "Brazen Can-Can in the Temple of Art" in Kirk Varnedoe and Adam Gopnik ( eds. ) Modern Art and Popular Culture- Readings in High & Low (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1990) 143. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 139 Chapter Five The Evolution of Theater: The Futurists Enter the Cabaret The newspapers and journals of 1911-1916 were filled with accounts of Futurists performing, debating, lecturing, and scandalizing the cabarets of Moscow and St. Petersburg. In fact, with the notable exception of the Letuchaia mysh' [The Bat], the major cabarets in those cities had a significant link with the Futurists: Kul'bin was one of the founders of the ' ' Brodiachaia sobaka” [The Stray Dog]^, the Soluz molodezhi was involved in the founding of "Tragicheskii balagan"[The Tragic Fairground], Larionov and Goncharova were the main attraction at the "Rozovyi fonar'" [The Pink Lantern]; even in the provinces, the Futurists were active in the cabarets— the Zdanevich brothers were habitues of "Fantasticbeskii kabachek" [The Fantastic Tavern] in Tbilisi, and the "Kharkov Futurists" Pavel Korotov and Sergei Tret iakov toured Southern Russia and performed in the Crimea.^ However, cabaret was not exclusive to the Futurists; in fact, it was integral to the artistic culture of Russia and Europe at that time, and this points to a need to integrate Futurism into the larger structure of Russian culture of that era. The cabaret, the cafe, and the music hall provided settings for the exchange of ideas, both Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 140 political and artistic. The intimate theater represents a radical new form in European theater, not only as an alternative to the formal theater, but as a laboratory of creation. The cabaretic atmosphere was often informal, and in the restricted confines, there was the chance for audience interaction. Because cabarets in Russia began as clubs for artists, (Nikita Baliev founded "Letuchaia mysh'"[The Bat] as a club for MKhAT actors; it was only in 1913 that it was open to the public.^ "Brodiachaia sobaka" [The Stray Dog] was the result of a collaboration between Evreinov, Nikolai Kul'bin, and Boris Pronin with support from the Society of Intimate Theater.* and so on) the atmosphere was collegial and reception of experimental works was assured to be supportive. The fact that the artistic presentations (usually skits, songs, one act plays) in the cabaret were brief meant that there would be several different writers, actors, singers, and artists working at the same time, giving the audience and the artists themselves a chance to compare a variety of styles and ideas. These small clubs were given to experimental styles or the revival of old forms of folk theater which did not lend themselves to the public stage because the actors and directors had a chance to create for an audience of their peers and try out new material without the pressure of selling out a large house. On any given night the stage Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 141 would be filled with acrobats, clowns, puppets, singers, poets, and actors; the bill would be eclectic- Greek revival would follow circus act integrating the conflict and contradictions of styles into a modernist art form.^ Cabaret functioned as more than just a variety theater; like a cafe, it was a gathering place for artists to discuss both their art and society. It was a complex mixture of all facets of the artistic culture and a forum for sharing philosophical and artistic concepts, and for introducing new forms and styles from abroad. For example, in 1913 at "Brodiachaia sobaka", there were evenings honoring and discussing Max Linder,® Theosophy, Emile Verhaeren, Henri Bergson, and Italian Futurism, as well as a variety of musical programs from contemporary composers. Lectures, exhibitions, debates, and discussions exposed the artistic community to movements and art forms that would otherwise have been only vague rumors, allowing access to the works of French, Italian, and German artists as well as "primitive" art from exotic places like Africa and New Zealand.^ For the Futurists, such an exchange of ideas was vital to their development as artists. Scholars have often wondered where such Futurists as Maiakovskii or Kruchenykh, who had limited education and sophistication, would have had contact with some of the more esoteric topics of philosophy; it is, of course, possible that the Futurists could have read many of these on their own, but Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 142 it is more likely that exposure would have come at lectures or artistic events at the cabaret or at the ensuing all- night discussions which followed these events. For the Futurists, cabaret fulfilled three separate functions. First, it served as a theatrical laboratory, exposing the young artists to the intricacies of writing, acting, and stage design in an atmosphere that encouraged them to participate and innovate. Second, as a cafe society, it exposed the Futurists to a wide variety of sources and influences, as well as provided a place to meet other artists as equals, unlike the literary salon which imposed a hierarchy of preference on visitors. Third, it provided the Futurists with an acceptable forum for their artistic output: poetry readings, display of their art, and collaboration with like minded people and patrons. Most importantly, the cabaret provided an environment for creativity within the broader circle of Adamists, Acmeists, Symbolists, critics, and other members of the artistic community who both criticized and encouraged the experimentation of the Futurists. Thus, the cabaret brought the Futurists into the artistic community, providing them with the opportunity to refine their art and interact with people outside of their intimate circle of friends in a collegial atmosphere. In order to understand the importance of the cabaret in the 1910's, one must look at its history in Europe and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 143 Russia. In addition to the conservative, traditional theater, much of the artistic and intellectual life of the European city revolved around the cabaret and the music hall: as Harold Segel described it, "cabaret. . .in its early, most vibrant, most creative period- from its inception in the Parisian "Chat Noir" in 1881 up to and including the birth of Dada at the "Cabaret Voltaire" in 1916- . . . was no marginal activity but instead a cultural and artistic phenomenon of some significance."® Just as in the rest of Europe, the cabaret in Russia and the Russian empire became the meeting place for the artistic community in the first decades of the twentieth century. The cabaret came late to Russia: the first, "Letuchaia mysh"' opening only 1908. However, cabaret culture grew rapidly in the major centers of Russia. Within half a year, three cabarets had opened in St. Petersburg, "Lukomor'e" [the Strand]founded by Boris Pronin and Meierkhol'd (however, it opened on December 6, 1908 and closed three days later)® on the same evening at midnight, Zinaida Khomskaia and Aleksandr Kugel' (Homo Novus) opened "Krivoe zerkalo" [Crooked Mirror] to critical and financial success. In 1909, Fedor Komissarzhevskii and Evreinov started the cabaret "Veselyi teatr dlia pozhilykh detei" [Merry Theater for Grownup Children] as a project for the members of the Komissarzhevskaia Theater who did not participate in the Spring tour of the provinces. It Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 144 included many of the actors who would go on to "Krivoe zerkalo," including Sergei. Antimonov, Konstantin Gibshman, and Fedor Kurikhin, after the early demise of "Veselyi teatr. In 1910, Pronin and Meierkhol’d tried again with "Dorn intermedii" [House of Interludes], this time with an after-theater variety cabaret which mixed plays, musical numbers, burlesques, and comic sketches, again with only mixed success. Two other cabarets also opened in St. Petersburg in 1910, "Chernyi kot" [The Black Cat] and "Goluboi glaz" [The Blue Eye] but these did not last long.It was not until 1911 that new cabarets opened in Moscow; "Petrushka" and "Tragicheskii balagan"[The Tragic Fairground] which staged a new production of Tsar Maximilian i ego pokornyi syn Adol'f with sets designed by Tatlin. Perhaps the most important, and certainly the best known, cabaret, "Brodiachaia sobaka" [The Stray Dog] was opened by Pronin in 1911, incorporating all of the lessons learned in his two earlier failures. In 1913, the infamous "Futurist" cabaret "Rozovyi fonar’" [The Pink Lantern] open to great fanfare but did not survive the scandals provoked by Larionov and Goncharova at the opening. During the First World War, several other notable cabarets opened: "Siniaia ptitsa" [The Blue Bird] Moscow (later in Berlin and New York) in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 145 1915, "Privai komediantov" [Comedians' Halt] Petrograd in 1916, and "Bi-Ba-Bo” Petrograd in 1917. The cabaret was a meeting place for members of the Russian artistic community of the 1910's and 1920's; noted directors such as Sergei Eisenstein, Nikolai Foregger, Sergei Radlov, Konstantin Stanislavskii (who was a hcd)itue of "Letuchaia mysh"') Aleksandr Tairov, artists such as Alexandre Benois, Mistislav Dobuzhinskii, Aristarkh Lentulov, Nikolai Sapunov, and Sergei Sudeikin, writers such as Anna Akhmatova, Mikhail Kuz'min and so on. Even after the revolution, spirit of cabaret culture went with the artists as they slowly spread through Europe after the revolution, bringing with them the fruits of this experimentation. After 1917, cabarets opened in Kiev (Krivoi Dzhimmi [Crooked Jimmy] 1919, Tiflis (Khimerioni, Fantasticheskii kabachok, 1917) and later in Berlin, Paris, and New York as Russians moved farther and farther from the Soviet Union. The malye formy were much more attuned to the tastes of the avant-garde who were influenced by the diverse elements provided by the cabaret, and who, in turn, became a source of influence for these art forms in post revolutionary Russia and in immigration in Germany and France It was not incidental to the formation of the new theatrical aesthetic that the directors chose the cabaret Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 146 as their preferred venue. Meierkhol'd outlined this choice very carefully in his article "Balagan" (1912): «Ea^aran BeneH. Ecjiw n p u q w iib i e ro BpeMeHHO narH aH bi m3 c t6 h TeaTpa«...» Ham jwi ce6 e noKa npMIOT BO 0paHqy3KMX cabarets, B HeMei%KMX überbrettl 'flX, B aHF/IMMCKMX Music-hall'ax V\ BO BCeMWpHblHblX Variétés/^ In order to examine the theatrical influence that the cabaret exerted on the Futurists, it is first necessary to return to the tradition which gave rise to this new art form. The cabaret, undoubtedly had its origins in the carnival and the burlesque, but a second, more mystical, set of roots extend back to the medieval mystery play. This tension between the comic and the cosmic is basic to the nature of theater and the cabaret, and it is also the basis for the perplexing dual nature of Futurism as both ridiculous and mystical. Of course, theater has always had psychological element, mixing religious ecstasy, passion, and horror, but in the evolution of mainstream theater these elements become part of a conventional language of the theater and become acceptable to the audience. I. Stage design The intimate theater poses several problems for the staging of a play. First, the space availeible for the stage is limited and the separation between actor and audience is minimal. Second, traditional scenery and sets are too bulky Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 147 and immovable for the cramped quarters. Third, the rapid pace and variety of pieces demand that scene changes be kept to a minimum. For traditional craftsmen who could build a set chair to look like a chair, these problems were insurmountable: perspective, color theory, and abstraction were esoteric concerns. However, Sawa Mamontov revolutionized sets and costumes by using artists to design costumes and sets for his home productions and later, in his private opera. Evreinov pointed to Mamontov as the father of modern theater in Russia: Cnepse MaMOHXoB nomeji, thk CKaaaxb, TiaôopaiopHbiM nyTGM, i.e . Mcnpo6oBa/i CHana/ia ckiTibi npkiryiameHHbix IIojieHOBa, BacneitoBa, n a p y r w x xyao)KHMKOB na cneKTaKTiHx cBoero AOManiHero leaipa, a 3aT6M yx<e, nocTie ycneuiH bix onwioB, yBepeHHO v \ CMeyio oGpaTwyica ana. nocTanoBOK B cBoeM onepHOM le a ip e k Bpy6eiiK3 v \ KopOBMHy «...» C MOMeHTa OTKpblTMfl OHepbl MaMOHTOBa aewcTBHTejibHo Hanayiacb «Hama HOBaa TeaipaTibHaa apa»/^ Mamontov's use of artists was not an intentional change in tradition; it was a result of the intimate nature of these family plays. In 1878, Mamontov, with the help of the artists Mikhail Vrubel ', Viktor and Apollinarius Vasnetsov, Adrian Prakhov, Vasilii Polenov, Ilia Repin, and Valentin Serov, presented"zhivye kartxny” [living paintings]. They created sets and costumes for the paintings Val'pargieva nocb' [Walpurgisnacht], ludol'f i Olofern, Zbnitsy [The Reapers], and Rusalki.^^^ These Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 148 presentations were immediately successful with the private audience, and soon the presentations were full plays with artists designing sets and costumes and household members playing the major roles. Among the most impressive were Viktor Vasnetsov's designs for A. N. Ostrovskii's Snegurochka (1881) and Polenov's designs for Mamontov's Alaia roza (1883). The bright colors, folk motifs, and use of perspective transformed the small stage and brought a painterly understanding to sets and costumes. Soon the painters were designing for Mamontov's private opera company: Isaac Levitan's designs for Mikhail Glinka's Zhizn' za tsaria (1885) which was never produced and Polenov's designs for Faust (1882) were notable. The Imperial Theater under Prince Sergei Volkonskii recognized the value of professional artists as designers and finally, Sergei Diaghilev brought it to the world with his Ballets Russes. The popularity of Russian in Europe was a major component in the success of the Mir iskusstva artists who exhibited in Europe in the first decade of the twentieth century. The tireless promotion of Russian art by Sergei Diaghilev, beginning with the Russian section of the 1906 Salon d ' Automne which exhibited art from all periods of Russian art (and in which Larionov exhibited paintings) followed by his production in 1908 of Musorgsky's Boris Godunov with sets and costumes by Alexandre Benois, created Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 149 an instant demand for traditional Russian style in Europe. The rich golds and reds of Goncharova's set designs for Zolotoi petushok [The Golden Cockerel] (1914) have much more in common with Bakst's sets for Sbekberazad (1910) than with her Rayonist paintings of the same period. Larionov's designs for Polunocbnoe solntse [Midnight Sun] (1915) is not a radical departure from Vasnetsov's Snegurocbka from 30 years before. The newly affirmed popularity of the Russian theatrical tradition in Europe in turn provoked a flurry of activity and experimentation in Russian theater revolving around the theatrical workshops and cabarets where these efforts could be showcased. Set design in the cabaret in the theater of miniatures come directly from this tradition of collaboration of artists, actors, and directors. Like the salon and family theater, the clientele was to be exclusive and well-known. Meyerkhol'd, upon learning that the Brodiachaia sobaka was to be a public theater, said, " Boris [Pronin] has let the pharmacists loose and I' 11 never be a frequenter of the 'Stray Dog'." These monied patrons of the cabaret, however, paid the bills and allowed the owners to be indulgent with the poor artists, and in return, they expected to be shocked, cuaazed, and entertained not only by the presentations on stage, but also by the bohemian habitues in the audience. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 150 A major reason for the founding of these intimate theaters was to give actors and directors a studio in which to experiment on new forms. Meierkhol ' d and Evreinov both explored aspects of the stage that could not immediately be applied to the traditional theater. They were able to gauge audience reaction, train actors, and develop techniques that would be prohibitively expensive and unwieldy in larger venues. The directors were also able to work with artists who had never decorated sets before and who could experiment with styles and materials. The cabaret tradition manifested itself in two major types of designs in Russian Futurism. The first, stemming from the experiments of Abramtsevo and Talashkino, was the use of Russian folk themes and motifs in set design. The second type was an extension of the spirit of avant-garde experimentation in cubist and Futurist techniques in style and perspective which naturally lent itself to the theater. The Futurists at this time asserted their role in the creation of a new Russian theater. In three manifestoes outlining the relationship between Futurism and the theater, Maiakovskii announced that his movement would tranform the outmoded forms of theater and cinema, "Teatr, kinematograf, futurizm," "Uaichtozhenie kinematorgrafom <teatra> kak priznak vozrozhdeniia teatral'nogo iskusstva," and "Otnoshenie segodniashnego teatra i kinematografa k iskusstvu” (which were printed in Kine-zburnal in the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 151 Summer and Fall of 1913). In these tracts he declared that the role of the Futurist was to recreate theater as; MccjieflOBaHwe BsaMMOOTHomeHUM nacyccTB a i/i «...» XyflOJKHMK, 06"bBBMB flM K ia iy p y r/ia a a , k iM e e i npaBO Ha cym^ecTBOBaHMe. yiBepWIB l^BeT, $OpM KaX caM O A O B /iecn^kie Be/iM HW Hw, >KMBonMCb n a m jia BeHHbIM n y ib K paSBMTMlo/’ Although the "Russian style" in stage design was a development of the late 1890's, it was only in 1911 that the Futurists began to explore the possibility of working in the theater under the influence of Nikolai Kul'bin and Lev Zheverzheev. It was only natural that the first Futurist forays into the theater began in St. Petersburg. Kul'bin's Studio impressionistov, (1910), pointed to the expansion of the cubism. Futurism, and primitivism into the theater, and of course, St. Petersburg was the center of theatrical life in Russia. The experimental theaters and cabarets of St. Petersburg, Starinnyi teatr, Krivoe zerkalo, and Lukomor'e, provided the Union of Youth with both ideas and practical assistance in the problem of applying their new art forms to the theater. Just as the Abramtsevo artist began their investigations with Russian folk art, the artists of the Soiuz molodezhi turned to primitivism, especially native Russian sources, to give validity to their new art forms. Both Kul'bin and Vladimir Markov (Voldemars Matvejs) saw the art of the primitive as a source of beauty and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 152 creativity that was missing in art of the preceding generation, but, in distinction to the art of Vasnetsov or Polenov, primitive art was not merely an ethnographic source of inspiration; it was the psychological and emotional essence of the art which was of interest. The St. Petersburg group, like their Moscow counterparts, saw the past as a mythical, edenic perfection of which modern art was a perverted reflection. The patronage of Zheverzheev gave the Union both financial independence for experimentation and encouragement to expand into related areas of art. In the first two Union exhibitions, Zheverzheev contributed applied art with folk designs which were reminiscent of "the magnificent garments of Catherine's metropolitans that decorate the museum of the Aleksandr Nevskii monastery,"^ prefiguring the forays into the theater that were to come. The ambitious experimentation with historical forms which took place in the Starinnyi Teatr, including reconstructions of Spanish plays of the 16th century and mystery plays,and Meierkhol'd's staging of Sestra Beatrisa at the V. F. Komissarzhevskaia theater^° served as inspirations for Soiuz molodezhi's folk drama. Tsar' Maksimian i ego nepokornyi syn, Adol'f. One of the most interesting results of these performances was the ensuing discussion of how to reconstruct plays to maintain the spirit of the original; Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 153 this discussion was to have direct influence on the efforts of the Union of Youth. Evreinov saw the problem of revival as a matter of inspiring the spirit of the original in the modern audience; in his productions of mystery plays for the Starinnyi Teatr, Evreinov avoided archeological reconstruction of the mystery play in favor of prompting in the audience the effects and emotions that the original play had on the audience of that era^^ (thus affirming his criticism of naturalism in the theater which championed detail over the artistic impression of the performance). Meierkhol'd, on the other hand, rejected the Starinnyi Teatr: Ec/im 6bi pejKeccep C iapuH H oro le a ip a MCKpeHHe oraayica CBOÔoaHow KownosMquM Ha Te M y npnMMTMBHoro le a ip a , apm eyib ne or Mecca 6bi k npoM CXo/ianteM y n a cuene ksk k napoflHM. «. . .» Tom a K iep a, napoflupoBaBini/ix npHeM npMMMTMBMSMa, paAOM C nOA/IUHHblM leKCTOM HeBO/ibHO n u g B o cM /i a p m e jia k Bonpocy- fla mof/im m la x n rp a ib cpeaneBeKOBbie axiepbi?^^ The problem that Meierkhol'd identifies as the major fault of the Starinnyi Teatr was that parody was the end result rather than a work in the spirit of the original. This was also the major criticism voiced over the primitivist experiments of the Futurists and the Union of Youth. Like Evreinov, the Futurists saw primitivism as a spirit of art to be captured in a work, not a form to be slavishly reproduced. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 154 In January,1911, the Union of Youth began to experiment in the theater as a logical extension of the idea of the synthesis of art forms. Several members of the union refused to work on the staging of Khoromnyia d&istva [Folk Performance], among them Konstantin Dydyshko, Peter L'vov, and Sviatoslav Nagubnikov, in part, because they were members of the Academy.However, most of the members of the Union enthusiastically took part in the staging of the theatrical event. In an effort to expand the interests of the group, it was decided that a production should be staged. This event, the staging of Tsar' Maksim'ian i ego nepokornyi syn Adol'f was the first theatrical event connected to the nascent Futurist movement and was, in fact, the model for later experimentation. Therefore, the event should be examined in detail. It was announced in Protiv techeniia that Dom intermedii intended to mount a production of Tsar' Maksim'ian during the Christmas season of 1910 with artists performing both on the stage and among the audience. The event occurred not in a traditional theatrical venue but in the cabaret. On January 27, 1911, the Union of Youth produced Khoromnyia deistva [Folk Performance]^^ at the Suvorin Theatrical school. The evening, which consisted of a performance of Tsar' Maksim'ian i ego nepokornyi syn Adol'f as well as acrobats, skomorokhi [folk musicians], and minstrels who strolled through the audience and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 155 performed in adjoining halls. The play, written for the performance by "A. Spektorskii" (a pseudonym, it seems, for Mikhail Bonch-Tomashevskii, the director) was probably an adaptation of N. N. Vinogradov's publication of the play in 1905.^^ Folk theater, unlike traditional Western theater, is a series of vignettes that tell a story by analogy. The story line was fluid and changed according to performer and audience. Remizov noted 19 distinct variations of the play in his study of Tsar Maksimilian of 1920.^® Because of the success of the performance at Suvorin Theatrical school, the group announced that the play would be performed again at Dom intermedii on Febuary 17, 18, 19, and 20, 1911 with the substitution of Revnivyi starik [The Jealous Old Man] by Miguel Cervantes for the folk dances. Despite the enthusiastic reception of the second half of the program, the interactive, spontaneous party, mingling actors with spectators could not be reliably reproduced on a nightly basis, and would have been too unpredictable for the cabaret venue. It was, therefore, decided that a more traditional staging would be put in its place. This play was chosen probably because it was both well known to audiences and extensively studied by ethnographers.^" Unlike most "folk performances" at the beginning of the century. Tsar' Maksim'ian was an authentic piece of folklore,^® not an artistic reworking of a folk motif. It was performed again and again by soldiers. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 156 peasant cooperatives, and factory worker clubs. The text was not written down but passed from generation to generation. One ethnographer remarked that often during these performances the singers or performers would forget parts or add new parts simply to keep going. The oral nature of the play meant that over time the play mutated; Ivan Aksakov noted that at a performance of the play by artillery soldiers a key change took place in the performance: Tsar' Maksim'ian "dumaet dumy s senatorom dxmchevym, trebuet ot syna svoego Adol'fa pokloneniia <koimercheskim bogom>" as opposed to "kumericheskim bogom.”^° This manipulation of the message demonstrates the evolution of the play in peasant society. The central message of the play, the tension between the excesses of the pagan father and the meek saintliness of his son, provided a framework for various songs, interludes, mock battles, and acrobatics that took place at the order of the Tsar'. This play was ideal for the cabaret, combining many different styles of performance and variety theater. The main action was interrupted by interludes: The skoroxod- marshal acted as a master of ceremonies to set up scene changes much as a lecturer or comedian set up changes in the cabaret. These comic interludes included battles with the Tsar's champions, Brambeus and Anika-voin, and a variety of enemies- an Arab, Tsar' Mamai, a dragon, and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 157 Marets, as well as comic scenes with a gravedigger, and a puppet show (although not at this performance) with a puppet representing Death.It is interesting to note that the Union of Youth performance used a rare variant of the play in which Tsar' Maksim ian is defeated by Death and taken away despite his begging for mercy, mirroring the puppet theater version of Herod's death in Plias Irodiady [Dance for Herod].For the modern audience, this ending is more satisfactory than the usual ending, in which Anika is carried off for the sin of pride because it gives a closure to the main tension between the protagonists. Perhaps the most interesting element of the performance was the number of artists who took part in the design of sets, costumes, and decoration of the hall. Evgenii Sagaidachnyi designed the main panneau for the backdrop of the performance (this panneau was also used for the performances at Dom intermedii); the smaller halls and entrance halls were decorated by Sofiia Baudouin de Courtenay, Aleksandr Gaush, Iosif Shkol'nik, SaveHi Shleifer, and Georgii Verkhovskii^^ creating an overall impression of a tavern for the event. For the actual performance, Evgenii Sagaidachnyi designed the sets and decorations and was in charge of all artistic design. The sets showed the influence of the Suzdal and Byzantine designs. The back panel was painted in a lubok style with gold highlights.^* The Union of Youth went to paistaking Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 158 lengths to reproduce the feel of a folk performance. Many of the reviews of this performance remark on the decoration as being especially successful. A. Rostislavov wrote that "khudozhnlkl okazalis ' na vysote v sozdanix po starinnym lubochnym obraztsam kostxuwov i v dekorlrovanxi Stan. Even more effusive in her praise was P. M. (Panna Malishevskaia) who stated, "before the spectators appeared the epoch of 16th and 17th century Russian theater, with its primitive, yet artistically true, requirements... The decor was in complete harmony with this epoch. " This revival of the primitive Russian style was, however, distinct from the highly refined Ballets Russes style; it was designed to reproduce the more simple entertainment of the Russian people. The sets and costumes were made of paper, tinsle and cardboard and purposely left rough to give the effect of a home performance. This unpolished performance was also meant to encourage the audience to participate in the evening. However, not all critics were enchanted with this idea; Sergei Auslender noted: He 6bi/io pawnbi, aKiepbi sbixoanyM H3 ny6/iMKM M pacnonara/iMCb wa ciyneH flx ct^sHW- cieHbi 3ayia 6biyin yKpauieHw n/iaKaiaMn, b 6y$eTe CTOflJlM 6 oHKM BM6CT0 CTy/lbeB, T O C T S M BCipenayiM mbckm « ..» Koh6hho, necKO/ibKO MMHyi MOryiM 3aHRTb, «Kypbe3H0CTb» Bcex 3TMX CKOpOXOflOB, C K O M O pO XO B , KO TO pbiS npbira/IM M Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 159 KpuHa/iM cpeflM ny6/iMKM, h o see 3 to 6biyio cyiMtUKOM flOMopou;eHO.^’ The actors and the audience were not separated by a stage or by professional actors. The musical and comic interludes also were designed to breakdown the barriers between audience and actors. However, as was previously noted, this radical experimentation with audience participation lessened with each new performance. At Dom intermedii, the balagan stage was much more prominent, replacing what had been the relatively minor use of sets, according to Rostislavov, "toi'ko v glubine s odnoi storony tron Tsaria, s drugoi- Venery."^^ This new intimacy with the public was a natural outgrowth of both the Symbolist idea of the theatre as a primitive ritual and of the intimate nature of the cabaret performance, especially the kapustniki put together by actors of MKhAT at Lent, which were more celebrations than actual set performances.^® It was this tradition which led Baliev to set up the Bat as a kind of permanent kapustnik. The audience was, as Kamenskii claimed in Teatr badushchii, " kak druzei, vstretit vsekh tvortsov iskusatve na edinnim prazdnike Sinteza.... "*° Although Mikhail Le-Dantiu led the group which put together the costumes for the 1911 performance, the preliminary sketches for costumes were first put together by Sofiia Baudouin de Courtenay, Mikhail Mizerniuk, and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 160 Zheverzheev in 1910 in anticipation of the staging.*^ Le Dantiu designed the costumes for the gravedigger and several dancers. Of special interest are the two costumes designed by Sagaidachnyi: the raiments of the Tsar and the plumage of the cockerel. The Tsar’ had a large curly beard and bright traditional robes. In his hands he held the emblems of his office, an orb with a golden cockerel on top and a sceptre with a corresponding cockerel. These symbols prefigure the appearance of the Rooster at the end of the play, and in fact, this bird seems to be a unifying symbol for the entire performance. Even more interestingly, it was as the Cockerel that Sagaidachnyi chose to perform; given his roles as chief designer, it is hardly likely that this was a random choice. In most versions of Tsar' Maksim'ian, the cockerel is not a character; however, there are many references to him in the play, leading Bonch-Tomashevskii to add the character.*^ The cock appears after Death drags the wicked Tsar' away, announcing both the renewal of the day (and symbolically the renewal of the theater). Like the Firebird, the new theater will spring of the roots of the old. The intermission took place in the "pivaitsa gospodina Gambrinusova," where beer and champagne were served and the public sat with the costumed actors (apparently in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 161 characterThe cellar was designed as a German tavern (much as Baliev's Letuchaia mysh' had a buffet with this decor), but elements of the French cafe, the medieval Spanish inn, and the Russian kabachek were added to give an eclectic, festive appearance to the event. Entertainment included the Spanish singer Ridaldi Ramacleros singing while standing on a barrel, followed by Italian and Spanish cafe-chantants singing ballads and dancing. Apparently, the Onion of Youth wanted to reproduce the effect of the cabaret in their celebration, but with the intent of injecting Russian character, most importantly the folk performance, into the European form, and demonstrating that the two traditions could be seemlessly integrated. The second half of the evening was a program of songs, folk dances, and games. The public was provided with costumes and masks and invited to dance and sing along with the performers.There were confetti cannons, bells, and noisemakers of all kinds. Performers in the costumes of "masked boiars, town dwellers, wood goblins, water-sprites, skomorokhi, gravediggers, warriors, courtiers, drummers,... and chat ic leers " danced and mixed with the crowd in a fantastic masked ball. Shamanistic dances and folk dances were performed by ballet dancers hired for the occasion. This ingeneous mix of all art forms was not merely a theoretical exposition of the synthesis of art which Belyi Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 162 and Ivanov were content to produce; it was an actual application of primitivism. Using the folk, forms as a basis for the performance, the Union was able to demonstrate that primitivism was a form for the people and, moreover, that folk theater was vital and creative. Bonch-Tomashevskii took his play to Moscow at the end of 1911. Using designs and costumes designed by Vladimir Tatlin, the play premiered at the the Moskovskii Literatarnyi-Khudozbestvennyi Kruzhok on November 6, 1911 and was performed on 3 subsequent evenings.The play was the first and only performance sponsored by the cabaret Tragicheskii balagan. As Tsar' Maksim’ian evolved, many of the elements which made it unique slowly dissipated: Tatlin's designs were much more consciously theatrical, the action took place on a stage and the costumes were not as extravagantly colored as in the Petersburg performance. However, the sets were bright and primitive- as evidenced by the Throne of Venus, which is yellow on a vivid blue background with large flowers surrounding it. It was perhaps to offset the riotous background that the costumes were muted to browns and yellows. However, Tatlin's costumes and designs are an extension of the works of the Union of Youth, especially given his membership in 1911 in the group. It is no coincidence that Tatlin would have been involved in this revival of folk plays. He also designed Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 163 for the plays "Zhizn’ za Tsaria (Ivan Susanin)” (1913) and "Komik XVIII sroletiia” (1934). In 1914, he performed as a "blind" bandura player at the Russian Folk art exhibition in Berlin; apparently his performance was exceptionally good because he was presented a watch by the Kaiser himself which he promptly pawned.This passion for primitivism is reflected throughout his designs which accurately and perceptively emulate folk motifs. These early steps toward the creation of a Futurist theater were matched by radical developments in the cabaret. Krivoe zerkalo had produced a number of very successful operettas beginning with Vampuka (1909), as well as Zbestokii baron (1910), and Mudryi Charidatta (1910). These musical comedies had an effect on the staging of naturalistic musical operas deflating and demystifying the emotion of Musorgsky and Tchaikovsky and returning the opera to the art of the theater. The cabaret was also the site of the most successful utilization of the monodrama by the troupe of Krivoe zerkalo in Boris Geier's Voda zhizni (1911) and Evreinov's Predstavlenie liubvi (1910) which were attempts to explore perspective by allowing the point of view of only one character to dominate the scene. This experimentation with both form and style would shape the plays that the Futurists would produce in 1913 as well as their plans for the creation of a new theater. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 164 In 1913, the Moscow and St Petersburg Futurists as a group were prepared to enter the theater. Although the Futurists had held poetry readings, lectures and exhibitions of paintings, they had not yet expanded the scope of their work to include a truly synthetic melding of art forms. The Union of Youth performance of 1911 had not developed into a long term commitment to theater. Nearly two years after this first experiment,Maiakovskii and Kruchenykh entered into an agreement with the Union of Union to stage Futurist plays. To this end, Kruchenykh, Malevich, and Matinshin spent the summer of 1913 at Uusikirkko at Matiushin's dacha. The result of this collaboration was Pobeda nad solntsem [Victory over the Sun](which will be dealt with in a later chapter). In the summer of 1913, other Futurist groups were also working on theatrical ideas of their own. Khlebnikov, in addition to writing the prolog to Pobeda nad solntsem and a play that was to be performed at the same time Snezhimochka (1913) [The Snow Maiden], wrote at least two other dramatic works in 1913 Mirskontsa [Worldbackwards] and Gospozha Lenina [Mrs. Lenin]. These plans for creation of a Futurist theater, however, were not restricted to the Hyleans; the Donkey's Tail group also planned to open a cabaret. In fact, they proclaimed that "The Futurists' threat to establish their own theater, first uttered at the convention at Uusikirkko Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 165 has now become a reality. Given the intense, often unfriendly, relationship between the Donkey's Tail and other Futurist groups, this pronouncement was a statement of legitimacy for the new theater, rejecting the claims of both the Union of Youth and the Hy leans as the originators of Futurist theater. In conjunction with Goncharova's one person exhibition at the Kbudozhestvennyi salon, Goncharova and Larionov made announcements of their intention to open a Futurist cabaret in Moscow.It was in the theater (and specifically in the cabaret) that the Futurists would be able to unify the art forms and even more importantly, bring art into life. In the September 9, 1913 edition of Moskovskaia Gazeta, it was announced that the Futurists would open their own theater. At a meeting of the Futurists who participated in the Donkey's Tail exhibtion, it was announced that "a Futurist theater will be opened in Moscow in early October." According to this announcement, the Futurist Anton Lotov had written plays, a troupe of actors had been gathered, and Mikhail Larionov and Natalia Goncharova were in the process of designing sets."^° However, despite the concrete plans outlined in this article, this theater never actually came into existence. Its ambitious designs and theories for the institution of a Futurist theater in Moscow never came to fruition. The Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 166 plays attributed to Lotov either have been lost or were actually never written; the scenery designed by Goncharova and Larionov was never used.^^ The theater "Fu-tu," like many of the projects of the Futurists, mysteriously faded away. However, this theater was important to the development of a Futurist aesthetic of the theater. Many of the ideas that were current in the discourse of the "crisis of theater" were referred to in the plans for "Fu-tu" and even more importantly these ideas formed a basis for the "futurization" of the theater. The plays, the stage design, and even the design of the theater were innovative and exciting, regardless of the feasibility of the actual realization of the project. Perhaps the most interesting part of the project was the intention to stage ’ ’zaumnye" plays at the theater. In the most cohesive statement of the application of transrational language to the actual performance of the text, Larionov described how this language would function in the play. The new word or pure meaning will be conveyed through this new style. These thought clusters consist of four elements: the element of one thought, the element of random thoughts, the element of the intention of the author in the play, and the element of the living word. And likewise phrases will also be constructed. Those words from which the new word- the theatrical word- is created- will be published separately in a libretto. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 167 The act will end with the waning of the psychological moment. When the moment is played out to its conclusion, a second psychological act will ensue. Between the two, there will be an intermission, which will give the audience and the actors a chance to rest. The next act will treat a new aspect. This description of transrational theater, while building on the ideas of zaamnyi poetry as described by Kruchenykh and Khlebnikov in Slovo kak taJcovoe, (1913) [The Word as Such] and Novye pxiti slova (1913) [New Ways of the Word], differs from their conception in that the emphasis of meaning is conveyed not in the word itself but in its performance. Levels of meanings, ideas, and psychological revelation are produced on the stage, not in the language itself. The "theatrical word" is the performance itself, and just as a script does not convey the full action of a play, the libretto only sets out the actual words but does not pretend to describe the meaning of the play. If we compare Larionov's concept of Futurist theater with Kruchenykh's description of his ideas for new theater in the manifestoes of 1913, we can see that the Donkey’s Tail theater is more fully developed and takes into account not only language, but the visual language of the stage in stage design and the art of the gesture. Kruchenykh described his task in the theater in the following terms: before us the wordwrights were concerned too much with the human "soul" . . . since we- the Futurian bards- paid more attention to the word than to Psyche. . . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 168 the Futurian wordwrights use chopped-up words y half-words, and their odd artful combinations (transrational language), thus achieving the very greatest expressiveness. . . this year the Futurian show-house (theater) will open these are new show-house words (invented by : V. Khlebnikov and A. Kruchenykh) visage man, countenance-manimpersonator= actor . . . s agarama=drama. The Hyleans concentrated more on the poetic (written) permutations of the transrational word. The dramatic and theatrical potential of zaum was not exploited, and it is clear from the above passage that they had not concerned themselves with the complete task of the theater. Much later, in 1925, Kruchenykh restated his theory of zaamnyi theater: CflBw roBafl KO HC ipyKi^na cyioBa...— KUHo-c/ioBa, aayM H biM aabiK. K i/iH o -say-asb iK c ip e M M ic a 6biTb WHTepHaU(MOHayibHblM KaK CaM KMHO-TSaTp, — He Menee!... 3ayMHbm asbiK mojkst c/iy>KHTb ne ToyibKo f l / i a o 6 m n x b m o i^h m - c ip a x , rnea, pGBHOcTb, HO MOJKeT n flT n n a p a jiiie /ib H o c n rp o M a xT e p a ... Kruchenykh linked the idea of zaum, which was essentially a written form, with silent films. It is difficult to see from his account exactly how the intertitles would convey the meaning of the transrational texts; however, his examples were onomatopaeic and expressive, imitating sounds of motors and cries of anger, perhaps in an attempt to simplify the language for the popular medium. Kruchenykh's theories were not merely a reference to the experimentation of Pobeda nad solntsem, it was a polemic and elaboration of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 169 Il'ia Zdanevich's experiments with dra^^ in the 1920's in expatriate Paris. For all of the Futurists, formation of a theater was an abiding preoccupation. Kamenskii's article of 1916 Teatr budusbchii, is likewise, enthusiastic but vague and lacking technical detail on the actual structure of the Futurist theater. He uses empty phrases like "svetlo chushko zven'ixu kazbdoe slovo ot serdtsa k serdtse," and "dekoratsii budusbcbie voobrazbeno sotkannymi iz toncbaisbogo tolka." However, he never describes exactly how these things will be done. This is surprising, given his training as an actor with Meierkhol'd in 1904.^® Larionov's analysis of the theater, on the other hand, is detailed and analytic. His description of language and psychological motivation are obviously intended to be applied. At "Fu-tu,” the theatrical group would not merely be actors playing roles in a traditional sense: During the play and during intermission, the scenery will be in constant movement. The actors will also be in uninterrupted, rhythmical motion. They will do some sort of dance to the music of a flute orchestra. . The Futurist actor would not merely be an actor, but a dancer and even scenery, as well. In order to impart the meaning of "nonsense," other means would have to be employed to convey the sense of the action. The "uninterrupted, rhythmical motion" is not merely the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 170 Futurist idea of speed and motion as the foundation of art; it is a reference to a larger system of gestures and symbolic action of rhythmic gymnastics which was being promoted as a new theatrical system by Sergei Volkonskii. Volkonskii claimed that the movement of the body was in and of itself a language of the theater. In his book Otkliki teatra, he explains this idea: noHeMy, Korfla a passcxKy pyxaMM b cTopoHbi, a Aa» BnenaT/ieHue AByx pasHbia HanpaBvieHMM, a Korqa a npoTarMsam oaay pyay anepea, apyrym aasaa, a cam BnenaT/ieHne oflHoro HanpaBJieHwa? Teoco$bi, BepoaTHo, HanryiM 6bi sflecb ô /iaro g ap H ym noHBy flyia apryMeaioB MucTunecKaro xapaKxepa.®° Linking movement to the hidden symbolism of theatrical mysticism, Volkonskii opened schools throughout Russia to teach rhythmic dance. Like Futurism, eurythmies were an attempt to break away from the traditional conceptions of art as a realistic rendition of life. The constancy of movement and the symbolic relationship between the body and language was especially appealing to the Donkey's Tail group. The introduction of dance and rhythmic gymnastics was more than just incidental to the overall conception of "Futu." ”Plasticbeskii tanets,” "Bosonozbka," and the tango were prominently linked to the productions of the Donkey ' s tail theatrical group. Several dancers were prominent participants in "Futu" and in various Futurist performances Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 171 which took place in October, 1913,; Vsevolod Maksimovich®^ and M. I. Rtishcheva®^ danced the "tango of death" in the film "Drama v kabare futuristov No, 13, " and this tango was central to the action of the film. The motif of dance was widespread throughout Futurist paintings and literature of the time. It was not merely the popularity of tango which led the Futurists to include these dancers in their film. Tango represented many of the ideas that the Futurists tried to convey with their art; the expression of ideas beyond language, the use of ritual to reach an ecstatic state, the union of art forms, and the rhythms of the machine which transform the body. El za Kriuger, the Russian "Queen of the Tango" published a manifesto in "Teatr v karikaturakh" in 1913; her vision of the tango coincided with the Futurist conception of the new art form: «TaHFO»- 310 BliaCTHbIM KpWK flH fl, 3T0 n c6eaH o e m ecTB ue, He SHamn^ee HHKaKnx n p e r p a fl. « T a n ro » , n a m e nociieA H ee yB neneH M e, n po nuK noB cm oy, oh nopa6oTnn Bu;e Knaccbi o è m e c iB a m ro p a o qapw T. . . n p M H u n y y c n e x a la n o r n a a o HCKaib TOUbKo b f ly x e H a m e ro BpeMenn.®^ Kriuger's choice of words is not coincidental; her position as the headlining act at the Mamonovskii theater (which was the home of the "Rozovyi fonar'”) and the publication of her manifesto in Teatr v karikaturakh (which was the only theatrical journal that reacted positively to the Futurists Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 172 and which regularly published interviews with, and works by, the Futurists of the Donkey's Tail) places her in the same artistic camp with Larionov and Goncharova. She was also a frequent guest at their studio and took part in the opening of " Rozovyi fonar '. " El'za Kriuger's performances of the "Tango of Death" and the "Hashish Tango" also had an effect on the Futurists. Not only was a variant of the "Tango of Death" included in their film, but Larionov linked tango to face painting in an interview with the editors of Teatr v karikaturakh: ...«CeMHac a o6"bacHK) bhm cmwcti Hauiew laiyMpoBKH.» npopoK 6 e p e i yrohb v \ n a cBoero coôecGflHMKa f ls /ia e r HenoHaiHbiM w eporviM #. - « 3 t o HTO?» - He y H M M a e ic a o a m h ms COipyflH M K O B . -«Tanro»- roB o p n ii /lapnoHOB, - « nona/in lenepb?»®^ Of course, the editors did not comprehend the significance of an abstract sign representing the tango for the Futurists or how the dance related to the act of face painting; they merely saw it as a demonstration of the frivolity of the Futurists. Larionov saw the tango as part of the larger transformation of the world through art. Tango, which imparted meaning through the subtle nuances of slight gestures, abrupt halts in movement, and sexual tension, was the first popular manifestation of the coming of the new age of man and, more importantly, was the first Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 173 example of the transition from performance to life and its accompanying restructuring of the way people saw the world. It was precisely the prevalence of dance which prompted Vadim Shershenevich to protest the Donkey's Tail theater as a true reflection of Futurism: n p o r e c T y M ie * e n p o ru B c M e m e H n a n c K y c c iB b T e a ip e ! Pfl ckix nop l e a i p a B J ia /ic a TO/ibKO MeCTOM MHClJ^eHMpOBKM COBgaAMM H<e nogyiMHHbiM T e aip ! — M M M O g p a w a !— K p w 'ia T m h b b o a h o y x o . —B ayiei! X o p e o r p a in a ! BocoHWKbe! - - B onai g p y r n e . K a o p iy , ryiyni^bi, — hm to , m g p y ro e . Ham e le a ip a /ib H o e ncxycciBO 6 y g e i K pnnaigH M , BByaaigMM- b hbm h oTBpaimejibHbix y>K H M O K rpeaaHKM, BciaBUieM H3 rpoGa n HasBaBuieMca flyHK aa. Shershenevich saw Futurism as an essentially verbal form, and the Futurist theatrical form as a manifestation of literature. Dance and its associated forms which emphasized the event over the literary structures were, for Shershenevich, merely modish affectations which were not part of Futurism and, in fact, detracted from the formation of a true theatrical form. Although the Donkey's Tail theater was never identified by name, Shershenevich's polemical enmity to opposing Futurist groups would indicate such a reference. In spite of the desire of the Hyleans and the Mezzoain poezii for a definition and concretization of Futurist style, the link between theatrical innovation and the formation of a new Futurist style was inevitable. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 174 "Futu" would also bring in the perspective of cubism and rayonism, playing with the ideas of perception and visual apprehension through manipulation of costumes, scenery, and makeup. Besides the normal, that is, moving scenery, out of necessity, each actor will wear his own decorative sets, which will describe his character. Some kind of decorative leit-motif. Moreover, the roles of decorative leit- motives will be played by . . . other actors. Actors will play the roles of mannequins, costumes, and props. So there will be the actor-hat, the actor-pants, the actor-handkerchief, the actor-boots, the actor-table, door, window and so forth. . . The actors will be decorated with 3-4 noses, 2-3 pairs of eyes,, several ears on their faces. The wigs will consist of a whole set of different hairstyles, placed one on top of the other. The Futurist theater in this conception is effectively an elaboration of painterly cubism, reshaping the body with extra eyes®® and ears, mixing bodies with the sceneiry and furniture, and even redefining the roles of actors and scenery, much as cubism and Futurism redefined the roles of perspective and color in painting. Concepts such as order, logic and continuity are rejected in favor of the impression on the spectator. Such logical impossibilities as an "actor-handkerchief" and actors functioning as scenery are designed to disorient the audience and create a transrational experience. In this context, the play should Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 175 reproduce the impression of rayonism. Larionov described the effect of rayonist painting: "In rayonist painting the intrinsic life and continuum of the colored masses form a sythesis-image in the mind of the spectator, one that goes beyond time and space. One glimpses the famous fourth dimension..."®® The parallels between the role of painting and theater in the intentions of Larionov are evidenced in this assertion. There was an even more elaborate description of the sets and scenery for the play "Pyl ulltsa pyl" written by Anton Lotov The set design will consist of the presentation of 3-4 and not more than 5 decorated flats, one following another. Moreover, these flats may be combined together in two different ways. First, when one set follows another, in actuality, one is added to the other, and the final result is the depiction of one whole picture. It is the principle of actually dividing the décor of one overall set into several separate sets and, as a result, an overall sense of actual unity. The matter of the psychological unity must also figure in some way in its construction to achieve a different effect. The painted setting will thus follow one after the other, but its purpose is absolutely non-linear. For example, in the foreground will be the fashionable hotel and the ladies in conversation (society gossip and the latest news). Behind the hotel the street is visible (movement, the life and music of the street). The next scene is the apartment of the lover of one of these women (the owner of the hotel), who is sitting in the hotel. The action occurs in all three scenes simultaneously; Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 176 the sets of one scene are visible through the other. This description creates an impression of a psychological play that lacks the surreal effect of cubism. The elaborate description of the stage decoration would seem to indicate that this project was not merely an imagined farce but was a project that would soon be realized. Yet even this more conventional play reflects the visual emphasis of "Futu." This play also incorporated innovations that had recently been pioneered on the stage and in the cabaret: the use of the cinema projection in the theater. According to this account, the sets would be changed with the use of a film projection of the sets that would fade away as the new set took its place. The layering of the sets and the levels of transparency and colors convey to the audience the polyphonic emotional protrayals of the characters. But just as important as the problem of the visual impression is the overall effect of the theater. Larionov emphasized that "futurist theater will not be the theater performing plays, but the theater performing theater. As opposed to Shershenevich's vision of Futurist theater, the Donkey's Tail group wanted to create a meta-theatrical experience that would not be shaped by a text or stylized adaptation of a poetic work. It would be a union of all art forms functioning in unison to create theater, much as Diaghelev's Ballets Russes brought diverse elements of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 177 music, art and theater together to create a synthetic experience. Whether the Futurists ever actually intended to open a theater is impossible to say. The Donkey's Tail group's love of deception and mystification is well documented; it is possible that the whole episode was a hoax played on the gullible public. The idea of multivalent, intertwined dialog was later adapted to dreuoa form by Il'ia Zdanevich in his Le Dantlu Faram.^^ There is also a remarkable correspondence between Larionov's ideas for actor/props and the stage design and characters of Maiakovskii's Vladimir Maiakovskii. Tragediia . When taken as a whole, the fantastic vision of "Futu" could not have been realizable, especially in a small cabaret on a limited budget. The audience would never have been persuaded to climb into a wire cage and behoisted off the floor, even if such a device could be constructed. Even more importantly, the cacophony described by Larionov would quickly lose its charm, and it is not clear that the creative innovation of the Futurists could produce enough new and interesting performances to sustain nightly or, even weekly, shows. Although the Futurists had aspirations for legitimate artistic expression in the cabaret, the desire to shock the bourgeoise also was manifested in their appearances in the cabaret. Futurists participated in another cabaret in Moscow in the fall of 1913, the opening of the Rozovyi Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 178 fonar '. The opening was announced in Golos Moskvy on Oct. 1 9 , 1 9 1 3 ; C eroA H fl oTKpbisaeTCfl CBOM a s e p w HOBoe MOCKOBCKOe K a 6 a p 3 POSOBblW $OHapb (TB epcK aa, MaMOHOBCKMW n ep eyyio K ). B n p o rp a M M e m h o fo n H ie p e c H b ix HOMepoB— CTMXOTBOpeHMM/^ UiaHCOHeTKM, n/iacTMHeCKMG TaHl^bl, My>KHMHa-«60C0H0r » , nOSTbl- (tjyTypMCTbi. . . B a H ip a x ia x r-H<a FoHHapoBa n r . /lapnoHO B, no *eyiaHHK) nyôyiM Xn, 6 y f l y i p acK p am n B aib /in i^ a v\ y x p a m a T b i^B eiaM n rojioBbi/^ This cabaret, which the owners hoped to establish as a trendy nightspots, included those elements which were the most daring and radical— interpretive dance. Futurists, face-painting, and Maiakovsky reading his poetry. It was destined to close after a few days because of the scandal and near-riot provoked by Goncharova and Larionov. However, setting aside for the moment the notoriety of the opening, the Rozovyi fonar' marked an interesting moment in the relationship between Futurism and the cabaret. The opening of the cabaret coincided with the most active moments of the Donkey's Tail group. Having just completed their famous walk along Kuznetskii most, the Futurists were giddy with their notoriety; their face- painting and outrageous behavior had scandalized polite society. The film company Toporkov and vinkler even filmed the Futurists on a stroll through Moscow for a short subject.’® Hoping to capitalize on the popularity of the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 179 Futurists, the management of the Rozovyi fonar' invited the Futurists to preside at the opening. There is evidence that the opening was well attended by the Futurists and their supporters. At this point, the relationship between the various Futurist groups was relatively harmonious; the Burliuks, Kruchenykh, and Maiakovsky participated in events with Bol'shakov, Goncharova, Larionov, and zdanevich. Even Shershenevich, who delighted in acrimony, freely mixed between the various organizations. If for no other reason than the fact that at the opening of this cabaret virtually every major participant in Moscow Futurism was in attendance, this event marks a significant moment in the history of the Russian avant-garde; the researcher would be hard-pressed to point to another such event in the tumultuous history of Futurism. The Donkey’s Tail group saw the Rozovyi fonar' as part of the overall introduction of Futurism to the theater. The club was used as the setting for the Futurist film Drama v kabare futuristov No. 13.^^ Even more importantly, Goncharova and Larionov used the cabaret as an experiment in the theatricalization of life; their offer to paint the faces of the public, as well as their capricious refusal to do so, were calculated to create an uproar. In conjunction with the publication of "Manifest k muzhchine i manifest k zheshchine,”^^ Larionov advocated a radical change in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 180 fashion with painted faces and breasts as well as tatoos as a reflection of the new society, which the Futurists envisioned: r. /lapMOHOB saasMJi H a m e M y co ip y flH M K y hto MM 6 y fl6 T M3flaH M «M aHM $eCT K JKeHmMHe.» Ü3 3B0yiK)lJ^MM, KOTOpblfl n p e ie p H M T JK6HCKMM KocTioM, nonaB b Jianti (tiyiypMCTOB, He Memaei OTM0TMTb, HTO ABMbl 6 y A y T XOflMTb C coBepm eHHo oTKpwTOM- royioM- rp y flb io paapMcoBanoM mtim TaiyMpoBaHHOM.®® In order to popularize this new image of human beings, Goncharova and Larionov offered to paint Muscovites at the opening of the cabaret. This offer was to be a part of the entertainment for the evening. Just as the costume ball included the spectators during the Khoromnye deistva of the Union of Youth, the Donkey ' s Tail wanted the audience to participate in the spectacle of the cabaret. The face painting, unlike the costume ball, was supposed to be transformative, changing the participants into new people, or at least, into Futurists. For whatever reason, perhaps a large, unruly crowd or a coarse, bourgeois clientele, the Futurists refused to participate in the promised activity. This seems to mark the end of the Donkey ' s Tail participation in scandals. As a result of the ensuing police investigation and stricter controls on the activities of the Futurists, there was no further discussion of a Futurist cabaret in Moscow. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 181 Plays and elaborate productions of theatrical events were, for both practical and theoretical reasons, not the focus of the efforts of the Futurists. The expense of producing a play, as well as the technical expertise and effort demanded by such a project, made the creation of Futurist spectacles rare indeed and, one suspects, regular exhibitions of Futurist plays would not be well attended by the paying public who were more enchanted by the novelty of Futurism than by the esthetics. But notwithstanding the financial impracticality of production, the avant-garde saw the theater as another manifestation of the status quo of artistic endeavor: the large production with endless rehearsals and the polish of professionalism did not appeal to the tastes of the Futurists. ^ Boris Kalaushin, Kul'bin (St. Petersburg: Apollon, 1994) 138. ^See newspaper articles in Utro v Khar'kove 7 Dec., 1913 (No. 2162) 5 and Saratovskii listok 31 Dec., 1913 (No. 286) 5. ^John BowIt, "Cabaret in Russia" Canadian-American Slavic Studies Special Issue devoted to The Aesthetic of Performance in the Russian Avant-Garde, Vol. 19, No. 4 Winter (1985) 448. ^John Bowlt, " An Eventful Interior: Some Thoughts on the Russian and Soviet Cabaret," "Event" Arts and Art Events, Stephen C. Foster, ed. (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1988) 93. ^For a sampling of programs of the Brodiachaia sobaka see A. Parnis, R. Timenchuk, "Programmy "Brodiachei sobaki" In Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 182 Pamianiki kul'tnry, novys otkrytxia Ezhegodnik, 1983 (Leningrad: Nauka, 1985) 160-257. ^Popular silent film comic. On Nov. 21, 1913, the Sobaka arranged a evening in his honor on his arrival in St. Petersburg. Parnis and Timenchuk, 215. Parnis, A. E. and Timenchuk, R. D. "Programmy <Brodiachei sobaki>" 215. "Harold B. Segel. "Russian Cabaret in the European Context: Preliminary Considerations," in Theater and Literature in Russia 1900-1930 Lars Kleberg and Nils Nilsson eds. (Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell international, 1984) 83. ^Michael Green, "Boris Pronin, Meyerhold and Cabaret: Some Connections and Reflections," Russian Theatre in the Age of Modernism, Robert Russell and Andrew Barratt eds. (New York: St. Martins Press, 1990) 72. ^°L. Tikhvinskaia, Kabare i teatry miniatiur v Rossii. 1908- 1917 (Moscow: Kul'tura, 1995) 67. Tikhvinskaia, 11. E. Meierkhol'd, "Balagan," Stat'i, 223. Nikolai Evreinov, "Khudozhnikoi v Teatre V. F. Komissarzhevskoi," Alkonost kniga 1., Petersburg, (1911) 125. E. Aronson, Sawa Mamontov (Moscow: Russkaia kniga, 1995) 70. Camilla Gray, The Russian Experiment in Art 1863-1922 (London: Thames and Hudson, 1962) 54-55 ^"Michael Green, 77. ^Vladimir Maiakovskii, "Teatr, kinematograf, futurizm," in V.V. Maiakovskii, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii v trinadtsati tomakh, Tom 1 (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1955) 275-276. First published in Kine-zhurnal, Moscow, 27 July, 1913, No. 14. ^®N. Breshko-Breshkovskii, "Soiuz Molodezhi," Birzhevye vedomosti, No. 11612, 13 March, 1910, 6. Quoted in Jeremy Howard, The union of Youth: An Artists Society of the Russian Avant-Garde (New York: St. Martins Press, 1992) 73. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 183 19 For a. description of these performances see N. N. Evreinov, "Ispanskii teatr" Starinnyi teatr (St. Petersburg: Starinnyi teatr, 1911) Also N. N. Evreinov, "Srednevekovyi litsedei," Pro scena sua (St. Petersburg: Prometei, 1915) 67-76. ^V. V. Meierkhol'd "<Starinnyi teatr> v S. Peterburge (pervyi period)'' (1908) in Meierkhold' Stat'i,, 189-191. N. Evreinov, " K postanovke <Orleanskoi devy> Shillera" Pro scena sua, 11. ^^Meierkhol'd,"<Starinnyi teatr> v S. Peterburge (pervyi period)" 191. ^^Howard, 73. ^*This is only an approximate translation. XopOMHbIM literally means "in the peasant hut." However, it has a certain resonance for contemporary listeners: first, this word would have immediately brought to mind the other type of folk performance "balagan" which was performance at a fair (outside); second, it has the sense of amateur or spontaneous celebration; third, it would have an echo of the word "khor" or choir which would have special resonance for the literate audience who would have been familiar with the Symbolist/ Dionysian associations that "khor" evokes. ^^This is probable because of similarities in the plot motifs, characters, and the proximity of publication, Vinogradov’s study was published in 1905, the play was produced in 1911. See A. F. Nekrylova, N. I. Savushkina, Narodnyi teatr (Moscow, Sovetskaia Rossia, 19910 131-150. ^®A. M. Remizov, Tsar Maksimilian. Teatr. (Petrograd, 1920) Obozrenie teatrov, 6 Feb., 1911, 28. See Nekrylova. 11. ^^Neia Zorkaia, Folklor, lubok, ekran (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1994, 109.) I. S. Aksakov. A letter to his parents. (1851) Nekrylova and Savushkina, Narodnyi Teatr 420. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 184 F. Nekrylova, N. I. Savushkina, Fol'klornyi teatr (Moscow: Sovremmenik, 1988) This edition has two of the most prevalent versions of the story, including the version by Perets. ^^The melding of motifs from different plays, which often happened in folk theater, was also done in adaptations of these plays. See Remizov's version of Tsar' Maksim'ian in which he "thr[e]w out the barracks and emphasize[d] the chorus," giving it a Symbolist caste. Catriona Kelly, Petrushka: The Russian Carnival Puppet Theater (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) 259, n. 32. ^^Program for Khoromnaia deistva from Dom intermedii. RGALI f. 998, opis' 1, ed. kh. 3188. ^'p er-O. "Khoromnyia deistva Soiuza Molodezhi," Birzhevye vedomosti, (vech) No 12146, 28 Jan., 1911, 6. Rostislavov, "Khoromnyia deistva," Teatr i iskusstvo, 6 Feb., 1911, 127-128. ^®P. M. (Panna Malishevskaia), "V Soiuze molodezhi" Peterburgskii listok, 28 Jan., 1911, 4. quoted in Howard, 78. Sergei Auslender, "Vecher 'Soiuza molodezhi" Russkaia khudozhestvennaia letopis', 1911, February, No. 3, 60. A. Rostislavov, "Khoromnyia deistva," 127. Harold Segel, "Russian Cabaret in a European Context: Preliminary Considerations," Theater and Literature in Russia 1900-1930. A Collection of Essays. Lars Kleberg and Nils Ake Nilsson, eds. (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1984) 91. ^°V. Kamenskii, Teatr budusbchii, RGALI f. 1497, op. 1 ed. khr. 143. These designs and others related to the performance are located in the St. Petersburg Theatrical Museum. Of special interest- See Ivanov-Razumnik, Komediia o Tsare Maksimiliane i nepokornnom syne ego Adolfe (Moscow, 1921) A running joke throughout the play is Maksimilian: Ty chto za ptitsa? Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 185 Korol' Marnai: la ne est' ptitsa, A ia est' sil'nyi i khrabryi korol' Marnai. In another version cited by Nekrylova, the play ends with this exchange: Starukha: U nashego Maksim'iana soldaty seno ediat. Starik: Net, ne soldaty seno ediat, A sobaki seno ediat. Starukha: A u nashego-to Maksim'ian Da i svinei na iaitsa sadiat. Starik: Kha-kha-khal Svinei na iaitsa sadiat! Folklornyi teatr, 224. " Howard, 86. M. (Panna Malishevskaia), "V Soiuze molodezhi" quoted in Howard, 84. Anatolii strigalev and Jürgen Harten, Vladimir Tatlin Retrospektive (Koln: Dumont Buchverlag, 1992) 204. Aleksandr Kovalev, "Larionov i Tatlin" Tatlin Ein internationales Symposium. Jurgen Harten,ed. (Koln: Dumont, 1993) 253. A. E. Kruchenykh, "Vospominanie o V. V. Maiakovskom i futuristakh" Vystuplenie v TsGALI , December, 18, 1953, f. 1334, op. 1, ed. khr. 44. *®Anon., "Teatr "Futu," Moskovskaia gazeta (Moscow) No. 272, 9 Sept., 1913. Anon., "Futuristicheskaia drama," Stolichnaia molva, (St. Petersburg), 7 Oct., 1913, No. 331. ^°See Appendix 1 for a translation of the articles relevant to this theater. ^^However, both can be assumed to have existed. According to Stolichnaia molva, 7 Oct., 1913, there was a reading of a play that was to be used at the cedsaret, moreover, sketches of sets designed by both Goncharova and Larionov appeared in Teatr v karikaturakh. See "Grimasy v iskusstve" Teatr v karikaturakh (Moscow) 29 Sept., 1913 No. 4, 8. for two Rayonist sketches for decoration by Goncharova. Also No. 14, and No. 15, 1913 for sketches by Larionov entitled "K proektu futurististicheskogo teatra vMoskve." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 186 ^^Anon, "Proekt M. F. Larionova dlia stseny v futuristicbeskom teatre k p'ese Lotova "Pyl' alitsy pyl," Teatr v karikaturakh. No. 4, 29 Sept., 1913, 8. Kruchenykh and V. Khlebnikov, The Word as Such, Moscow, 1913. in Anna Lawton, Russian Futurism through its Manifestoes 1912-1928 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988) 57-62. ^^A. E. Kruchenykh, Fonetika teatra. 2-e izdanie (Moscow: Vserossiiskii Soiuz Poetov, 19250 10. ^^Kruchenykh, Fonetika teatra.lA. ^^See Il'ia Zdanevich, lanko, krul' Albanskoi (Paris, 1924) In 1923, Zdanevich also read a series of lectures in Paris at the cafe Caméléon on Zaumnyi teatr. See the announcement of these lectures in RGALI f. 336, op.7, e.khr. 1. Kamenskii, Teatr budusbchii, RGALI f.1497, op. 1 ed. khr. 143. ^®V. V. Kamenskii, Ego- Moia biografiia velikogo futurists (Moscow: T. F. Dortman, 1918) 82. "V Nikolaev na Paskhu [1904] priexala v teatra truppa nyne znamenitogo Vs. E. Meierkhol 'da. la ustroilsia sluzhit' u nego.” ^®Anon., "Teatr 'Futu,'" Moskovskaia gazeta (Moscow) No. 272, 9 Sept., 1913. ^°Sergei Volkonskii, "O estestvennykh zakonakh plastiki" Otkliki teatra (Petrograd: Sirius, 1914) 124-125. ^Vsevolod Maksimovich (died 1914) was a noted dancer close to the Futurists, see notice of this death in a letter from Khlebnikov to Kamenskii, May 1914, Velimir Khlebnikov, Neizdannye proizvedenie (Moscow, 1940) 369. also Slovnik khudozhnikiv Ukraini (Kiev, 1973) 140. ®^M. I. Rtisheva was identified in a review of the film as " supruga poeta Remizova i artistka Rtishcheva, kstati skazat ', otkryvaiushaia na-dniakh sobstvennyi teatr..." Sine-fono, No. 1, 120ct. , 1913, 30. On the opening of her theater see " Teatr M. I. Rtishchevoi" Moskovskaia kopeika. No. 51/76, 11 Nov., 1913, 4. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 187 For more information about her see Vladimir Bessonov, "Otvazhnaia imitators ha " Literaturnala Rosslla, 5 May, 1989. "E. E. Kriuger o tango ". Teatr v karikaturakh Moscow, 1913, No. 16, 24. Quoted in Georgii Kovalenko, "El'za Kriuger" Experiment, No. 2, (1996) 337. ^^Georgii Kovalenko, "El'za Kriuger" Experiment, No. 2 (1996) 341. ^^"Poslednii krik Parizhskoi mody. Ubezhedennye grimasniki" Teatr v karikaturakh 1913, No. 14, 14. ^Vadim Shershenevich, Zelenaia ulitsa (Moscow, 1914) 57. ®^Anon., "Teatr 'Futu,'"4. ^®This is perhaps a reference to Matiushin's theory of visual nodes or Burliuks painting from 3 perspectives. ^Mikhail Larionov, "Pictoral Rayonism," in John Bowlt, (ed.) Russian Art of the Avant-garde. 102. ’°The general description of this play corresponds to the description of Bol'shakov's play "Pliaska ulits" in stolichnaia molva, 7 Oct., 1913 No. 331. "The sets will be arranged so that through the hall of the restaurant, the apartment of the hero will be visible, and through the apartment- the street. And in one in the same moment the hero will describe/act in all three places." Although identified by Khardzhiev, as being one and the same plays, differences in setting (a restaurant instead of a hotel) and characters (a male hero instead of a hotel owner and her lover) call into question this contention. ^^Anon., "Proekt M. F. Larionova dlia stseny v futuristicheskom teatre k p'ese Lotova 'Pyl ulitsa pyl,'" Teatr v karikaturakh, 8. ’^Anon., "Teatr 'Futu,'", 4 ^^In Le Dantiu Faram there is a section for an eleven voice simutaneous chorus with each voice pronouncing different syllable, much as Larionov describes the thought motif in "Pyl' ulitsy pyl'" For a discussion of Zdanevich's plays see Gerald Janecek, The Look of Russian Literature. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 188 ^ ' ‘ Apparently Maiakovskii read his poem "Natel" at this event. V. Katanian. Maiakovskii. Literaturnaia khronika (Moscow, 1961) 125. ’^Anon. "Rozovoi fonar'" Golos Moskvy, 19 Oct., 1913, 4. ^^Sine-Fono Ho. 1, 12 Oct., 1913. 30. ’’of course, after the opening, the management was quick to disavow the Futurists claiming "Rozovoi fonar' iavliaetsia sozdannykh ne futuristov, a gruppy literatorov i akterov, nichego obshchego c futurizmom ne imeiushchikh." Rannee utro, 22 Oct., 1913. 6. ’^Jerry Heil, "Russian Futurism: Majakovskij’s Film Work of 1913." Russian Literature XIX-2 (1986) 186-187. ’®See "Manifest k muzhchine i manifest k zheshchine,” Stolichnaia molva, 15 Sept., 1913, No 327, 4. Stolichnaia molva, 15 Sept., 1913, No 327, 4. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 189 Chapter Six Victory and Tragedy: The Futurists in St. Petersburg On the fringes of the theater, there are unconventional plays or theories that are unsettling to the audience which struggles either to accept the new concept or to isolate the new ideas from the mainstream. This process is replayed throughout the history of theater. In 1524, Guillo Camillo designed a stage which consisted of 49 boxes that revealed the Kabbalistic secrets of the world to the audience.^ This type of mystical theater, half-event and half-seance, is the basis for all religious theatrical events- reconstruction of reality in the hopes of creation of a real miracle. Reports of Camillo' s theater make no mention of either the contents of the boxes or whether there was a revelatory nature to the performance, but one suspects that the concept was more interesting and vital than its execution. Often the strength of these shows is not the actual presentation but the desire of the audience to believe what is being represented. Thus, mystery plays evoke in their audience the communal passion of miracle that extends beyond the staged story. Camillo's play also reveals a second, if unintended, source for theater: technology as an inescapable component of the play. The audience must be convinced that the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 190 illusion portrayed is representative of some essential element of reality. Many variety acts— mind reading, hypnotism, magic— rely on a hidden technology to persuade the audience. It is the case that all theater, regardless of the claims to be made otherwise, is an emulation of this technical deception. Faddish pseudosciences, such as spiritism and mesmerism, were often adapted to theater. For example, Justinus Kerner, a student of Franz Mesmer, built a puppet theater, the Shadowgraph, in 1814, that utilized the voices of "possessed" persons and electrical current to bring the audience into the spirit world.^ Mesmerism enjoyed a long history of connection with literature and the theater in Europe and in Russia,^ and it enjoyed something of a revival at the turn of the century with the interest of the German Expressionists (The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari with its ominous depiction of hypnotism was the inspiration for Grigorii Kozintsev and Leonid Trauberg's Shinel' ) and of various Russian practitioners Possession and relinquishing of will were integral to the theatrical act, from the Greek stage through the medieval Spanish passion play to the horror show of the 19th century. Technological developments inevitably became a part of the language of the stage. Electric lights, telephones, and atomic reactors have become commonplace props, but even more esoteric ideas of science become part of the theater: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 191 sophisticated concepts like Freud's psychology and Einstein's theory of relativity are integral to our worldview. However, these concepts not only shape the actors' dialog, they shape every element of the stage- set design, costumes, movement, even the shape of the stage itself. These elements, mysticism, transformation, and technology, were at the foundation of the overall conception of performance in Russian Futurism, and it is precisely these elements which come to the forefront in the two most widely known performances staged by the Futurists: Vladimir Maiakovskiif tragediia [Vladimir Maiakovskii, A Tragedy](hereafter Tragediia) and Pobeda nad solntsem [Victory over the Sun] (hereafter Pobeda). The result of a collaboration between the Hyleans and the Soiuz Molodezhi groups, Tragediia was performed on December 2 and 4, 1913 and Pobeda on Dec. 3 and 5 at the Luna Park theater in St. Petersburg. The list of contributors to the effort included the most well known of the Russian Futurists, Pavel Filonov, Khlebnikov, Kruchenykh, Maiakovskii, Malevich, Matiushin and Shkolnik. The patronage of Lev Zheverzheev allowed these artists to rent a theater, pay actors, and build sets in order to bring to fruition the first Russian Futurist theatrical event.^ However, the results were by no means professional: Livshits remarked Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 192 fle /1 0 B TOM HTO HI/IKaKOM ip y n n b l, HM flpaMaiMHecKOM, hm onepHOM, y $yTypMCTOB He 6bi/io He Mor/10. n p u x o a n jio c b HaôwpaTb McnoyiHkiieyieM cpean ciyfleHHecKOM M O /io < q e > K M , RJ\A KOTOpOM 3T0T HeO»Klf1flaHHbl(l 3apa60TCK Bbl/I MaHHOM HeÔeCHOM. G Regardless of Livshits' dismissal of these amateurs, these student performers were purposely chosen because they had no experience.^ The radical concepts of the futurist "opera" and Maiakovskii's monodrama would never have been implemented by professional actors, if any would have been willing to participate in these spectacles. It was inevitable that the two works would be linked because of their temporal proximity. It was even the case that, in contemporary newspaper accounts, hostile writers would mix elements from each work indiscriminately.® However, the two works are distinct and separate both in style and purpose. In a poetic sense, Tragediia and Pobeda represent the two main aspects of Futurism: the lyrical persona of the poet in the act of creating himself in Maiakovskii's play, and the wild collaborative experimentation of the collective in Kruchenykh's opera. These two, almost oppositional, elements were manifested throughout the Futurist ethos. It is tempting to overstate the significance of the Futurist plays, as many scholars* have done in the past; however, there is little evidence^® that the works Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 193 themselves had a major impact on the Futurist movement or on society in general. It is difficult to ascribe the entire weight of Futurist performance to this specific collaboration. The Futurist milieu in Russia in 1911-1915 (not only in Moscow and St. Petersburg, but also in Kiev, Saratov, Rostov, and the Crimea) was performance in form of debates, disputes, readings, manifestoes, and theatrical presentations; therefore, the existence of a more traditional set piece for Futurism should be seen in the context of the larger discourse of the time. The participants readily admitted that the works were thrown together. Kruchenykh admitted in Nash Vykhod: When Mayakovsky brought to Peter[sburg] the play he had written, it turned out to be desperately short- only one act- a fifteen minute read! . . . he hurriedly wrote another act. And yet. . .it has to be said that the piece was so small that the show was over by ten in the evening (having begun at nine !) . . . The shortage of time led to certain misunderstandings in my case, too. Even though there is no evidence that either piece was the result of careful planning or elaborate collaboration, scholars have insisted that there is a complex hidden structure that holds the secret to understanding these works. Katherine Lahti, in her article "Vladimir Mayakovskyi A Dithyramb," claims that "the last [sic] two acts of the play. . . repeat the history of the dithyramb. " Even the title of the play fails to escape her Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 194 analysis, enlisted to support her claim that Maiakovskii purposely used the word "tragedy" to evoke Nietzsche and Viacheslav Ivanov. However, the title was a printer's mistake, and the last act and the epilogue of the play were hurriedly written before the performance, making Lahti's claims ridiculous. Ekunidze offers similarly elaborate analyses of Pobeda. This is not to say that Nietzsche, Ivanov, and Greek tragedy could not have exerted significant influence on these performances, it is merely unlikely that the influence was intentional or planned. As is the case with any act of performance, the performer brings certain cultural and social preconceptions to the text that is presented. The Futurists were certainly aware of the revolutionary changes taking place in Russian theater in the beginning of the twentieth century, not only because of the intense discussion of the "crisis" in theater,but also because of Futurist participation in theatrical spectacles and collaboration with directors, actors, dancers, and set designers. lulii Aikhenval'd publicly rejected theater as an art form in a lecture on March 6, 1913 entitled, "Otritsanie teatra." The thesis of this provocative lecture was that the theater was not a creative medium, but an interpretation of the art of the writer. Aikhenval'd cited the emptiness of the art in its present form; the innovations of Gordon Craig and Nikolai Evreinov, which had robbed even the illusion of autonomy Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 195 from the actor, demonstrated the dependence of theater on "real" art.^^ It is obvious, however, that Aikhenval'd is not really rejecting theater; he is rejecting theater in its modernist formulation. This critical debate, which pitted traditionalists against modernists, led the Futurists to take the side of the modernists, advocating the most radical experimentation in the theater. Maiakovskii wrote several articles in 1913 on Futurism and the theater in which he addressed this issue,as did David Burliuk and Kamenskii. The creators of Pobeda published a manifesto on theater in Za 7 dnei which was published prior to the performance of the opera.^ This controversy provided the Futurists with an opportunity to demonstrate the validity of their art form at a time when the conventions of artistic performance were in flux. Perhaps even more importantly for the creation of a Futurist performance esthetic, theater was at the center of the social lives of the artistic intelligentsia; the various cabarets that the Futurists frequented were the experimental laboratories for actors and directors to polish their craft. It is not surprising that many of the images and ideas, such as monodrama, the mixing of classical and modern conceptions of tragedy, and the Nietzschean superman, would be present in the Futurist because Tragediia and Pobeda were meta-theatrical- an attempt to indicate the direction of theater of the new man. However, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 196 this was not a monologic discourse; the Futurists corrupted, parodied, and adapted concepts from a variety of sources without regard to the context or system from which they were commandeered. This melange of disjointed, contradictory images was purposely disorienting for the audience; like zaum, the Futurist theatrical experience was not a logical system or an organized worldview, but an almost inexplicable expression of Zeitgeist. For the researcher, Tragediia and Pobeda seem disjointed and confused; it is difficult to place them in the full context of their time- references to plays, acting styles, and cultural icons of the era have been lost and the scandalous impact which the performances had on the contemporary audiences seem almost quaint by today's standards on stage. But for that audience, oblique references, oratory styles, and the odd costumes would have been understood within the context of the artistic culture of that time period, within the framework of the performance, it is not important whether Maiakovskii s play conformed to the dramatic norms of the tragedy; however, it is important that the audience understood that the Futurist Maiakovskii was referring to a theatrical convention and was decontextualizing the traditional precepts of drama and tragedy in the framework of a radical, revolutionary discourse. It is only with the performance of these works Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 197 in the presence of the intended audience that the full impact of the "new Futurist theater" is felt. Although the intention of Tragediia and Pobeda was to address two different audiences: the "initiated" audience of artists and writers allied with the Futurist movement who would understand the inside jokes and references and the bourgeoisie audience^* who would pay exorbitant ticket prices for the pleasure of watching the scandal which would inevitably erupt from this performance, it is not clear whether there was a serious purpose hidden behind the public spectacle. Even the allies of the Futurists were not sure what was occurring; Livshits remarked: npoasM MaaKOBCKHM 6oyibOjee noHMwaHne cymHocTM ApaMaTMHecKoro cneKiaKTifl 6oyibmnM pe^nccepcKUM layiaHi, oh KaK-Hn6yb nocTapayicfl 6bi n HwiBMaya/in supoBaTb CBOnx KapTOHa>KHbix napTHepoBl® Of course, Livshits qualified the harshness of his judgment by claiming that the unintentioned shortcomings of the two performances were actually the elements which made them works of Futurism. The cryptic nature of the Futurist performance made it impossible for the creators to explain its "true” nature, open to speculation and interpretation; if the plan and purpose were revealed, then the essence of the art evaporated, leaving only the insubstantial remnants of cardboard and nonsense. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 198 In light of the above-stated precautions and provisions, an analysis of the two performances is still useful to the present study precisely because they were works in progress. The rough, unfinished nature of the performances give glimpses into the process of creation. New techniques and ideas, such as physical manifestation of psychological process in Tragediia and the fusion of primitive ritual with visions of the scientific future in Pobeda, were adapted to their new art forms. However, these experimentations, which appeared almost quaintly ludicrous to the audience, reveal the diversity of sources that the Futurists adapted to their " system; " the very fact that they had not been integrated into a seamless performance allows us insight into the Futurist ethos and demonstrates the extent to which the artistic cultural discourse of that era exerted influence on the avant-garde. ^ Mel Gordon, Dada Performance. New York: PAJ Publications, 1987, 8. ^ Gordon, 8. ^ See for instance. Anonymous, "Prov Fomich" in Pod imenem Barkova. Eroticheskaia poeziia XVIII- nachala XX veka. (Moscow: Ladomir, 1994) 104. which discusses mesmerism in the treatment of sexual disfunction and Russian followers of E. T. A. Hoffman especially Odoevskii. ^ Russia was a center of apocalyptic and occult studies " The prophecies of Joachim of Fiore, the mystic visions of Jacob Boehme, the Hebrew Kabbala and occlut doctrines such as the Hermes Trismegistus were studied." Bernice Rosenthal, "Eschatology and the Appeal of Revolution: Merezhkovsky, Bely, Blok" California Slavic Studies Vol. XI, 106. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 199 ^ According to Livshits, The Union of Youth financed the entire endevor, but recouped their investment through high ticket prices. All performances played to full theaters. Livshits, 445. ® Livshits, 445. ’ ’ See D. Levin. ” Ispoved aktera-Futurista" Rech, St Petersburg, 1913. 7 Dec., 6. ® See, for excimple, "Teatral'nye ocherki" Rech’ 7 Dec., 1913. No. 335. Kruchenykh, in Our Arrival also cites confusion in more scholarly accounts of the plays. He analyzes a review by N. Volkov's study Meierkhol'd Vol. 2 Moscow-Leningrad, 1929. Aleksei Kruchenykh. Our Arrival (Moscow, RA, 1995) 64-65. ® See Charlotte Douglas, "Birth of a 'Royal Infant': Malevich and 'Victory over the Sun"", in Art in America, March/April 1974. 46. Rosalee Goldberg, Performance Art From Futurism to the Present (New York, Harry N. Abrams, 1988) 31-50. Russian scholars also hyperbolize the impact of this event; see Natalia Enukidae "'Pobeda nad solntsem' Naiavu" in Jskusstvo avangarda: iazyk mirovogo obshcheniia. Materialy mezhdunarodnoi konferentsii 10-11 dekabria 1992g. (Ufa: Muzei sovremmenogo iskusstva "Vostok". 1993) 81-89. Kruchenykh's Rash vykhod, Shershenvich's Velikolepnyi ochevidets, and Aleksandr Mgebrov's Zhizn' v iskusstve. Vol. 2 (Moscow: Academia, 1932) are virtually the only sources for information on the performance other than contemporary newspaper accounts. Kruchenykh, Our Arrival, 59. Katherine Lahti, "Vladimir Mayakovsky: A Dithyramb" in Slavic and East European Journal, Volume 40, Number 2, Summer (1996) 252. In 1913, a collection of essays was published V sporakh o teatre. Sbornik statei (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei V Moskve, 1913) which began with lulii Aikhenval'd's provocative article "otritsanie teatra." This collection set off a furious discussion of its premises in major newspapers and journals of the time. By 1913, David Burliuk, Kamenskii, Kruchenykh, and Maiakovskii had all published or given lectures on the role of theater in modern life. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 200 Aikhenval ' d, 13. Aikhenval'd, 32. See " Teatr, Kinematograf, Futurizm, " first published in Kine-zhurnal July 27, 1913, PSS 275-277. Also "Unichtozhenie kinematografom <teatra> kak priznak vozrozhdeniia teatral'nogo iskusstva,” first published in Kine-zhurnal August, 24, 1913, PSS, 278 and "Otnosbenie segodniashego teatra i kinematografa k iskusstvu,” first published in Kine-zhurnal 18 Sept., 1913, PSS, 281. Za 7 dnei (St. Petersburg) 28 (1913) This, of course, was a standard practice. Boris Pronin’s Stray Dog cabaret allowed artists and writers in for free while charging the "farmatsepty” high prices to attend. This practice so offended Aleksandr Blok that he vowed he would never visit the cabaret. (It must be pointed out that it was not unfairness to the bourgeoise that offended Blok but that they were admitted in the first place.) Livshits, 446. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE AESTHETICS OF PERFORMANCE IN EXPERIMENTAL RUSSIAN CULTURE OF THE 1910'S Volume II by Mark Clêurence Konecny A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Peurtial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Slavic Languages and Literatures) May, 1998 O Mark Clarence Konecny Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 11 table of contents Volume II Chapter 7: Vladimir Maiakovskii Tragediia: Synthesis in the Art of the Stage Chapter 8: Pobeda nad solntsem: The Future is a Dark Place 7 4 Chapter 9: A Feast in the Time of Plague: Futurism, Food, and Transfiguration 165 Chapter 10: Conclusion: Life into the Theater- Theater into Life 195 Bibliography 200 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 Chapter Seven Vladimir Maiakovskii. Tragediia. Synthesis in the Art of the Stage. Tragediia represents an almost unspoken romanticism which underlies the Futurist movement. As in many of the most successful of Maiakovskii’s works, this play is an exploration of the psychological process of the poet's creativity. 1913 marked Maiakovskii's debut as an actor. Although from the beginning of his career as a Futurist poet, there was a marked theatricality to both his declamatory style and his life as a work of art (zbiznetvorchestvo). Maiakovskii clearly enjoyed playing his role as a notorious Futurist, wearing an orange peasant blouse with a wooden spoon in a buttonhole and a top hat while declaiming his poetry in a thundering bass voice.^ la. Tugendkhol'd wrote in his article, "V zheleznom tupike": M aflKO BCKM M . . .M ByiflG T urbi et orbi H aC TM rapflepo6a- iin /in H flp v\ nepnaiKM, KaK U G H H O C T M «CaMOnopTpeTHbie», TaK M < e , KaK B CB06M «CTMXOTBOpeHMM» O H HasBa/i ce6fl «o6/iaKOM B miaHax».^ Maiakovskii's fascination with the interplay between art and life was manifested in virtually every facet of his theatricalized life, from his assumption of the black clothes and demeanor of a nihilist^ as a teenage political I Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 activist to his dramatic end with a self-inflicted bullet in the heart. Before his theatrical debut in Tragediia, Maiakovskii performed his poetry during the various debates and disputes, as well as his 1913 tour through the provinces as a notorious Futurist.* It was not a matter of chance that Maiakovskii turned his attention to the theater; already by the end of 1913, he had delivered many lectures and had even written articles on the new path of Futurism in the theater. His play embodied many of the ideas that Maiakovskii envisioned for the theater: the unification of art and actor, psychological "realism," the adaptation of cinema to the demands of the stage, even a reinterpretation of the basics of acting: movement, declamation, scenic design. Of course, these ideas were not original to Maiakovskii; however, Maiakovskii ambitiously, and eclectically, applied them within the context of his own poetic vision. The plot of Tragediia is rather simple: the poet Maiakovskii addresses the audience in the prolog, giving an intimation of the actions which will take place on stage. The first act takes place during a "prazdnik nisbcbikb" similar in tone and demeanor to carnival with the crowning of the king of fools. A giant doll is sacrificed during the merriment. The second act opens in the unspecified future in a new town; Maiakovskii is dressed in a toga and laurel Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 wreath, apparently the unwilling poet/king. The epilog returns to Maiakovskii again addressing the audience. Although by many contemporary accounts^ the action is confused and illogical, the text of the play reveals a logical construction both in temporal and thematic terms. The prolog and the epilog frame the play by providing an interlocutor who explains the action and provides the audience with a familiar character, the poet, who will act as the focus of the point of view throughout the play. Maiakovskii serves the dual function of protagonist and futurist/lecturer. The prolog also functions as a poetic overture for the play, outlining the motifs and metaphors that will take form in the play itself, which functions as almost an illustration of the creative process. The two acts of Tragediia provide a temporal symmetry for the play: the first act takes place in the contemporary Russian city of shops and street life during a festival that more resembles a revolution; the second act takes place in the city of the future (presumably after the revolution); however, this is not the utopian Futurist society of poet/kings but a carnival kingdom in which the poet/king realizes the follies of power and leaves to resume his hermetic life. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. I. Literary and Philosophical Sources The plot echoes several works that were popular in Russia at that time. Both in tone and in structure the work has a strong affinity to Nietszche's Zarathnstra; the main theme of the role of the prophet in a hostile, unbelieving society, as well as the disjointed structure and surrealistic one dimensionality of the supporting characters, give the play an unmistakable Nietzschean flavor. Although the play begins with Maiakovskii in his Futurist outfit, the change of costume in the second act to the toga was more than merely an eccentric choice. It was a deliberate reference to the "crisis' in the theater which Nietzsche and Viacheslav Ivanov, in the spirit of Nietzsche, had hoped to resolve with a revival of the greek spirit of theater. It was also a defiant statement that Futurist theater was the embodiment of the new theater which had been theoretically discussed by the Symbolists. Maiakovskii's play was to be the resurrection of the theater as church and the communal ecstatic experience of participation in the theater. Thus, the blurring of the lines between the author/declamator, the Futurist poet Maiakovskii, who delivers the prolog addressed to the actual, jeering audience and the character, Vladimir Maiakovskii, who is crowned carnival king by the stage audience, is a deliberate attempt to erase the boundaries Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 5 of the stage and draw the audience into the ritual choral tragedy. However, there is also a strong element of parody in this dualism; in the play, Maiakovskii is unsuccessful in transforming society and is left with the doubts and anguish that the poet must suffer. One would think that if Maiakovskii had seriously embraced the tenets of Nietzschean classicism, he would have either envisioned a utopian future or left his character on the brink of the coming revolution. It is even more likely that Maiakovskii appropriated the discourse of Nietzsche as interpreted by the Russian Symbolists without regard to either the intentions or implications of Nietzschean philosophy. It is unlikely that Maiakovskii in 1913 would have had a detailed understanding of Nietzsche given his lack of sophistication; his knowledge would, at best, be fragmented and secondhand. Lack of understanding is never an obstacle to parody, and, regardless of Maiakovksii's familiarity with German philosophy, his astute knowledge of Russian culture would have provided fodder for this play. There is also a striking similarity both in tone and content in Tragediia to the discourse of the role of the poet in society, as set forth in the 18th century. Virtually from the moment that the poet gained prominence in Russian culture in the late 17th- early 18th century, a major debate regarding the social role of the poet was Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6 central to the act of artistic creation. In the 18th century, Gavriil Derzhavin, Mikhail Lomonosov, and Vasilii Trediakovskii engaged in both creating a literary language for Russia and, more importantly, defining the position of the literary figure in society. The systems of poetic discourse set up by Lomonosov and Trediakovskii were not merely proscriptive means of producing a national literature; these systems were the cultural counterparts of the systematic transformation of the process of Westernization of Russia. The Futurists, searching for the cultural roots of their transformative art form, were naturally drawn to the 18th century as a source for both the poetic and societal origins of contemporary cultural life. Russian Futurism, which fused the home grown primitivism of the early 1910's with the vibrant new arts forms of Cubism and Futurism which had recently spread through Europe, found the radical experimentalism of the 18th century coupled with the vast transformation of Russian society under Peter's reforms to be an excellent model for their vision of the new man in a new world. It is not surprising that many of the themes and ideas found in Futurism reiterate the tropes first set down by Derzhavin and Lomonosov. If, for example, we compare the play to Derzhavin's Felitsa, which also discusses the role of the poet in society, we see this same strange Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 7 mixing of imagery: the comparison of bodily function with poetic production, the almost prophetic monologism with which the authorial voice commands the public. If we compare Maiakovskii's discussion of his hopes : xopomo n y c T M ie cecTb fla P iie flo p o r y flyMa/i H to paflocTHbiM 6 y a y BviecTaiqMM r/IA3AM M C flA y H a ip o H KaK H3He>KeHHbiM le n o M rp e K (170)* with Derzhavin's description of the feast for a poet : H/im b nwpy a npeôoraioM, Tfle npaflHMK flyia Mena garni, fg e ô g e ig e i ctoti cpeôpoM n 3/iaioM , rg e TbICaHM pa3/lMHHblX 6jiiog. . . ’ we can see a similarity in both tone and subject matter. Poetry is a feast that combines the senses with the creative act, but even more significantly for this discussion , Maiakovskii reproduces the sensibility of eighteenth-century verse, rejecting many of the conventions set up in the nineteenth century delineating the proper arena for poetic discourse, such as the mixing of coarse materiality with the transcendental poetic metaphor. There were no such restrictions in Derzhavin ' s poetry. The sensual, earthy descriptions of food and the body in Maiakovskii are closely related to Derzhavin's poetic style. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8 The hyperbolic excesses of Derzhavin in describing the poet in relationship to God in Bog (1784) very closely resemble Maiakovskii ' s lyric persona : " la sviaz' mirov, povsiadu sushchikh, // la krainia stepen ' veshcbestva// . . . la tsar'- ia rab- ia cherv'- ia bogl"^ This parallel was not coincidental; Derzhavin was earnestly discussed as a source for performance style by both Kruchenykh and Matiushin* for their opera. Even more telling is Livshits' use of a line from Derzhavin's "Bog" as a description of Maiakovskii's role in Tragediia: " Sebia soboiu sostavliaia,// Soboiu iz sebia siiaia,"^° which indicates more than a passing relationship between the poets. It is also significant that much of the poetiry is composed in tonic verse, or dol'nik,^^ indicating another link to the poetic heritage of the pre-Lomonosov era. Of course, the dol 'nik line would be especially jarring to the ear of the audience, again indicating Maiakovskii's rejection of the classical syllabo-tonic system which had dominated Russian poetry and setting him apart from that tradition. The eclectic experimentalism of the protean poets of the 18th century, melding European neo-classicism with the formal hyperbolic style of Russian/Polish 17th-century court poetry as well as the rhythms and motifs from Russian folk poetry provided Maiakovskii and the Futurists with a concrete tradition and heritage for their revolutionary Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 S t y l e , a s w e l l a s a c e r t a i n a i r o f l e g i t i m a c y t h a t t h e y s o c r a v e d . The relationship between Maiakovskii and the romantic poets of the beginning of the 19th century is much more complex. While the Futurists rejected both the poetry of Pushkin and Lermontov and their status as social icons representing the tastes of the bourgeoisie, the revolutionary individualism of these poets afforded a model for the Futurists. Maiakovskii resurrected and renewed many of the images and motifs of Pushkin, reinvigorating them with the anarchic fervor. It has been a commonplace of Futurist studies to cite the famous phrase from the manifesto Poshchechina obsbchestvenaomu vkusu [A Slap in the Face of Public Taste] (1912), "Brosif Pushkina . . ," but the position of the Futurists toward the 19th century is not rejection, but réadaptation, revision, parody, and reinterpretation of the heritage of Russian literature as represented by the giants of Romanticism. Vladimir Trenin in his study, V masterskoi stikhi Maiakovskogo, noted that even Maiakovskii acknowledged the ambiguous influence of Pushkin on the Futurists: . . .HTO Hex y a a p H b ix Ha see sp e M fl KJiaccuKOB. MaynaMxe wx, yno6i^xe b tom BpeMeHM, Koraa pa6oTayiM. Ho nycxb ohm orpoMHbfM cbomm M eoHbiM saAOM He aaciMJiaioT A o p o ry MoyioAbiM noexaM , Koxopwe M g yx c e ro a n a . S . He xoyibKo a j i a c e6 a roBopm, a m A<na x e x coxen Xbicaa noexoB, Koxopwe M flyx m3 p a 6 o n e ro KJiacca/'^ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 10 The formation of a lyrical persona in Russian poetry was dependent to a large degree on the model set up by Pushkin in his programmatic poems, "Poet," "Poet i tolpa” and "Prorok." Both in structure and in content, Tragediia functions almost as a mirror of Pushkin's "Poetu" which offers advice to the poet: " Poet I ne dorozhi liuboviiu narodnoi. . .// Ty tsar'; zhivi odin. . .// Tak puskai tolpa ego branit// pliuet na altar', gde tvoi ogon' gorit." Although Maiakovskii is characterized as a "poet of the people," there is a distinct ambivalence in this play toward the howling masses that is much in the spirit of Pushkin's lyric hero. Pasternak observed that in the theater, " the poet is not the author, but the subject of lyric poetry, addressing the world in the first person. The title was not the name of the man who wrote it but the surname of the contents. That poet himself was the lyric subject was central to both Maiakovskii's concept of the role of the poet in society and of the role of the poet as priest in the revolution. Maiakovskii, despite his heated rhetorical derision of Pushkin, often cited the great poet's works in defense of his own, borrowing both motifs and imagery. Of course, the role of the poet in Russian society was not limited to a discourse between Pushkin and Maiakovskii; virtually every literary figure in the 19th century discussed this issue. There is no doubt that Maiakovskii's Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 11 declaration that he was the "last poet" was formulated both to evoke this polemic and to provoke the audience. Despite his disavowal of the heritage of Russian literature, Maiakovskii' s lyrical hero is a product of this tradition. In contrast to the Burliuk brothers, Khlebnikov, and Kamenskii, Maiakovskii ' s poetry was introspective, passionate, and lyrical; many of the hallmarks of Futurism- zaum, a detached authorial voice and bizarre unintelligible utterances are strikingly absent in his poetry. His work was always accessible to even the unintiated audience, and among his admirers were such traditionalists as Chukovskii, Gor'kii, and Repin. One of the main reasons for his popularity was that his style and voice were recognizable as the rebellious individualism that marked the Romantic poets; love, agonized introspection, and self-destruction were romantic motifs which were inevitably linked to the lives and poetry of Pushkin and Lermontov. Pasternak remarked that Maiakovskii perpetuated the image of the poet in the Romantic tradition; he conceived life "as the life of the poet, [this] had been adopted by the Symbolists, but at the same time he inverted it. " Maiakovskii ' s behavior and the excesses of his poetry fit the mold of the poet which any Russian would accept without question. However, Maiakovskii' s discourse was designed to provoke the audience not only on matters of aesthetics. There was also a very strong element of political dissent Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 12 in his play. Although the civil unrest depicted is carnivalesque, the statements of characters indicate that there are broader societal implications for their actions. The revolutionary content, given Maiakovskii's early activism as a Bolshevik,^® was not surprising. The role of a nihilist, patterned after Turgenev's Bazarov, was Maiakovskii's first experiment with zhiznetvorchestvo.^^ The glowering Maiakovksii revelled in his menacing appearance. Because of strict censorship of the event, an overt reference to social unrest or revolution was impossible; as a veteran revolutionary familiar with the methods of the secret police, Maiakovskii would have avoided any rhetoric that would alert the censor;instead he used allegory and veiled allusion to indicate content to the informed audience. There are clear signals that an overthrow of the established social order is the basis of the transformative message of the play. Although his revolutionary activities had disrupted his formal education, he was thoroughly steeped in the literature of radicalism, reading the works of the nihilists and populists as did any young intellectual at that time: Bakunin, Chernyshevsky, Dobroliubov, Pisemskii were required reading for activists in pre-Revolutionary anti-government circles. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 13 II. Maiakovskii and the Radicalism Tragediia represents a curious paradox with regard to studies of Maiakovskii's relationship to revolutionary radicalism. Every Soviet critic proudly cites his youthful revolutionary fervor, but they all invariably dismiss his early Futurist efforts as misguided and even decadent, representing a clean break from his activist period. Of course, there were extra-aesthetic reasons for the denial of the relationship between Maiakovskii's pre-Revolutionary Futurism and political radicalism, especially because of his canonization as a "Poet of the Revolution," but there are also aesthetic reasons for this rejection. Tragediia does not portray the coming revolution in the positive light of utopian socialist thought; the people are rejected in favor of the individual, the revolution sacrifices women and children in an orgy of destruction, and so on. This ambivalence to radicalism is also reflected in Maiakovskii's own view of the party; in his autobiographical notes, la sam,^^ he remarked that his future in the party would consist of: E c /w ocTaibCfl B n a p iM M - H aao c ia ib H&nerayibHbiM. H eyiera/ibH biM , Kaaayiocb MHe, He H ay^H iiibca. IXepcneKii^Ba- bckj )KM3Hb nWCaib JieTyHKM, BblKJiaablBaib M W CyiM , BSaib M 3 npaBM/kHblX, H O H6 M H C M npMgyMaHHWX KHMr. ECJM M 3 M6Hfl BblTpaXHyTb npOHMTBHHOe, H T O Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 14 OCTaHeTCfl? WapKCMCTCKMM MeTOfl. Ho He B fleiCKMe j\v \ pyKM nonayio 3to opy>Kkie?. . . aaineyi k T o ra a e n ;e lOBapun^y no napTww - M e flB en e B y . X ony fl& n aib c o i t w a CTnHecKoe MCKyccTBo. C ep exa aoviro C M ea/ica- Ki^nnca TOHKa. However, a rejection of the rigors of party discipline is not synonymous with a rejection of the ideas of radicalism. Maiakovskii ' s exuberant individualism made him a poor candidate for life-long party worker. The ideas of the radical intelligentsia provided much of the groundwork for Maiakovskii's vision of the future. If we compare M.E. Saltykov-Shchedrin's description of the "new man" of the 1860"s: Literature predicts the laws of the future, produces the image of the man of the future. . . .under the influence of these new types [created by literature] modern man, without realizing it himself, acquires new habits, assimilates new views, and receives a new point of view. In a word, he gradually makes a new man of himself with Kruchenykh's Novye puti slova (1913), we see a continuation of the radical tradition in Futurism: HoBoe coaepxaHne r a r /r â y » ti u b Koraa aocTMrnyTbi HOBbte npi/ieMbi Bwpa>KeHMa, HOBaa $opMa..... Hauie peneTBopnecTBO BbiSBano H O S b fM y r y ty ô J i e H n e M p ^ ' x :a v \ na Bce 6pocaeT HOBbiw CB6T. . . HOBbIM CB6T, 6pOCaeMblM Ha CiapblM Mnp, M O fK e r /r a ib c a M y x > H r p y . [Kruchenykh's italics ] Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 15 The Futurists, drawing on the tradition of the "men of the 60s," [shesticfesiatniJci] were not content with inventing a literary movement; their '"new path" was the transformation of both society and man. This is, of course, why Russian society feared the ridiculous antics of the Futurists ; not because they threatened the aesthetic life of Russia, but because they represented a continuation of revolutionary radicalism that purported to be literary in nature. Maiakovskii chose to follow a different revolutionary calling from the Social Democratic Party, which was pragmatically concerned with politics and power. Like his literary forebears, Maiakovskii had a visionary conception of the radical future. His feverish nihilism and revolutionary idealism was not, however, synonymous with party loyalty. It had more in common with the widespread left front of the arts which grouped together all sorts of people with different goals and commitments from Bolshevism to mystical anarchism and Scythianism. These groups were united by more than the desire to overthrow the established order; they formed a secret society within society, with its own rules of behavior. The nihilist society was such that its members could recognize each other by a nuance of speech or a meaningful look. Maiakovskii was intimately immersed in this arcana and his allegorical references to revolutionary culture would have been immediately clear to the young audience in the Luna Park theater.^® Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 16 There are some interesting parallels between Tragediia and Chernyshevs ky ' s Cbto delat ' [What is to be Done?] (1863), particularly Vera Pavlovna's fourth dream, which is the visionary heart of the novel. Maiakovkskii's fondness for the novel is well documented, even to the extent that he patterned his romance with Lili Brik on the famous triangle between Vera and her two husbands, Lopukhov and Kirsanov. Although Lili is specifically referring to the end of his life, Chernyshevsky ' s influence was clearly present even in 1913. In Tragediia, the mixture of Christian metaphor with revolutionary doctrine shows the influence of Cbto delat'. Chernyshevsky s basic delineation of people into three groups was central to the tenets of radicalism in the late nineteenth-century: posblye [vulgar], novye [new], and osobennye [extraordinary] people. This structure is also reproduced in Tragediia: obyknovennyi molodoi cbelovek [the ordinary young man] represents poshlost', the various echoes of the poet cbelovek bez akba, cbelovek s rastianutym litsom, etc., are the society of new people (or least the psychological representation of the impulses of revolution), and most importantly, Vladimir Maiakovskii, the poet, is the extraordinary man. within the context of the carnival unrest of the play, it is clear that Maiakovskii is referring to the revolution that Chernyshevsky hinted at in his novel. The ordinary young Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 17 many who represents the "voice of reason" in the crowd, sounds almost Dostoevskian in his pleas for order: y MeHfl 6paTei; ecTb, MaJieHbKMM,- B b i npufleie n 6 y a e ie «esaib ero kocth. B bl Bce XOTMie cbecib! . . . y MBHfl ecTb CoHeHxa cecxpa! Mujibie! He yiewre xpoBb! floporwe. He Haflo Kocipa ! ( 161 ) The hysteria of the young man calls to mind the insane, neurasthenic revolutionaries that Dostoevsky described in his polemical replies to Chernyshevsky: the underground man, Raskolnikov, Shatov, perhaps even Dostoevsky himself (if we remember his impassioned plea for Chernyshevsky to stop the fires of anarchism). Because the entire play is a monolog, Maiakovskii exhibits the polyphonic ambivalence so often displayed in Dostoevsky; however, his sentiments clearly lie with the forces of discord. Just as Dostoevsky and Chernyshevsky engaged in a metaphysical struggle for the soul of Russia in their debate, Maiakovskii engaged in a struggle for his own soul; "Vot i segodnia -vyidu kvoz ' gorod, dushu na kop'iakb doma ostavliaia za klokom klok."(110) Maiakovskii's portrait of a revolutionary leader is much more psychologically realistic than Chernyshevsky's puppets, who lack either motivation or authentic passion. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 18 Maiakovskii also included metaphoric references to the extraordinary man, Rakhmetov, who was the true hero of Chto delat'? In fact, the parallels between the characteristics of the poet/hero of Tragediia and Rakhmetov certainly suggest that Chernyshevsky provided a model for this character. Although Cbto delat'? was intended to be a model for the coming revolution, the constraints of prison censorship made a description of actual social upheaval impossible. However, Chernyshevsky was able to describe the revolutionary hero who had, by sheer force of will, single- minded ly shaped himself into a man of the future through a curious mixture of deprivation and indulgence: . . . O H CTaHOBMJica HepHopaôoHMM no paôoraM, Tpe6yiomMM CM/ibi- 8 0 3 1 /1 /1 B oay, TacKa/1 aposa, p y6n /i apoBa, ni/i/ii/i/i nec, leca/i KaMHn, Kona/i aeM/no. . . . Oh npi/iHH/i écKcepcKy» a i/ie iy - cTa/1 KopMMTb ce6a- MweHHo KopMi/iTb ce6a- l/ICK/1K)HI/1Te/1bH0 BeU^aMI/l, MMeD%m/IMI/l penyiaiii/iK ) yxpen/iaTb $M3i/iaecKyio ci/i/iy, 6o/ibme cero 6M$mTeKC0M, hohtm cbipwM. . . Even more explicitly: O fleB a/ica oh onenb 6ean o , xoib jud6v\ j\ i/iaaiqecTBO, v\ bo BceM ocia/ibHOM Be/i cnapiaHCKMM o6paa xnaH H. Hanpww ep, ne A onycKa /1 TKxfiaKa i/i cn a/i na BOM/ioxe, He p a a p e u ia /i ceèe CBepnyTb e ro BOBoe. This ascetic revolutionary was based upon hagiographie literature, thus, curiously recreating a link between rational positivism and mystical Christianity that would have dumbfounded Fourier and Feuerbach. Maiakovskii ' s poet Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 19 reproduces this mixture of sensuality, asceticism, and Christlike sacrifice in his pronouncements. There is a sense of Rakhmetov's ability to relax and remain regal in the poet's description of himself in the prolog: " iiagu,// svetlyif// v odezhdakh iz leni na miagkoe lozhe iz nastoiashchego navoza,// i tikbim, // tseluiushchim sbpal koleni,// obnimet mne sbeiu koleso paravoza. (154) This merging of indolence and sacrifice mirrors Rakhmetov' s life as a nobleman who voluntarily mixes with the common man and would give his life for the struggle. The structure, with discordant action and symbolically distorted characters as well as jumps in time and lack of logical coherence, gives an almost dreamlike or visionary quality to the play. It is possible that Maiakovskii also had in mind the famous dream sequence from Cbto delat ' ? that revealed the coining positivist revolution. Certainly, the veiled girlfriend has a revolutionary symbolism, functioning as both mat ' rodxna who is overthrown by the masses and as ceMHac poflM /ia c ia p y x a -B p e M fl O rpO M HbIM K p M B O p O T b IM M R ie ^ K ! C m ex! nepea MopaaMM BbMeainwx roaoB oHeMeviM 30Mejib cTapo>KMnbi a 3/io6a B3AyBayia Ha yi6ax ropoaos p é K M - TbicflHeBepcTwe (162-163) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 20 Like the goddess of history/time in Vera Pavlovna's fourth dream, she is difficult to recognize and has the power to transform the world, but Maiakovskii's starukha-vremla is characteristically not merely a positive entity. She is an awe-inspiring creature who strikes fear into the oldtimers (perhaps people of the old regime?). She also is intimately connected with the geography of the land, in a manner similar to Filonov’s theory of organic flowering.Another parallel with the dream sequence is the use of a poet as the prophet who announces the changes that Vera Pavlovna observes, but whereas the poet in Chto delat ' ? is merely a romantic flourish for Chernyshevsky, Maiakovskii personalizes the role of the poet as not only the observer of the scene but the center of the creative act, demoting the goddess to the role of silent witness. As with most sources for Maiakovskii, in the case of Chernyshevsky there is no evidence of slavish devotion to the original. Maiakovskii uses echoes, nuances, and parallels to evoke a larger cultural discourse that would draw the audience into a conversation with the poet. The dangerous, hidden rhetoric of radicalism would have further scandalized his audience and added to the myth of the poet as prophet as presented in the play. Of course, much of this hidden discourse would be lost on the uninitiated in the audience, who would have known nothing of Maiakovskii's biography, and on the censors who were notoriously literal Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 21 in their reading of texts. Although the role of the nihilist was an important influence on Maiakovskii's personaf his desire to perform made the secretive life of the revolutionary impossible- artistic revolution was his only alternative. III. Symbolism and the Futurist Play The immediate source of inspiration for Tragediia was Meierkhol’d's production of Aleksandr Blok's Balaganchik. The Futurist manifestoes decry the "perfumed lechery" of the Symbolist "tailors."^'' However, the play Balaganchik represented a transformation of the ideas, not only of Russian Symbolism, but of Russian theater, destroying the cherished conventions and illusions that created the ratified élitism of the intelligentsia. For Maiakovskii, this play represented the starting point for the transformation of theater. Viktor Shklovskii made clear the connection between Blok and Maiakovskii: The world of the poem Vladimir Mayakovsky, despite its similarity to the world of Puppet Show, is very different. For Blok, still a Symbolist then, people, that is the characters of his play, are chess figures or stylized silhouettes of roles flickering like live one. . . But in Mayakovsky's drama, Mayakovsky himself is utterly real. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 22 The difference between Blok and Maiakovskii is the difference between theory and practice. Blok discussed zhizaetvorchestvo, but Maiakovskii actually brought it to fruition. More importantly, Maiakovskii brought synthetic union to the theater- the poet-creator was also the actor who portrayed the poet creator, giving substance to the illusion of the writer losing control of his characters in Balaganchik.^^ Interestingly enough, Blok was present at the premier of the play, sitting beside Kul'bin; although Blok's account of his impressions of the play have not been preserved, Livshits described Blok during the performance: nOMHK) COCpeflOTOHGHHOe /IM llO B/10K&, HGOTpbiBHO CMOTpGBUierO HB CllGHy M nOTOM, B BHTpaKTG, ojKMByiGHHo 6ecGflOBaBmero c Kyyib6nHbiM. )KflayiM ckbh/ xbj] , nbiTayincb o a x e MCKyCCTBGHHO BblSBBTb GFO, HO HMHGrO HG Bbl m /10. Blok even remarked a few days after the performance that Maiakovskii was the single remarkable figure in Futurism. When asked by Vasilii Gippius what made Maiakovksii so extraordinary, Blok cryptically replied, "His democratism."^® This remark is significant, not only because it is a prophetic pronouncement on the future career of "the poet of the revolution," but because it highlights the fact that Futurism put the esoteric theories of Symbolism into visceral practice. Given Blok's ambivalence towards the masses, it is probable that he saw the anarchic power Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 23 of Maiakovskii's poetic vision which unified art and life. It is, perhaps, no surprise that Blok's interpretation of the revolution, Dvenadtsat' (The Twelve) echoes the styles and rhythms of Maiakovskii's poetry. The characters in Tragediia reflect Maiakovskii ' s interest in the application of cubism to poetic and dramatic production. Tragediia explores the solitary, inner monologue of the poet in the world. The theme of the poet alone in the act of the mythical self-creation is a favorite motif of Maiakovskii and was the subject of his early major works, Oblako v stanakh [Cloud in Trousers] (1914-1915) and Fleita-pozvonochnik [Backbone Flute] (1915), but this aspect was almost totally ignored in the manifestos of the Futurists from this time. Nevertheless, it is precisely the lyric hero of Maiakovskii's poetry and the gesamtkunstwerk of Khlebnikov that were the most fruitful products of the movement. Maiakovskii was an enthusiastic fan of the theater. Just in October of 1912, he attended MKhAT's productions of Tolstoy's Zbivoi trup [Living Corpse], Chekhov's Diadia Vania [Uncle Vanya] and Vishnevyi sad [The Cherry Orchard] and Knut Hamsen's U zhizni v lapakb [In the Claws of Life]. Given his passion for the theater, MKhAT provided an important influence for Tragediia. Gordon Craig staged Hamlet at MKhAT in January of 1912. Maiakovskii, as a guest of David and Marya Burliuk, had a front row seat for this Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 24 event. Maiakovskii was impressed with the stark, internalized psychologism of the staging and with the utter reliance on the "imagination of the onlooker." Burliuk claimed that this performance was the initial inspiration for Tragediia.The parallels between Craig's conception of Hamlet and Maiakovskii's play are strong. In both plays, the action is focused through the eyes of the protagonist. In the April 29, 1909 discussion of the staging of Bamlet between Stanislavsky and Craig, the role of hero is explicated: STANISLAVSKY. I understand what you say about monodrêuna. Let us try by every means to make the public understand that it is looking at the play with the eyes of Hamlet; that the king, the queen and the court are not shown on the stage such as they really are, but such as they appear to Hamlet to be. . . . CRAIG. I should like Hamlet to be on the stage always, in every scene, all through the play; he can be in the distance, lying, sitting, in front of the people acting, at the side, behind, but the spectator ought never to lose sight of him. Of course, this concept is also the center of Maiakovskii's tragedy- all of the action is dependent not only on the presence of the poet but on his poetic perception of his own drama. People are replaced with poetic devices: synecdoche as in the cbelovek s dvumia potaeluiami, metonymy in the cbelovek bez ukba, and the cbelovek bez glaza i nogi. In the latter case, even the poetic device is turned on its head, the character is identified by the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 25 absence of the identifying part rather than its presence. The fact that the characters are reduced to signs also reflects Craig's influence on the role of the actor as a puppet for the director/author. By eliminating all aspects of the individuality in the characters, Maiakovskii was able to reveal himself to be the puppetmaster, initiating both action and directing This corresponds to Craig's description of Hamlet.. "All the tragedy of Hamlet is his isolation. . . . here everything melts into a single mass. Separate faces as in the old masters of painting must be colored with one brush, with one paint.Maiakovskii, like Craig, described his tragedy in visual terms, incorporating the artistic devices of Cubism and Futurism in his dramatic explication. The frame of reference in Tragediia is monodramatic ; Maiakovskii is the only character that has human characteristics, the rest are either manifestations of the poet's impressions and emotions (cbelovek s rastianutym litsom, zbensbchina so slezinkoi, zbensbcbina so slezoi, zbensbcbina so slezisbcbei )or disembodied antagonists (choral exclamations, golosa in the second act which represents the forces of control and order.) The audience is forced by the intimate nature of the performance to rely on Maiakovskii's impressions and ideas as the point of reference for the play. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 26 IV. Tragediia and the Theatrical Experimentation of the 1910's While the masterful productions of MKhAT made an impression on Maiakovskii, the experimental efforts of the cabaret and intimate theaters, especially Nikolai Evreinov's work at the Starinnyi teatr and Krivoe zerkalo, as well as Meierkhol'd's Lukomor'e and the Brodiachaia sobaka, were the basis for Maiakovskii's conception of the future of theater. The connection between Evreinov and the the Futurists was firmly established by 1912. In a letter soliciting an article, David Burliuk encouraged Nikolai Kul’bin: HanKimMTe apKwe noneMMHecKwe cTaibM r j \ b c6opHkiKa «By6HOBoro B a/ieia»... Xopoino 6bi o le a ip e . IlaM(J)/ieTbi ! Hyx<Hbi ! He M o*eT j \ v \ M ew epxonb fl v\m 3tot a p y ro w , hto MOHoapaMa (H. EBpenHOB). " Evreinov was Kul'bin's close friend, even writing a monograph on him.*^ Kul'bin introduced the Russian Futurists to the theatrical world that frequented his cabaret, Brodiachaia sobaka. Kamenskii indicates that the real beginning of his friendship with Evreinov was a winter visit to the director's dacha in Kuokkala in late 1914;** perhaps because of his early work with Meierkhol'd, he had an affinity for the theatrical life. Indicative of the closeness of Evreinov's worldview to the Futurist vision Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 27 was the fact that Kamenskii wrote a Futurist biography of the director, Kniga o Evreinove, and patterned his first of many autobiographies. Ego- moia biografiia velikogo futnrista,'^^ on the principles of the theatricalization of life. Maiakovskii, too, was captivated by the theatrical efforts of the director. Evreinov's staging of Lope de Vega's Fuente Ovejuna in 1912 had a profound effect on Maiakovskii. According to David Burliuk in his memoirs, B yiojKe, BTopoM or ci^eHbi, c u fle ji paflOM c BypywKOM MOTiHa/iMBbiM K H om a Bonofla MaaxoBCKMM. O h HMKorga ne anyioflnpoBa/i. Teaip noHTM nycT. . . MaiepMayibHbm neycnex saieM H. H. EspeM H O B He BecnoKOM /i MaaKOBCKoro, SMy 6 bi/io sax no, hto oh Bwaeji 3T0 HOBoe, BiiecTau^ee, Bspbisaioa^eeca M C K y C C T B O HOBaTopa. . . Evreinov was also familiar with Maiakovskii and his poetry, attending his lecture, "O noveishsi russkoi poezil" on November 20, 1912 at the Troitskii Theater.There is also evidence that Evreinov was present at Maiakovskiii first public performance in St. Petersburg at the Brodiachaia sobaka on November 17, 1 9 1 2 . Maiakovskii also devoted the summer of 1915 to cultivating a friendship with Evreinov, often dining with him in Kuokkalla.^^ Evreinov, for his part, welcomed this friendship, writing to Kamenskii, ” Zdes ' zbivet Maiakovskii, v obsbchem ne tak starsben chert, kak ego maliuiut. My s nimi poka v prekrasneishikh otnosbeniiakb. " Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 28 Many contemporaries noted the influence of the monodrama developed by Evreinov at the Krivoe zerkalo on Tragediia. Perhaps the first to make a connection between the monodrama and Tragediia was R. lartsev in his review of the play for Rech' on December 1, 1913 This theme of the monodramatic nature of the performance is also affirmed in the memoirs of his friends. Livshits says UeHipoM A p a M a ii^ H e c K o ro c n e K ia K /ia 6 b iji, K O H G H H O , aSTOp HbeCbl, npeSpaTMBIUMM C B O E ) Beu^b B M O HO ApaM y. K STOMy n p H B o a n /ia He TOJibKO y iM ie p a iy p H a fl K O H i;e n iiM fl ip a r e flU M , HO M $o p M a e e Bonyiou;eHkiA Ha c iie n e . . Significantly, Livshits emphasizes that the monodramatic nature of the play was both in its literary conception and in its execution on stage. Maiakovskii, who was involved in all aspects of the production, deliberately wanted to evoke a parallel between his performance and the cabaret experiments of Evreinov and Boris Geier.^^ In many ways, this play has more in common with the short comic sketches of the Krivoe zerkalo than with the elaborate productions of Blok and Meierkhol'd; like the cabaret, Tragediia was a series of vignettes, with only the bare essentials of character and plot, parodie, emphasizing impression over the polish of performance. Even the casting of the play accentuated the division between the "real" Futurist and the cardboard echoes of the poet. Viktor Shklovskii noted that: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 29 In the tragedy, Vladimir Mayakovsky, the poet is alone. He is surrounded by people, but they are not three dimensional. They are screens, painted shields from which words come forth. . . The other Mayakovskys, modest student actors, spoke with shy voices/'* In the prolog, Maiakovskii outlines his monodramatic alliance to the audience by addressing his comments directly to them: Bh M yiM nOHHTb, noHGMy a , CnO KO M HbIM , HacMemeK rpoaoio Ayury na Qjwae necy K 06© A y MAyn^MX J1GT. «. . . » a, 6 bllb M 0JK 6T, nocneAHMM no3T.“ Like Dostoevsky's underground man, the hero of the tragedy is both comic and tragic at the same time; even as he speaks to the audience, he is consumed with his own emotions hyperbolizing to the point of anointing himself "the last poet." The audience, at this point, becomes an active participant in the performance. Although, addressing the audience in the prologue and epilogue are part of the accepted conventions of the theater (as are asides), Maiakovskii manipulated the convention to take into account the furor surrounding the poet. In the context of the play, the statement that he is the last poet would seem to be the hubris of the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 30 antagonist, but in the rhetoric of Futurism in 1913, this statement was a defiant challenge to the audience. The art of the play was, in this case, inseparable from the public persona of the poet himself. It is also the prophetic cry of the Futurists who hoped to destroy the concept of art and literature, and by extension, also theater. Maiakovskii's claim to be the last poet was not the hyperbole of a Futurist Hamlet; it was the extension of the programmatic destruction of the boundaries between life and art as proclaimed in their manifestoes : Bo Bcex H am i^x M a H M $ e c T a iin a x nepBbiM CTOaVIG Ha 3H aM 6H M - «BCflKOe TBOpHeCTBO C B C60flH0» . . . CeroflHHiuHafl noasMa-noaswa 6opb6bi. Ka%aoe C J 1 G B G aGJl)KHG 6 blTb, K B K B B O M C K G cGJiaai, M 3 Mflca sflopGBoro, KpacHoro Mflca !... CBOÔGfla TBOpMTb CJIGBB M M3 CJIGB.^* Maiakovskii's linking of the poetic word with meat is both a literal paraphrase of the Biblical edict "the word became flesh" and a concrétisation of the Futurist desire to bring art into the streets. Maiakovskii constantly affirmed his belief that poetry was a powerful social force of change: in his personal manifestoes, "Me batochki, a Aleksandr Makedonskii,"^^ and "Voina i iazyk,''^^ Maiakovskii struggles to redefine the role of the poet, removing him from the ratified aestheticism of Bal'mont and placing him in the realm of world events. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 31 This desire to give corporeal substance to his words naturally led Maiakovskii to experiment with other art forms and to merge the various art forms together. In "Teatr, kinematograf, futurizm,"^^ Maiakovskii outlined his vision of art and poetry bursting through the confines of their respective forms: XyaoxHMK, o6"baBMB flMKTaT37py ryiasa, nMeei npaBo Ha cyn^ecTBOBaHne. ViBepauB i^bst, yiMHMK), $opwy KaK caMOgoBviemimie BeviMHMHbi, *i/:BonMCb Hauj/ia BennbiM nyrb k pa3BMTMK. Hameflujne, hto chobo, ero HaHepxaHne, ero $0HHHecKaa cTopona onpeaejiflK)! paci^BeT noesuM, uMeei npaBo na cyii^ecTBOBaHkie. Although in this article the poet claims that theater is a dying art form destined to be destroyed by cinema, his vision of theater as a unification of art and poetry reveals an important dimension of Tragediiai it was not created to be a play in the traditional sense of plot, set design, explication, and dramatic tension. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 32 V. Set and Costume design It was an intersection of the experimental extension of cubism into the third dimension of the stage and the embodiment of poetic metaphor into bodily personification with only the character of Maiakovskii as a frame of reference. Khardzhiev, in his article "Maiakovskii i zhivopis'," points out that virtually every Futurist poet began as an artist, and the artists also wrote poetry. This coalescence of art forms inevitably led to the extension of the principles of cubism into the theater. Tragediia was an experiment in introducing painterly cubism as the basis for the art of acting. Just as cubism distorts and reduces volume to line and plane, Maiakovskii ' s theatrical experiment reduces the physical and psychological volume of emotion and drama to the disjointed fragments of the protagonists. Characters are reduced to identifying characteristics or motifs and also lose their bodies, which are replaced by cardboard symbols which represent their space on stage. Characters also lose their psychological and emotional "roundness," functioning without the theatrical conventions of motivation, individual identity, or "free will," in order to exhibit the disjointed, irrational action of the drama. The idea of bringing art into the theater was not unique to the Futurists.Even the seemingly radical Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 33 cardboard costumes in Tragediia was first used in Nikolai Sapunov's design for Meierkhol'd's production of "Balaganchik" (1906).®^ In the Mystic scene, both Columbine and the Mystics were designed as cardboard figures with living heads. In fact, most of the props related to the mystics, their coats, cuffs and shirt fronts, were painted cardboard grotesqueriesMaiakovskii, perhaps as a parody of Blok,®^ hid all of the characters of the play behind cardboard shields; only when the characters spoke were their painted faces revealed.Each character's identifying sign was painted (by Filonov) on the shield. For example, the starik was identified by a black cat.®^ The use of cubist motifs, identifying events or people by symbols rather than by realistic images, represents a major change in the conception of the theater. Maiakovskii decontextualized the theatrical experience, transforming the stage into a three dimensional cubist canvas. Mgebrov described his impression of the play as it was performed: Hana/iocb npeflC TaB /ieH iiie. IIoyiyMMCTMHecKi/iM CB6T cjiaôo ocBemaer aaTBHyiyK» cyxHOM mtim KO/ieHKopoM c u e n y v \ BbicoKUM aaaHM K HepHoro KapTOHa, KoropbiM, b c y m H o c w , oaviH v \ cocTaByiflei bck> A eK opautno. Becb KapTOH npMHyq/iMBO paspwcoBaH. n o H a ib , h to Ha Hew HanwcaHO, a n e M o ry , a a v \ ne nbiiaiocb : KaKMe-To Tpy6bi, nepeBepnyTw e cHkiay BBepx, aoMa, Haani/icM- npaMbie v \ Kocwe, a p x n e JIMCTba M KpaCKM. HTO 3T0T KapTOH ACTI^KeH M3o6pa*aTb?- a la a * e , K3km flp y r n e , ne noHMMaio, HO cipaHHoe fle /io ,- oh npoM3BOflm Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 34 BnenaiyieHi/ie ; b hbm mhofo KpoBw, aBMxeHUB. Oh xaoTMHeH... oh oTTa^iKHsaeT h npnTarnBaeT, OH ne noHaien v \ Bce «e 6jim30k. TaM, KajKeica, ecTb KaKwe-TO xpengana, Syibi/ixM, i a Bce cjioBHo naaaeT, v\ Becb oh tohho xpyTMicb b cBoeM necipoTe. Oh- flBM*eHMe, x<M3Hb, ne (ÎJOKyC m WM3HM?** This eyewitness account demonstrates the impact of the principles of cubism and Futurism brought into the theater: the constant movement, disruption of perspective, and yet, there was a visceral attraction. It points out the transformative quality of the performance, changing cardboard and paint into a magical event. There was a deliberate contrast in the use of sets and backgrounds during the play. Filonov designed the background for the prolog and epilog, employing the central motif of a man being crushed by the city. Konstantin Tomashevskii, who played the part of Cbelovek bez akba declared that flO M3B6CTH0M CTenSHM TB O p H B C TB O $M7T0H0Ba rapMOHi/ipoBayio c coaepxaHweM ipareai^i/i MaaKOBCKoro, ho loyibKO ao M3BecTH0W cTeneHM. y MaaxoBCKoro Bce > K e 3ByHajiM 6oApbie H O T K M , Aa M CaMbIM PW TM MaBKOBCKOrO 6bm MjbKecTBen v \ cMe/i. y injioHOBa *e 6biyio T O J ib K O «6e3yMMe \ n yx<ac». Despite Tomashevskii's opinion of Filonov's style,®® the black backdrop with graffiti and spots of color in a jumble of confusion provided a cohesive background for Maiakovskii's introduction and conclusion, allowing the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 35 poet's words to fuse with the background and blurring the boundaries between art and poetry, theater and the visual arts. Filonov's distinctly chaotic set disoriented the audience, efficiently promoting the alogical aims of the play. This backdrop also forced the attention into the foreground, prompting the focus toward the main character, mirroring the psychological effect of the play itself, which offers a single point of orientation for the audience to grasp. Filonov's designs also referred to the theatrical antecedents of the play, especially the earlier experiment of the Soiuz molodezbi. Tsar' Maksem'ian. On the backdrop, Filonov painted a large rooster at the center of a pile of brightly decorated toys. Maiakovskii even referred to this connection in the epilog of the play: M H o rg a M He Ka>KeTCfl- a n e i y x ro/iJiaHflCKUM v\ j w \ a KOpOJlb nCKOBCKMM. This inside joke, however, affirms the connection between the revival of the folkloric theater in the neoprimitivist experimentation of the avant-garde and the new theater of the Futurists, and it shows a solidarity of vision and purpose between the two major groups of Futurists: the Hyleans and Soiuz molodezhi.^^ The sets for the two acts of the tragedy were the work of Shkol'nik. Shkol'nik's sets, in contrast to Filonov's. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 36 M3o6pa}KayiM b yc/iosHOM Mawepe ropoa b nyiaHM ue naflaiom ^x v\ lecHau^Mxca aoMOB, ipaMBaeB, Bbisecox, Te/irpa$Hbix C T 0/ 160B, OoHapew v \ n p o w x xapaiepHbix yacTew ropoflCKoro neM3ax<a. This radical change in style marks both a change in actual location of the play, from the theater to the place of the action of the play, and a change in the purpose of the backdrop. The more realistic backdrop creates a reversal of perspective in the play: whereas in the prolog and epilog the background was alogical, forcing the viewer to identify with the protagonist, in the actual play, the background corresponds to the conventions of the theater, but the foreground action is cubist, with cardboard, planar figures, jerky movements, and discordant action. This movement from painterly representation to action in the foreground is a literal representation of the goals of the Futurists to move art into life. It is precisely this tension between actor and set that Maiakovskii saw as the essential dilemma of modern theater: B HacTOBuiee >xe Bpewa, nepeaasaa $oTorpa$MHecKoe n3o 6 pa>KeHMe mwsHM, le a ip BnaaaeT b cyie/iymn^ee npoTHBopeHne. HcKyccTBO aKiepa, no cym ecTB y aWHaMMHeCKOe, CKOBblBaeiCH MepiBblM $OHOM aeKopai^ifiki ; 310 KO/iK)u;ee nporyiBopenne yHMHTOxaeT KMHeMaTorpa$, CTpowHo (tJMKCMpyromUM ABMJKGHMfl HacTOiiiAero. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 37 Maiakovskii, perhaps to the bewilderment of his audience, tried to make set design interchangeble with the art of the actor in Tragediia. This ambitious plan was probably influenced by Goncharova's and Larionov's plan for Futu, which included "each actor . . .[wearing] his own essential décor, which will describe his character. . . . The actors will also play the roles of the dummies, the costumes, and the props. Shkol'nik's background functioned as a guiding metaphor for the play; the Futurist revolution will take place upon the backdrop of the old society and the Futurists have brought their art into the streets. Shkolnik also included depictions of metaphors from the play as part of the set design: iron sardines, sewer pipes, and, pretzels The mixing of poetic imagery with the set design made the interplay between the poet and the set decoration even more intimate; it became a description of the psychological landscape of the poet's creative production. Although Tragediia was a theatrical spectacle, it seems that much of the inspiration for this work came from a new, highly popular medium that was making its prescence felt in Russia at that time, cinema. Although film was still in its infancy in 1913, there was evidence that the new form would come to rival, and even surpass, theater in popularity and artistic expression. Even though Stanislavisky and other directors tried to keep their Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 38 acting troupes from participating in the vulgar cinematic experiments of the time,’^ the slow migration of legitimate actors and other literary figures to the cinema made its acceptance as an art form inevitable.’^ Of course, Maiakovskii and the Futurists were attracted to film; it represented the idea of melding images with movement to create a new art form. In 1908, V. V. Stasov wrote that the short film of Lev Tolstoy at lasnaia poliana was nothing short of miraculous: B e a t 3T0 6eccMepTi^e cTaHOBHTca p, j\ a scero caMoro Be/iMKoro n yyaecH oro. B e a t ecjin l y i coeoMHaTca, aapaa, $OHorpa$ v \ a B M x y n ta a $OTorpa$MB (a a e ii;e b KpacKax), Toraa B e a t U e/ibie i^e/ibie ncTopni/i ocTaHyTca lie/lbIMM V \ >KMBblMM Ha B6Kk1 B6K0B, C O BCeMI/l aBMX<eHMaMM ayU IM , C O BC6M MX MrHOBeHHblM. . . This sentiment echoes the tenets of Futurism in its support of the creation of an art form that embodies movement as its organizing precept and creates an immortal representation of the body through technological application of art. Maiakovskii, in his articles on cinema, argues that cinema expands the scope of theater allowing the depiction of millions of lives in a city or even an entire ocean, thus reproducing nature by mechanical means, inevitably the first step in creating life from art.” It is precisely these two elements, the faceless chaos of the city "with roofs, streets, and telegraph poles collapsing into one another,"’® and in Act Two, where the motif of the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 39 city is repeated but with the addition of the Artie Ocean in the background. * These set designs relate to the "plot” of the play, but it is obvious that Maiakovskii had these particular backdrops in mind when he described the progression of the theater towards a cinematic depiction of the world. VI. Maiakovskii and Film Maiakovskii was obsessed with film, writing at least 27 articles for Kine-zhurnal between 1913 and 1915, both under his name and under pseudonyms. Perhaps the incident which prompted Maiakovskii to become an active participant in the film industry was his performance in a short film about the Futurists that was shot in October, 1913. Vadim Shershenevich, in his memoirs, Velikolepnyi ochevidets, described the event: a nOMHIO B AGBOeHHbie rOAbl MaBKOBCKOrO Ha KMH(x*ia6pMKe, Ka*eTCfl, XaH>KOHKOBa.®°. . . K H a u ie M y C Tw ay, KajKeica, MaaKOBCKUM np w H M M a/i yHacTkie b «TB opneciB e» a io ro ciieHapMH. MaaKOBCKMM, BonbnraKOB, /laBpenes, v\ m flpyrw e 6b7iM npi/iBJieneHbi k3k «apiMCTbl». . . M aB K O B C K M M >Ka)Kaa/1 C T ia B b l v \ CHMMayicfl B «Ka6ape»®^ m h o f o . Oh 6bi/i onenb oropHGH, HTo K a p in n a , n e c M o ip a na e ro apTMCTMHecK37K3 MPpy, ip e c K y n e npoBayinyiacb M 6biyia HeMeflyieHHO c H flia c SK pana. . . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 40 Although this short, unsatisfactory film of the Futurists reenacting their carnavalesque stroll through Moscow must have fallen far short of Maiakovskii's expectations, it revealed the possibilities of film, and by extension of performance, to the young poet. Concurrently with this venture, both Burliuk and Maiakovskii began writing articles on the role of cinema in Futurism and vice versa. The influence of cinema was not limited to a vague theoretical connection; in fact, the art of cinema acted as a central organizing principal for the performance of Tragediia. Just as Maiakovskii had written that the cinema would lead to a fuller synthesis of the arts in the theater, he included elements of cinema in his theatrical production to demonstrate this principle. Although the play rested on the declamation of the poet for both focus and structure, the cinematic revolution affected all aspects of the play: the costume and set design, the movement of actors on stage, even the pacing and length. In the article, "Otnosbenie segodniasbnego teatra i kinematografa k iskusstvy," Maiakovskii makes this connection explicit: . . . MCTopwa saBipaujHero leaipa HaniriHaeTCfl ToyibKo c nepBOM lypw CTM yecKOW nociaHOBKM. . . Tearp BHepaoiHero a h a He Mo»KeT Bbiaep>KaTb c KMHeMaTorpaÿoM KOHKypeHi^HM, Tax KSK, Konnpya offyiH w tot xe momsht WM3HM, BbiAB/iHeT GFO sHaw TejibHO c/ia6ee. H npn TeaTpe G y a y m e ro KM HeM aTorpa$ GyaeT Tax xe nonesen npi/i nepeMene Bsr/iaaa Ha oGcTaHOBKy m aeKopai^Mm, ne KOHKypMpya Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 41 C HUM, K3K C MCKyCCTBOM, SaHflTblM AB/ieHMflMM coB eptneH H O a p y r o r o nopaflK a.® ^ The flattened perspectives of the sets and costumes as well as a shallow stage were meant to give the impression of the cinematic tension between the dimensionality given by the camera and the flatness of the movie screen. As with the earlier noted reversal of perspective in Tragediia, the manipulation of foreground and background, as well as various techniques such as close-up shots, changes in camera angles and positions were innovations in film that Maiakovskii wanted to be introduced into the theater. Obviously, the limited scope of the production made elaborate experimentation impossible, but elements of the new art can be seen in this production: the immense size of the poet's girlfriend (15 feet tall) would give the illusion of a cinematic close-up at the time of her unveiling, the words inscribed on the backdrops could function as intertitles, the disparity between the action and the declamation is related to montage. Perhaps the most obvious cinema effect that is present in the play is the use of pantomime in the prolog and the first act. These pantomimes are only tangentally connected to the main action and do not, to any great extent, have a logical function in the plot. In fact, the scenes work against the logical progression of the play, subjecting the play to the conventions of cinematography Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 42 (as opposed to theater), most notably juxtaposition of unconnected events, montage, and destruction of temporal progression. As an introduction to the play, the characters silently marched onstage led by a torchbearer wearing a white suit and a white top hat. The torchbearer entered the set from the left, walked to the back of the stage, illuminating portions of the scenery, crossed the stage followed by the the Man without Eyes and Legs, then the Man without Ears, then the Man without a Head, and finally the Old Man with Scrawny Black Cats.®^ Although this scene was an introduction to the dramatis personae, it took the form of a funeral procession. It was usual for the bourgeois class of St Petersburg to have the following procession: rioxopoH bi n o n ep B O M y paspn/jy npoxogM /iM TOpxeCTBGHHO- KO/ieCHMt;a, Ha KOTOpOM BeaJM rpo6, 6biyia c 6enflM napnoBbiM 6ayiflaxnH0M - HacoBHeH c /law nanaM M , e e aesyia mecTepKa yiomaaew HaKi^nyibi 6evibie ceiKH c cepeëpaHbi Mn KMCTHMM. B e/M /louianen no n yafli^w n m /in no 6oKaM KO/iecHMiibi Tax nasbiBaeMbie ropioHbi c HapHAHbiMki $ 0HapaMM -$axe/iaM M , oneTwe b 6e/ibie qn/iM H flpbi v \ , 6e/ibie cmpTyKW v \ 6pioKM.®® There is a multivalent significance to this opening pantomime. First, it fulfills the demands of tragedy by revealing the fate of the hero. The fact that the inevitable end precedes the action is also characteristic of the prolog of the classical drama, which gives the structure of the play that will take place (note the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 43 pantomime play within the play in Hamlet). Second, it provides a fulfillment of the rhetoric of the Futurists, who claimed that these plays would mark the death of traditional theater. This funeral procession was a provocative statement of this fact. It also echoed the title of Vasilisk Gnedov's collection. Smart' iskusstvu (1913),®’ that had caused a sensation in Petersburg in the winter of 1913; moveover, he performed his nihilistic poem, Poema kontsa several times at reading with the Hyleans. ®® Finally, this pantomime was a reference to the Futurist film. Drama v kabare No, 13, which ended with a similar funeral procession. This created a palpable link between the film experiments of the Futurists and the theatrical performance in St. Petersburg.®® The second pantomime was not actually a scene separated from the action but a scene which took place in the background. At the end of the first act, the crowd lifts the poet's girlfriend and casts her down. This action is not specifically referred to in the dialog but is present in the stage directions. Perhaps, of all aspects of the staging of the play,, Maiakovskii was most satisfied with the impression of the doll on the audience. According to Livshits: AByxcaHfeHHaa x y x n a ws n an b e-w am e, c p yM H H i^ eM BO BCK) n^Gxy, o ô n a ^ e H H a a b Kaxkie-TO yioxMOTba M , HecMoipa Ha >xeH C K oe n n aibe, CMaxMBaamaa na enoHHoro a e g a - Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 44 Mopoaa, MOcpeHHO Hpasnyiacb eMy. . . Koraa a nonbiiayica npoHnaecKn oTHecTncb k HejienoM, Ha M O M BsrjiHfl, 6yTa$opMM, ero yini^o OMpaHMyiocb. /iMiub no3flH0e a nonaji, hto 6bi.no Heaio ro0MaHOBCKoe b 3tom Bcipeae yiMpkiaecKoro noara c co6cTBeHHbiMM oôpasaMH, 90 BonyioTMBoiMMMca B ocasaeMbie npeAMeibi. For Maiakovskii, the appearance of the doll marked the heart of the play. It brought together the parodie elements into one symbolic moment on the stage. Most obviously, the overthrow of the doll referred to the literary and dramatic antecedents, linking together Blok's Columbine and his Neznakomka in a single image and casting it down in an orgy of revolution. Maiakovskii emphasizes the connection between Blok's poetry and this event even at the structural level: the Poet shifts to Blok's characteristic anapaestic dol'nik at the moment when the giant doll is revealed.As the chorus of characters exclaims after the event: Hue M u ffle 3E C B flT O C T b p acna/iM npopoKa, lejia oTflaflMM paaaeioMy njiacy, Ha HepHOM rpaH M Te r p e x a m nopoxa nOCTEBMM naMBTHMK KpaCHOMy M flc y .” The ecstatic moment of transcendence was designed to be the center of the play, signifying the triumph of the authenticity of Futurism over the ephemeral decadence of Symbolism. It also functioned as the political culmination of the revolution represented in the play with the overthrow of mat' rodlna by the new order. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 45 This event was, for the most part, mimo-drama, emphasizing the power of the image over the spoken word in the creation of a spiritual moment in the theater. The advent of cinema revived the pantomime as a means of conveying the essence of meaning. As Fedor Mashkov observed in his article ”Misteriia i zhest”: QnoBa — Maiepkia/i 6biT0B0M KOMeaMw. B apawe OHM- BcnoMoraTe/ibHoe cpeacTBO. B MMciepMM OHM-KOmyHCTBO. «tOpMa MMCiepMM— MMMO- apawa. . . . naHTOMMMa, MMMO-zipaMa-naMeK. Ona Bojibuie, h s m KaKoe-yiMôo flp y ro e flpaM aiM HecKoe MCKyccTBo- npeoTKpwibifl ASepM B BeHHOCTb. The connection between pantomime and the mystery play was first made explicit in Russia by Meierkhol'd in Sbarf Kolumbiny [Columbine's Scarf] (1910), his interpretation of Arthur Schnitzler's Der Schleier des Pierette [Pierrete's Veil] at Dom intermedii. Although the pantomime was specifically linked to a revival of the ancient forms of religious theater,** the inspiration for this revival was the emotional effect of the silent image on the movie screen. It was undoubtedly this fusion of technology with primitivism in order to transform consciousness that appealed to the Futurists. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 46 VII. Structure and Interpretation of the Play Maiakovskii was involved in every detail of the production of the visual impact of the play; of course, the effect on the audience was not as spectacular as hoped. Mgebrov, as well as the hostile critics of the press, complained that the sets and staging were amateurish and confused, it is difficult to believe that the actual staging of the play fulfilled the ambitious plans of the Futurists. However, just as important as the look of the play was the aural dimension of the work. Both the poetic structure and the spoken performance of the poetry added to the overall Cubist/Futurist effect of the play. In plays, even plays in verse, content is the most common method of discerning the differences between characters. Although characters have their own voices, rhythms, vocabularies, and stock phrases in most productions, it is rare that characters are defined by their poetic meter and rhyme as is the case in Tragediia. There is a literary precedent in Shakespeare 's demarkation of aristocratic and peasant by poetic and prosaic speech in his plays, but the class of the character was not demonstrated by unique metrical leitmotifs, and the metrical style was consistent throughout the plays. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 47 Maiakovskii ' s use of metrics as a means of characterization adds a new dimension to the theatrical performance. Not only are the meanings of the words vital to an understanding of the dynamics of the relationships between the various characters, but it is also important that the rhythmical undercurrent of the play be discerned by the audience in order truly to grasp the intricacies of the themes of the play. The decontextualization of meter, proceeding from the level of form into meaning, makes the poetic structure of the play integral to its dramatic message, at times affirming the semantic message, at others, deforming or undercutting the character's speech. This innovation relates directly to the Futurists' philosophy of destruction of syntax and creation of a new form of poetic structure that does not rely on traditional structure or logic. In his examination of the relation of Chekhov to the art of Futurism, Dva Chekhova [Two Chekhovs] (1914), Maiakovskii outlines the goals of the Futurist as innovator of language: M3M6HeHMe OTHonieHMfl chOBa K npeAMeiy, ot ChOBa KaK m 4$pbl, K3K TOHHOFO 0603Ha%HMB npeflwexa, k chOBy— cwMBony m k chOBy— caMOi^ejiM. . . . HsMeHGHi/ie BaaMMOoTHomeHMB c/ioBa k chOBy. BbicTpemn^MM leMn npoBe/i flopory OT ryiaBHoro nepwoaa go pacipenaHHoro cnHiaKCMca. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 48 In the play, no less than ten separate meters are used, each corresponding to a character or character type. The two major oppositional characters, the Poet and the Ordinary Young Man, are differentiated not only by attitudes and ideas but also by the difference in their metrical characterization. The Poet is the only character able to change his rhythm and meter at will, manipulating his voice and initiating dialog. The Ordinary Young Man who has the most conventional and tenuous grasp of reality, is only able to echo the meter of the voice of the characters he is addressing.®® In his scenes in Act I, his "passionate" discussions with the Poet are undercut by parodie echoing of the lines and voice of his adversary. He is fundamentally unable to express himself in his own voice, although his mimicry allows him to be persuasive and chameleonically make himself the voice of the people. His ability to persuade is facile and disjointed, lacking either vision or true passion. The minor characters are afforded only one meter, and in the case of the maimed characters, their voices are fragmented echoes of the Poet's voice.Only the Old Man with Scrawny Cats acts as an individuated objective figure with his own characteristic meter. It is, in fact, difficult to discern the unique nature of the metrical structure of Tragediia without hearing the performance that would make these relationships Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 49 explicit. Maiakovskii performed, not as a declaimer of his own work, but as an actor playing a role. The nuances of the role demanded that he impart implied parody that is barely discernable in the written text. For instance, at the beginning of the first act, Maiakovskii assumes the role of a street performer: M o % M T e > K M p H b ix B flOMax-cKopyiynax M B 6 y 6 e H 6pioxa Becejibe ôewTe! CxaBTMTe aa Horn r/iy x M X n r /iy n w x M fly w ie B y m n m m , xax b H osflpy 0yieMTe. PaaôewTe flHM m a y 6oHex siiocTM, Beflb a. ropam MM 6yyibi*HMK o y M eM.®® The alliteration and rhythmic repetitions, as well as the use of the imperative, have much in common with the patter of the raeshnik drawing customers to his show, and if Maiakovskii had chosen a strident tone, this comparison would have certainly been made. Evidence, however, points to a different interpretation of this speech. The basic measure of this speech was iambic tetrameter with a feminine or dactyllic caesura; this particular meter was strongly associated with Igor' Severianin.** If we compare the above verse with Severianin's "Egopolonez(1912)the similarities can be adduced: )Km b m , >KMBoe! n o fl conHi^a 6y6Hbi CMeyiee, yiioflM, b cbom nonoHes! Kax nyioflooHocHbi, xax 3/iaT0Tpy6H. CHonbi pxaH bie m o m x no33!^°° Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 50 Although no one specifically noted Maiakovskii's tone in this particular instance, if he had wished to emphasize this relationship, he would have imitated Severianin's declamatory style, "not only singing, but even dancing his poetry. " Maiakovskii ' s fascination with Severianin ' s poetry is well established; the poet noted that Severianin's poetry "nado pet', kak shaasonetki" and these song-poems were characteristic of the "poezxia goroda.” Maiakovskii often read Severianin's poems aloud; according to Liliia Brik, he "otnosxlsia k nim pochti , kak k zaumi. On vsegda pel ikh na severianxnskii motiv (chut' perevrannyi ), pochti vser'ez. . The performance of this speech would have made it obvious to the audience that Maiakovskii had in mind a parody of the effete poet. Likewise, the parodies of Neznakomka and Balaganchik would have depended on the tone and style of the performance to transmit the relationship to the audience. Contemporary participants noted Maiakovskii's attempt to create a dramatic tone in his performance. Tomashevskii saw the power of the play in Maiakovksii's ability to shift from one style to another. "Sekret sostoial V tom, chtoby ot bol'shoi napevnosti vo-vremia pereiti na pros toi razgovornyi i dazhe neskol'ko trivial "nyi ton.”^°* As an actor, he was able to convey meaning with intonation and rhythm, using his voice to command and create concrete imagery. It was obvious from Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 51 his relationship to his fellow actors that his role was the center of the tragedy; all other roles were subordinate to his. His only demand of the other players was that they speak loudly and clearly so that the words could be heard by the audience , and that they understand the sense of the role so that they could convey it.^°^ Since these characters were meant to be one dimensional, the contrast in styles between the "actor" Maiakovskii and the stiff, poorly rehearsed students was even more profound, giving more credence to the monodramatic interpretation of the play. Although Tragediia is a theatrical work in every sense of the word, it is not merely a work for the theater. It, like so much of Maiakovskii‘s life, is a blend of life and art. The boundaries of art spill over into real life and life spill over into the performance. The play is, at the same time, a manifestation of Evreinov's teatralizatsiia zhizni ( a term Evreinov applied to another Futurist, Vasilii Kamenskii^°®) and its reverse, zhizn' v teatre. In fact, the lines between the dramatic presentation and the life of the poet are impossibly blurred; the multivalent quality of the play encourages the audience to see the character, Vladimir Maiakovskii, and the poet as identical. Maiakovskii purposely destroys the conventions of the theater in order to create a new aesthetic which is at once abstract, psychological, and realistic. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 52 Although Vladimir Maiakovskii is presented as a character in the play, the demarcation between the theatrical event and the life of the poet is virtually erased. From the opening of the play, the audience is encouraged to identify the character as the person. Maiakovskii appears on stage, not in a costume or make-up, but in his "usual" dress of his yellow tunic and top hat. His first act is not to create a relationship to the created world of the stage or to the other characters but to address the audience as the poet, "Vam li poniat ', //pochemu ia. . . " It is clear that the setting of the prolog is in the theater itself; although the setting in the first act shifts into a more traditional scene of a city with characters and dialogue, Maiakovskii does not change his costume, thereby perpetuating the impression of the audience that it is still the person, not the persona, that is performing. Even the short suspension of disbelief that may have occurred during the two acts of the play is obviated by a return to the theatrical setting in the epilog. The purpose of Tragediia was quite different from the goal of most theatrical performances; whereas most theater is an attempt to detach the observer from his surroundings and allow him to voyeuristically peer into the lives of imagined characters, Maiakovskii attempted to reveal the essence of the theatrical act, the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 53 transformation of the actor. This play was not an aesthetic escape but an exercise in ritualistic revelation and rebirth. Just as a church service is not merely a performance by a priest but a communal act of faith in which physical items are transformed through prayer, Tragediia is a systematic stripping away of the various elements of the poet and his world in an attempt to transform (and perhaps even psychically heal) the poet. The character Maiakovskii is ultimately unsuccessful in his attempt to change the world, and, as a literary fulfillment of the idea of tragedy, this failure is vital. However, Maiakovskii did not invest the meaning of the play with the character of the poet; the plot was an allegorical story wrapped up in the larger, shared experience of the theatrical event. In order further to destroy the arbitrary division between theatrical event and life, Maiakovskii created the play using metaphors, events, and ideas that were strongly associated with his own life. In a sense, the play is a poetic autobiography of Maiakovskii as a Futurist. It was a way for the poet to give concrete existence to the abstract metaphors of his poetry. Shklovsky described this process in Mayakovsky and his Circlei A stagehand had written the word "Futurism" on the iron door. Mayakovsky did not erase the inscription. That was not the issue, in any case, that too beceune part of the tragedy. . . . The Thousand-Year-Old Man was sketched and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 54 pasted over with down feathers. The woman really was fifteen feet tall. The poet was gratified that these things and people existed outside himself and that one could look at them.^°® If we look at two examples of this process, it is obvious that the key for the audience to understand the cryptic, unexplained symbolism of the play is provided in the performances of the Futurists which preceded Tragediia, Just as Malevich was exploring alogical collage in his painting ( for example, Anglicbanin v Moskve [Englishman in Moscow] (1913) has images taken from the visit of several English clergymen to Moscow in 1913), Maiakovskii "explained" images in his play by weaving into the play a number of references to the Futurist lectures, readings, and poetry that had taken place in Moscow and St. Petersburg in the preceding year. This refusal to allow theater to be a self-contained "thing in itself" makes the event an extension of, and perhaps for Maiakovskii, a culmination of the mixture of Futurist life and art. For those in the audience who had not heard Maiakovskii perform or read his poetry in the Futurist almanacs, the play must have seemed a bewildering collage of unrelated, incomprehensible images. In the opening of Act 1, for example, Maiakovskii is given an iron herring and a large golden loaf of bread to eat. The choice of these particular images is deliberate; it is an attempt to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 55 set the scene, giving a demonic tenor to the play and creating a ready made context for the action that is to come. Unlike aconventional play which relies on broad cultural knowledge to provide the audience with clues to the setting, Maiakovskii uses his own poetry as a means of creating the setting. The herring and the loaf have a dual meaning: there is the positive connotation of Jesus feeding the multitudess; however, this interpretation is undercut by the fact that the masses are not fed and the loaf and fish are not food but signboards. Maiakovskii subverts religious symbols, intimating that what will take place will not be salvation but damnation. Even more importantly, Maiakovskii drew this imagery from a poem he had recently written, "Adishche gorod" (1913): Agkiu^e ropooa OKHa paaôMJin Ha KpoxoTHbie, cocymne cseTawM a/iKi/i. PblJKHe flbflBOyibl, B3flblMayiMCb aBT0M06nyiM, Haa caMkiM yxoM BspbiBaa ryaxn. A TaM, noa BbiBecK O M , ra e ceyiban v \ 3 Kepnn — cÔ M TbiM CTapMKamxa uiapM/i ohkm M sanaaxaa, xoraa B BenepeioiaeM cMepne TpaMBBM c pasôera BSMeTHyyi apaHKH. The deliberate reference to the hellish city foreshadowed the impending actions of the play, in fact, the carnivalesgue funeral followed by the performance of a "miracle" reveals the inversion of the formula of a mystery play. Just as a iurodivyi [holy fool] invokes reversal of identity as a sign of holiness, Maiakovskii appropriates Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 56 the elements of folk theater to create an comprehensible context for the action that will take place. The destroyed cripples who surround the poet are representative of the archetypes found in folk theater: half-grotesque, half- symbolic creatures who illustrate the titillating aspect of the mystery play. The veiled reference to poetry from outside the context of the drama accentuates the growing connection between the character of the poet and the poet/author. Recurrent motifs in Maiakovskii's poetry resurface in the play in literal form. The funeral procession lighting Filonov's backdrop is drawn from "Vyveskam" (1913) [Signboards] : Bmpo noRopoHbiR npoiieccnw CBOM npoBenyr capKo^arM. Korea *e, XMyp n nyianeBeH, aaracMT $0HapHbie sHaxM, B/iK)6yia>KTecb noe He6oM xapneBeH B $aaHCOBblX HaMHMKOB M B K M It is interesting that, for the most part, these references are not textual but visual, creating an added dimension to the performance. The layering of references to his own poetry, other poet's performances, other plays, even debates and disputes, creates an emphatic cubist perspective. Each element overlaps without hierarchical valorization, allowing the members of the audience to piece Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 57 together the performance using their own knowledge to provide context and interpretation. In addition to giving substance to poetic metaphor, Maiakovskii also allowed even his polemical rhetoric to take form. The character of the Starik c chernymi sukhimi koshkami [the old man with scrawny black cats] was not drawn from Maiakovskii ' s poetic lexicon but was taken from a lecture he gave at the Obshchestvo liubitelei khudovestv as part of the " Pervyi v mire vecher rechetvortsev. " According to Kruchenykh, the main points of Maiakovskii's lecture were: 1. XOflflHMM BKyC M pblHErU peHM. 2. /iMKM ropoflOB B 3paHK3X peHSTBOpi^eB. 3- Berceuse opKeCTpoM BOflOCTOHHbix ipy6/“ 4. ErnniflHe n rpeai, ryiaflxme xepHwx, cyxMX K o u ie x . 5. CxyiaaxM >Knpa b Kpecviax. 6. necTpbie TioxMOTbfl wauiMX ay in. Many of the motifs that are found in Tragediia are also present in his lecture: the mixing of objective and subjective images of the the city, the poetic sounds of the city, and the poet as clown or carnival king, in addition to the obvious reference to the old man with cats. In a sense, this lecture functions as a companion piece to the two autobiographical works that Maiakovskii produced in 1913, la I (a booklet of four poems published in May, 1913) and Tragediia, giving "factual" basis for the images used in these creative works. This lecture gives the urbi et Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 58 orbi of Maiakovskii ' s world, and the fact that Maiakovskii gives such weight to such a strange, almost frivolous, idea that the Egyptians and Greeks produced electricity using black cats, gives us reason to reevaluate the old man in the play. In Tragediia, the old man exclaims: Bpocbie e ro i/iflkiie w rjia flb ie H ryia A b ie c y x w x v \ nepHbix xoineK fpoM aA H bifl 6px)xa BOSbMeie xsacTJikiBO yiocBHiAMXca n^ex Haayeie nbimxM /ln u ib B K om xax r a e uiepciM BopoHbew ot/imbw HayioBMie mas 3/iexTpMHecKMX BcnbimxM Becb /10B 3TMX BCnbimeK Oh B y fle i oBnjieH BoyibeM B npoBOAa b stm Mycxyyi. Txri/i 3acxaHyT ipaMBaw M n/iaMB cBeiMyien 3apeeT b Honax xax noBeflHbie ciarn H MMp sameBeyiMTCfl b paAocTHOM rpnMe. This curious speech by the only character in the play that is distinct from the poet adds special weight to his admonitions; however, considering that the old man's words are drawn from Maiakovskii' s own lectures, it appears that the old man does not represent "an objective voice separate from Maiakovskii"but another aspect of Maiakovskii, the propagandist/lecturer. The old man also represents another aspect of Maiakovskii's world view- the world of the primitive, the arcane knowledge of the past that coexists with the nightmarish urban reality of Russia and perhaps holds the key to transforming it into a Utopian paradise. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 59 In the context of Russian culture of the beginning of the century, the old man's claims about drawing electricity from cats are not as bizarre as they seem. Mysticism and occultism from the superstitions and folk religious observances of the village peasants to the Tsarina Alexandra’s reliance on Rasputin were obsessions that had seized virtually every class of people,. A related phenomenon, alchemlsm, became accepted as fact In Russian culture; the rapid, almost miraculous, developments of science, airplanes, automobiles, cinema, of the beginning of the century led people to believe that science, like magic, was capable of anything. Just as alchemy had given scientific trappings to magic, modern science had these same pretensions : transformation of one element Into another, resurrection of the dead, travel to outer space. The technological promise was not, however, dissimilar from that which was promised by the mystic arts; In fact, the confluence of these two long separate disciplines led to a bizarre amalgam of science and magic. Pseudoscientific journals such as Mentalizm^^^ and Spiritualizair^^^ provided the reading public with Information on such pseudoscientific phenomenon as the development of organs which produce magnetic fields to modify character, and communication with the dead. This mixture of science and mysticism was present In the Intellectual circles of Russia as well; Andrei Bely, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 60 Nikolai Fedorov, and Viacheslav Ivanov all advocated spiritual transformation through technological advances. Although many of these ideas were purported to be pure science, they were based on the preconceptions and myths of magic and, indeed, they adapted the religious and mystical symbols as a framework for the technological process. A mainstay of pseudoscience is the concept of the fallen state of man. In virtually every culture, the story of the fall from grace is present. In the Christian context, this fall is represented by Adam and Eve, and for Plato, it was the loss of the ideal forms; however, the story is repeated countless times in different contexts: the destruction of the tower of Babel, Atlantis, the burning of the library at Alexandria, the sack of Rome and Constantinople. In each case, the secrets of an advanced culture are lost to the heirs of these cultures. Often the mystical sciences were filled with the clamis of reclamation of that which was lost to man in the distant past. This same phenomenon can be observed in the Russian avant-garde: the perfection of the past resurrected through the forms of the future. For Maiakovskii, the idea that the Egyptians used cats to produce electricity provided both a powerful metaphor for the process of Futurism and for the mystical transformation of humanity through a combination of the mechanical and the organic. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 61 It is possible that Maiakovskii first read about this particular idea in a small article in Argus, September 1913, which announced the discovery by a group of French scientists of the fact that the Egyptiens used cats to produce electricity through the rubbing of their fur.“^ A second, longer article on this subject appeared in the November, 1913 edition. It announced the founding of an institute for the study of alchemy by M. Bertelo in Paris. Much of the reasearch involved the study of medieval books about alchemy, but a second avenue of inquiry involved lost ancient technologies, especially of Egypt. The article described their efforts to recreate an ancient machine: napw>KCKwe ajixMKMMKM CTapamTca pasaoaib le apesHMe eri/ineTCKwe sHaKM, KOTopbie npeacTaBJiflX3T co6ok) KaKwe-To HewsBecTHbie KOJieca . . .OcHOBbiBaaca Ha /lovioruyecKMX MSblCKaHHaX COBpeMeHHbie aJIXW M M KM noyiaraBT b flBMJKeHne KaKwa-io oco6bia MamwHbi, 6biTb McmeT, noxo>KMa na coapeMeHHbia AMHaMO-MamnHbi a npeaHasHayaBuiMaca MCK/im yM TejibHO ajia Bbipa6oTKM. . . ajieKipMHecKOM 3HeprwM. For Maiakovskii, the parallels in this article to Futurism were compelling. Using language to discover the secrets of the past and the hidden roots of present technologies was almost a summation of the programmatic assertions of the Futurists in 1913. Metaphorically, this imagery linked all three seemingly incompatible foundations of Futurism: the purity of the past, the organic roots of advanced Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 62 technology, and the mystical hieroglyphs of the past are directly related to modern life. Tragediia represents Futurism at its most introspective; just as Malevich advocated his Suprematism as an investigation into the most basic concepts of space and perception, Maiakovskii uses his drama as an investigation into the working of his own mind. The construction and destruction of metaphors and poetic speech became living representations of the poet on stage. It was also an exercise in giving space and volume to the poetic work, allowing poetry not only to leave the page but also to enter the street. ^ Virtually every memoirist makes note of Maiakovskii's voice. See, for example, Livshits. ^ la. Tugendkhol'd, "V zheleznom tupike," Severnye zapiski, July-August, 1915, 110-111. Quoted in N. Khardzhiev, "Maiakovskii i zhivopis N. Khardzhiev and V. Trenin (eds.) Poeticbeskaia kultara Maiakovskogo (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1970) 22. ^ See for example the illustration of L. Zhegin for Maiakovskii ' s la (M. 1913) that portrays him in his flat brimmed black hat. Livshits remarked that his first impression of Maiakovskii was his peculiar dress " odetyi ne pa sezonu legko v chernuiu morskuiu pelerinu so I'lvinoi zastezhkoi na grudi, v shirokopoloi chernoi shliape, nadvinntoi na samye brovi, on kazalsia chlenom sitsilianskoi mafii, igroiu slucbaia zabroshennym na Peterburgskuiu storonu." Livshits 397. This impression is also conveyed in a caricature attributed to Vera Shektel, Vladimir Maiakovsii. A Caricature. 1912. See Bowlt translation of Livshits, 115. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 63 For a discussion of this tour see N. Khardzhiev, "Turne kubofuturIstov 1913-1914 gg." in V. O. Pertsov i M. I. Serebrianoskii, ed. Maiakovskii Materialy i issledovaniia (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1940) 401-427. ^ See especially Aleksandr Mgebrov, "Tragediia <vladimir Maiakovskii>" in N. V. Refonnatskaia, V. Maiakovskii v vospominaniiakh sovremennikov (Moscow: Gos. izdatel'stvo khudozhestvennoi literatury, 1963) 108-113. His perspective as an objective observer who was, for the most part, sympathetic to the Futurists makes his account believable. ® All page numbers for Tragediia refer to PSS tom 1. ’ G. R. Derzhavin, "Felitsa", in Stikhtvoreniia (Leningrad: Biblioteka poeta, Bol'shaia seriia, 1957) 99. ® Derzhavin, 116. ® Mikhail Matiushin, "Russkie kubofuturisty" Nikolai Khardzhiev, K istoriia russkogo avangarda. (Stockholm: Gileia, 1979) 151. Livshits, 446. Robin Aizlewood. Verse Form and Meaning in the Poetry of Vladimir Mayakovsky (London: The Modern Humanities Research Association. 1989) 34. N. Khardzhiev. Poetika rannego Maiakovskogo. in Poeticheskaia kul'tura Maiakovskogo (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1970) 204. Burliuk, David, et al. Poshchechina obshchestvennomu vkusu in Vladimir Markov, Maifesty i programmy russkikyh futuristov (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1967) 50-51. V. Trenin, V masterskoi stikhi Maiakovskogo (Moscow: Sovetskii pisatel', 1991) 15. Boris Pasternak, Safe Conduct, tr. Alec Brown (London, 1959) 250. Trenin, 15. Pasternak, 128-129. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 64 Maiakovskii entered the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic party at the age of fourteen and was arrested three times in 1908 and 1909. Despite his break with the party, after his last stay in Butyrka, there is no evidence that he rejected the ideas and teachings of the party. Edward J. Brown. Mayakovsky. A Poet in the Revolution (New York: Paragon House, 1973) 38. Brown, 304. In Chernyshevsky and the Age of Realism. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988) 19., Irina Paperno notes that: " Rudeness and curt manners, negligent styles of dress and even untidiness became meaningful, ideologically weighted signs, which immediately distinguished the nihilists both from the members of the opposing camp (the traditionalists, the reactionaries) and from ordinary people.. . . An interesting example is given in the memoirs of another nihilist, V. K. Debogory-Mokrievich. After returning from the the university to his hometown, he paraded in his new attire under the windows of his old schoolteacher. The "elder," writes Debogory- Mokrievich, "looked at my long hair, spectacles, and thick walking stick, and said, 'I can see you’ve drunk the whole fill of nihilist wisdom.'" Both Tragediia and Pobeda were subject to strict censorship and police supervision. Kruchenykh remarked in Nash Vykbodi His [Maiakovskii's] manuscript landed up at the censors underit sub-heading "Vladimir Mayakovsky. Tragedy." When the poster was being issued, the police chief wouldn't allow it to be called anything else." (59) The censor only demanded four substantive changes in the text of the play, and each of these changes were because of religious objections.For example, lines 279-280. "Za chertoi gorodskogo poroga" was substituted for " Gde za sviatost" paspiali proroka" at the demand of the censor. Vladimir Maiakovskii, Polnoe Sobranie sochinenii v trinadtsati tomakh, tom pervyi (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1955) 439. la sam was first published in the journal "Novaia russkaia kniga" Berlin, 1992, No. 9 and republished in PSS tom 1. PSS, 1, 18. Quoted in Paperno, 9-10. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 65 Aleksei Kruchenykh, Novye puti slova, in Troe, St. Petersburg, 1913. Reprinted in Markov, Manifesty i programmy russkikh futuristov, 64-73. Paperno, 19. Many members of the artistic intelligentsia had also been arrested for revolutionary activities. Aleksandr Mgebrov, who wrote a positive review of the performance, was arrested several times for political crimes. See his Zbizn' V teatre, (Moscow, 1932) Vol. 1. Khlebnikov was also arrested at about the same time that Maiakovskii had been. See especially Olga Matich, " Remaking the Bed ; Ooptia in Daily Life," in John Bowlt and Olga Matich (eds.) Laboratory of Dreams: The Russian Avant-Garde and Cultural Experiment (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996) 68. She quotes Liliia Brik: It is difficult to say what kind of prose Mayakovsky was enthusiastic about. . . . One of the books dearest to him was Chernyshevsky's What is to be Done? He regularly came back to it. The life described in it echoes ours. It was as if Mayakovsky asked Chernyshevsky for advice in personal matters, found support in him. What is to be Done? was the last book that he read before his death. See also Paperno, Chernyshevsky and the Age of Realism, and Brown, Mayakovsky. A Poet in the Revolution. Nikolai Chernyshevskii, Chto delat'? Leningrad: Nauka, 1975, 206. Chernyshevs kii, 207. Paperno, 196. See Pavel Filonov. "Osnova prepodavaniia izobrazitel’nogo iskusstva po printsipu chistogo analiza kak vyshaia shkola tvorchestva. Sistema <Mirovoi rastsvet>." (1923) in John Bowlt, Nicoletta Misler. Filonov. Analiticheskoe iskusstvo (Moscow: Sovetskii khudozhnik, 1990) 175-199. D. Burliuk, et al. "A Slap in the Face of Public Taste." 51. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 66 Viktor Shklovsky, Mayakovsky and bis Circle. Lily Feiler, ed., trans. (New York: Dodd, Mead, and Company, 1972) 54- 55. Livshits stated " BnpOHeM, MMGHHO B 3T0M 33KyiK)HaJiaCb «$yTypncTMHHocTb» cneKTaK/ifl, cTMpaBmero- nycKaw 6ecco3HareyibHo!- rp a H b w e jK fly f ls y M a «aH p aM U , M e x a y /inpuKOM M opaMOM, ocTaB/iBBOiero AaJieKO noaaoM po6Koe HO BaiopcTBO «BaiiaraHMKa» m «HeaHaKOMKH» M rpaa caMoro ce6a. . . HUTaa cbom CTMXM, LfanKOBCKMM nepeôpacbiBa HeapnMbiw moct ot oflHoro BUfla MCKyccTBa K flp y r o M y m aeyiayi 3 to b eflWHCTBeHHO MbicyiwMOM $0pM 6. . Livshits, 447. Livshits, 447. Vasili Gippius, Ot Pushkina do Bloka (Moscow- Leningrad: Isusstvo, 1966) 338. Laurence Senelick. Gordon Craig's Moscow Hamlet. A Reconstruction (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. 1982) 177-178. Senelick. 64. ^^Senelick. 64. June 9, 1912. David Buriuk correspondence with Nikolai Kul'bin cited in N. Khardzhiev, "Maiakovskii i zhivopis " in Poeticheskaia kul'tura Maiakovskogo (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1970) 13. Original located in Biblioteka Muzei Maiakovskogo. N. N. Evreinov, Kul'bin (St. Petersburg: Obshchestvo Intimnogo teatra, 1912) Vasili Kamenskii, Kni Sovremennoe iskusstvo, 1917) 31. Vasili Kamen (Moscow, 1918) Vasili Kamenskii, Kniga o Evreinove (Petrograd, I Vasili Kamenskii, Ego- moia biografiia velikogo futurista Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 67 David Burliuk, "Krasnaia strela" New York, 1932 quoted in V. Katanian. Maiakovskii literaturnaia khronika 4 izd. (Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe izdatel’stvo khudozhestvennoi literatury, 1961) 430. lu. Arpishkin, "Maiakovskii i Evreinov v 1913 godu," Literaturnaia obozrenie, 6 (1993) 81. ‘ ‘^Arpishkin, 81. Brown, 112. Cited in V. Katanian, Maiakovskii: Khronika zhizni i deiatel'nosti. A. Parnis, ed. (Moscow, Iskusstvo, 1985) 78. R. lartsev, "Teatral'nye ocherki: Teatr futuristov." Rech' 7 Dec., 1913. 7. lartsev stated that Maiakovskii ' s work was not new and radical. It was a combination of the works of his predecessors. "npeacTBB/ieHMe 6bi/io laKoe, hto mojkho CKaaaib- aio 6bi/io MOHOflpaMa. $yTypncTCKMM no3T, caM ce6a M3o6pa>KaiomnM, 6bm eflMHbiM B npeflCTaByieHHMM, a a p y r w e $nrypbi Ha ci^ene 6biyin B apyroM, hsm oh, nyiocKocTU IIoBTOMy nosT ociaBayica Ha CtieHe laKUM, aaKOM oh B *M3HM- C O CBOHM CBOMM TIklllOM, C O C B O M M M ManepaMM, b C B o ew jkb/itom 6/iy3e, b cbo6m na/ibio v \ ui/iane, co cBoew tpoctohkom. flp y rn e >xe /in q a 6biyin OTB/ieaeHHbie." Livshits, 446. Although Katherine Lahti, in her article "Vladimir Mayakovsky: A Dithyramb," claims "no one has acknowledged the simple fact that problematizes this reading [that Tragediia is a monodrama ] : different perceptions of various people made by one person (the subjective basis of Evreinov's original theory of monodrama) and different versions of the same person (the subjective basis of Mayakovsky's play) are two different phenomena," the fact that Evreinov was not the only person to use this particular technique. Even at the Krivoe zerkalo, Boris Geier also used monodrama in his plays but did not follow the principles set down by Evreinov. Given the popularity of Evreinov ' s and Geier ' s plays, there were undoubtedly many other cabarets that picked up the monodrama. All of which indicates that the monodrama was an evolving form with fluid conventions. In any event, Maiakovskii would Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 68 have been more concerned with giving the impression of monodrama than with actually producing a play that conformed to its demands. Lahti, 258. For alternatives to Evreinov ' s monodrama, see Laurence Senelick, "Boris Geyer and Cabaretic Playwriting," Russian Theater in the Age of Modernism. Robert Russell and Andrew Barratt, eds. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990) 33-65. Shklovsky, 53-55. Vladimir Maiakovskii. Vladimir Maiakovskii Tragediia. Prolog, in Sochineniia v trekh tomakh. Tom 1. (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura. 1973) 342. Vladimir Maiakovskii, "I nam miasal" in PSS 313-314. First published in "NoV" 16 Nov., 1914, No. 116 PSS 316-317. First published in "Nov"' 17 Nov., 1914, No. 117. PSS 325-328. First published in "NoV" 27 Nov., 1914, No, 126. PSS, 275-277. First published in "Kine-zharnal 27 June, 1913, No. 14. Khardzhiev, 25. Poets who painted included: Sergei, Bobrov, Konstantin Bol'shakov (under the supervision of Larionov) Bozhidar, David Burliuk, Nikolai Burliuk, Elena Guro, Kamenskii, Khebnikov, Khrisianf, Kruchenykh, Igor' Terent'ev, Il'ia Zdanevich. Painters who wrote poetry included: V. Chekrygin, Filonov, Goncharova, Larionov, Malevich, Rozanova. R. lartsev, 7. lartsev observes "V "Balangachike" mistiki izobrazhali tak, chto aktery prosovyvali ruki v razrezy narisovannykh kartonnykh. " E. A. Pankratova, "Teatral'nye motivy zhivopisi Nikolaia Sapunova," Russkii teatr i dramaturgiia 1907-1917 godov. Sbornik nauchnikh trudov (Leningrad: Leningradskii gosudarstvennyi institute teatra, muzyki, i kinematografii im. N. K. Cherkasova, 1988) 115. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 69 Lawrence Stahlberger makes a strong case for the interpretation of Tragediia as a parody of Blok, citing parallels between Columbine and Maiakovskii's znakomaia as well as the inversion of the "prekrasnaia dama" with her impenetrable perfection with the image of women in Tragediia as shamed and wrinkle, consumed by the crowds. He also points out that Maiakovskii ' s play was presented at the séune theater that Balaganchik was staged. Lawrence Stahlberger. The Symbolic System of Majakovskij (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1964) 37. B. Rostotskii. Maiakovskii i teatr. Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1952. 37. Rostotskii, 37. A. A. Mgebrov, "Tragediia cviadimir Maiakovskii>” (iz knigi <Zhiza' v teatre> ." V Maiakovskii v vospominaniiakh sovremennikov (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1963) 110. Quoted in Rostotskii, 35-36. Tomashevskii ' s memoirs were printed in Teatr in 1938, hardly the time to praise either Filonov or abstract art in general. This was significant at the time. Kornei Chukovskii had just published his article, Futuristy i kubo-futuristy in Shipovnik. In this article he made much of the differences in style and vision between the Moscow Futurists and the Petersburg Futurists. Rostotskii, 35. "Teatr, Kinematograf, Futurizm," 277. Anon. "Teatr 'Futu',” Moskovskaia gazeta (Moscow), No. 272, 9 Sept., 1913. M. Davydova, " Teatral 'no-dekoratsionnoe iskusstvo" Russkaia khudozhestvennaia kul'tura 1908-1917. (Moscow, 1980) 218. In his role as director of MKhAT and the First Studio, Stanislavskii forbade his actors from appearing in films Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 70 during the off-season. However, this prohibition was short lived . N. M. Zorkaia, Na rubezbe stoletii. U ist.ok.ov massovogo iskusstva v Rossii 1900-1910 (Moscow: Nauka, 1976) 69. The list of early enthusiasts of the cinema is impressive: Aleksandr Blok, Maxim Gor'kii. Lev Tolstoy. Many directors and actors also participated in the making of films including Meierkhol'd, Aleksandr Tairov, Evgenii Vakhtangov, Konstantin Varlamov. Even the cultural icons of the age were not immune to the lure of film, Fedor Shaliapin appeared in several silent films. 76 77 78 Quoted in Zorkaia, 29. "Unichtozhenie kinegrafomatom. . ." 279. I. lartsev, "Teatr futuristov," Rech', 7 Dec., 1913. Quoted in Howard, 209. Mark Etkind, "Soiuz molodezbi i ego stsenograficbeskie eksperimenty, " Sovetskie kbudozbniki teatra i kino, 79 (Moscow: Sovetskii khudozhnik, 1981) 254. There is a reproduction of a study for this backdrop reproduced in this article. Shershenevich was mistaken; it was the French firm Eclare. Kruus, 334. But his confusion was understandable, Maiakovskii was working for Khanzhonkov's journal Kinezburnal at this time. Again Shershenevich's memory fails him, this film was not "Drama in Futurist Cabaret No. 13" but a short documentary film. Kruus, 335. Vadim Shershenevich, Velikolepnyi ocbevidets, 513-514. David Burliuk wrote an article for Kinezburnal on November 16, 1913 (Perhaps a month after the filming ) "Futurist o kinematografe ' (22-23). Maiakovskii wrote a series of articles for the same journal from 1913 to 1915, using both his own name and various pseudonyms. His first article "Teatr, kinematograf, futurizm" was published in July of 1913. For a complete text of Maiakovskii ' s articles in Kinezburnal see "Neizvestnyi stat'i vladimira Maiakovskogo,” Voprosy literatury 8 Aug., 1970, 141-203. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 71 Maiakovskii, " Otnosbenie segodniashn&go teatra i kinematografa k iskusstvy," PSS 283-285. Rostotskii, 36. D. A. Zasosov, V. I. Pyzin, Iz zhizni Peterburga 1890- 1910-kh godov (Leningrad: Lenizdat, 1991) 32. This connection was probably not coincidental. The Hyleans debated allowing Gnedov to join in the winter of 1913. Livshits remarked: The question of including Vasilisk Gnedov in our group was raised. He was the black sheep of the Ego-Futurists and many times had expressed the desire to come over to our camp. Of course, this would have made more sense than to let in Shershenevich, but Gnedov was stopped from doing so by illness and was forced to make an urgent trip to the south. Livshits, 461. See Markov, 80. There is some question as to whether Maiakovskii actually participated in this film. According to Jerry Heil, Maiakovskii was among the 130 (I?) Futurists to take part in the filming. However, Kruus points to a confusion between Drama and a short documentary about the stroll along Kuznetskii most'. It seems to me that Maiakovskii would have been more active in promoting it had he taken part. It is also unclear whether he would have participated in a project in which he had so little control or input. Regardless of his participation, Maiakovskii was in Moscow at the time of the filming and would undoubtedly have seen the finished product, given his participation in other Donkey's Tail endevors of the same time, most notably the opening of the Rozovoi fonar'. See Jerry Heil, "Russian Futurism and the Cinema: Majakovskij's Film Work of 1913," Russian Literature XIX-2 (1986), 175-191. Rein Kruus, "Eshche o russkom futurizme i kino" Russian Literature XXXI-3 (1986) 333-352. Livshits, 448. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 72 Robin Aizlewood, Verse Form and Meaning in the Poetry of Vladimir Maiakovskii (London: The Modern Humanities Research Association, 1989) 57. Tragediia, 162. Fedor Mashkov, "Misteriia i zhest,” in Kino, teatr i zhizn’ No. 1, 17 Nov., 1913 (Moscow), 13. See Sergei Volkonskii, Chelovek na stsene (St. Petersburg: Apollon, 1912) 159-160. Maiakovskii, "Dva Chekhova", PSS, 297. First published in Novaia Zhizn' June, 1914. Aizlewood, 60. Aizlewood, 52. PSS, 155. Aizlewood, 50. Igor' Severianin, " Egopolonez, ” Stikhotvoreniia, E. Prokhorov, ed. (Leningrad: Biblioteka poeta, 1975( 214. S. Sedletskii, "Igor' Severianin v provintsii," Zhurnal zburnalov, 18 (1915) 15. Nikolai Khardzhiev, "Maiakovskii i Severianin," Russian Literature, 6 (1978) 312. Liliia Brik, "Chuzhie stikhi. " in Maiakovskii v vospominaniiakh sovremennikov, N. Refonnatskaia,ed. (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1963) 334. Rostotskii, 47. O. Matiushina, "0 Vladimire Maiakovskom. " in Maiakovskomu: Sbornik vospominanii i statei. (Leningrad: Leningradskaia pravda, 1940) 30. N. N. Evreinov, Teatralizatsiia zhizni (Poet, teatraliziruiushchii zhizni) (Moscow: Vremia, 1922) PSS 153 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 73 Shklovsky. 55. Maiakovskii, PSS 1. 55. First published in "Moloko kobylits" (dated 1914) but distributed in December, 1913. Maiakovskii, PSS 1, 41. This is a parodie reference to Severianin ' s poetry of 1913, specifically "Berceuse osennyi" and "Berceuse" from his 1913 Gromokipxashchii kubok. Rudolf Duganov, Notes to Nash Vykhod. (Moscow: Russkii Avangard, 1996) 215. Perhaps this is a specific reference to the sound orchestration of "Berceuse" rioMTe-noMTe, 6y6eHHHKM yiaHflbimew, noMie-noMTe bw m h6- 0 BeceHHew 7ik}6obhom secHe : 0 yyibiÔKM JiasopeBOM aeBHHePi H-o, 6oyib!- 0 /lyHe... noMTe-noMie, mom Kopo/ieBHHUM noMTe-noMTe Bbl MHe! Kruchenykh, 59. Aiz lewood, 55. Mentalizm published in Moscow by N. Butovt in Moscow 1906-1907. Splritualizm Mentalizm, No. 1, 1906, 9-14. Argus, No. 9, 1913. 96. Mark Chertvan, "Krov' za znanie," Argus, No. 11, 1913. 79. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 74 Chapter Eight Pobeda nad solntsemi The Future is a Dark Place. At the "Pervyi vserossiiskil s"ezd baiachei budusbcbego (poetov-futuristov) ” [The First All-Russian Congress of Wordwrights of the Future (Poet-Futurists)] which took place on June 18-19, 1913 at Uusikirkko, Kruchenykh, Malevich, and Matiushin (who were the only participants in the "All-Russia" conference) announced that in addition to the various lectures, books, and poetry readings, they would 1) yHMHOJKHTb «HldCTblM, RCHblM, HeCTHbIM, SByHMM PyCCKIdM R3blK,» OCKOH/ieHHblM M CryiaJKGHHblM R3blKaMH HeJIOBSKOM OT «KpHTHKH n /iM T e p a iy p b i.» Oh He flocTOMH Be/iM Koro «P yccK oro H a p o fla !» 2 ) yH M H To*M Tb y c T a p s B U ie e flB U JK enne M b ic/in no s a x o n y npnnwHHOCTM, 6e33y6b iw s n p asb iM CMblC/1, « CMMMBTpUHHyiO JIOFMKy,» 6yiy>KaaHMe b ro n y 6 b ix Ten a x CMMBO/insMa, n f la ib yiMHHce iB opnecK oe n p o s p e n n e nOfl/lMHHOrO MM p a HOBbIX /lIOfleM . . . . 5 ) ycTpeM M Tbca Ha o n /io i xyaoxecTBG HHOM HaxyiocTM— Ha PyccxnM l e a i p n peu im eyibH O npeo6pa30B aTb e ro . Xygo>KecTBeHHbi M , KopnieBCXMM, A/ieXCaHApMHCKMM, BOTIbUJMM M M a /lb lM H6T M e c ia B cero flH H l— c aiow y e /ib © ynpe>K fla8Tca hobwm le a x p « E y n e iT ia H U H .» ^ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 75 Following the first year of widespread notoriety of the Futurists, the logical next step for the Hyleans was to apply the principles of Futurism to the theater. This manifesto was a revision of the ideas of Poshchechina obshchestvennomu vkusu (1912) [A Slap in the Face of Public Taste] and the manifesto in Sadok sudei (1913) [A Trap for Judges] which adapted the concepts for use in the theater. However, this manifesto has two elements which were cdasent from earlier declarations but were prominently featured in Pobedai the destruction of "pure, clear, honest, sonorous Russian language" and the destruction of "symmetrical logic." Although no indication is given that these new ideas were the contributions of Matiushin and Malevich, there are parallels between these statements and the creative processes of the two artists. Matiushin, at this time, was involved in experimentation with both dissonance and disharmony in music and with the effect of sound on color perception.^ we must see "chistyi,” " iasnyi,” and ' ' zvuchnyi" as negative terms in Matiushin's conception of phonic organization. In his review of the performance, Matiushin claimed that the opera was successful in "the breakdown of old sound, boring diatonic music" and in "the breakdown of old, worked over, cluttered words, boring word-meaning. Disharmony in sound orchestration had already been demonstrated in zaum poetry; the harsh, almost turkic sounds of "Dyr bul shchyl"* Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 76 suggested an alternative to the melodious poems of Bal'mont, and, in general. Futurism was an attempt to renew the language through sdvig and discord. However, the Futurist opera, as the union of all art forms, had to be based on musical, as well as poetic and linguistic, theories. The connection between Futurism and dissonance existed from the inception of the movement. Nikolai Kul'bin, in his article, "Svobodnoe iskusstvo kak osnova zhizni" (1910), observed that harmony was the crystalline form, unchanging and dead; the creative act emanated from a different source: yc/io>KHeHi/ie $opM bi co n p o B o xg aeT ca AM CCO HEHCO M . no MGpe yCTlOJKHeHMfl $OpMbl, OHa CTaHOBMTca Bce Menee npasM/ibHow, w C H /lbH ee 3ByHMT AMCCOHEHC. KpHBEB TTMHWa A n cco H M p y ei. C a w a a A H C c o H n p y io ii;aa $ o p M a - Ta, KOTOpym HMeioT *n B b ie k/is tkm , (JjopMa HeyiOBeKa. . / Matiushin also saw dissonance as a vital element of art. This is especially evident in his experimental paintings which elaborated his theory of the connection between sound and color. Through the introduction of dissonance (the deliberate introduction of two competing strong elements), he was able to observe the relationship between the two elements.^ He applied this same principle to his art and music. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 77 Malevich also shared this idea of dissonance as a principle of creation. For Malevich, the combination of various elements— painterly constructions, scraps of newspapers, 'found' objects, and inserted words— merge together to create an image through dissonance. Malevich emphasized the central place of dissonance in the cubist picture: "Kubizm i Futurizm sozdall kartlnu iz oblomkov i usecheniia predmetov za schet diasonattsov 1 dvizbeniia."^ This manifesto synthesized the musical, artistic and poetic aspects of Futurism through the creation of a common set of creative principles; it is logical that this commonality would be given expression in the operatic theater, the Wagnerian synthesis of the arts. The second new concept in this manifesto, the destruction of causality and "symmetrical logic," is also directly related to the cubist nature of the zaum poem. The use of fragments of words, philological analogy, onomatopoeia, and proximity give the transrational text a visual dimension, and, as in the cubist work, the emphasis is on the destruction of logical narrative in favor of an intuitive apprehension of meaning. The destruction of logic is a natural extension of the ideas put forth in the manifesto in Sadok sudei: "Glasnye my ponimaem kak vremia i prostranstvo (kharakter ustremleniia) aoglaanye,- kraska, zvukf zapakh."^ The creation of an intuitive or sensual message in the word itself creates a substratum of meaning Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 78 which can either intensify the logical meaning of a word or give an entirely new meaning. In the theatrical context, the use of intensity of color or smell to enrich the theatrical experience was already firmly in place as an avant-garde technique. The French Symbolists experimented with the union of poetry, music, color, and even smell in their plays. For example, Paul Napoleon Roinard attempted to create a whole body experience for the audience for his adaptation of Solomon's Song of Songs (1891) for the Théâtre d ' Art. Each segment of the play was carefully orchestrated for each of the senses. Even perfume vaporizers were installed to disseminate the smell of the perfume that was the motif of a given act The Symbolist experiments in theatrical synaesthesia were connected to the move away from Naturalism and toward a more abstract theatrical experience. The Russian Futurists' radical, new theater was not so much a departure from the ideas and techniques of Symbolist theater as an elaboration of that which had come before. However, the link to the European avant-garde was undeniable; the Russian Futurists were part of a movement which was sweeping through Europe at that time, and as much as they would have liked to deny it, their experimentation was not developed in the hothouse of isolation. While Kruchenykh and Malevich were not sophisticated world travelers with extensive knowledge of the stage in France and Germany, the collaborative Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 79 atmosphere of Pobeda with input and advice coining not only from Soiuz molodezhi, but from the Burliuk brothers (who had participated in Der Blaue Reiter, and David Burliuk had spent time as a student in Munich^°), from Kamenskii (who began his career as an actor touring with Meierkhol'd), and from Kul'bin (who was a lively participant in the theatrical community of St. Petersburg). There is also a more explicit connection to the innovations of the West through Kandinskii who was active at that time in the Munich theater.Like the creators of Pobeda, Kandinskii also tried to create tangible connections between color, sound, and the word in his plays. In Der gelbe Klang (1909) [Yellow Sound], he demonstrated this relationship by creating a total sensual experience that brings together sound, color, and emotion in the theatrical setting. By decontextualizing the poetic word, the intuitive substratum of the act of speech replaces the primary message of communication. Kandinskii demonstrates this principle in Yellow Sound in the third scene : ...a dull yellow light floods the stage, which gradually becomes more intense, until the whole stage is a bright lemon yellow. As the light is intensified the music grows deeper and darker.... Suddenly, one hears from behind the stage a shrill tenor voice, filled with fear, shouting entirely indistinguishable words very quickly (one hears frequently [the letter] a: e.g., "Kalasimunafakolal Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 80 This scene points to an intuitive link between a specific color, musical tone, emotion, and a vowel sound; while there is no logical connection between fear and the vowel sound "a," the symbolic system of the performance of this play demands that the audience make this semantic connection in order to experience that which the artist has experienced. Kandinskii described it in terms of sympathetic vibration: "Every work of art and every one of the individual means belonging to that work produces in every man without exception a vibration that is at bottom identical to that of the artist. For the Russian Futurists, the arts had become interchangeable; painting incorporated poetry and vice versa. This fluid collaboration was evident in all areas. Malevich, at this time, also composed a few alogical poems, clearly influenced by Kruchenykh's theories of 14 zaum: y/i3 3vie /13V1 yiM OHG Koh CM Ah Oh OH KopM Pm KoacaMÔM K/ioena yie>K CaÔHO Opaip TyviOK Koa/iMÔM Biieciope Tmbo Opene AviMx/^ This poem was meant to be a demonstration of the nonrational principles of poetry. The logical meaning is almost completely absent from this stanza; however, the rhythms and sound orchestration allow the reader to draw parallels that may indicate the purpose of the poem. The first half of the first line is very similar to the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 81 ululations of the Middle East, but this is quickly replaced by sounds associated with Far Eastern languages. Transposed phonemes from the first line are present in the second line giving a more sonorous repetition, perhaps representing the sounds of "African" speech. In the ensuing lines, these syllables have Latina te and Romance rhythms. Just as Kruchenykh had claimed knowledge of all the world's languages in Vzorval, Malevich used this alogistic poem to explore ecstatic glossolaliia. The connection between poetry and religion is implicit in the article: Tot, Ha KOToporo B 0 3 J io > K H T C fl cjiyjKenwe pe/iMrnc3Horo flyxa,- asyiaeT c o 6o m yepKOBb, o6pa3 K O T O p o M MeHBeTca e>KeceKyHAo. Ona npoMAGT nepea MMMU, ABH>KyiAaaca w pa3Hoo6pa3HaH. UepKOBb- ABMXeHMe, puTW n leM n- ee ocHOBbi/® Malevich believed that the importance of poetry was not in its ability to reproduce either nature or emotions, but rather in its abilty to create abstract relationships between ideas, using sound and rhythm to transcend logic. Letters, phonemes, and words are the building blocks of world creation: " Poet slushaet toi'ko udary i novymi slovoobrazovaniiami govorit miru, eti slova nikogda ae poniat' razumu."^^ Malevich saw poetic language as a means of reaching beyond logic using the Cubist concepts of speed, rhythm, and time. This collaboration between three artists, working in different disciplines (music, painting, and poetry) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 82 certainly represents a maturation of the Russian Futurist movement. Dnlike earlier performances by Futurists at poetry readings or debates, this opera was the first planned and executed effort which involved all of the previous experiments within the different arts in one project. Matiushin, in his review of the performances in Futuristy: pervyi zhurnal russkikh futuristov, noted this fact: There was recently an enormous success for Futurism, which gathered a large number of people in St. Petersburg to attend more than forty lectures, discussions and debates.... our Russian youth, without any knowledge of the new theatre experiments abroad, presented the first performance on a stage in St. Petersburg of the disintegration of concepts and words, of old staging, and of musical harmony... The idea of a joint creative work by a poet, painter, and musician arose last summer in Finland... participants in the conference decided to work on a collective creation based on the new principles of word, drawing, and music. Half a year of enormous collective work went into creating victory over the Sun. While certain portions of this review are suspect because of their hyperbole (the participation of Kul'bin, Zheverzheev, and Matiushin himself, as members of the Soiuz molodezhi certainly would assure that there was an acute knowledge of the " new theatrical experiments abroad, " and the "disintegration of concepts and words" would certainly overstate the effect of the performance, there is no doubt Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 83 that this performance demonstrated the popularity and artistic impact that the Futurists had in the capital. Even though the Futurists at Uusikirkko had envisioned this project to be a culmination of the experimentation of the past five years, the performance itself fell short both in production and in professionalism. There were few rehearsals, few actors or singers, and the direction provided by the Futurists revealed a basic lack of understanding of the actor's craft. Tomashevsky, who played the parts of the Ill- intentioned one and the Prompter, remarked in his article on Maiakovskii that "[Kruchenykh] was constantly inventing and finding something new, and getting on everyone’s nerves. He especially annoyed Rappaport^, who was helping him direct the play."^° Matiushin's review also pointed out the shortcomings of the performance as presented: Because of the tremendous production expenses and the high cost of renting a theatre, the Union of Youth sent out their representatives to approach people who did not have the slightest idea of the progressive work being done in art, which resulted in all sorts of unpleasant situations and obstacles. They had to recruit students who were amateur performers for the opera and the tragedy. Only two leading parts in the opera were sung by experienced singers. There was a very bad chorus of seven people, of whom only three could sing. The management, disregarding all our requests and persistence, hired them two days before the performance. Considering the intricacy of the composition, it was impossible to prepare anything well. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 84 A broken down, out-of-tune piano, which took the place of an orchestra, was delivered on the day of the performance. It is probable that the limitations of theatrical ability and financial resources resulted in a quite different production than was originally concieved. The prominence of both the musical and visual aspects of this play were substantially reduced. Tomashevsky noted "Matiushin's music for the opera was original and interesting. But, as a matter of fact, there was more talking than singing. Music burst upon the action only occasionally. Obviously, given the levels of talent and sophistication of the cast, there was no possibility of the creation of a "real" opera with interaction between several singers and a chorus implementing Matiushin's musical system. However, one of the actors, Rikhter, a tenor from the Narodnyi dom, played the part of the Traveler through the centuries and was, according to Tomashevsky, able to do justice to Matiushin's music: "At first, Richter felt uncomfortable when he had intentionally to sing off pitch. But later he became used to it and honestly performed that Futurist nuance. The difficulty of producing an opera, especially one which requires the performer to manipulate tone, dissonance, and harmony, without experienced singers and without sufficient rehearsal, severely restricted the musical dimension of the opera. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 85 As indicated by Matiushin, the painterly aspect of the opera was also somewhat lacking: And what was happening to Kazimir Malevich, who, for economic reasons, was not allowed to paint with the colors and dimensions he had planned? The costumes were not made according to his drawings and wishes. There was no possiblity of making a sufficient number of duplicate costumes. One is amazed at his energy and the fact that he created twenty large pieces of decor in four days. It would seem probable that Malevich ' s drawings for costumes are not representative of the actual costumes worn for the performance. Although Malevich never wrote anything about his impression of the performance of the opera, it is likely that he, too, was left unsatisfied with his role in the collaborative effort. And according to Matiushin, his stage decoration was singled out in the press for special derision. However, Kruchenykh, in his memoirs, Nash vykhod, remembered that Malevich's efforts were very effective: Ciiena 6bMa «aJ)opMyieHa» laK, k3K a o>KMfla/i v\ x o re ii. Ociienm eyibHbiM c s e i npo*eK TopoB . fleKopai^MM MayieBMHa c o c io a /in 1 /1 3 G o jib in u x nyiocKocreM— ipeyroyibHM KH, K p y rw , nacTW MatDMH. “ The sets and costumes did represent a landmark for Malevich, who claimed that his efforts on the opera were his first experimentations with Suprematism.^^ On the whole, the dominant aspect of the performance was Kruchenykh ' s libretto which was both the most fully realized and the most commented upon element of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 86 the opera. His use of zaum' and his disjointed dialog created a sensation in the audience (and was criticized and parodied in the uniformly hostile contemporary newspaper accounts of the performance). Although Pobeda and Tragediia shared certain concerns and presuppositions: transformation of man, a vision of urban dystopia, and use of chronological shifts from present to the future, these two performances are companion pieces, exploring different aspects of the Futurist worldview. The similarity in temporal setting (the second act in both works takes place in a vague, dystopic future after a cataclysm of revolution has destroyed the old order) points to a fundamental disparity between Maiakovskii's unified poetic vision and the collaborative composition produced by Kruchenykh, Malevich, and Matiushin, and, to a great extent, to a difference accentuated by the chosen performance genre in each case. I. The Play- Meaning and Interpretation As a cohesive work, Pobeda lacks those elements which allow traditional analysis: plot, character development, interaction between characters, motivation. This deficiency makes interpretation difficult, and, as is the case with many Futurists texts, it almost precludes a purely textual analysis of the libretto. Despite Vladimir Markov's Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 87 dismissal of Pobeda as "pure nonsense,"^’ the continued prominence of the work in the history of Russian Futurism has led many scholars to analyze the text and the performance in toto.^® Beginning with the reconstruction of the opera for the Los Angeles County Museum of Art in 1980, there has been a resurgence of interest in the opera. The opera was presented in two acts, deima (a neologism intended to replace dexstvie, apparently in accordance with Khlebnikov ' s theory that letters have a symbolic significance within the semantic scheme of the word)^® and 6 scenes, "kartxny. " The basic plot of the libretto is rather simple: the Futurist strongmen capture the sun and shut it in a concrete house. In anticipation or response to this action, a variety of different characters discuss their role in the world or in history. However, much which takes place in the opera is only tangentally connected to this action (which takes place off-stage). In fact of the 6 scenes and the prolog, only 4 even make reference to this "main" action. The heroes of the opera, the Strong Men, appear in only two scenes in the first act, and do not appear at all in the second act. However we are still faced with the basic problem of interpretation of the opera. Robert Leach saw the plot as a series of opposing images which mesh rather like the teeth of two cogwheels. The teeth of one cog represent the forces of Kruchenykh's future, those of the other forces of conservatism he wants Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 88 destroyed.... The old culture has its patrons (Nero and Caligula), its self obsessions (the sun, the Ill-Intentioned One) and its dead weight (skulls as benches. Fat Men, etc.) The new culture is strong (Strong Men), agile (Sportsmen), ... and above all flies to new regions and is represented by the Time Traveler and the Aviator and their respective machines. This interpretation, while not as comprehensive or convincing as Leach claims it to be,^^ does point out interesting features of the performance: first, the lack of unity or continuity within the plot, and second, the presence of oppositional pairing of character types. The juxtaposition of old and new is the most visible demonstration of the revolutionary goal of the opera, and a bipolar segregation of the characters can certainly be discerned in the text; however, this interpretation does not take into account the other dimensions of the performance: its parodie relationship to its genre and the theatrical tradition, as well as its transformative, religious aspect, and its episodic quality. Kruchenykh, in Nash Vykhod, stated that "osnovaia tema p'esy- zashchita tekhniki, v chastnosti- aviatsii. Pobeda tekhniki nad kosmlcheskimx silami i nad biologlzmom. " This interpretation also emphasizes the revolutionary aspect of the opera and hints at the esthetic revolution that was also at work. The radical promotion of technology over the concerns of art and beauty, especially in the most sacred Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 89 bastion of "high" art, opera, was a shocking destruction of the conventions of that time. Matiushin was more explicit in his analysis of this dimension: O n ep a n M e e i ryiy6oKoe BHyrpeHHee coflepjKaH ne, hto HepoH n K a jin ry ^ ia b oahom yw m e— $ M ry p a BeHHoro s c ie r a . He B n a a u ^ e ro «>KMBoe», a M u ;y ii;e ro B esge «KpacuBoe» (MocyccTBo flyia MCKycciBa), hto nyreinecTBeHHMK no Bcew BexaM— sto cMeyn>m MCKaieyib, noar, xyno*HHK-nposopviMBeq, n hto B C fl «no6eaa naa cannueM» ecib no6eaa Haa CrapblM pOMaHTMSMOM, Haa npMBblHHbIM noHarneM o co/iHi^e xax «Kpacore»/^ The destruction of the old sensibilities, as represented by operatic staples such as Enrico Caruso's 0 Sole Mio, were destroyed not only by the redefinition of certain basic esthetic concepts, "beauty" and "art for art's sake," but also by a complete destruction of the art form itself. Just as Tolstoy had lampooned opera as an incomprehensible, "unrealistic and out of touch" art form meant for the elite in Chto takoe iskusstvo? (1898) [What is Art?], the Futurists also broke down the barriers to bring art to the masses. Their use of images of violence and physicality amounted to attacks on the traditions and conventions which were at the heart of the estheticization of experience through the mediation of music in the opera. Of course, the parody of operatic style was not new; it was a staple of cabaret and variety theater at that time. The Futurists had something different in mind with Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 90 their opera; they wanted to recreate the opera in the cubist style, thus necessitating the disjointed non- episodic nature of the work. Malevich and Matiushin explained the alogical aspect of Pobeda in an interview for Den' on Dec. 1, 1913: $yTypMCTbl XOTflT O C B O Ô O O M T b O T 3T0M ynopaaoneHHOcTM Mwpa, or 3tm x cBasew, MblC/II^MblX B H6M. Mwp O H M XOTAT npSBpaTMTb B xaoc, ycTaHOByieHHbie u en nccTM pas6MBaTb b XyCKM M M3 3TMX XyCKOB TBOpM Tb HOBbie u;eHH0CTM, fle/iaa HOBwe o6o6meHMa, orxpbiBaa HOBbie HeO>KMaaHHbie M HeBMAMMbie CBB3M. BOI M co/iHi^e-- 3 ia 6biBuiaa i^eHHOCTb--MX no3TOMy ctecHfleT M MM xoneTCfl ee HMcnpoBeprHyTb. n p o u e c c HMcnpoBep}KeHMfl coyiHi^a m BByiaeTCfl cxMKeTOM on ep w . Ere aoJRKHbi BbipaxaTb aeMCTBymn^Me JiMt^a onepbi cyioBaMM M 3ByxaMM The sun, the symbol of Apollo, for the Futurists represents logic, rationality, and the European sense of order that must be overthrown. In the last scene of the first act when the news of the victory over the sun is announced (significantly, through the technology of the telephone), the chorus proclaims the reason for the battle: "My vyrvali solntse so svezhimi korniami// Oni propakbli arifmetikoi zhirnye.”^^ The sun is associated with logic, mathematical precision, but this is not merely a revolt against order, it is a reaction to the entropie, flabby status quo which precludes new ideas and new ways of thinking. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 91 The Futurists set before themselves the task of destroying traditional conceptions of theater and logic; for this reason, a discussion of plot or continuous action seems to be a counterproductive means of analysis. In fact, despite the appointed genre of opera, this work has little in common with that particular tradition, and, in fact, the application of traditional theatrical standards and convictions precludes the viewer from grasping the message. The characteristics presented by this work are better desribed in terms of folk theater or the theater of miniatures. Enukidze observes: " Epizody... napomiaaiut ob intermediiakh komediinogo kharaktera, vnedrennykh v ser'eznuiu operu: eto riad "kontsertnykh nomerov," ispolniaemykh ekzotichesklmi personazbaml. " Not only is there an element of popular variety theater and the circus, there is a strong relationship to the folk traditions that could embue the Futurist theater with a spiritual dimension. The connection to narodnyi/popular theater is explicitly described in Khlebnikov's prolog. 1-bia coaepiiMHbi— T o rfla -io coaepuase/ib ecib npeo6 pa>KaBeJib. rpo3Hor/iaro/ibHbiii cKoponpopoHau;i/ifl nflyTw npoiacyTb. 06/iMKMeHbi fleeôH a b no/iHOM pax<e6He npoMflyi, HanpaB JiaeM bie y a a s y e M bohkbom u ro p , b H y a e c H u x p a x e B b ix , noKaawBaa y ip o , B en ep fleecK/’ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 92 Although Khlebnikov's neologisms require knowledge of his theories of language to grasp both meaning and intention, this passage demonstrates both the format and goal of the performance. Khlebnikov addressed his prolog to the audience as an introduction to the opera which was to take place, but the purpose of the prolog was to teach the audience how to watch the opera and what the opera was designed to do. In the prolog, the word root “sozerts" is used 11 times in connection to the description of the event, the actors, and even the audience; obviously, Khlebnikov wanted to emphasize the hidden meaning of this neologism. Sozerts, in common Russian usage, means contemplation;^® however, given that, in the list of theatrical zaum formulated by Khlebnikov and Kruchenykh in Slovo kak takovoe the term for theater is zertsog, sozerts is closer in meaning to participation in the theatrical event ( in common usage sozertsatel' has a connotation of passivity, but Khlebnikov probably intends so- in the active sense of collaboration analogous to sotrudnik, soedinit', and sodeistvovat'. The primary meaning is also incorporated, imparting a religious/ philosophical element to the theatrical experience). The religious, transformative nature of the performance is also emphasized by the formulation "sozertsavel' est’ preobrazhevel'The performance is not Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 93 a spectacle for the amusement of the audience; it is an event which will change audience and actor just as a religious ritual creates a union between priest and audience. The audience is expected to participate in the communal experience and become part of that which will recreate reality. The Dionysian purpose is reinforced by the line which follows : " Groznoglagol ' nyia skoroprorocbasbchlia iduty potriasut ', " clearly a description of a fit of religious ecstasy or sectarian glossolaliia. This makes explicit the relationship of this opera to the Symbolist theories of theater as religious ritual; the use of a chorus, as well as the presence of the "Classical" character Nero and Caligula, are also directly referring to Ivanov's conception of classical theater as the model for the renewal of the art form. The transformative goal of the opera, however, is not unambiguous ; the pervasive use of parody, especially with regard to Symbolism, undercuts the message of Futurist theater as sincerely transfigurative. Khebnikov reveals a second important aspect of the work, the folk performance : "Oblikmeny deebna v polnom riazbebne proidut." The reference here is that the performance is not merely a parody of Western theater but is instead based on a different set of traditions- Russian folk performance. Khlebnikov ' s neologism for costume, "rxazbebno," is taken from the Russian folk ritual. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 94 riazheniia which was important parts of Christmas and maslenitsa celebrations. In the introduction to Narodnyi teatr, the purpose of the folk costume performance is described: . . . uiyTOHHbie ciieHKM, npoKasbi pa>KeHbix, HenpMCTOMHbie, Kou;yHCTBeHHbie c /io s a , Mcno/iaeMbie Ha motmb i^epKOBHbix necHoneHMM. ApeBHMw CMbic/i pax<eHMa-- MarkiHecKoe BoageMCTBMe c/iobom v\ noBefleni^eM na coxpaneHMe, BoccTaHOBJieHne v \ yBeJMHeHUe *<M3HeHHblX n/IOAOHOCHblX CV\J\ /HOflGM M JKMBOTHbIX, npMpOflbl.^® If the Futurist performance follows the pattern of folk theater instead of the Western operatic tradition, then the disjointed, episodic scenes of Pobeda are reflective of that model. The lack of authentic characters with psychological motivation, coherent plot, dialog, even indistinct setting, which have been seen as indications of "unsuccessful" dramaturgy by the Futurists, are the defining characteristics of folk performance. Thus, aperplexing character like Nero and Caligula in one personage (a composite of real historical figures) can be on stage with an allegorical figure (Some Ill-Intentioned person) as well as a time traveller without violating the conventions of the chosen genre. It also provides the fréunework for a positive model for the future of theater that was integral to the Futurist program of the arts, even as this work was devoted to parodying the theatrical past. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 95 Khlebnikov points out another model for the performance in his prolog, the lesser forms of the theater, cabaret, the circus, the music hall, and variety theater. He proclaims: Ot Mynaes v \ y>KacaBJieM a o sece/iflH v \ HeaaemHMx CMeas v \ secevioroB npo^ayT nepea BHMMaiejibHbiMM Bi^AyxaMi^ w coaepqajiBMM n r/iaaapaMki. . . B flewHi^e craepi^ora «ByflecjiaBJib» ecib CBOÜ noflCKaanyK. Oh noaaôoTMTca, HTo6bi roBopoBba v \ neaaBbi mviM ryiaflKo ne 6peyin po3HO, ho AocTMrnyB KHaxeôHa naa cnyxaiaaMM. . . Khlebnikov emphasizes that each scene is separate from the others, just as acts in the cabaret or the circus are not related, and like these art forms, the content of the act itself is accepted by the audience without a demand for logical continuity or any other convention of the theater, a tragic monolog can be followed by a clown or a equilibrist, and yet when taken as a whole, the variety theater is a complilation of the new esthetic sensibility. The Italian Futurists also proclaimed the role of the popular forms as the future of theater in their manifesto "II Teatro di Varieta" (Sept. 20, 1913) [The Variety Theater]: Today the Variety Theater is the crucible in which the elements of an emergent new sensibility are seething. Here you find an ironic decomposition of all the worn-out prototypes of the Beautiful, the Grand, the Solemn, the Religious, the Ferocious, the Seductive, and the Terrifying, and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 96 also the abstract elaboration of the new prototypes that will succeed these. The Variety Theater is thus the synthesis of everything that humanity has up to now refined in its nerves to divert itself by laughing at material and moral grief; it is also the bubbling fusion of all the laughter, all the smiles, all the mocking grins, all the contortions and grimaces of future humanity. This concise description of the transformative theater of the cabaret, the circus, and the music hall demonstrates the shared vision which linked Kruchenykh and the Russian Futurists to Italian Futurism. Many of the goals that Khlebnikov urges upon his audience in his prolog are described in Marinetti's manifesto: audience collaboration, destruction of time and space perception, destruction of logic. It is not known, however, whether Khlebnikov and Kruchenykh read this manifesto prior to the performance of Pobeda, but because it was published onlyin the fall of 1913, its effect on the creation of the opera could only have been minimal. Many of the scenes of the opera function as set pieces from the popular theater. The dialog between Nero and Caligula in one person and the Traveller resembles the musical clowning of Bim and Bom. The pantomime act in which the Ill-intentioned one shoots at the Traveller also has circus clown overtones. The gravediggers in scene 3 function as a break in the action just as an intermedia provides diversion for set change. Like folk theater, the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 97 variety theater allows a great range of expression and creates a more immediate sense of the theatrical experience. A direct link is formed between the actor and audience without the need for the elaborate construction of an artificial reality of stage convention. The use of variety theater in the Futurist performance provides the perfect bridge between the high aspirations of creation of a transcendental theater as a church and the sensational parodistic iconoclasm of Futurism as a revolution against the old esthetic. The sarcastic destruction of the old was incorporated in the framework of the new theater without the high flown pretensions of the Symbolist elite. The new theater was to be a theater of the people, adapting the forms and using the language that the common man could understand. The physicality of this form provides the platform for linking the common man to the new theater. The anti-esthetic sentiment expressed in this play was also articulated in Marinetti's manifesto: The conventional theater exalts the inner life, professorial meditation, libraries, museums, monotonous crises of conscience, stupid analyses of feelings, in other words (dirty thing and dirty word) psychologyf whereas, on the other hand, the Variety Theater exalts action, heroism, life in the open air, dexterity, the authority of instinct and intuition. The destruction of traditional theater, especially the theater of the Symbolsits was carried out in many different ways: parody, deliberate use of coarse and offensive words Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 98 and Images, even destruction of the theatrical space through the use of abstract sets and costumes. Although the prolog promises a revolution in the theater, the main action of the performance does not actually achieve that which was promised. The murky, vaguely articulated characters and dialog detract from the overall Futurist effect. However, both as a parody of the Russian sensibilty of the beginning of the twentieth century and as a compendium of Russian Futurism, the opera has a great significance. Although an extensive line by line analysis of the opera is beyond the scope of the present study, an examination of the action and intentions of the opera allows us better to understand the effect of the performance on the contemporary audience. Act one begins with a mangled folk saying, "Vse khorosho, chto khorosho nachinaetsiai."[4] Using both sdvig, the shift of semantical meaning which creates a new poetic sense to the line, and reverse perspective, Kruchenykh disorients the audience with a line that is usually found at the end of a play. He follows up this proclamation with a double entendre: "A konchaetsia? // Kontsa ne bacfet /’ ’[4 ] referring both to the action of the Futurists on stage and as a playful jab at the bourgeoise audience who worry about the length of the performance. Tomashevsky discussed this opening in his account of the performance: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 99 Finally the "trick" was found to open the "opera." ...After this exchange, the Puturecountrymen tore a paper curtain that was painted completely in Cubist style, and the opera began. After accomplishing the "trick," Kruchenykh rested on his laurels and calmed down.** After the opening speech, the strongmen rip through the curtain, essentially leaving the theatrical framework and bringing the play beyond the "fourth wall." This symbolic action had two purposes: to destroy the old theatrical boundaries of the stage and to eliminate the distance between the spectators and the actors by bringing representative actions, "play acting," into the real, physical theater at Luna Park. Using a technique that he had earlier explored with Khlebnikov in Mirskontsa (1912) [Worldbackwards], he created a disruption in the expected flow of time, thus freeing the opera from traditional expectation of narrative flow. This beginning was mirrored by the ending, in which the same characters rearrange this phrase again: Bee xopomo, h to X O pO U JO HaHklHaSTCfl v \ He MMeeT KOHi^a Minp nornôH eT a naM n e i KOHqa! [23] This radical change alters the perspective of the audience on that which has transpired in the opera. The opening exchange is questioning and hopeful, but by the end, the strongmen are apocalyptic avatars of destruction whose own Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 100 -transformation has assured them eternal life. If we take this to be the credo of the heros of the opera, then the story is not about the creation of a new Futurist land, it is about the destruction of the physical plane of existence and the tranfiguration of the human body into a spiritual form. In the opening dialog, the first strongman launches into a shocking, almost pornographic, description of what the Futurists will do; CKo/ibKO KpoBM CKo/ibKo ca6eyib H nyuieHHbix le/i! Mbi norpyjKaeM ropw! To/icibix KpacasMi; Mbi sanepyiM b aom riyCTb laM nbBHMI^bl XoflflT pasHbie HarnuieM [4] There are echoes of the militarism of the Italian Futurists in the tone of the strongmen; it is impossible to determine whether Kruchenykh was adopting the Italian Futurist stance or parodying it, but given Khlebnikov's and Kruchenykh's antipathy toward Marinetti, it would seem odd for this to be a positive reference. There is, however a parallel between this opera and the Italian Futurists. In "Uccidiamo il Chiaro di Luna I" (1909) [Let's Murder the Moonlight!], Marinetti describes the dream of building a Futurist railroad and recounts the night preceding the great event: Paolo Buzzi, suddenly waked from that delirious flood, tossed as if in the anguish of a nightmare. "Do you hear it, the Earth's sighing? . . . The Earth is tormented by the horror of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 101 lightI. . . Too many suns lean over its livid pillow <...> At these words the sun presented to us its red and trembling wheel of fire, from the fartherest horizon. "Get up, PaoloI" I cried, "Seize that wheel! . . .1 proclaim you driver of the world!. . . The connection between Marinetti's destruction of the metaphor of moonlight and the Russian's choice of the sun metaphor was not coincidental. By 1914, the majority of Italian Futurist manifestoes had been translated into Russian.*® Livshits also makes direct reference to this manifesto in his memoirs,"Ego [Marinettinenavistnika lunnogo sveta, mizogina, razrushitelia muzeev. . . Of course, a parody of their Italian rivals would be consistent both with their disdain of foreign influence and with the general tenor of the opera. The coarse violence and sexuality were not appropriate either to the operatic genre or to the Russian stage. In addition to plot explication, Kruchenykh was also addressing the audience, which had, for the most part, come to the theater to be shocked and titillated. Because of the savage reviews of Pobeda, including charges of pornography^® Matiushin felt obligated to defend his work; "But what happened? Was it outrageous, pornographic, or illegal excitement of minds?" , he asked rhetorically. Although Matiushin denied this aspect in his defense of the opera, undeniably the intention of the opera was to descend into Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 102 coarse commonality and bring "high art" down from its pedestal. Consistently throughout the work, images of sexuality, violence, and degradation are employed to destroy the conventions of the opera. This is certainly the intention of the gravedigger scene; "Razmozzhit' cherepakhu// Upast' na liulku//...//Pakhnet grobom zbirnyi klop.. [14] This verse has the typical elements of Futurist poetics; it brings together a repulsive, vivid image, in this case, a turtle with a crushed head, with a cradle made of a turnip (surely, a fantastic image taken from folk sources). Because of the proximity of the two images, the reader creates a cognitive link that transforms the turtle into a murdered child. Added to this unsettling image is the synaesthesic evocation of the smell of the grave which reeks of fat bedbugs. There is also a strong element of parody of the decadent sensibilities in both the subject matter and with the play of words, bringing to mind Sologub in particular. There are three dominant motifs in the first act: time, carnivorous hunger, and violence. The exchange between Nero and Caligula and the Time traveller sets the tone for the rest of the opera almost as a leit motif for the pattern of conflict between the corporeal and the spiritual. Nero and Caligula in one person is obsessed with material consumption, "Zhar'te rvite chto ia ne dopek. // ia em sobaku...;” emotions, he angrily exclaims "Kiuln sum Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 103 der"^^ and complains ” letel'bxshch ne terpia;” and vanity "nepozvolitel’no tak obrashchat'sia so starikami.” This character is not only a representation of the material world, but of the authority of the status quo and the old order. Nero and Caligula presided over the decline and fall of Rome, and a two headed representation of Roman emperor would be an obvious reference to the Tsar for an audience accustomed to reading between the lines. This character's symbolic representation of the Russian empire in decline adds dangerous significance to his menacing speechs. Nero and Caligula's pronouncement "Mesto ogranicheno// Pechat' molchat '" is an edict of societal control and imperial censorship.^' Matiushin, in his memoirs, remarked that "Tsenzura pocbemu-to ne obratila vnxmanixa na buntarskxe slova opery.”^^ The desire expressed in "Nu chto zhe delat' uidu xskos'xu v XVI vek v kavychkx sxada” is a parodie swipe at the tercentenary of the Romanov dynasty that was being celebrated with much pomp and circumstance at that time.^* This character is juxtaposed with the Time Traveller across all centuries who represents the spiritual revolutionary. He is the ideal result of the Futurist program put into action, combining poetic transformation with technology. His first speech marks him as a Futurist: " f l p y r Bce cia/10 Bflpyr nyujKM — Oaep cnwT Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 104 M H o ro nbiyiM nOTOn... CMOTpkl Bce cra/io M yjKCKU M Oaep TBepx<e ^K eneaa He Bepb cTapoM Mepe [6] In this short speech, there are the hallmarks of the new Futurist language of poetry. Destruction of syntax and grammar in the first line; is drug a fragment of vdrug or addressed to Drug, or a contraction of drugoi or a compliation of all of these meaning to give both the status of the speaker, both friend and the other, as well as his presence in more than one time, drug marks the boundary between the time periods- the peaceful 35th century and the violent 20th century in which cannons suddenly appear. The manipulation of gender- ozer instead of ozero, bur for buria, pelensbcb for pelenisbcbe creates a new strength in the language- "the lake (mas.) is harder that steel (neu.)" that is translated to the physical objects themselves. Just as Nero and Caligula represent the Russian Empire, the Traveller is a symbolic compliation of the characteristics of the Futurists. His means of transportation, the wheel of an airplane, is connected to Kamenskii; time travel is associated with Khlebnikov, the King of Time. Even Nero and Caligula examining the plane wheel with a lorgnette has a connection to Futurist lore. Kruchenykh mentions in Nasb vykbod, that at his first Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 105 performance with Maiakovskii at the Bubnovyi Valet debates in 1912, he rebuked the audience: —H e n p a s fla yin, ohm a o h b p t m k o b A onnca/incb? H anpM M ep, KaK s a w noHpasMTca laKow o6pa3 «paaoHapoBaHHbiM yiopneT»? n y6/iM K a B cM ex. ToFAa fl pa3o6yiaMMyi— —3 to e n n ie i M3 «EsreHM fl O werM Ha» nyuiKMHa!” Throughout the opera are autobiographical references to events that are associated with the Futurists. Kamenskii's famous cry, "Kichku na sarail" is mangled in various places in the opera as "Sarcha sarancha," and "Kichki na kapustei The second act occurs in the 35th century (this according to the Traveller "ia byl v 35-m tarn sila bez nasilii i buntovshchiki voiuiut s solntsem," [7]) in the tenth country. The effect of the second act is one of transformation from the world of material substance to the non-corporeal world: npoBepTpMBaei secb ropoA BceM cia/io /lerKo AbimaTb M MHOFMG H0 3HaiOT HTO C CO0OM AS/iaib OT Hp03BblHaMHCM /lenCOCTM. H0KOTOpbl0 nwiayiMCb yionMibca, c/ia6bie cxoamtim c ywa, rOBOpa- B0Ab Mbi MOK0M Ciaib CipaUIHblMM M CMTlHbiMM. [17] Although it begins with a description of the impressions and sensations of the Futurists who successfully adapted to the new state, the fate of the people clinging to the past Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 106 is the true focus of this act. The Futurists move up to a higher plane: the prompter describes their fate: T3K paflOCTHO- ocBoéojKfleHHbie OT lajKecTM BceMnpHaro laroieHMa m w npoxoryinBo pacno/ioraeM cbom noKMTKM KK 6yflT0 nepeôupaeicfl Goraioe UapCTBO [18] This higher level of consciousness stands in contrast to the the cowards who tried to drown themselves or simply went mad from the transformation. But the separation from the material creates a distance between the new people and those who are left behind: " ved ' tarn narod ves ' zabralsia kuda to tk vysoko chto emu i dela net kk tarn cbuvstvuiut sebia parovozy ikh kopyta i proch.” [20]^^ Machines, animals, even common sensation have departed; there is also a sense that they are beyond the tragedy which affects those unable to adapt. As "supermen, " there is no time for pity and suffering is a means of becoming stronger. The sixth (and last) scene is divided into two parts; first, there is an exchange between the poshlyi Fat man and the workers and caretakers of the tenth countries. The Tenth Country is a hellish place of torture for the those unable to ascend from the depths. The Fat man describes existence there: Hy M 10-bifl cipaH bi! BOT He 3Han hto n p y fle ic a ci/iaeib B aanep iM HM rO/lOBOM HM pyXOM flB M H yib HeifcSfl pasBMHTHTCfl v\jw\ c flB M H y ic a a KaK l y i lo n o p aeM C TsyeT oKaaHHWM o 6 c ip i/ir Bcex nac xoaw m Mbt yibicbie^^ M He x<apKO a lonbKO napKo Taxow Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 107 KiiMMai cKBepHbiM flajKG KanycTa v\ j\yK He pacTyi a 6a3ap- rp ,e oh?- roBopai na ocTposax [19] The Tenth Country is unlike the traditional Romantic visions of hell in which devils and flames torment sinners. This hell is both modern and familiar, full of machines and workers. The Fat man (a stereotypical bourgeois factory owner) dressed in a starched white collared shirt with a vest is consigned to a hell that is much like the dehumanizing factory; he is forced toremain in an awkward position to maintain a dangerous machine with a sharp blade and live in a dirty dark place where even cabbages and onions will not grow. This demonic double of St. Petersburg is part of the long literary tradition of Pushkin, Gogol' and Dostoevsky; however, in this case, the little man is not supposed to elicit our sympathy because he has, like Don Juan, chosen both his fate and his punishment. The second half of the scene seems to be a return from the future to the present. The Futurists proclaim that a new world will exist and the aviator arrives on stage to proclaim " kha- kba- kha la zhiv// ia zhiv toi'ko kryl'ia nemnogo potrepalis' da basbmak vot."[22] This aviator is based on Kamenskii, who had, in 1912, crashed his plane in Poland and was feared dead. Kruchenykh is able to create a seamless transition from hell/the future to the present through the double image of the fantastic tenth country to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 108 St. Petersburg and through the identification of the Futurist of the future with the present Futurist/aviator Kamenskii. The fluidity of both time and place was designed to draw the audience into the zaum rhythm of the finale. The battle song of the Futurists has onomatopaeic imitations of the drum, guns, and bombs meant to draw the audience into the frenzy of action. II. Costumes and Sets. In his memoirs, Livshits describes the impression that Malevich's set design made on the audience: noSTOMy TO , HTo c fle /ia ji K C. MayreBMH b «nc6efle Hafl C o/iH iieM » , He Moryio He nopasnTb spi/iievieM, n e p e c ia B in u x oiny%i%aTb ceéa cyiynraie/iflM M c tom M M nyibi, kbk nepeff HMMM pasBepayiacb n e p n a a nynw H a « c o s e p iio ra » . C «$eepMHeCKMMM 3(W)eKTaMM», npaKTMKOBaBiuMMMca na Torgam HM X ciie n a x , 3T0 6biyiO HMK3K He CpaBHMMO. This passage highlights one of the most difficult problems facing a researcher of performance, the imprecision of interpretation based on second-hand accounts of the performance. The elements which give life to a performance, lighting, scenic effect, intonation of actors and the sound of the music, can not be reconstructed. However, there are always clues to these elements; in this case, the memoirs and newspaper accounts provide us with a sense of the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 109 performance. Livshits provides us with a new insight into how the stage decoration, costumes, and lighting were as important to the overall effect of the opera as the actors or music. HoBM3Ha M cBoeo6pa3kie npw ew a Ma/iesMHa 3aKyiK)HayiMCb npe*fle Bcero b ncnoyib30BaHMM cBeia KaK Hanayia, TBopamero $opMy, yaaKOHBioii^ero 6wTwe Benii/i b npocipaHCTBe. npnm /inbi, yT B ep w B m w eca b xnB onncii eu^e co BpeweHM MMpeccM0HM3Ma, BnepBbte nepeHocM/iMCb b c $ e p y rpex M3MepeHHM. . . . Ec/m c H6M v\ cocefli/i/ia oHa, to, noKayiyM, co CKy/lbniypHblM flMHaMH3M0M Bohhmohh.“ Livshits brings to light the three elements of stage and costume design that Malevich hoped to bring to the Futurist performance: creation of new spatial forms, creation of three dimensional cubist objects, and creation of the effect of dynamic motion. In each case, the artist was attempting to manipulate the traditional theatrical conventions of sets and costumes. By redefining not only the overall space of the stage, but even the space and movements of the human body, Malevich was reconfiguring the theater, bringing it out of the constraining, static passivity of naturalist theater in which the stage resembles "real life" into a participatory theatrical experience where the audience is called upon to percieve and interpret unfamiliar conventions of spatial depiction. Although Livshits touches on all aspects of the design of Pobeda, he uses stage lighting as the focus of his Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 110 analysis of Malevich's innovations. In fact, the lighting of Pobeda is perhaps the single element that held together the design for the performance. Malevich's innovative use of projectors allowed him to give a variety of perspectives, illuminating actors or set pieces from various angles, and accentuating shadows and angles on the set. H3 nepsosaaH H O M hohm n ;y n a /ib t;b i npoxeKTopoB BbixBaTbisa/ii^ no nacTBM to oai/iH, T O apyroM npeaMGT v\, Hacbnaaa ero t^bgtom, C006taa/IM GMy *M3Hb. It also enabled him to transform the stage into a cubist study of volume and dimension, changing even the costumed body into abstract geometrical shapes. The beams of light did not so much illuminate the stage as break it down into its requisite parts. The bodies of the actors were reduced to arms, legs, and heads by the focused spotlight. The costumes were designed to take advantage of the lighting effect. The costumes of the Sportsmen, for example, incorporate odd shaped elements of different colors which could be isolated in the projector beam and could give radically different images according to the position of the actor on stage. The combination of lighting effect with costume design allowed Malevich to experiment with what was soon to be a guiding principle in his artistic system: expressive geometric forms which seemed to move independently. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Ill The second result of the intense spotlight was the accentuation of the dehumanizing elements of the opera. Just as the awkward cardboard costumes and masks took away the individuality of the actor, the spotlight removed the actor as an entity from the stage. The pinpoint spot which fixed upon only a small portion of the actor ' s costume disrupted the rhythmical flow of bodies on the stage, thereby reinforcing Matiushin's chaotic disharmony. Perhaps as a reaction to prevailing theatrical systems such as eurhythmies or Stanislavsky's method, the isolation of a single element of the body was an attempt to divorce movement from expressivity or psychological motivation; Malevich was able to create a cubist dissolution of the frame of perspective into its compositional elements depriving the audience of even the actor ' s form as a point of reference. Light played a role in the manipulation of depth of perspective on the stage. Selective use of the projector created extreme foreground isolation of a single element which could then be melded into the cacaphony of costumes and backdrops by flooding the whole stage with light.This manipulation of space, shifting from two dimensions to three and back again was the basis for the Futurist's struggle with what the new theater would look like and what the role of the audience would be. Malevich created backdrops which emphasized the dimensionality of the stage. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 112 bringing his experiments with painting into a three dimensional art. The use of projectors and spotlights furthered the parodie tension of Pobeda. The harsh beam of the projector pushed the set and costumes out of the view of the audience, creating empty space or conversely, space filled with light and shadow. This stark effect had been used in Craig ' s Hamlet in Moscow two years earlier ( this play had toured St. Petersburg in early 1912) and had been much remarked upon in the press,®* and even figured prominently in Evreinov's parody of Craig's style in Revizor at the Krivoe zerkalo.^^ If we examine the backdrops for each of the scenes (as described in Malevich's sketches for stage design®®), we can see an elaboration of both the dimensionality and exploration of space. In every backdrop, there is depth of field on the flat; there is a square within the square with distorted and elongated shapes and figures on the trapezoids which represented top, bottom and sides of a box. This optical effect was designed not only to give depth to the stage but also to enclose the stage in a narrowing box, resulting in an almost claustrophobic intensity. However, the backdrop for each scene was unique both in design and in its desired effect on the audience. Perhaps the most elaborate design was painted on the paper "curtain" that served as the background for the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 113 prolog. If Malevich's reconstruction is accurate (the original sketch was lost), the curtain served as an overture for both the piece and for Futurism in general. The overall design is alogist, similar in composition to his Cow and violin (1913) or Englishman in Moscow (1913).®’ He combines disparate objective elements, a boot, a cannon shell, the wheels of an airplane, letters, and numbers, to provide a sense of the themes and sensations of the opera. Speed, violence, the riotous cacaphony of movement and bodies in motion are at the center of the curtain; however, objects and words depicted on the periphery undercut the symbolic significance of the center. While the center is filled with action, the periphery is concerned with the cosmological and theoretical: numbers, the etherial composition of the heavens, a map to a location underground, a rate of speed ("lete 5000 v sekunde"), the distance and directions from the sun ("ot solntse 4,00 (g) sleva"). The tension between objects and ideas is in accordance with Malevich's vision of the Futurist work of art: *yrypMCTOB nopaskiiia HeoÔMKHOBeH Haa cw/ia Hecyu;Mxcfl npeflMeioB, Gwcrpaa mx CMena, m OHM ciayiM Mcxaib cpeacTBo, xaxMM 06pa30M nepeaaTb coBpeMeHHoe cocToaHwe «...» OTBepraa pasyM v \ BbicTaBWB MHiyi/ii^MK) xax noflco3HaTe/ibHoe, Ky6o0yTypwcTbi oflHOBpeMSHHo noyib3yK5Tca cbomx xapiMH $OpMaMM, COSaaHHbIMM pa3yM0M flyiA C B O e W UeviM.®® Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 114 As Act 1 begins, the strongmen tear the curtain open, essentially bringing the alogist painting into the third dimension and resolving the tension between the opposites. The backdrops for the first act show a progression and consistency in the objects and images depicted. In Act 1, scene 1, the backdrop is simple geometric shapes, predominantly rectangles arranged to show a "floor" and a "ceiling" of stairstep boxes. In keeping with the action of the scene, this scenery has no objective reference to time or recognizable place. The color scheme is black floor and white walls. In his article, "Suprematizm. 34 risunka," (1920) [Suprematism. 34 Drawings] Malevich described the significance of black and white in his system: CÿnpeM aiM H ecK M M x o /ic i M 3 o 6 p a *a e T 6eyioe npocTpaHCTBO, HO He cMHee. npuHW Ha a c n a - CMHee He a a e i peayibHoro n p eacT asyieH M a SecKOHeHHoro. « ...» CaMoe r/ia s H o e b c y n p e M a iM 3 M e - g s a ocHOBaHna- a n e p ru M H epH oro M 6 e n o ro , c jiy x a n iM e p a c K p w im o 0cpMbi aeMCTBua../^ Of course, the opera took place prior to Suprematism as a system, but this set demonstrates the principles Malevich associated with the spatial characteristics of the Suprematist painting. The absence of color in the first scene places the action outside of the confines of ordinary reality, transporting the strongmen and the time traveller to the realm of abstraction and timelessness. Livshits saw the nascent forms of Suprematism in his designs: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 115 EflMHCTseHHOM peayibHOCTbK) 6biiia a6cTpaKTHaa $opMa, noryion^asm aa b ce6a Gea o c ia iK a bcio yiJoi^MiJjepMHecKyK) c y e iy Mi/ipa. BMecTO KBaapaTa, BMecTO K p y ra , k KOTopwM L ia /ie s u H 37 >Ke T o raa nbiiayica CBecw cbo© «nBoiiMCb, oh noyiyHkiyi B03M0*<H0CTb onepwpoBaTb kix oGtewHbiMM KopeiifliaM M , K y6oM n m apoM . The purity of geometric form in the first scene reflects the connection between the Futurist strongmen and the world of ideal perfection which their art represents. The action, however, quickly shifts from the Futurists to Nero and Caligula and the Time Traveller; this shift is also found in the set for the second scene, which retains certain elements from the first scene but reiterates and reinforces the discord introduced into the action. The second backdrop is described in the stage directions as having a green floor and green walls, but in his sketch, Malevich indicates that two colors, green and black, are used. The transformation of the color scheme from black and white to green and black indicates a shift in mood and action, and also a shift from eternal space to space regulated by physical laws. Although many of the basic geometric forms are retained (with slight modifications in perspective and orientation), new, objective elements (airplane wheels at the top center, clouds at top right, and what appears to be the eclipsed sun in the lower left center) have been added to the basic motif. The backdrop has been affected by the actions which Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 116 preceded it in the first scene. The alteration of color and form (presumably with a change in the tones of the musical score) indicates the influence of Matiushin's color theory on the set design of the opera. In Zakonomernost' izmeniaenosti tsvetovykb sochetanxi, (1932) [The Natural Law of Changeabi1ity in Color Combinations], Matiushin described the intrinsic relationship between color, environment, and the deformation of forms, if, in an experimental setting, the color of an object is altered, there is a corresponding deformation of the form of the object in relationship to the viewer's perception.This principle seems to be in effect in the first act; the transformation of the set seems to be a function of the change in the predominant color, and in addition to real objects represented in the backdrop, the geometric figure are also stretched and changed. There is no indication of an ideological or symbolic importance for the color green beyond placing the action on the earth as opposed to timeless infinity in the writings of Malevich or Matiushin. However, the motifs and costumes introduced in the scene relate this color to folk theater. The scene opens with "prokhodiat vrazbeskie voiny v kostiumakb turkov- po kbromomu ot sotnx- s opusbcbennymi znamenami nekotorye iz nikb ocben' zbxrnyi." The incongruous appearance of Turkish soldiers in the ahistorical opera, although presaged by the character of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 117 Nero and Caligula in one person, has the fantastic impracticability of the folk tale. This scene, in fact, resembles a variant of Tsar' Maksimilian in which Mamai of the Golden Horde appears: Ha cu^eHy s tm e ia e T qapb M awaw c HeCKOJIbKMMM BOMHaMM. BOklHbl CXaHOBflTCA nonxTKpyroM «...» BOMHbl (n O B D T necHK)). «BbixoflMTe, ôacypMaHbi, Bbi3biBaeM Bac n a 6 0^!»^^ In the folk play, the appearance of a historical figure who bears no relationship to the action adds to the sweep and pageantry of the spectacle, but does not provoke skepticism in the audience. In the opera, the introduction of a folk motif (this impression is also supported by the language employed, the curious formulaic description of the soldiers "po khromomu ot sotni" sounds like a folk appellation as a opposed to a literal stage direction) was an homage to the influence of the Soiuz molodezhi and a reference to the model upon which their theatrical efforts were based. Although the second scene has a definite setting, Russia (this is affirmed by the first strongman ' ' Idite ulits milliony-// II ' tiaeni budet po-russkii" this is even a reference to Millionaires' street in St. Petersburg where the rich built their mansions ), and even a reference to a specific historical event, the naval disaster at Port Arthur in the Russo-Japanese war, the mixture of distant past, recent history, and people of the future places the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 118 action in the timelessness of the folk narrative. The apparent disregard for inconsistencies is intentional and indicates the correct model for watching the action of the scene. The third and fourth scenes of the first act function as a thematic opposing pair, and this is reinforced by the backdrop design. Scene 3, the gravedigger scene, is filled with dark constructions, there is a repetition of the image of an eclipsed sun, represented by either full or partial black circles. At the center of the backdrop is a large arc which would seem to represent the earth, certainly the central motif of the gravedigger. The stage direction indicates that the walls and floor are black and the costumes are also black, red, and white. The somber night of the third scene is a prelude to the riotous bright light of the last scene of the first act, the siezing of the sun. The backdrop is dominated by a large sun and includes elements from each of the previous scenes (geometric shapes from scene 1, wheels from scene 2, a black triangle from scene 3). The sequencing of burial preceding the joyous capture of the sun has carnivalistic and folkloric overtones of death and rebirth: Xop- - M bi BonbHbie PasôMToe co/iH i^e... 3flpaBCTByex TbMa! H HepHbie 6orM HX /lü Ô M M U a - CBMHba! (15) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 119 The paganistic excess of the celebration, along with the symbolic murder of the sun, has the carnival overtones of the harvest celebration. The set of the last scene has a variety of colors to mirror the folk atmosphere of the victory. The set design of the second act abandons the cubist and alogical progression of the first act, indicating not only a change in time and location, but also a change in the sensibilities and perceptions conveyed by the sets. The cacaphonous clutter of the set of the last scene of act one is replaced with an ominously sinqole white backdrop with a black triangle transversing the square from the upper left to the lower right corner (although as Charlotte Douglas points out, it is more of an arc which seems to mark the curve of a spherical body^^ ). Although it has been contended that this backdrop marks the first instance of Suprematism, its function is more figurative than abstract, perhaps portraying the sun shut up in the darkness of a concrete house; this is in line with the general movement of the set design from symbolic to representational in the opera. However, this set departs radically from the stage directions which call for " izobrazbeny doma naruzbnymi stenami no okna stranno idut vnutr' kak prosverlennyia trilby mnogo okon." (17) Malevich's design focuses on the image of the trapped sun, preferring to reserve the depiction of the tenth country for the last scene. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 120 The second scene is the most representational of all backdrops in the opera. It depicts a factory which seems to be clanstrophobically crammed into the small space provided. This underground factory has easily discernible smokestacks, a window, a clock, even a ladder and stairs. For the first time in the opera, a concrete setting is provided; in a sense, this set is a parody of traditional stage design, in which the underworld is depicted in abstract terms. Malevich, however, uses this as a rhetorical device- realism is the hellish realm of the bourgeoisie who are unable to perceive that which is the future. As the old man advises the representative of the bourgeoisie, the fat man, "vot pozbaluite vkhod priamo nazad vyidete.., a drugago net net H i priamo werkh k zemle."{19) The world of objects is, for Malevich, a dead end which cannot lead to enlightenment. Although the sets were innovative, Malevich was unable fully to articulate his vision because of money and time constraints. These same problems faced Malevich in costume design, but because of the size and medium (cardboard), he was able to produce costumes which were both dimensional and experimental. The costume designs for Pobeda have been reproduced in im many catalogs and are, perhaps more than any other factor, responsible for the widespread attention paid to this event. The odd shaped, angular costumes were the prototype for many of the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 121 experiments in costume design by the Russian avant-garde, especially those by Alexandra Exter’^ and El Lissitiskii. In Nash vykhodf Kruchenykh described the impression of Malevich's costumes had on the audience: flew cTByiouiM e yikiiia- b M aacax, HanoMMHaBtukTX coBpeweHHwe npori/iBorasbi. «yiMKapw» (aKTepbi) HanoMMHayiM flBM>KymMeca Mami/iHbi. KocTK>Mbi HO pi/icyHxaM MavieBMHa >K e 6W/IM nocipoeHbf KyôwcTMHecKM- KaproH n npoBo/ioKa. 3 to weHR/io anaTOMMK) H&noBeKa- apTHCTbi flBnra/iMCb, CKpen/ieHHwe v \ HanpaBJiaeMbie pi*iTMOM xyao>KMHMKa M pe>Kkiccepa. ” This account brings together several main elements which Kruchenykh wanted to bring to the forefront in his account of the performance. First, the costumes create a synthesis of technology and humanity; constant refrain of violence and war is reinforced by the fearsome, gas mask-like quality of the masks as well as the cardboard armor with spikes and jagged edges. The human element is subjugated to the machine, and the future belongs to the machine as well. Second, Kruchenykh emphasizes the puppet-like quality of the actor, who is subject to the will of the artist and the director. This is almost a paraphrase of Gordon Craig's description of the director as puppeteer. Third, Kruchenykh is interested in the physical transformation of the anatomy of the actor and the means by which the costume altered movement. The actor was literally changed into a theatrical Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 122 machine which was a projection of the will of the author and the director. In his article, "Balagan" (1912), Meierkhol'd advocates a new theatrical sensibility which revives the art of the mystery play and the puppet show. Kruchenykh seems to echo this sensibility in his view of the art of the actor: HO MOJKHO jw\ paccTaibca c Kj/KyiOM, Korfla ona ycneyia coaflaib b ero leaipe laKCM OHapOBaieJIbHblM Ml/ip, C TaKMMM BbipaSMTeyibHblMM JKeCiaMM, nOflHMHeHHblMM KaKOM-TO 0C06eHHCM, BOJIbmeÔHOM leXHMKe, c TaKOM yrjiGBaTccTbio, KOTopaio CTa/ia y*e nyiacTMHHOM, c laKMMu hm c h6m He CpaBHMMbIMM gBM^KeHMBMM?^^ The Futurist actor, in this sense, is a puppet who is able, precisely because his gestures are stilted and artificial, to portray the essence of the theatrical experience. The conventions of the stage and the limitations imposed by the puppet, which the audience readily accepts, are vital elements of the ritual of the theater. Malevich's costumes conceal the individuality of the actor and, in so doing, strengthen the connection to the ritualistic roots of this opera in Dionysus and the fairground. Meierkhol'd also provides a rationale for the use of full face masks in the performance (despite the drawback of muffling the voices of already weak singers). The mask keeps the audience from focussing on the individual actor, prompting instead, the creation of a general type. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 123 3to xaMeyieoHCTBo, cKpwioe nofl HecMeHfliou^eticfl yiM w iH O M KOwem/iaHTa, aaei TeaTpy oHapoBaieiibHyK) i/irpy cBeia n tshm. He M aoca m n o M o ra e i apkiieyno MHaTbca b cTpany BbiMbic/ia? M a c x a a a e T apnTevBo BviaeTb He TonbKo a a H H o ro ApjieKM Ha, a Bcex ApjieKWHOB, KOTopbie ocra/m cb y n e ro b n a M flm . H b new a p w ie jib BMflMT Bcex yraoflew, xoTb cxanwco- H M ô y a b n o a x o a a im n x n o n c o a e p x a H w e SToro o ô p a a a .” If the opera is really a revelation of the impending fate of man as envisioned by the Futurists, then the characters are not individuals but types whom the audience has met in life. Just as Chernyshevskii describes his characters in Chto delat'? as models of the new people, the opera demonstrates the characteristics of the Futurists so that the audience may follow the pattern. III. Theatrical Sources and Predecessors. Pobeda is ambiguous both in form and in purpose. On one hand, it is a sweeping parody of high culture, opera, Pushkin, Symbolism, and Russian theater, but, on the other, it has the serious, didactic purpose of establishing a new overarching art form encompassing all disciplines. While these goals may seem contradictory and self-defeating, they are in keeping with the aggressive character of Futurism in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 124 1913. The lectures, debates, disputes, performances, and scandals were more than simply presentations of the art of Futurism; they were designed to programmatically alter the public's perception of art and literature, supplanting the intellectualized effetism of the Symbolists with a national art of the people that embraced all genres and styles. The target of the parodie intent of Pobeda was Russian "high" culture as embodied in an art form that was alien to Russia and which had not fulfilled the theatrocratic destiny envisioned by Wagner and echoed by his followers in Russia. The Futurist opera was, in fact, not merely a parody of, or reaction to, the literary and artistic movements which preceded it; it was the harbinger of broad social change. Just as Nekrasov and Chernyshevskii were not merely "writers," but representatives of political and social reform in Russia, the Futurists also had cunbitions which extended beyond the confines of the literary circles of the major cities. The opera itself was a collage of observations and vignettes encompassing the literary, musical, artistic, and political spheres of Russian life. The embedded and encrypted social commentary in Pobeda, which was coupled with criticism of the state supported cultural monoliths of theater and music, electrified the young audience of Futurists and their supporters. This could also account for the excessive hostility of the press Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 125 toward the performance.’® Futurism was a movement that was identified as outside of the realm of social acceptability; Futurist performances, appearing Like carnival in a "theater without footlights," allowed writers to stand outside the cultural establishment and look to the streets for "support in the struggle against the official culture." Acting as hooligans, the Russian modernists could throw off the weight of tradition, they could hurl tea at the seriousness with which Russian culture viewed itself, and they could revitalize Russian culture by mocking and destroying the old and starting anew.® If we examine Pobeda as a manifesto for social change, then we must look at how the opera fits into the context of the social literature which preceded it. The setting in an unspecified city of the future, and its connection to futuristic technologies in general, places it in the genre of science fiction. Although it would be difficult to characterize Pobeda as science fiction per se; the eclectic combination of genres and influences would limit the scope of the opera and unfairly characterize the intentions of the authors, science fiction, both as an influencing source and as a means of social criticism, provides a clue to interpreting the performance. Even in the works of H.G. Wells and Jules Verne in Europe, science fiction is implied social criticism, pointing out the shortcomings of contemporary culture and providing a future utopian or distopian alternative. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 126 In the Russian context, science fiction was a means of criticising Russian culture under the constraints of strict censorship. It provided the means for implied criticism of the status quo and a vision of the society constructed according to the favored premise of the author.It allows for the creation of world that is not in accordance with the realities of the contemporary situation and, in fact, is not constrained by the realities of experience. For the author in society, this distinction is important; a fantasy, that is, a romantic myth, which takes place in the future or in an imaginary world, cannot be considered seditious or revolutionary because it ostensibly does not refer to the realities of the contemporary situation. But, as Robert Scholes points out, "didactic romance or fabulation that we usually call allegory, satire, fable, parable ... indicate our recognition that reality is being addressed indirectly through a patently fictional device. Thus, the audience is aware of the intentions and implications of the author without a direct connection being made. This same convention allowed circus clowns to criticize the regime with relative impunity. Throughout the 19th century, radical sentiment appeared in the guise of science fiction; as early as 1824, Russian writers began to produce works that fell into the category of science fiction. Faddei Bulgarin wrote his “Pravdopodobnyia nebylitsy. H i stranstvovanie po svetu v Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 127 dvadstat' deviatom veke" [Plausible Fantasies or a Journey in the 29th Century] (1824) which described the technological and anthropological changes that would occur over the next thousand years in Russia. Although neither the writer nor the work itself could be described as socially progressive, Bulgarin used the genre to satirize the contemporary bastions of culture and popular taste from the comfortable distance of time. Vladimir Odoevskii used the same technique in his 4338-i god [The Year 4338] (1835) (most likely as a response to Bulgarin's heavy-handed cultural criticism) in which his criticism of the authoritarian conditions of Russia, expressed in terms of a description of a democratic government of Russia in 4338, was not published until after the revolution. However, these works set the stage for a relatively acceptable means of criticizing the regime and offering an alternative vision of the future. Even Chernyshevskii, the staunch advocate of reality in art, resorted to science fiction in Chto delat' in order to bring his vision of Russia after the revolution to the people. Chernyshevskii's utopia of a glass greenhouse which transforms the cold north into an edenic garden was the basis for the revolutionary image of the future. This seemingly value-neutral description of the "New Russia" and the values and customs of the Russians of the future seized the imagination of the nihilists and revolutionaries, and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 128 it is precisely this utopia which became the model for fabulation of the Russian society. Dostoevsky set up his dystopia in Zapiski iz podpol'ia [Notes from the Underground] as a direct rebuttal of the scientific positivism that shaped Chernyshevskii's new world. Even at the turn of the century, Chernyshevskii's model was inescapable; Aleksandr Bogdanov's Krasnaia zvezda [Red Star] (1908), Briusov's Zemlia [Earth] (1907) and Respublika iuzhogo kresta [Republic of the Southern Cross (1907) and Aleksandr Kuprin's “Tost" [The Toast] (1906) all incorporated elements Vera Pavlovna's dream in their own utopian descriptions. The societal impact of this allegory for revolution shaped the nature of subsequent discourse. Pobeda was a part of this discourse, echoing both the concerns and the motifs that had come to be synomymous with the radical utopian fiction embodied by these texts. The similarities to the structure of Vera's dream begin with the first act of the opera. The utopian setting of the opera, with Futurist strongmen and time travel in search of the future of Russia set this work within the context of Chernyshevskii's revolutionary discourse. Even the seemingly nonsensical "Tolstykh krasavits// My zaperli v dom..." parallels the topic of Chto delat'? and has a parallel referent in the novel, " [man] valued her only for her beauty... He said that he was a human being and she wasn't; she still viewed herself as a splendid treasure Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 129 belonging to him." The structure of the first scene of the opera also parallels the beginning of the dream with its description of the different eras of history and a shift from past to future as well as a description of the future utopia. However, in the novel, the scene of revolution is omitted (for censorial reasons; the opera seems to fill in the metaphorical blank of violence and revolution and bridges the gap that Chernyshevskii was unable to describe. The Futurists did not rely on Chernyshevskii's canonical text, but rather, encompassed and compressed this discourse into their work. The echoes of this polemic of utopic/dystopic are woven throughout the opera. For example, Kuprin's “Tost," which is written from the perspective of the socialist/revolutionary, perfected society of the future in the form of a toast to the brutal revolutionary sacrifice of his ancestors. H OH CKaoa/i... ' Ho v\ Torga cpeflu noKopHbix Bbnnnbix >K M B O T H b lX , CpeW TpyCVIMBbIX npecMbiKaion;kixcH pa6oB Bgpyr nogbiMayin roiioBbi HeTepnevTMBbie ropflbie yiman, repon c n/iaweHHbiMM aymaMM. Kax oHM poxaa/iMCb b T O T nOfl/lbIM, 60H3JlMBblM B6K, — fl H6 MOPy noHHTb 3Toro! Ho O H M BbixowiJiM Ha njiouj^aw M Ha nepexpecTKM n Kpuna/iM- « fla sflpaBCTByeT CBo6ofla!» ... M OHM o6arpayiM CBoeM npaBegHOM ^^ropaneM KpoBbio nyiMTbi ipoTyapoB. Ohm cxoam/im c ywa b xaMeHHbix Menncax. Ohm yMMpa/iM na BMcejiMi;ax m noa paccTpe/ioM. Ohm OTpexa/iMCb Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 130 flo6poBO/ibHO OT Bcex paflocTM— yMepeib aa cBoéoflHyio > K H 3 H b rpAoyii^ero HejioBeHecTBa This impassioned praise of revolutionaries, inspired by the events of 1905, was set 900 years in the future, but the connection to Chernyshevskii's new men is unmistakable: people, like Rakhmetov,who sacrificed everything for the revolution. This motif is also present in Pobeda: flecaibiM cipaH... npoujyibiM yxoflUT 6blCTpblM napoM v\ sagBMraei aacoB. HoBbie- Mbi BbicTpeviMJiM Biipoiir/ioe. TpycjiMBbie- HTO *e ocTaviocb, hto Hn6yflb? - HM cjiefla -r/iy6caca /in nycioia?... MHorne He anaioT hto aeyiaib ox HpeaBbiHanHow yierKocTM. HexcTopbie nbtxayrncb yxonnTbca, cyia6bie cxoflnyin c yMa, roBopa- Beflb Mbi MOXGM cxaxb CXpaUIHblMM H CMJIbHblMM. (17.) There has been a shift in perspective in the opera; rather than presenting the terrors of revolution from the distant future, the Futurists present it as an ongoing struggle without the safety of the assured outcome. The main themes of struggle and transformation through the crucible of battle remain. Thus, the political/revolutionary subtext of the opera is expressed in a literary context that would have been evident to the contemporary audience. Although the revolutionary potential of science fiction was undoubtedly the most provocative reason for the setting of the opera, the futuristic setting was also a Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 131 means of wresting control of the genre from the Symbolists. The Futurists reacted to the estheticized future of man as expressed in Briusov's play, Zemlia [Earth] (1904) in which the future of mankind is a slow, choking death in an underground tomb that has become the last refuge of the survivors of the technological revolution. In Zemlia, Teotl, a young poet in a future city, glimpses the stars through a crack in the top of the enclosed city; he is convinced that the people of earth could return to the surface of the planet to live; however, he does not know that opening the city will result in the loss of the remaining air on the lifeless planet. Tlatsotli, the elder of the city, allows Teotl to open the hole in the belief that mankind should perish in a poetic yearning for freedom instead of withering in the ground without hope. Pobeda, perhaps in reaction to this decadent invocation of the cult of death and decay, provides a vital alternative in which the future is not death but transformation of man and conquest of nature. The Futurists are not trapped in the hopeless hell of the 10th country with the fat man and the old man; they are fearlessly battling the very forces which subjugate man, time, space, and age. There is an element of parody in the depiction of the fat man afraid to join the Strongmen: just as in Briusov's play, the Symbolists, fat and complacent, are unable to make the leap to the new reality. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 132 Finally, science fiction represents the romantic confrontation between the literary and the societal. In his "Preface to Lyrical Ballads," William Wordsworth described the duty of the poet in the new world. If the labors of men of science should ever create any material revolution, direct or indirect, in our condition, and in the impressions which we habitually receive, the poet will sleep then no more than at present; he will be ready to follow the steps of the man of science, not only in those general indirect effects, but he will be at his side, carrying sensation into the midst of the objects of the science itself. The remotest discoveries of the chemist, the botantist, or mineralogist will be as proper objects of the poet's art... If the time should ever come when what is now called science, thus familiarized to men, shall be ready to put on, as it were, a form of flesh and blood, the poet will lend his divine spirit to aid the transfiguration, and will welcome the being thus produced, as a dear and genuine inmate of the household of man.®^ The rapid advancement of technology promising a miraculous transformation of man meant, for the Futurists, that the artist could no longer limit himself to the role of the ineffectual intellectual who could not survive in the real world. For art and literature to be relevant in the new world, it would have to go beyond the canvas or the page and become a part of the transformative process. The Futurists, especially Khlebnikov and Matiushin, saw their art as a means of creating a synthesis of science and human existence, in this quest, they often created works that Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 133 were mixtures of art and literature and science; Khlebnikov's Uchitel' i uchenik [Teacher and Student](1912) and Kol iz budusbchego [Stake from the Future] 1914-1922 and Matiushin's Paintings from all Perspectives (1913). This combination was not unique to the avant-garde; it was, instead, part of a tradition beginning with Lomonsov (see his Epistle on the Usefulness of Glass, 1751) and continuing through Belinskii, Dobroliubov and into the fin de siècle with Vladimir Solov'ev's philosophical works which combined history and religion, Nikolai Fedorov's theory of religious/scientific resurrection and Konstantin's Tsiolkovskii's literary explications of space travel. This strange mixture of the scientific and the fantastic sets the stage for the Futurists' creation of a "new art." Michael Holquist, in his article, "Tsiolkovsky in the Prehistory of the Avant-Garde," discusses the the tension of the two tendencies in the work of Tsiolkovskii: Tsiolkovsky's texts... are radically hybrid, in much the same way that the texts of his mentor, Fedorov, are hybrid: in both we get a bizarre mixture of wildly utopian religio-political vision and hard data from the natural sciences. The patent conflict between the stylistic levels of their work is merely the most obvious token of the more fundamental oppositions that fuel their thematics: in both, the opposition between the level represented by mathematical formulae on the one hand and the visionary project on the other serves as a formal trope for the contrast between the static and dynamic, death and life, which is the ultimate antagonism driving their project.®^ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 134 The prognostications of Konstantin Tsiolkovskii, such as Na Lane (1893) [On the Moon], and Grezy o zemle i nebe (1930) [Fantasies of Heaven and Earth] were combinations of scientific and technical observations with literary fantasy. This combination was present to a large degree in Pobeda as well. IV. Music and the Opera At the beginning of Cbto takoe iskusstvo?, [What is Art?] (1896) Lev Tolstoy describes an opera rehearsal that he witnessed: These three directors arranged the singing, the orchestra, and the procession.... The procession was introduced by a recitative delivered by a man dressed up like some variety of Turk, who, opening his mouth in a curious way, sang, "Home I bring the bri-i-ide." He sings and waves his arm (which is, of course, bare) from under his mantle.... the director, in a distressed and angry voice, begins to scold the men and women of the chorus. It appears that when singing they had omitted to raise their hands from time to time in sign of animation. "Are you all dead, or what? Cows that you are! Are you corpses, that you can't move?"... The opera he was rehearsing was one of the most ordinary of operas for people who are accustomed to them, but also one of the most gigantic absurdities that could possibly be devised. An Indian king wants to marry; they bring him a bride; he disguises himself as a minstrel... That there never were or could be such Indians, and that they were not only unlike Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 135 Indians, but that what they were doing was unlike anything on earth except other operas, was beyond all manner of doubt. For Tolstoy, who believed that art had to be "true to life" to be valid, opera represented the anathema of all that he stood for: it was artificial, contrived, class-dependent, and without a glimmer of realism. Tolstoy even singled out Wagner for special derision (he included a sarcastic description of the libretto of Wagner's Nieblung&n Ring as an appendix to Cbto takoe iskusstvo?). Although Tolstoy's didactic intention was to dispel the aura of "high art" which was embodied in opera, his attack was more than a little disingenuous in its naiveté. The highly educated and articulate Tolstoy, born to nobility and high culture, affected the pose of the dispassionate, even ignorant, outsider who was unable to look past the conventionality of the art form. Many of these concerns are again addressed in Pobeda: the increasing chasm between opera and the common man, the artifice and implausiblity of the art form, the ahistoricity of costumes as well as the lack of realistic gesture and manner in the actor. However, the Futurist parody of opera was not a complete rejection of the art form; it was a rejection of opera in its Russian incarnation, controlled by the fiercely authoritarian Imperial Mariinskii Theater in St. Petersburg and the Bolshoi in Moscow. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 136 At the Imperial theaters, the productions and set decorations were lavish to an extreme.®® Unfortunately, the repertoire was usually predictable and conservative, favoring traditional staging and opulent spectacle over experimentation. This was a result of direct control of the Imperial theaters by the Tsar. For example: Alexander III personally approved the repertoire for the opera and ballet, often making significant changes: he did not miss a single dress rehearsal in his theaters. The emperor was involved in all the details of new productions- and not just from whim or pleasure; his motivations were also political. He knew that the imperial theaters- opera, ballet, and drama- were the mirror of the monarchy.; the brilliance and opulence of their productions reflected on the majesty of his reign. Alexander personally crossed out Boris Godunov from the proposed repertoire for the 1888-1889 season of the Mariinskii Theater, replacing it with an opera by Massenet.®^ Opera occupied a prominent role in the cultural politics of Russia; it was seen as a means of creating a national identity. Ivan Vsevolozhskii, the director of the Mariinskii Theater in the 1880's declared that "Russkaia opera dolzhna v Rossix zaniat' to zhe mesto, kakoe otvedeno natsxonal'nym operam na gapade."®® Vsevolozhskii had in mind nationalism in the political sense, that is, opera as the manifestation of the tsar's power in the cultural arena. This director was severely criticised by the liberal press for his lack of artistic independence. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 137 Like so many other cultural endeavors of the late 19th century, opera took on a broad significance for the culture at large. The performance, or prohibition, of certain operas, by Russians or foreigners, often marked a reaction to the political events of the time; the institution of an Italian-French repertoire at the Mariinskii in the late 1880's was a sign that the relationship between Germany and Russia had significantly cooled. In 1866, after an assasination attempt on Alexander II by a Polish terrorist, Mikhail Glinka's Zbizn' za tsaria [ A Life for the Tsar] was performed many times to whip up a patriotic fervor.®® This ostensible linking of opera to politics, and even more significantly, to the Tsar, made a parody of opera especially appealing to the Futurists. "Victory over the Sun" becomes an affront to the power, wealth, and even, the influence of the Imperial family, which was so closely identified with the both the sponsorship and the subject matter of opera in St. Petersburg. Of course, Pobeda was neither the first operatic parody to appear in Russia nor the most popular. Both in form and content, the Futurist opera owes much to Mikhail Volkonskii's parodie treatment of Verdi, Printsessa Afrikanskaia, H i Vampuka [The African Princess or Vampuka] with music by Vladimir Erenburg, (published 1900, first performed at the Krivoe zerkalo in January, 1908). This utter deflation of Verdi's overblown operatic spectacle. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 138 Aida, became a permanent part of Krivoe zerkalo's repertoire. Vampuka dissected the operatic performance as well as Verdi's opera, parodying the sets, costumes, decorations, even the operatic acting style associated with parody. Grigorii Krizhitskii described a performance of Vampuka in the following way: A$pMKaHCKaa nycTbiHa, nocpeaw K O T o p o w pocKoujHafl, oÔMTaa spacHbiM n/iK>nieM KymeTKa. Ase-Tpn HaMayiesaHHbie Ha ^anepe na/TbMbi. Heibipe cTaincTa, 6or anaeT Kax paaMayieBaHHbixM H3o6pa>KaioT xop- B pbDKWx ipHKO M C OrpOMHbIMM $MrOBblMM JIMCTaMM OHM neyiM- «Mbi b ny, mw b ny, b nycTbine * mb6 m . H KSK-, M xax-, M KaxTycbi *yeM.»®° The cartoonish simplicity of the set and the crude excesses of make-up laid bare the conventions of high opera, pointing to the extent to which form had overcome content. However, even this parodie treatment of a monumental work was fraught with cultural and political connotations. The opera begins with a chorus singing a credo, setting the scene for the conflict: MbI 3 ... Mbi 3 ... M b! 30 M O n b l, Mbi npo... Mbi npo... npOTMBHMKM EBponbi... « ...» Mbi B A4)... Mbi B a$... Mb! B A$pM Ke >KMBeM, M BaM... M BaM.... BaMnyxy Mbi HaMflSM. Although this opening is a crude stereotyping of African tribal life, complete with half-naked "savages" chanting rhythmically, it is obviously a commentary on Russia, referring to the separation of Russia from Europe and the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 139 perception of the barbarism of Russia. The reputation of Russia as an uncivilized country was part of the exotic appeal of the unpredictable East for Europe. This impression is emphasized by the last line which creates a link between the Ethiopians on stage and the audience by mockingly addressing the audience: " I Vam... i Vam" only to defeat expectations by completing the line "Vampuku my naidem.” The name of the heroine, Vampuka, seems to be a conflation of dative form of second person plural with pukat' "to fart," giving a risqué, mocking tone to the operetta. Just as Pobeda draws the audience into a dialog with the art form, Vampuka creates an ironic distance between the operatic form and the audience. Pobeda has many similarities both in form and content with Vampuka. Like Vampuka, Pobeda was a reaction to Verdi. Tomashevskii stated that The arias, as well as Matyushin's entire score, are like a parody of Verdi...All the Futurists, especially Kruchenykh, were very enthusiastic about Matyushin s music. "Wonderful1" shouted Kruchenykh, pathetically waving his hands. "Outstanding! That's certainly not Tchaikovsky I " The Futurist opera, with its episodic scenes and ad hoc sets and costumes, owed its peculiar amalgam of styles and influence to the cabaret tradition of parodie experimentation, catering to the capricious popular audience that was not impressed by the snobbery of culture. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 140 However, the musical score was no more a unified synthetic parody than the libretto. It was episodic as well, ranging from the parody of high opera to serious avant-garde experimentation to appropriation and manipulation of folk motifs.®^ The score for the opera is not complete, but Koiukharov describes the opera as combining elements from both popular music and the dynamic works of Max Reger and Arnold Schonberg: ...ce qu'il y a de frappant dans La Victoire sur le Soleil c'est un passage pour chant seul sur le text <passage au bleu et au noir>; Matouchine, probablement à la recherche d'un caractère expressif particulier, y utilisé le quart de ton, ce qui est rare non seulement pour cette époque-là, mais même pour la nôtre. It is reasonable to believe that the music of the opera is as episodic as the libretto, mixing styles, genres, harmonies, dissonances, and popular melodies in an aural equivalent of collage. It is difficult to say whether the full impact of Matiushin's music was conveyed to the audience; the old, out-of-tune piano that provided the accompaniment would not have provided the setting for the nuances of performance envisioned by the composer. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 141 V. The Anxiety of Influence: Russia's Literary Past In her analysis of twentieth century art, A Theory of Parody, Linda Hutcheon offers a reinterpretation of the role of parody: "the closest model to present practice was not called parody at all but imitation<...> modern parody is [not] only Renaissance imitation: it would require the addition of an ironic and critical dimension of distanciation to be an accurate reflection of the art of today. Although Russian Futurism as a movement is generally described as a reaction to, and rejection of, the influences of Russian literature of the 19th century and its immediate predecessor. Symbolism, Hutcheon's formulation points to an important element of the relationship between Futurism and its literary heritage: imitation and appropriation. Much of the dramatic effect of Pobeda is derived from the echoes of literary texts that can be found in the libretto in the form of paraphrases, parodies, and appropriations. In fact, this technique can be seen as the overriding metaphor of the whole performance; through the use of parodie quotation, the opera literally collapses the Russian literary past, present, and future into the synthetic moment of the theater. This technique is represented in the inability of the Traveller through the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 142 centuries and Nero and Caligula to put events in historical context: HepoH 1 4 K a/jnryyia- Hy, hto >K e fle/iaxb y w ay M C K O C bC B 16 B G K B KaBbl'KM ClO^a. ... IlyTeinecTBeHHMK no bcsm BeKaM- 3. 6 y a y eaanT b no bc6M bskbm, a 6biJi b 3 5 -m tbm cv\m 683 H aC M Y IM M 1 4 6yHT0Bn;i4KI4 B0K}10T C COJIHqeM 1 4 XGTb H8T T3M CXaCTbfl H O BC8 CMOTpai CHaCT/II4BblMI4 1 4 6e3CM8pTHblMI4... (7) The characters are unable to create a context of commonality for their discourse. This same sensation is present at the textual level; fragments of literary styles from folklore to Pushkin are inserted into the text without a framework for the reference. If we take, for example, the Ill-intentioned one's speech: X ora a 1 4 He aacipeyiM yica- 143 aacienHMBocTM- Ho naMaTHi4K ce6e n o ciaan y ï— tojks h8 ryiyn! M h8 nepBOMy naMaiHUK- aaMeHaie/ibHo!.. flBOMKa Hepnaa npaam npaMO Ha wena. (8) then we see a paraphrase of a well-known line from Pushkin imbedded in this disjointed speech. "la pamiatnik sebe vozdvig nerukotvornyi.." (1836)*^ Horace's "Exegi monumentum" had been translated or paraphrased by several Russian writers: Valerii Briusov, Gavril Derzhavin, Afanasii Fet, Vasilii Kapnist, and Mikhail Lomonosov; the struggle between poet and society had special resonance for the Russian experience. Kruchenykh used this paraphrase to compress the tradition represented by this poem. Even more importantly. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 143 he used the quote as a way to destroy the most sacred icon of Russian literature, Pushkin. In Kruchenykh's version, the speaker is not the noble servant of truth; he is vain and stupid, more concerned with his image than with the monument he is creating. Kruchenykh also conflates the poetic persona with the historical figure of Pushkin: "ia ne zastrelilsia- iz zastenchivosti" a probable reference to Pushkin's fatal duel which many considered to be a form of suicide. Thus, the audience is left disoriented, unable to assimilate or engage the complex tradition represented by this fragment in continuum of the overall Futurist work. It is the intense web of casual, half-digested references which creates the collage effect of the opera, creating an almost unconscious subtext for the work that was both familiar and disconcerting. This subtext placed Pobeda within the tradition of the literary discourse of the time and, at the same time, subverted and defamiliarized the conventions that made up the traditions. Kruchenykh, in his later, theoretical works, Malakholiia v kapote [ Melancholy in a Robe] (1919), Sdvigologiia russkogo stikba [The Shiftology of Russian Poetry] (1923), argued that the meaning revealed in the oral declamation of poetry by shifting stress or emphasis was an unconscious subtext that was part of the overall interpretation of the work of art. He illustrated his point by finding eroticism in seemingly innocent poetry, "istoriia KAK anal'naia Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 144 erotika" [The History of Crap, Anal Erotica]; for example " KAK oksan ob"emlet// Kak Isaaka veli&ana," which he attributes to Fedor Tiutchev.^’ In this case, the "theoretical" basis for Kruchenykh's contention is a juvenile snickering over the sound of words, but Kruchenykh is correct in that this quotation is colored by the interpretation, robbing it of its innocence. While the parody of the opera could be a subtle undermining of the literary tradition, it was more often an open polemic with Symbolism. Beginning with the title, Pobeda nad solntaem, the work was a direct repudiation of the Symbolist esthetics. Konstantin Bal'mont proclaimed, “Budem kak solntse "(1901-1902) [We Will be Like The Sun] as the title of his programmatic cycle of poems: B yaehi K3K co/iHLçe! 3a6yaeM o tom, Kto Mac Beaei no nyrw aojioioMy, ByfleM yiMUib noMHUib, hto bghho k unoMy- K HOBOMy, K CMJIbHOMy, K fl0 6 p 0My, K 3/lOMy-...^® The sun, the symbol of Apollo, represents both logic and the higher, impenetrable truth of the ideal.However, the sun was, characteristically, an ambivalent force, encompassing good and evil, creation and destruction; its relationship to the universal, primal mythologies made it a potent metaphor for poets such as Bal'mont, Valerii Briusov,Sergei Gorodetskii,and Viacheslav Ivanov. The Futurists, emphasizing the intuitive over the rational, rejected the formulations of the Symbolists, choosing Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 145 instead to give flesh to the metaphoric system and to physically do battle with the idea. As Charlotte Douglas described Pobedai The opera's basic theme, man against the sun, is meant as the arch-image of the Futurist desire to transcend the merely present and visible. "The sun of cheap appearances," as Matiushin called it, is the creator and symbol of visibility, and hence the illusion of reality. It is Apollo, the god of rationality and clarity, the light of logic, and thus the arch-enemy of all "singers of the future. Although Douglas sees the work as a rejection of the visible and real, it is also a rejection of the artistic and overly estheticized intellectualism of the Symbolists. While Ivanov called for Dionysian release in the theater. Symbolist drama was, for the most part, a tiresome exercise in obtuse theorization without a hint of anarchic release. Even more curious was the insistence that this "new" theater would result in a religious transformation of the audience, and, by extension, society itself. The Symbolists' call for unity under the banner of art was by no means a call for populist revolution; it was a proclamation of the isolation of the superman before the dull mob. For the Futurists, this elitist self-indulgence delineated the chasm between the intelligentsia and the people. The Symbolists were fundamentally unable to make the link to real life, preferring to be caught between Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 146 worlds. Even in this poetic manifesto, the ambivalence to the act of revolution is obvious. The isolation and inaction which marked the Russian Symbolist movement, subject to indecision and the whims of their environment, was repellent to the Futurists. In “Poshchenina obsbchestvennomu vkusu," (1912) [A Slap in the Face of Public Taste] David Burliuk, Khlebnikov, Kruchenykh, and Maiakovskii rejected the Symbolist worldview as: Kto He 3a 6y ae i cBoew nepsow JimGBn, He p3HaeT nocjieflHeM. Kto * e , ooBepHMBbiw, oôpaTMT nocyieflHKïio /lio6oBb k nap4)iOMepHOMy BajibMOHTa? B new jw\ oTpa^enna MyjKecTBeHHOM ayuiM ceroflHam nero ana? Kto > K e , Tpyc/iMBbiM, ycTpauiMTca cTamnTb ôywaxHbie /laTbi c aopHoro $paKa BOkina BpiocoBa?/°‘ ‘ Symbolism was, for the Futurists, a passive, effeminate movement, more linked to the introspective dandyism of Turgenev's heroes than to the demands of Russian society in flux. The vivid, cruel imagery of the opera is a resounding rejection of the neurasthenic hypersensitivity of the Russian decadent who reduced life to its ideal reflection in the intellectualized realm of philosophy. There is a fundamental inabilty of the Symbolist to act; the heroes of Belyi's prose works, Serebrianyx golub' (1910) [The Silver Dove] and Peterburg (1914) [Petersburg] are doomed by their intellectual inactivity. Even among their allies, this Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 147 tendency was noted; Aleksandr Dobroliubov, mystic, chided his old friend Belyi for his inaction: Brother, now is not the time for refined tricks with words and ideas, not the time for art; now is the time for prophesying about the imminent coming of a new earth and about faith and about nothing else. This tendency toward indecision is also pronounced in Symbolist poetry: take for example, Bal'mont's "Aromat solntsa," (1899) [Aroma of the Sun] : “Zapakh solntsa? Chto za vzdorl // Net, nevzdor."^^^ The constant negation of statement and corresponding liminal state of the poetic narrator is a characterizing motif of the Symbolist work. The Futurists resisted this isolation of the work of art as art for art's sake, preferring to integrate art into the creation of a transformative technology combining art and life. Although Symbolism was anathematic to the Futurist rhetoric, Pobeda owes much to the Symbolist formulation of the artistic esthetic. As the Hyleans proclaimed in Sadok sudei [A Trap for Judges](1913): . . . We understand vowels as time and space (a characteristic of thrust), and consonants as color, sound, smell. 8. We shattered rhythms. . . . 11. We believe the word to be a creator of myth; in dying, the word gives birth to myth, and vice versa. The synaesthesiastic melding of words as described in the manifesto is reproduced in the union of art forms in Kruchenykh's and Matiushin's opera. The Futurists chose to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 148 create an opera precisely because of what it represented for the modernist audience.. The experiments of the Russian Symbolists (Belyi's Chetyre simfoaii [Four Symphonies] (1899-1908), Bal'mont sang his poetry, and Gorodetskii dressed as a character from old Russia to perform his folk themed poetry, and so on) set the stage for the Futurist play with these concepts. Despite the Futurists' fervent rejection of Symbolism, virtually every aspect of Pobeda relied, to an extent, on the esthetic system elucidated by the Symbolists. Even though the Futurists distanced themselves from their precursors through parody and outright hostility, the groundbreaking experimentations of Belyi, Blok, Viacheslav Ivanov, and Sologub were the basis on which the Futurist esthetic was founded. The Futurist opera reflected the influence of the movement's immediate predecessors: the creation and interpretation of myth and language experimentation. In the Prolog to the opera, Khlebnikov proclaimed: B A e iM H u e c o a e p u o ra «B yflecyiasyib» e c ib cbom noflCKaanyK Oh noaaôoTMTCB, HTo6bi poBopoBba v \ nesaBbi ujyiH r/iaflKO He 6peviM poano, ho aocTMrnyB KHBxeôHa Ha c/iyxaTaBMM, naBasMviM 6w /noflHAK c o a e p u o ra or THGBa cyaaayieM. (2) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 149 Although Khlebnikov was describing the role of a narrator within the confines of the opera, he was, in fact, metaphorically describing the creation of a new set of Futurist mythologies which combine the mythic past with the utopie future. The name "Budeslavl"' is a neologism of a historic root “slavl'” [glory], with connotations of the heroic, idealized past of the bylina and victories over the Mongols of the Golden Horde and "bud-" the future. This construction conflates the past and the future in a personified narrator, thus associating the heroic heritage of the Slavs with the deeds of the Futurist strongmen. The creation of a new poetic form from folklore was an important element of the Symbolist creative esthetic. Both Belyi and Blok wrote articles on the inclusion of folk language as a means of creating a new poetic form. Aleksei Remizov and Sergei Gorodetskii wrote many works in folk style to reenergize the literary form with the primordial vigor of the "primitive" style. In 1907, Remizov published two works based on folklore, Limonar' and Posolon' which Bely described as having "a ring of exceptional purity, of elemental music. . . .That is why everywhere in Posolon', there is such a victory over form. This search for the fundamental truths corrupted by time also prompted Gorodetskii's lar'(1907) [Spring Corn] a poetic rendition of the Slavic tribal myths was an attempt Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 150 to reach the essence of reality through art. Gorodetskii, wrote in notes for his autobiography, explained how his poetic style was connected to Slavic folk forms: CrpeMyieHne k flpesHocTu, a ynacneacBaj] or oTiia. Ha 3T 0M noHse, nofl BnenaTJieHMeM oepeseH C K O M m m m , bo3 h i/\k j w m w a s b in e c K n e CTMXM, OCHOBaHHbie HB Ha6yiE>AeHklBX HBA kirpaM M AepeBeHCKMX Just as the Futurists looked to the origins of language in both historical and phylogenical sources, Gorodetskii also claims inspiration from ur-language and children's games. This fascination with primordial forms was also the basis for language experimentation for both the Symbolists and the Futurists. The most experimental aspect of Pobeda is the use of zaum as a major structural element; while transrational language was already firmly established in the Futurist performance repertoire by the end of 1913, the opera was the first attempt to use the device within the context of a dramatic piece. Although zaum was supposed to be beyond the intellect, the transrational language used in the opera has semantically contextual meaning and did not rely on the intuitive understanding of the audience. If we take for example, the "military song" at the end of the last act: /I xp Kp TJ 1M TJIMT Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 151 Kp Bfl T p Kp By6p fly fly pa j\ K 6 M * p Bi^fla fln6a (23) what would seem at first to be unintelligible groupings of consonants, when read aloud (and in the context of the action, an airplane crashing on stage) becomes the onomatopoeic sound of an airplane engine spluttering to a stall, probably a reference to F. T. Marinetti's experiments with sound poetry of that time. However, it also has a deeper significance within the Futurist dialog with Symbolism, the creation of a new language based on primal experience. Belyi, in his essay “Magiia slov" (1909), described the process of language: The original victory of consciousness lies in the creation of sound symbols. For in sound, there is recreated a new world within the boundaries I feel myself to be the creator of reality. . . . By calling the frightening sound of thunder grom [thunder], I am creating a sound that imitates thunder, grr. And by creating this sound, it is as if I were beginning to recreate thunder itself. The Symbolist conception of language as having the mystical power to create is reflected in the Futurist urge to coin neologisms and devise an experiential vocabulary of zaum words which reflect the new world of technology, in effect Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 152 to invent a new way to think that corresponds to the demands of the new world. A second element of zaum found in the opera, the glossollalic ecstasy of pure emotional utterance, was also drawn from the Symbolist interest in mystical speech. Within the opera, there are only small bursts of glossollalia: “Kiuln sum der," (5) and "Garizonl Lovi snoiu//Spny Z. Z. Z./" ^^^(8), but the innate strangeness of the sound of the words intimate a connection to the sectarian rituals of speaking in tongues. Like the Symbolists before them, the Futurists saw something vital and mystical in the fervent chanting of the khysty. In 1908, Blok felt himself drawn to the sects; he wrote in his diary that he wanted to make a pilgrimage to the Volga, "To the sectarians- into Russia. The Futurists were also drawn to this movement; Khlebnikov and Kruchenykh^^ both discuss the sectarian glossolalia, taking examples from the textbooks of D. Konovalov, Religiozny ekstaz v russkom sektanstve, (1908) [Religious Ecstasy in Russian Sectarianism] and i. Sakharov, Skazaniia russkogo naroda, (1841) [Tales of the Russia People]. In fact, many of Kruchenykh's zaum poems are based on examples taken from Konovalov, if we compare Konovalov's account of a Chukcha shaman's chant, "kotero, tero, mur, koro, poro," with Kruchenykh's poetry "Wulevo // Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 153 Pulevo // Kulevo . . . .dyzh’ ’^^^ or “kho-bo-ro// mo- cbo- we see a similarity of both content and intent. The connection between the theoretical concerns of the Symbolists and the Futurist production indicate that Futurism was not a rejection of the heritage of Russian thought; it was, on the contrary, an extension of the concerns and experiments initiated by the Symbolists but never brought to their inevitable conclusion. Pobeda was, at once, a monument to Symbolism and a parodie epitaph for the aspirations of that movement. The sarcastic swipes at the conceits and conventions of Bal'mont and Briusov were the final touches to the process of dismantling serious Symbolist theater in Russia begun by Blok in Balanganchik in the same theater. Although the event at Luna Park was supposed to be the triumphant introduction of the Futurists to the theater, it actually marked the last major theatrical experiment by the Futurists as a group until after the revolution. The onset of the First World War and the Revolution made further such ventures impossible. Thus, for good or ill, Pobeda and Tragediia hold the distinction of being the most fully realized Futurist theatrical spectacles in Russia. It is difficult to say whether a flowering of Futurist experimentation in the theater could have resulted, but the questionable viability of Futurism as an ongoing commercial Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 154 venture, able to impress and scandalize night after night makes it unlikely. However, like most experiments, aspects of the performances were drawn upon and developed later: the effect of the costumes can be seen on the clothing designs of Stepanova and Exter's designs for Aelita, Malevich's sets were the first step toward Suprematism, Khlebnikov's theatrical experiments were the basis for theatrical designs by Lissitskii and Tatlin. ^ Za 7 dnei, 15 Aug., No. 28, 1913, St. Petersburg, 605- 606. ^ Charlotte Douglas, "Colors without Objects: Russian Color Theories (1908-1932). The Structurist. 13/14 (1973-1974) 34-35. ^ Mikhail Matiushin, "Futurism in Petersburg," Ewa Bartos (trans.) in The Drama Review, Vol. 15 No. 4, Fall (1971) 102. * Nils Âke Nilsson, "Kruchenych ' s Poem ' Dyr bul shchyl,'” Scando-Slavica, Vol. 24 (1979) 140. ^ Nikolai Kul'bin, "Svobodnoe iskusstvo kak osnova zhizni" Studio impressionistov, St. Petersburg, 1910. Sections reprinted in Vladimir Markov, Manifesty i programmy Russkikh futuristov (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1967) 15-16. ® Douglas, 34. ’ Kazimir Malevich. Ot kubizma k suprematizmu. Petrograd, 1915. (On the cover, the date of publication is given as 1916.) See A. Shatskikh and D. Sarab' ianov (eds.) Kazimir Malevich, Sobranie sochinenie v piati tomakh, Tom 1 (Moscow: Gileia, 1995) 27. ® [Iz almanakh "Sadok sudei”] in Markov, Manifesty, 52. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 155 ® Frantisek Deak. Symbolist Theater: The Formation of an Avant-Garde (Baltimore; The Johns Hopkins Press, 1993) 153- 154. Gerald Janecek. Zaum: The Transrational Poetry of Russian Futurism (San Diego: San Diego State University Press, 1996)133. Janecek, 133. Vassili Kandinsky, Yellow Sound, first published in Der Blaue Reiter, Munich, 1911. Translated and reprinted in Kenneth C. Lindsay and Peter Vergo. eds. Kandinsky: Complete Writings on Art (New York: Da Capo Press, 1994) 278. Vassili Kandinsky, "On Stage Composition", first published in Der Blaue Reiter. Kandinsky : Complete Writings on Art, 258. The theoretical and personal connection between Malevich and Kruchenykh is explored in Nikolai Khardzhiev's article "Polemika v stikhakh (K. Malevich protiv A. Kruchenykh i I. Kliuna)" Malevich himself pronounced that "Odnim iz glavnykh diagnostikov i vrachei poezii schitaiu svoego sovremennikov Kruchenykh, postavivshego poeziiu v zaum'" (As is typical for Khardzhiev, he cites an unpublished article by Malevich that is at the present time lost.) Nikolai Khardzhiev, "Polemika v stikhakh (K. Malevich protiv A. Kruchenykh i I. Kliuna) "in Marzio Marzaduri, et. al., eds. L'avangardia letteraria russa. Documenti e ricerche (Trento: Università di Trento, Dipartimento di storia della civilta' Europea, 1990) 207-214. Included in his article " 0 poezii" (1919) First published in Izobrazitel'noe iskusstvo (Petrograd: 1919) No, 1. 31-35. Reprinted in D. Sarab'ianov, A. Shatskikh. Kazimir Malevich. Zhivopis’ teoriia (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1993) 200. Although this article was published in 1919, his poetry dates from around the time of the performance of Pobeda. Malevich, "0 poezii," 199. Malevich, "O poezii," 197. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 156 Mikhail Matiushin, "Futurism in St. Petersburg." Ewa Bartos, trans. The Drema Review, Vol. 15, No. 4, Fall, (1971) 101-102. Vladimir Rappaport, author of operetta Ivanov Pavil. He collaborated with the Futurists on this project acting as administrator and assistant director. K. Tomashevsky, "Vladmir Mayakovsky," Teatr, No. 4, 1938. reprinted in Ewa Bartos, trans. The Drama Review, Vol. 15, No. 4, Fall (1971) 96. Matiushin, 103. Tomas hevsky, 97. Tomas hevsky, 98. Matiushin, 102. Kruchenykh, 71. Malevich wrote in a letter to Matiushin: "The curtain depicts a black square, the embryo of all possibilities... All the many things that I staged in 1913 in your opera "Victory over the Sun" gave me a mass of innovations, except no one noticed..." Quoted in Charlotte Douglas, "Victory over the Sun," Russian History. 8, parts 1-2 (1981), 84. Markov, 144. Cf. Charlotte Douglas, "Birth of a Royal Infant': Malevich and 'Victory over the Sun,'" Art in America 62 March-April (1974) 45-51. — "Victory over the Sun" Russian History, Vol. 8, Parts 1-2, (1981): 69-89. Natella Enukidze, "'Pobeda nad solntsem' naiavu" in Iskusstvo avangarda: lazyk mirovogo obshcheniia. Materialy mezhdunarodnoi konferentsii 10-11 dekabria 1992g. Ed. A. V. Garbuz (Ufa: Muzei sovremennogo iskusstva "Vostok," 1993) 81-89. Greta Erbsloh, "Pobeda nad solntsem." Ein futuristisches Drama von A. Kruchenykh. (Munich: Verlag Otto Sagner, 1976) Gerald Janecek, Zaum: The Transrational Poetry of Russian Futurism. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 157 Robert Leach, "A Good Beginning” Victory over the Sun and Vladimir Mayakovsky, A Tragedy Reassessed, " Russian Literature (Amsterdam) XIII, (1983): 101-116. Jean-Claude Marcade, "Post-Face. La Victoire sur le Soleil, ou le merveilleux futuriste comme nouvelle sensibilité," La victoire sur soleil. Opéra. (Lausanne: L'Age d'homme, 1976) 65-97. In Khlebnikov's "Khudozhniki mira!" (1919) he states that " C 3H8MMT HenoflBMH<yK) TOHKy... T osHanaeT H anpaa/ieH ne, r a e HenoflBMJKHafl TOHKa cosflayia oTcyTciBMe cpeflu M H O X eC TSa flS U JK eH U M B T O M > K e H anpas/B H M M .The replacing of the combination stv with m, according to this system, would replace the idea of stationary stability with the idea of perspective and comparison. Velimir Khlebnikov, "Khudozhniki mira!" in Tvoreniia, M. Ia. Poliakova, ed. (Moscow: Sovetskii pisatel', 1986) 621- 622. Leach, 104-105. Leach makes the bold claim "Even though some details remain probably deliberately obscure and Kruchenykh from time to time uses nonsense and trans-sense to challenge or irritate, Khlebnikov's prologue is actually the most opaque feature of the script. However even this can be made sense of [sic]." Presumably this would be by Leach himself. However, both his explanations and his analysis in this short article (12 pages) do not achieve this lofty goal. Leach, 104. Kruchenykh, 71. Mikhail Matiushin, "Russkie kubo-futuristy," K istorii russkogo avangarda. N. Khardzhiev, ed. (Stockholm, Hylea. 1976) 152. Den' 1 Dec., 1913 quoted in Kruchenykh, 72. Pobeda, 15. Enukidze, 82. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 158 Pobeda, 1-2. Erbsloh, 37. n. 9. She translates sozertsog as Schauspielhaus, sozertsavel' as Schauhaus. In the English translation by Ewa Bartos and Victoria Nes Kirby. The root is retained as "contemplation;" thus obscuring the meaning and intention of the prolog. Aleksei Kruchenykh, Victory over the Sun. Ewa Bartos, Victoria Nes Kirby (trans.) The Drama Review, vol. 15 No. 4 (T-52) Fall, (1971) 107-125. A. Nekrylova, ttarodnyi teatr, 8. Pobeda, 1-2. F. T. Marinetti, "The variety Theater," in R. W. Flint and Arthur A. Coppotelli (Trans., eds.) Let's Murder the Moonshine. Selected Writings of F. T. Marinetti (Los Angeles: Sun and Moon Classics, 1991) 125. 43 44 45 Marinetti, 128. K. Tomashevsky, 96-97. Perhaps a reference to Revelation 17:1-18 "And the ten horns which you see and the beast, these will hate the harlot, and will make her desolate and naked and they will eat her flesh, and they will burn her with fire; . . . And the woman whom you saw is the great city who has dominion over the kings of the earth." For the Russian Futurist reaction to Marinetti, see Livshits' account of Marinetti's trip to Russia in his memoirs. Marinetti, "Let's Murder the Moonlight!" 56. See Vadim Shershenevich, Manifesty ital ’ ianskogo futurizma, Moscow; Russkoe tovarishchestvo, 1914. M. Osorgin, Ocherki sovremennoi Italii (Moscow: I. N. Kushnerev, 1913) M. Engel'gart, Futurizm (St. Petersburg: Prometei, 1914). Marinetti and the Italian futurists were also in direct contact with Russia. Marinetti's magazine Poesia was in contact with Zolotoe runo and was distributed widely in Russia. Soiuz molodezhi also published translations of Italian Futurist manifestos in Nos. 2 and 3. For more see Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 159 Anna Lawton, Vadim Shershenevich; From Futurism to Imagism. (Ann Arbor: Ardls, 1981). Livshits, 471. In Rech’ 1 Dec., 1913 No. 335, 7. “Teatral'nye ocherki," The reviewer called the Futurist performances "vulgar and rude." Other reviewers were more brutal including V. Bureinin. Janecek describes this zaum as having a French or German sound and more significantly, is vulgar sounding like epithets, culle, surna horse face, der'mo crap. This is in keeping with his character's connection to bodily function and appearance. Janecek, 116. The fact that Kruchenykh uses zaum here is also significant. According to his theories- zaum is used when a character loses his reason (that is, he is taken over by his emotions) and to create a protoimage of the character and give the audience an impression of his nature. Kruchenykh, "Deklaratsiia zaumnogo iazyka," (1921) in Lawton, 182. Khardzhiev claims that the impenetrability of the text allowed many dangerously unacceptable references to slip past the censor, including the reference to censorship itself. In 1913, the Futurists were under constant police and censorial scrutiny. Several times during that year, the police stopped Futurist poetry readings and lectures because of content issues. Nikolai Khardzhiev, "Sud'ba Alekseia Kruchenykh," Svantevit Arg I, No, 1, 1982, 38. Mikhail Matiushin, "Mne byli blizki ego idei,” excerpt from "Russkie kubo-futursity," reproduced in Sergei Sukhoparov, (ed.) Aleksei Kruchenykh v svidetel 'stakh sovremennikov. (Munich: Verlag Otto Sagner, 1994) 36. The celebration held ominous portents from the very beginning. The death of several hundred at the fair at Marsovo pole that opened the celebration was emblematic of the sorrows that awaited the empire. Kruchenykh, 45. This typical play on words which Kruchenykh often employed also points to the fact that Pobeda was the source for an apocryphal anecdote that was told about the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 160 Futurists' tour through the provinces in early 1914. Supposedly, in Kishinev, the Futurists paid fifty boys to run through the town, yelling that the Futurists had come; not knowing the word they yelled that the football players had arrived, confusing futuristy with futbolisty. This play on words occurs in the first act (the Ill-intentioned one pretends to play soccer "Pokazyvaet priem futbolista"), making unlikely that such an occurence would have followed so closely after the performance. The anecdote is recounted in Markov, 137. Compare this to Kruchenykh/ Khlebnikov Igra v adu. (1912) Bcex BTiacTeviMHOB Beceyi c6pofl 3aeCb )KaaHOCTb oGHaxMB KonbiTa 3acTbiyia xaK CKa/ia Again compare to Igra v adu B oHKax sflecb Kocbie XBocTOM n o fl MbiimcoM Ti;eKOHa xpoMbie yibicbie pa6bie KTO 603 6pOB0M KTO 003 n710Ha See Designs for Pobeda reproduced in Kazimir Malevich 1878-1935 (Amsterdam:Stedelijk Museum Exhibition Catalog, 1989) 240-245. 60 61 62 63 Livshits, 449. Livshits, 449. Livshits, 449. Charlotte Douglas, "Colors without Objects: Russian Color Theories (1908-1932)" The Structurist 13/14 (1973-1974) 38. A. Rostislavov in his review of the performance for Teatr i iskusstvo remarked that " the powerful contrast between light and dark disfigures the face and turns it into a kind of crudely carved painted mask with black holes instead of eyes and a black shadow under the nose hiding the mobility of the mouth." A. Rostislavov, "Gastrol' Moskovskogo Khudozhestvennogo teatra v Peterburge" Teatr i iskusstvo 16 (1912): 343. Quoted in Senelick, Gordon Craig's Hamlet, 180. Senelick, 181. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 161 It should be noted that this parody was performed on a regular basis and was wildly popular These sketches are located in the Leningradskii gosudarstvennyi muzei teatral'nogo i muzykal'nogo iskusstva and reproduced in Kazimir Malevich 1878-1935, Jean-Claude Marcadé, "Post face" La Victoire sur le Soleil, (Lausanne: L'Age d'Homme, 1976) 82. Kazimir Malevich, "Ot kubizma k suprematizmu, " ( 1915) in Sobranie sochinenie vol.l, 30. Kazimir Malevich, "Suprematizm. 34 risunka, in Sobranie sochineniia,tom 1. 186. ’° Livshits, 450. Mikhail Matiushin, Zakonomernost ' izmeniaenosti tsvetovykb sochetanii, Leningrad (1932), 7. Nekrylova, A. F. and Savushkina, N. I., Fol'klornyi teatr. 162. Charlotte Douglas, 82. This influence is most vividly present in Exter's designs for Aelita. Kruchenykh, 71. Meierkhol'd, "Balagan,” Stat'i, pis'ma, rechi, besedi chast' pervaia. 216. Meierkhol'd, "Balagan," 219. Joan Neuberger, Hooliganism: Crime, Culture an Power in St. Petersburg, 1900-1914 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993) 148. "The boulevard newspapers responded with derision and outrage to everything the futurists produced...But the futurists critical audience-the literary press and 'thick' journals- tried to ignore futurism." Neuberger, 152. Robert Scholes, "The Roots of Science Fiction," in Science Fiction: A Collection of Critical Essays, Mark Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 162 Rose, ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ. Prentice-Hall, Inc. 1976) 47. Leland Fetzer, "The Year 4338. Letters from Petersburg V. F. Odoevsky, introduction." Pre-Revolutionary Russian Science Fiction: An Anthology. Leland Fetzer, ed. (Ann Arbor: Ardis, 1982) 37. Aleksandr Kuprin, "Tost" Sobranie sochinenii v shesti tomakh, Tom 2 (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1994) 475-476. First published in the satirical journal, Signaly, on January 18, 1906, vyp. 2 St. Petersburg. William Wordsworth, "Prelude to Lyrical Ballads," quoted in Mark Rose, "Introduction to Science Fiction: A Collection of Critical Essays." 6. Michael Holquist, "Tsiolkovsky in the Prehistory of the Avant-Garde," John Bowlt and Olga Matich, eds. Laboratory of Dreams: The Russian Avant-Garde and Cultural Experiment. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996) 109. ”Leo Tolstoy, What is Art? Almyer Maude, trans. (Indianapolis: The Library of Liberal Arts,1960) 12-13. For example, Meierkhol'd 1917 production of Lermontov's Maskerad [Masquerade] at the Aleksandrinskii theater was the most expensive production ever in Russia, costing over three hundred thousand gold rubles. Solomon Volkov, St. Petersburg. A Cultural History (New York: The Free Press, 1995) 199-200. Volkov, 96. Russkii muzykal'nyi vestnik, 27(1881) 4. Volkov, 90. ^°Quoted in M. la.Poliakov. Russkaia teatral naia parodiia XIX nachala XX veka (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1976) 33-34. ^^Poliakov, 523-524. Tomashevskii, 95. Jean-Claude Marcadé. 81. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 163 Jean-Claude Marcadé. 81. ^^Hutcheon, 10. Aleksander Pushkin, . "la pamlatnik sebe vozdvig... " For an extended discussion of the evolution of this poetic metaphor from Horace to the twentieth century, see M. P. Alekseev, Stikhotvorenie Pushkina . "la pamiatnik sebe vozdvig..." Problemy ego izucheniia (Leningrad: Nauka, 1967) Unfortumately, Alekseev did not note Kruchenykh's interest in this poem. ” Kruchenykh, "Istoriia KAK anal'naia erotika", Malakholiia V kapote (Tiflis, 1919) 2. Konstantin Balmont, “Budem kak solntse", Izbrannoe, (Moscow: Pravda, 1991) 126. ” See Viacheslav Ivanov's formulation of the Dionysian/Apollonian duality of life in his " Zavety Simovizma," delivered as a lecture March, 10, 1910 and printed in Apollon, 8 (1910). cf. his use of sunlight as a dominant metaphor in the aforementioned play Zemlia. The sun as part of the pagan pantheon is a major element in his lyric cycle, lar' (1907) : C o /iH i;e CTOK), B c e B n a a n ie e OKO, Ha C TpajK e racwymux MnpoB. M om orHM - A w xan b e poxa, M o e BSflbiMaHbe- 6ea okob. Much of Ivanov's work on theater dealt with the revival of the Apollonian/Dionysian dialectic in the modern theater. Charlotte Douglas, "Birth of a 'Royal Infant': Malevich and "Victory over the Sun, ' ' Art in America March-April (1974) 47. David Bur link, Khlebnikov, Kruchenykh, and Maiakovskii"Poshchenina obsbchestvennomu vkusu," (1912) Quoted in Joan Grossman, "introduction" Aleksandr Dobroliubov, Iz knigi nevidiiaoi (Berkeley; Berkeley Slavic Specialties. 1983) xi. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 164 Balmont^ "Aromat Solntsa", Izbrannoe, 85. Sadok sud'ex 2 [A Trap for Judges ] (1913) (St. Petersburg: Zhuravl', 1913) translated in Lawton, Russian Futurism through its Manifestoes, 1912-1928, 53-54. For discussion of Khlebnikov's theory of folklore, see Henryk Baran, "Chlebnikov's Poetics and its Folkloric and Ethnographic Sources" in Velimir Chlebnikov (1885-1922): Myth and Reality, Willem G. Westeijn, ed. (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1986) 15-72. Also Khlebnikov, "0 pol'ze izucheniia skazok," 1914-1915. Andrei Bely, “Magiia slov" in Simvolizm, (Moscow, Musaget 1910) Aleksander Blok, “Poeziia zagovorov i zaklinanii," Moscow, 1906. Quoted in Avril Pyman, A History of Russian Symbolism (Cambridge : Cambridge university Press, 1994) 320. ^ ‘ Sergei Gorodetskii, RGALI f. M. V. Babenchikov quoted in S. I. Mashinskii, introduction to Izbrannye proizvedeniia v dvukh tomakh. Tom 1 (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1987) 10. " Andrei Bely, "Magic of Words", quoted in Janecek, 8. ^ Of Aleksei Kruchenykh, "Novye puti slova." “<namos, pamos, bagos... gerezon drovolmire, zdruvul dremile cherezondro fordei>" attributed to the Khyst, Shishkov. Markov, Manifesty... 67. Quoted in Grossman, xiii. See Aleksei Kruchenykh, “Novye puti slova" in which he discusses the glossolalia of sectarians and their connection to zaum. Markov, Manifesty, 64-73. Aleksei Kruchenykh, Ozbireniia roz (Tiflis, 1919) Aleksei Kruchenykh, Fo-li-fa (Tiflis, 1918) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 165 Chapter Nine A Feast in the Time of Plague: Futurism, Food and Trans f iguration Kymaw, xyaorw, roBflflM Hy P y 6 e H c a - 3aeaaw 6yyiK0M C e a a H a ! OCTOpO)KHO, He o6*MpaMCfl, CbIT He B y a e u ib 3m ra Ba/iMUieBCKMM X y y o m 1917 [Take a bite of the beef of Rubens, artists. Eat the bread of Cezanne I Be careful not to stuff yourself. You will not be satiated.] ziga Valishevskii "Learn, arters." (1917) In Uchites' khudogi, this epigram, attributed to the Polish artist ziga Valishevskii, functions as an introduction to the collage of words and images created through the collaboration of the poet Aleksei Kruchenykh and the artist Kirill Zdanevich. At first glance, the relationship between that which is described in Valishevskii ' s verse and the text of the book is not at all obvious; the introduction is very specific, pointing to the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 166 bankruptcy of Western art and drawing a vivid analogy between starvation and the effect of traditional art education on the viewer of that art. In the text of Uchites' khudogi, there is no further reference to this problem. Why then do Kruchenykh and Zdanevich feature this verse so prominently? I believe that this pamphlet functions as a metaphoric cookbook for the mixing of mediums and ideas. Kruchenykh^ who had, by this time, created some of the most daring experiments of Russian Futurist poetry, was faced with a new dilemma: how to transform the individual art of the few practitioners of Futurism into a movement with followers who could in turn produce art and perpetuate the form. This transformative process was to be much more expansive than mere art, it was the act of transfiguring man. The use of the metaphor of a cookbook was not coincidental. Virtually from the birth of Russian Futurism in 1910-1911, the concept of food was appropriated as a central organizing metaphor. The role of food was, of course, not confined to Russia; Marinetti, in 1932, devised his Futurist cookbook for the same reasons, in the introduction to the translation of F. T. Marinetti's Futurist Cookbook, Lesley chamberlain identifies food as "raw material for art"^ as central to Marinetti's avant- garde experiments, linking art to everyday life. It is this concept that is the common thread between Russian and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 167 Italian Futurism. The purpose of this chapter is to provide insights into the broader goals of Russian Futurism, the transformation of everyday life into artistic endeavor, focusing on the integral idea of food in the Futurist artistic cosmology. In an interview printed in Moskovskaia Gaz&ta^, Larionov, as spokesman for the Rayonists, outlined a plan for the transformation of man. As a part of his overall vision of Futurism, Larionov expanded the concept of new art to include elements of everyday life in the creative process. However, this transformation is not merely an aesthetic readjustment or a new point of view; it is a physical change in the body of man. Drawing on the heritage of mystical-literary philosophy of Nikolai Fedorov,^ Belyi, and Solov'ev,* Larionov describes transformation in terms of primitive ritual and scientific evolution. Each facet of everyday life must be transmogrified in light of the revelations of Futurist/ Rayonist theory. Larionov pointed to several elements of life that should be considered in order to transfigure the body: fashion, make-up, dance; however, the most intriguing process identified by Larionov as vital to reconfigure man: food preparation. While at first glance food may seem to be either extraneous to the process of transformation or utterly obvious and uninteresting; in fact, food, diet, meals and their preparation as a programmatic element of Futurism give new Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 168 significance to otherwise inexplicable actions, statements, and performances, providing a bridge between primitivism and the mystical act of transformation. The Futurist fascination with food and its transformative qualities was drawn from a long tradition of food as a symbolic device in Russian literature. The act of eating occupies an ambiguous position within the Russian tradition; on one hand, as part of the Orthodox rite, bread and wine are integral to the religious service as the transubstantiated substances of the body of Christ, on the other, food is the substance of the material, demonic world, deluding the consumer and leading him to eternal damnation. The zhitie [Saint's Lives]of Slavic Saints were often focused on the act of eating, both as a physical act and as part of the religious ritual. The asceticism of the Russian Orthodox monastic tradition revolved around the correct way to eat and the denial of the pleasure of eating. The zhitie of St. Feodosii (founder of the Kievan monastery of the Caves in the 11th century) is, to a remarkable extent, a contemplation of food as a part of the monastic ritual, functioning, on one hand, as the sacred symbol of transubstantiation and, on the other, as the symbol of everyday life, the enemy of the ascetic spiritualism of the monk.^ This paradoxical tension between food as trans figurative substance and food as the stuff of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 169 material life becomes a recurrent motif in Russian literature. In the eighteenth century ^ food and drink take on a more demonic character; Peter the Great's legendary banquet/binges with their blasphemous sermons fashioned after the "Sluzhba kabaku" [Service to the Tavern]^ OTHe Ham, n>Ke ecu c e flu m H bine flO M a, as. cviasMTi^a MMH TBoe HaMki, a a n p n n a n Hbine vi Tbi K H aM , f la 6 y a r o Bona tboa axo n a a o M y , TaK O M Ha Ka6aae, na nene x^e6 nam G y a e i/ lurii Lotman and Boris Uspenskii point to the Western influence of scholasticism in the religious parody and the infusion of European literary culture on Russia as a result of Pre-Petrine and Petrine reforms.® Certain types of food and styles of presentation of food become associated with different elements of Russian culture. Traditional foods become wholesome while imports from the West become associated with the blasphemous reforms of Peter;thus, "akafist kukuruze" [Hymn of praise to a corn cob] takes on added apocalyptic significance because corn was a New World food and, as such, was a portent of the coming of the Anti christ from the West.® Archpriest Awakum, who wrote a moving account of the schism between the traditional Old Believers and the Westernizing innovators in the Russian church in the 17th century, repeatedly contrasts the simple fare of the children of the true faith with the damned leaders of the church in Moscow.^® The events of the schism Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 170 galvanized the dual nature of food and eating in Russian culture, leading later Russian writers to return to this theme again and again in order to resolve this imbedded paradox. This new fascination with food as a demonic force filtered into the "high" literature of the Eighteenth century which was, for the most part, concerned with the classical themes in poetry, occasionally dipped into the base, almost Rabelaisian, nature of food; Vasilii Maikov's Elisei, ili razdrazhennyi Vakkh [Elisei, or Bacchus Enraged](1771) and Mikhail Chulkov's Prigozbaia povarikha [The Comely Cook](1770) are examples of this coarse, sensual concern with food. Even at the height of imitation of European classicism, the fears of Russian culture occupy an undercurrent in the literature with regards to the customs and ideas which were received from the West. In the nineteenth century, these two traditions, the spiritual and demonic, are again united in the stories of Nikolai Gogol. Gogol's descriptions of the eating habits of the landed gentry are detailed and elaborate. It is not accidental that the Russian writer we most associate with the description of food, was also the most obsessed with the spiritual and apocalyptic. Nikolai Gogol (who died in the throes of a hunger strike to exorcise the devil from his body ) filled his works with food and cooking but always with a orgiastic, demonic overabundance. In his Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 171 study of Gogol, Vladimir Nabokov's interpretation of the significance of Sobakevich in Dead Souls shows a clear influence of the works of the Futurists: His dealings with food are marked by a kind of primeval poetry and if there can be said to exist a gastronomical rhythm , his prandial meter is the Homeric one. The half of the saddle of mutton that he dispatches in a few crunching and susurrons instants, the dishes that he engulfs next. . all these are emblems, the outer crust and natural ornaments of the man. . . "No soul whatever seemed to be present in that man or if he did have a soul it was not where it ought to be, but, as in the case of Kashcbey the Deathless [a ghoulish character in Russian folklore] it dwelled somewhere beyond the mountains. " If we compare Nabokov's description of Gogol with Livshits' description of the Burliuk home in Chernianka in his memoir "The One and a Half-Eyed Author", we can see the influence of Gogol on Livshits; using the Homeric excess of metaphor, Livshits consciously appropriates from Gogol’s descriptions of the Ukraine. Livshits, like Gogol, also seems to lose control of the text as demonstrated in the multivalent nature of the metaphor mixing high and low styles with a seeming lack of concern for discordance : H y flO B M U iH b ie r p y a w c t e c iH b ix npinnacoB , H anoyiH flB tn^e a o B e p x y o T a e /ib H w e B eT W H H w e, K 0 7i6 acH b ie , M oyioH H bie v\ e rn e KaKwe-TO KJiaAOBbie, aaB a/iM BosMcxKHOCTb ocMbi/ikiTb caMoe cym ecTBO RB JieHna. 3 io 6biyia ne n w iqa. . . 3to 6 b i/ia n e p B o a fla H H a fl w a T e p w a , coki/i raw, M S B /ien eH H w e Taw, b c i e n a x , MMJiJiMOHaMU KonomauiMXca HeTBepoHorwx.^^ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 172 M KaK co6yia3HMTeyibHo 3to xnruHunecTBo! Mnp yiejKMT, K yaa hm r/iflHb, b npeae/ibHOM oGHaxeHHOCTM, rp0M03flMTCfl BOKpyr ocsexeBaHHbiMM ropaM M , KpoBaBWMH ryibi6aMi/i AbiM Aii^erocfl M A ca - x B a ïaw , pBM, BrpwaaücA, KOMKaPi, coaaaBaw ero aaHoso,- oh secb, oh Becb TB O M The contrasting styles and intents of these two passages highlight the ability of food as metaphor to represent radically different ideas. And in fact, these quotations demonstrate the transition in Futurism from the purely literary to the artistically extra-literary physicality. The first excerpt is a literary construct creating the image of Chernianka as a mythical place suitable for giving birth to the Hyleans, complete with classical allusion. Livshits' memoirs were consciously literary; he filled his reminiscences with the details which mark the autobiographies of artists and writers, choosing to see the offhand remark as having an effect on the genesis of a great movement. This dialog with literature divorces food from the physical act of nourishment and makes it a poetic device; however, Livshits was also aware of the vitality and centrality of the food metaphor, even in his most didactic moments, he was not completely able to transform food back into a classical image. The second quotation is absolutely different both in style and intent: reeking of primitivism, almost as if a different writer had produced it. This excerpt calls to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 173 mind the coarse physical imagery of the poetry of Khlebnikov,Kruchenykh, and Maiakovskii.^^" Of course, it was part of the Futurist aesthetic to transgress the acceptable norms of poetry, deliberately mismatching metaphors, violating rules of meter and rhyme, and bringing the vulgar into poetry. However, the use of the violent and grotesque image of food in its most primitive context is not merely to shock the audience but to bring poetry into the realm of the physical and sensual. This use of the food metaphor was not limited to poetry, however. Larionov's painting of Rayonist sausage was designed to bring this shocking discordance to painting also. It was evidently quite effective; the parodie almanac NeoFuturizm [NeoFuturism](Kazan' 1913) prominently featured a Rayonist ham, apparently much to the amusement of its audience. It is not surprising that Livshits unconcernedly shifted between both the literary and extra-literary, and this incongruous use of the food metaphor to signify two radically different ideas was not limited to Livshits; it was, in fact, an identifying characteristic of Futurism. This vacillation between the extremes of primitive "direct experience" in art and literary affectation demonstrates the instability within the Futurist lexical web. On the contrary, this motif shows that food represents a transitional stage for the Futurists both as a temporal link between the past and the future and as a physical link Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 174 between art and life. Food, however, was not limited to this historicism, it also functioned as a link to the physical, and as such, was significant to another element that was fundamental to Russian Futurism: primitivism. Kornei Chukovskii, in his description of Russian literature before the First World War, remarked that "there began to emerge in both literature and art the cult of the caveman, the fashion of the primitive and the savage. . . Poets vied with one another with all their might to see who could bellow in the most bestial manner. " Primitivism in Russian art and literature is, perhaps, more complex than Chukovsky would admit, encompassing not only the grunts of cavemen but the elegant courtly poetry of the 17th-century theologian, Simeon Polotsky^®, not only the howl and incomprehensible babbling of the Kblysty^° but also the word weaving of Epiphanii Premudrii.^^ Primitivism was a widespread movement in Russia which was not confined to Futurism; both the Symbolists and the Acmeists were also fascinated with the influence of primitivism on modernism. Futurism, though, was perhaps the most primal, using obscene imagery and violent language to express a brutal and direct poetic world view. The image of food and its consumption provided the most shocking example of this barbarism in Futurism. The immense heap of grotesqueries and examples of cannibalism that can be found in Futurist poetry rival even Rabelais. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 175 Of course, the choice of this particular metaphor was not accidental for the Futurists. Food provides a tangible link between the past and the present which was not visible in many other aspects of modern life; the act of eating has not changed significantly over the centuries while religion, transportation, and even our fundamental conception of the nature of the universe has been altered through the passage of time. Food, its basic makeup and preparation, is a major element in the traditions and ideas of the past. Even more significantly for the Futurists, food also represents a link to the mythical past as an element of religion and folklore. In one of the fundamental manifestoes of primitivism in Russian art, "The 'Savages' of Russia," which was included in Die Blane Reiter, (1912) David Burliuk attempts to describe the new movement in Russian art. He identified many cultures as influences for the primitivist movement in Russia: "the newly discovered law of all the artists [of the Russian Neoprimitivist tradition] is nothing but an upstanding tradition whose origin we find in the works of "barbaric" art: the Egyptians, Assyrians, Scythians, etc." Burliuk was, in fact, advocating a search of all cultures for the absolute laws of art which could be distilled from them. Burliuk, however, opposed this distillation to the eclecticism of the academy which he saw as filled with "the chains that ... . had fettered art : . . .construction , Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 176 symmetry (anatomy) of proportions, perspective, etc.- laws that are eventually mastered easily by the untalented- the pictoral kitchen of art 1 " It is not clear exactly in this article how the act of discerning eternal laws does not fall into this "kitchen." Burliuk advocated a return to the roots of art and was in agreement with Franz Marc's assessment in his article, "The 'Savages' of Germany," that "Mysticism was awakened in their souls and with it the most ancient elements of art. " This return to mysticism entailed an examination of the ancient cultural rites and traditions which invariably revolved around feasts and celebrations. The predominance of the feast imagery led to its inclusion in the works of the Neoprimitivists. The Futurists patterned their work consciously after folklore, incorporating imagery and even deities from Slavic tales and legends. Khlebnikov was concerned almost exclusively with the mythical past of Russia: the idol Perun^^, the Rusalki^®, and Kamennye baby (stone women Kamenskii wrote long epic poems about the folk heroes Stenka Razin and Emilian Pugachev. Natalia Goncharova patterned her lithographic series The Mystical Images of War after apocalyptic images taken from icons.In this context, food evokes the death and dismemberment rituals of primitive cultures in which the joyous hunter celebrates the life which the hunt gives to the community, and even more importantly, the religious mystical tradition in which Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 177 the body and the world are united by the act of devouring the world and through this ritual the body transcends the world.^® The Futurists were entranced by feasts, celebrations, and carnivals of pre-Enlightenment Russia. The free intermixing of the sacred and profane, and even more importantly, profane laughter for sacred purpose by the iurodivye^° (literally God's fools, individuals who demonstrated their faith through asceticism and bizarre behavior) and sacrilegious laughter in the feasting traditions of Peter the Greatrepresented a model for transformation that had been lost in the Westernization of Russia; the fact that all of these celebrations revolve around the feast encouraged the Futurists to use food as an integral part of the primitivist movement. This mystical primitivism also lent legitimacy to Futurism, creating a heritage to draw upon for a movement which had rejected the corpus of Russian literature. Many of the techniques of folklore and folkloric motifs give the artistic work a half-remembered familiarity that childhood memories often evoke. The rhythms and imagery of folklore and nursery rhymes are reproduced, or at least reflected, in Futurism. The banquet/symposium of popular culture was filled with the images of vulgar physicality intermingled with mystical philosophy blending the sacred and profane which provided the model for Futurism, not only in their poetry but also in their performance. The famous walk on Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 178 Kuznetskii most, ended with Bol'shakov, Kamenskii, and Larionov eating and drinking coffee at the Filippov Cafe, bringing the establishment to a standstill as the Futurists calmly made speeches about the significance of face painting. Often the Futurist disputes and debates included food and tea being thrown at the audience and vice versa and Vasilisk Gnedov prepared and drank tea at his performance of Poema kontsa.^^ In addition to the abundant use of food in performance, the chroniclers of Futurism created a mythology of the movement; at the center of this mythology was the "mad monk" Khlebnikov. Not coincidentally, many of the accounts of Khlebnikov's life repeated the pattern of the Saint's lives. The most common anecdotes concerning Khlebnikov were about food. These incidents were designed not to confound the audience but to place Futurism within the context of popular culture, making the avant-garde behavior, if not understandable, at least consistent with their primitivist world view, bringing to mind comparisons with iurodivye of church literature. One of the most interesting and touching of these anecdotes involving Khlebnikov and his otherworldliness took place at the Stray Dog cabaret; it seems that Khlebnikov was infatuated with Lelia Skalon, a student from a theatrical studio. A meeting was arranged so the two could get acquainted over dinner at the cabaret. As was always the case, Khlebnikov was absolutely broke. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 179 having neither the ability to, nor the means of, procuring money, he was forced to pawn his overcoat and borrow money from Nikolai Gumilev who was his avowed enemy. The meeting was a disaster: Khlebnikov, who was painfully shy, was unable to speak; he could only bow his head and mutter incoherent syllables. In desperation, Khlebnikov took all of the money he had borrowed and bought all of the sandwiches at the bar, both to show his largesse and to give him a place to hide from her gaze. From behind the sandwiches, he began a poetic monologue which consisted of the repetition of the syllables of Leila's last name: "0 skal/ Oskal/ Skal on/ Skalon." Lelia was convinced that Khlebnikov was insane and rushed from the cabaret without touching any of the food. This anecdote, like so many others involving Khlebnikov, shows him absolutely unable to function in this world. He was even unsure how to order food in a restaurant. Even more importantly, this anecdote demonstrates the intrinsic relationship between the nourishment of the poetic word and the deprivation of the act of eating: while neither Khlebnikov nor Lelia were able to eat, Khlebnikov was able to create poetry that, unfortunately, Lelia was not able to accept. Contemporary accounts and memoirs often referred to Khlebnikov as a holy fool and anecdotes about his life reinforce this view of the poet.^* While there is no doubt that Khlebnikov was otherworldly, it is also clear Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 180 that iurodstvo [holy foolishness] was part of his poetic persona which he projected to the world as his zhiznetvorchestvo [life as artwork]. Pavel Filonov, an artist with whom Khlebnikov worked, advocated a strict diet of black bread which had to be chewed into nothingness was modeled on monastic asceticism of the early Orthodox church.Of course, this is not to suggest that this connection to Rus ' and mysticism was cynical manipulation of symbols; the Futurists were sincere in their attempt to transform man by adapting these forms to their new art. However, as the name "Futurism" implies, primitivism was only a part of the program to transform man; the future of technology and modernism was the means to implement this transition. The Futurists were not the first to make a connection between advances in the modern world and the creation of the new man. Fedorov foresaw technology as a means of resurrecting the dead to realize the promise of the new millennium.^® The Futurists, however, were skeptical of science as a transformative tool, preferring to rely on the miraculous qualities of art to force the evolution of man, but in order to effect the transformation, the Futurist word would have to be made flesh. This biblical metaphor became the goal of Futurism. The flesh of Futurism was inseparable from the consumption of this self-same flesh. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 181 Kruchenykh made the relationship between poetry and eating even more explicit: B BpwcoB KpMTMKya H. CesepflHM Ha npocTO ni^m eT-« v \ b ogHOM v\3 csowx noss (KaKoe 6e3BKycHoe cviobo!)» Ho Bce TaKM- noneMy no33- 6e3BKycHO?. . . Passe no33M a v\ no33bi hs HanoM UHam T hsm rio33M fl n o e fla ib v\m a p y ro w $M3MoyiornHecKMM aKT?, v \ pasBe 6biB m ne flc n . no3Tbi H e TBopnyiH b TOHHOCTM o r n e p e n o /iH e H H a ro * e y iy flK a ? H o g BJiHflHHeM « HacrpoeH M B »- -«no33M fl npM flTHa, cyiaflocTHa, n o /ie s n a , KaK jie io M BKycHbiM J iM M o n a fl-” Kruchenykh took the primitivist metaphor of food and made it a concrete physical act. This is a significant transformation, poetry becomes the food which the new man consumes and which in turn consumes and changes the eater. Maiakovsky also echoes this concern for the revolutionary transformation of man in his poem "Gimn obedu"^®[Hymn to Lunch] which draws a strong comparison between the act of eating and the act of revolution. Eating becomes a war with the body which is transformed from the body of the individual to the body of society. It is the act of eating which is both murder and life affirming at the same time. The role of food in Futurism, however, was programmatically outlined in the previously mentioned interview with Larionov. While seemingly parodie and offhand, this interview must be seen as integral to the societal goals of Futurism. Quoting from this article^®: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 182 CoBpsMeHHOM KyxHew yiynncT pemnTejibHO HeAOBOTieH. H X0H 6T npeflJioJKMTb H e y iO B e n e c T B y KopeHHÿK) nepeoi^eHKy xy/iMHapHbix MeioflOB v \ l^eHHOCTeM. ripe>K fle Bcero, oh OTpM i^aei aa 6biHHbiM MacoM npaBO na goMW Hwpymi^ee nano»KeHi/ie. Maco nyjKHO ecTb Bcaxoe, yiB ep^flasT /lapnoHOB- B co6aabe, w KomaHbe v\ Maco xpwc, /leiy^MX MbiUTSM, ex<eM, BopoH, y>KeM i / i . T.fl. Ho, B o6meM, oco6aro npeflnonreHMa mbchom nu m e He cjieflyei omaBaib. C m Jib 6yflymaro ne/ioBexa gojix<eH cocToaib M3 CaMbIX pa3H06pa3HblX KOMÔMHai^MM OBOmSM, $pyxTOBbix, M aroflHbix coKOB, Maca, nyioflOB. ByiKfla no-/1apMOHOBCKM Moryi nojiyHMibca Ha CaMbIX HeWKMaaHHbIX COHeiaHMM. HanpMMep, /lapMOHOB npeflyiaraei peu^eni KOTJieT M3 Maca c poMOM M rpyuieM. npM 3T0M oTBeraeica m oGbinnaa $opMa Kor/ieibi- bmbcto ayiJiMHTMHecKOM KOTJieTa- aonxHa MMeei ctJopMy nTMi^bi, L^BeTxa, npM HyflyiMsaro opnaMeHia. ry c b no M eioA y /lapMOHosa floji^en *apMTbca c aôpMKocaMM, orypi^awM, saHMJibK) m BMUTHeSblMM TIMCTbBMM. Cyn MO»KHO BapMTb M3 BMH3 C npMMeCbK) nepi^a, noponcanbMX yuieM m $Mrypox BCeB03M0)KHblX 3BepeM BbiTienyieHHbl X M3 TeCTabI Of course, there is a whimsical, parodie element to this description of the new man's kitchen, but the underlying intention is serious. Futurism will transform the daily act of eating into an artistic experience. The shapes, colors and tastes of the new food will be shocking to the palate of the average man, causing him to transform his taste. Larionov also saw this meal as having metaphoric value, the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 183 inclusion of bat and dog as meat for consumption would indicate that food is only a part of the act of nourishment; entertainment at the Stray Dog and the Bat cabarets (which, of course, was the veiled allusion when Larionov stated that meat would be taken from dogs and bats in his manifesto) would be just as important as the act of eating. However, the significance of this interview taken by itself would be limited if not for the widespread influence that these ideas had in the cultural discourse of the utopian/spiritualist tenor of Russia at that time. Larionov's images of transformation through food also echo through Pohedax X a p b ie psMTe hto a He AoneK a 6M co6aKy H 6eyiOHO>KKM*° Of course in the context of this opera, the significance of such a coincidence of imagery cannot be ignored. The men who steal the sun will transform themselves by their will alone, overcoming both the weak who are left with the remnants of the meal and overcoming the restraints of society, devouring a dog without sentiment or concern. The new man will fulfill the dreams of the Futurist kitchen. Perhaps inadvertently, the heroes of the opera also reflect the values of Nikolai Chernyshevsky ' s hero of the novel Chto delat'?."^^ The new man, Rakhmetov who also tried to transform his body through a diet rich in red meat. The influence of Larionov's article was not restricted to the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 184 limited audience of Futurists; even the parodies of Futurism refer to this article, pointing to a wide audience. In the introductory article to the almanac Vsedur' (1914) [Unistupidity] , Gleb Marev parodies Larionov's obsession with food, providing a menu for a futurist dinner which consists of Futurist sausage, fresh poetry with pirozhki from Filippov's bakery, a Nature morte from the kitchen of the everythingists which would have to suffice since this group could not produce the perpetual motion machine. B ot npasflHMHHoe MeHro Bceflypw- 1) CseXMR n033bi C 0M/MnOBCKMMM HMpOXdCaMM. 2) «AKieOH»" M3 COyiOHMHbl. 3) «floxyiaa /ly H a » " 4)«Nature Morte» no KyxHe Bcskob.*^ B aHTpaxrax «IlMpa B O BpeMa nyMbi»'*® nbroi bmho- «HeMHMOHaT n03T0B. rXpMBeXMM >K6 nepBbIMM nOflByiGHMe KHMF B BMipMHaX KOJlBaCHblX, MO/lOHHbIX, KOHflMlepCKMX, U O K B «HeMUMOHai noseiOB» h© BOCIpyBMI perpetuum mobile M He npoM3Hec0T cBoe XeviesHoe C/iobo. The parodists sensed in Larionov's grand claims for the creation of the new man more than a little charlatanry and hucksterism. Perhaps this is only appropriate. Futurism had many of the elements of the sideshow, relying on magic dust and fast talk. Food, however, was not only an issue for Russian Futurism; the Italian Futurists also chose food as a means of inquiry into culture, and it was, in fact, the Italians Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 185 who produced the most comprehensive exposition of food in Futurism, F. T. Marinetti’s Futurist Cookbook. The overt influence of the experiments of the Russian Futurists is virtually non-existent; Marinetti was most probably never aware of the Russians' inquiry into this area, despite his tour of Russia in 1914,*’ and the Russians never mention Italian Futurism in relationship to food. It is fruitful, despite the lack of mutual awareness, to examine the Futurist Cookbook because of the remarkable coincidence of ideas and goals which link the two disparate movements through the metaphor of food preparation. In 1932, Marinetti's Futurist Cookbook appeared; it was both an attack on the bourgeoisie habits and ideas of the Italians who had, by 1932, ceased to think much about Futurism. As a text, it is an interesting artifact, memorializing and contextualizing the Futurist movement in the culture of its time. The art and the ideas of the Futurists in the Cookbook freely intermingle with the artifacts of daily life: the recipes refer to brand names that the Futurists prefer, 'Ricasoli' brand of Chianti, 'Campari' bitters, references to local dishes- Milanese saffron risotto, giving the reader the sensation of the life of the Futurists, ironically however, the Cookbook cannot be considered to be the work of a living movement ; the glory of Futurism had long since faded with the end of the First World war in which both Umberto Boccioni and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 186 Antonio Sant'Elia died“® and much of the creative energy of the movement was expended in the "hygiene" of war. The Cookbook can be viewed as a memorial to the movement gathering together anecdotes and stories about events that occurred in the past. The recounting of banquets and raucous parties takes on an almost wistful longing for the past glories of Futurism, and yet, the format of a cookbook implies a reproducibility and a sense of resurrection of the movement. This goal was explicit in the opening manifesto "The dinner at the penna d oca and the manifesto of futurist cooking" in which Marinetti explains From the very beginning of the Italian Futurist Movement 23 years ago (February 1909) the importance of food for the creative, reproductive, aggressive capacity of the human race excited the leading Futurists. It was often discussed by Marinetti, Boccioni, Sant'Elia, Russolo and Balia among themselves. The Cookbook, while in no sense a traditional cookbook that one would use to create a Futurist dinner as one would prepare a traditional Italian feast, is ,however, a recipe for the creation of art and, as such, seeks to allow the reader to reproduce the sights, sounds, smells, and tastes of Futurism much as a cookbook allows the reader to reproduce that which has been created by a chef. Marinetti uses the format of the traditional cookbook to set up a dialog with the culture of the Italian kitchen. The cookbook in the Italian kitchen was a means of preserving Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 187 the traditions of the village for those who had become removed from that tradition, the bourgeoisie^®; Marinetti set himself up as a counterpoint to the standard cookbook citing such standards of cooking as Cordazio Camaldolese's The Main Dishes in Use in our Lands and Regions and Islands and Peninsulas and so on With their Manner of Preparation in the Kitchen Explained (a cookbook from the late middle ages ) and Pelegrino Artusi's La scienza in cucina e I'arte di mangiar bene (nineteenth century) as well as criticisms from contemporary opponents to his movement. It was, in fact, this dialog with his critics which gives the reader a clue as to the true purpose of this work- to secure the place of Italian Futurism as a revolutionary force not only in art but also in the overall political and social climate of fascist Italy. Food, as the basis for Italian life, allowed Marinetti an opportunity to achieve the immortality that he so desired. It is precisely this impulse toward immortality and historicism that demonstrates the points of convergence and divergence between Italian and Russian Futurism. Like Italian Futurism, the Russians took great care to examine their place in history and carefully sculpted their image to fix their place in history, and like the Italians, the Russian Futurists became an important political force in the 1920's, albeit as a political bloc on the left rather that the right; however, Russian Futurism was much more Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 188 concerned with the metaphysicality of food, rarely considering the issues of estheticization in isolation, as Marinetti does in his book. Even in cooking, Italian Futurism, unlike Russian Futurism, is misogynistic and aggressively warlike^^ It was precisely these qualities that the Russians protested during Marinetti's 1914 visit to St. Petersburg. Livshits dryly noted that ”... ladies fastened their eyes on the Italian's [Marinetti's] regular features and composed love letters (which [was] a fitting punishment for the misogynist. ) At a dinner party in honor of Marinetti given by Kul'bin, Livshits attempted to explain the difference between the Russian and Italian movements to Marinetti: B yflei/iR H C T O H e 6 b iiio saKOHHeHHWM MnpocosepqaHweM, noAoBno MapviHeTTwaMy. n p e o a o n e s a a , KaK aHTMAMHaMWHecKMM n p e flp a c c y flO K , ip a flM iin o H H o e npoTMBonocTamneHMe cosMaaHwa paapymeHMZ), OHO M H e x o rey io HHKaKow K O H covw iaaqnn c s o n x T e n a e H m iM , OTKasbiBayiocb o r n p e B p a a ^ e n n a v\k b aacT biB U Jne $opM yyibi, b aBcoyiM THwe n o c T y y ia iw . Boyibtue B c e ro ByfleiyiaHCTBO on acav io cb CTaib KanOHOM, aOKTpMHOM, AOFMOM.” It is this refusal to concretize the esthetics of the movement which differentiated the Russians from the Italians. Even with regard to food, the Russians were much more comfortable with a utopian, unformed theory of food as a transformative substance than they would have been with a work that actually described such a process. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 189 On the other hand, the goals of the Russian Futurists coincided with those of the Italian Futurists. Like the Italians, the Russians were reacting to the middle class hoping to manipulate the forms of traditional culture to create a new art form. Russian culture, like Italian culture, was deeply rooted in the village and, at the turn of the century, Russia was struggling to transform itself from an agrarian to industrial society. Cookbooks provided the Futurists with both a model and a form to fight against; the recipe, like Futurist poetry, combines words and numbers without syntax and if one were to come across a recipe without knowing what it was, the reader would struggle to find a connection between flour, eggs, and sugar. The Futurist poem reflects this lack of linear logic and perhaps drew inspiration from the cookbook. Larionov was certainly reacting to traditional Russian cookbooks such as Elena Molokhovets ' A Gift to Young Housewives in his manifesto, parodying the style and intent of these books to separate the Futurist movement not only from literary predecessors but also from the conservative culture of Russia of that time. Although I have only focused on food in the culture of Imperial Russia, this metaphor took on new levels of meaning in the revolutionary and post-revolutionary period: the privations of war and famine, as well as the disruption of traditional distribution made nourishment a daily Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 190 concern for the newly politicized artists and writers. Communist rhetoric and forced communalization of the peasants added new dimensions to the poetic significance of food. It is ironic, perhaps, that food again became a sign of the transformation of the body during Socialist Realism. The photographs, paintings, novels, and even, the cookbooks of the 1930's and 1940 s were designed to point to the utopian quality of Soviet life; the new Soviet man feasted on the fruits of the communist state, transforming his body, and more importantly, his soul into a vessel of Stakhanovite enthusiasm. The cornucopia of Stalin's beneficence produced inconceivable bounty: fish that were larger than even the mythical fish of the bible, watermelons the size of pigs, barren deserts suddenly producing bushels of vegetables. Perhaps, this is the logical conclusion to the Russian Futurist idea of food as the transfigurative agent. ^Suzanne Brill, The Futurist Cookbook (San Francisco: Bedford Arts, 1989) 7. 2 Moskovskaia Gazeta, 16 Sept. 1913 ^Nikolai Fedorov (1828-1923) Philosopher who believed that it was technologically feasible to bring all of man's ancestors back to life and upon accomplishing this, man would enter the Kingdom of God. His tract, while unorthodox, were very influential on Russian thinkers of the beginning of the century. See James M. Edie, et. al. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 191 Russian Philosophy Vol. III. (Knoxville; University of Tennesee Press, 1976) 11-54. ^Philosopher, poet (1853-1900) Laid the foundation for symbolism. Like Fedorov, envisioned man in a perfect state on earth which he described as Godmanhood. ^ Muriel Hepple, trans.. The Paterik of the Kievan Caves Monastery (Cambridge: Havard University Press, 1989) 24-88. ® In. Lotman,.B. Uspenskii, "New Aspects in the Study of Early Russian Culture." The Semiotics of Russian Culture Anna Shukman, ed. (Ann Arbor; Michigan Slavic Contributions, 1984) 43. ’d. s. Likhachev, A. M. Panchenko, N. V.Ponyrko, Smekb v drevnei Rusi (Leningrad; 1984) 231. ^Lotman, 44. ^Lotman, 43. ^°V. V. Vinogradov, (ed. ) Archpriest Awakum: The Life Written by Himself (Ann Arbor; Michigan Slavic Publications,1979) 105. ^Vladimir Nabokov, Nikolai Gogol. (New York; New Directions Paperback,1944) 2. ^^Nabokov, 97-98. Bendikt Livshits, Polutoraglazyi Strelets (Moscow; Khudozhestvennaia literatura. 1991) 38. ^“Livshits, 33. ^See Vladimir Maiakovskii, "Kak bystro nosiatsia letal". . . PSS v4, 46. ^®The use of food or food metaphors is laced throughout Maiakovskii.See "Oblako v shtanakh"- ”Kbotite// budu ot miasa beshenyi." ^^NeoFuturizm, Kazan', 1913.For more information on this almanac, see Vladimir Markov. Russian Futurism: A History. (Berkeley; University of California Press. 1968) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 192 ^^Kornei Chukovsky,. Futuristy. Igor' Severianin.- Al. Kruchenykh- Vas. Kamensky- VI. Mayakovsky Peterburg 1922. in John J. White, Literary Futurism. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990) f.lO, 289-290. ^^Gerald Janecek, The Look of Russian Literature. Avant- Garde Visual Experiments 1900-1930 (Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1984) 7. Janecek points to typographical and textual similarities between the 17th century court poetry and the experiments of the Futurists. ^°Russian relgious sect known for estatic trances and self flagellation. This group was the model for the sect in Andrei Belyi's novel. The Silver Dove (1910). Of special interest to Russian writers of the time for their extension use of glossolalia in their ceremonies. Epiphanii Premudrii (P-1420) Hagiographer. Author of the The Life of St. Stephan of Perm and The Life of St. Sergius of Radonezh. ^^David Burlink, "The "Savages" of Russia," W. Kandinsky, and Franz Marc. The Blaue Reiter Almanac Klaus Lankheit, ed., (New York: Da Capo Press, 1974) 79. ^^Burliuk, 80. ^^Franz Marc, "The "Savages" of Germany," W. Kandinsky and Franz Marc. The Blaue Reiter Almanac. Klaus Lankheit, ed., (New York: Da Capo Press, 1974) 64. ^^It was a wooden image of Perun that Vladimir threw into the Volga to mark the conversion of the Russian people to Christianity. ^^Russian water nymphs ^’curious stone carvings of old ladies that were spread throughout Siberia. The reason that these figures were carved for has long since been forgotten. At the turn of the century there was great interest in these figures; Pavel Morozov, the noted collector of modern art, also gathered kamennye baby and brought them to his house in Moscow. ^®M. N. Yablonskaia, Women Artists of Russia's New Age (New York: Rizzoli, 1990) 59. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 193 ^®Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and bis World (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1984) 282-283. ^°The holy fools were common fixtures in Russian villages into the 19th century. They often dressed in skins or chains and would curse people for their sinful behavior. See Ewa Thompson, Understanding Russia: The Holy Fool in Russian Culture (Lanham: The University Press of America, 1987) ^ ^Likhachev, 115. ^^Sergei Sigei, "Egofuturnaliia bez smertnogo kolpaka." Khardzhiev, N. and M Martsaduri eds. Vasilisk Gnedov. Sobranie stikhotvorenii. (Trento: Université di Trento,1992) 20-21. ^^Livshits, 228-229. ^*See Yuliya Arapova, "Khlebnikov's Bath." Russian Literature Triquarterly May, 1989. Livshits, B. Polutoraglazyi strelets. Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura. 1991. Shershenevich, V. , Mariengof, A. Moi vek, moi druz'ia, podrugi (Moscow:Moskovskii rabochii, 1990) I. Kurdov, Pamiatnye dni i gody, (St. Petersburg: Arsis, 1994) 43. ^^Nikolai Fedorov, "The Question of Brotherhood or Relatedness, and of the Reasons for the Unbrotherly, Dis- Related, or Unpeaceful State of the World, and of the Means for the Resotoration of Relatedness. " Edie, James et. al eds. Russian Philosophy, vol. Ill (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. 1966) 21. ^^Kruchenykh Alexei. Azef-luda-Khlebnikov. in Miliark (Tiflis,1919) 27. ^®The title of this poem is a play on "Giian pobedu" [Hymn to victory] 39 Moskovskaia Gazeta, 16 Sept. 1913. *°Kruchenykh, A. Matiushin, M. Pobeda nad solntsem (St. Petersburg: 1913) 5. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 194 ‘ ‘^Novel published in 1863. A utopian study of new lifestyles and revolution in Russia which advocated a transformation of man into a new being. *^Vsedur': Rukavitsa sovremeniu (St Petersburg, 1913) *^Die Aktion was a German Expressionist journal founded in Berlin in 1911. *^Miscellany published by the Hylaeans in 1913. A second edition was published in 1914. ^^The Everythingists were a group founded by Larionov, Ilia Zdanevich, Mikhail Le Dantiu in 1913 based on the principles of fusion of all art forms and eras. *®An almanac published by the Mezzanine of Poetry group in 1913. Members of the group included Konstantin Bol'shakov, Riurik Ivnev, Vadim Shershenevich, Sergei Tret iakov, and Lev Zak. The title was taken from one of A. Pushkin's "little tragedies." ^^Livshits wrote extensively on the discussions between Marinetti and the Russian Futurists during this tour in his memoirs Bowlt, The One and a Half-Eyed Archer. 181-210. ‘ ‘^Pontus Hulten "Futurism and Futurisms" Futurism and Futurisms (Venice: Palato Grassi, 1986) 18-19. *®Marinetti 32. ^°Gian-Paolo Biasin, The Flavors of Modernity: Food and the Novel, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993) 4. ^^Marinetti 51. ^^Pelegrino Artusi La scienza in cucina e I'arte di mangiar bene (Turin: Einaudi, 1970) In English Italianissimo: Italian Cooking at Its Best, trans. Elizabeth Abbott (New York: Limelight, 1975) “chaimberlain, 9. ^ ' ‘Bowlt, 185. ^^Livshits, 479-480. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 195 Chapter Ten Conclusion: Life into the Theater-Theater into Life The Futurist movement in Russia at the beginning of the 1910's was the harbinger of the social change which was soon to come. The experiments in zhiznetvorchestvo conducted by Khlebnikov, Kruchenykh, and Maiakovskii both in their artistic and their personal lives became an important element in the image of the revolutionary government of the Bolsheviks. The various elements of Futurism, its belief in transformation of the body, the romantic image of technology as savior of the human race. Slavophilism, utopianism, distrust of the bourgeoisie became integral parts, not of the artistic fringe, but of the institutional policy of the new government. The theatricality of the movement, which in 1913 seemed bold and iconoclastic, seems insignificant when compared to the self-staged drama of the Bolshevik party during the early years of the Soviet Union. The period of the Futurists' intense creative production, roughly from 1910 to 1914, was a period of public performance: debates, disputes, lectures, tours, readings, and scandals. Each of the Futurists were associated with a particular style of presentation. The most prominent figures in the movement in 1913, Goncharova Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 196 and Larionov, were often the subject of newspaper and journal articles criticizing their flamboyant events and recounting the latest scandal. Their Donkey's Tail group was organized specifically to promote and provoke scandal and anarchy in the cultural arena. Their areas of endeavor, art, theater, poetry, body art, and performance art, were emblematic of the search within Futurism for a new art form which synthesized all of the arts. However, the public perception of their efforts was focused on the image of the artists involved and on their public personae. The other factions of Futurism; Hylea, Mezzanine of Poetry, Centrifuge, Ego-Futurism, also participated in the various events and scandals; in most cases, membership was merely a function of participation in publications of that group. Although much energy was expended on the creation of a programmatic and theoretical basis for Futurism (the deluge of manifestoes, statements, and declarations issued by the various groups), the primary creative impetus of Futurism lay in the act of performance. The debates, readings, and performances were, in fact, the most common interaction between the Futurists and their public. Whereas most artistic and literary movements were dependent on the artifact, the text or the painting, the Futurists were not widely read by their audience. Their works were published in small printing runs for a relatively high price and distributed irratically. QUOTE FROM IVANOV Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 197 Exhibitions, while more accessible, were also limited both by limited space and duration of the show. This being the case, the output was uniquely tied to the appearance of the artists in conjunction with the work. The Futurist, both as persona and as producer, was intimately and intrisically connected to the work. Body art, incoherent or incomprehensible poetry, poetry with no words, abstract art shift the focus of the audience toward the personality of the artist as the fixed element in art. This indissoluble link between art and artist was also reflected in the nature of the art produced: the earthy vulgarity of Futurist poetry and art, and works that drew upon urban primitivism such as graffiti, advertising, and the music hall all reflect the personal involvement of the artist in his art. The revolution in the perception of art resulted in a refusal to valorize the esthetic and the non-esthetic, internalizing the search for absolutes as an individual in concert with the cultural collective as opposed to the art of absolute reality. The intermingling of disparate registers of culture (the traditional domains of art, music, theater, and literature with the primitivism, folklore, urban and popular form of entertainment) created a new esthetic system which could not be expressed as painting or Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 198 literature in the conventional sense. The Futurists felt compelled to go beyond the printset word and the painted image to express themselves. In the manifesto "Slovo kak takovoe," Khebnikov and Kruchenykh state that the Futurism encompasses art, literature, and performance in the work of art; 1) hto6 nucayiocb n c M o ip e /ix b bo M HoroBeHne oKa! (neHbe n/iecK n/iacKa, pasMeibiBaHbe HeyK/iK)*Mx nocTpoeK, aaôBeHwe, paaynnBaHbe. B. XJie6HMK0B, A. KpynsHbix, E. Typo. B >KHBonnc B. BypyiiOK M 0. PoaaHOBa).* Poetry, prose, and painting became part of a performative synthesis incorporating elements of dance, sculpture, and singing. The parallel impetus in Futurism was the tradition of literary utopianism which unified the philosophical/political traditions of Chaadaev and Chernyshevskii with the mystical religious ideas of Solov'ev and Fedorov. The mixture of populism with messianic transfiguration was manifested in the theatrical, ecstatic elements of both the poetic readings and the theatrical experiments of the Futurists. The strange, almost paradoxical, fusion of technology, performance, and spiritualism, drawing on folk theater and the passion play. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 199 * Velimir Khebnikov and Aleksei Kruchenykh '"Slovo kak takovoe,' in Markov, Manifesty, 53. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 200 Bibliography This bibliography is divided into two sections- contempory sources, that is, the memoirs, literature, criticism and newspaper and journal accounts of the time and current works of criticism and analysis. Because of the reinterpretative nature of the dissertation, the contemporary sources have been listed in detail. Contemporary Literature Aksenov, Ivan. Neuvazhitel'nyia osnovaniia. Moscow: Tsentrifuga, 1916. . Nochnaia fleita. Moscow; Liren', 1914. . Oi konin dan okein. Moscow: Liren', 1916. . Zor. Moscow: Liren', 1914. . Pikasso i okrestnosti. Moscow: Tsentrifuga, 1917. Arel'skii, Graal'. Letexskii breg (1910-1913). Saint Petersburg: Tsekh Poetov, 1913. Arkhangel'skii, A. Chernye oblaka Stikhi. Chernikhovi Strelets, 1919. Aseev, Nikolai. Stal'nox solovex. Stikhi. Moscow: Vkhutemas, 1922. Aseev, Nikolai and David Burliuk. Rzhanoe slovo. Revoliutsionaia khrestomatiia Futuristov. Petrograd: IMO, 1918. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 201 Aseev, Nikolai, and Grigorii Petnikov. Letorei kniga stikhov. Moscow: Liren', 1915. Aseev, Nikolai, and Sergei Tret iakov. Kaliny Sb. Chita, 1922. . Khudozbestvennye arabeski. Chita, 1922 . Pestrye shchupal'tsy Sb. Chita, 1922. . Piknik Poetov Sb. Chita, 1922. . Slova i piatna Sb. Chita, 1922. Avto V oblakakh. Odessa, 1915. Bagritskii, Eduard, and Ivan Bobovich. Sed'moe pokzyvalo. Odessa: Tip. Sport i nauka, 1916. . Serebrianye truby. Odessa: Tip. Sport i nauka, 1916 Baian, Vadim. Dilemma. Etiud. Sevastopol', 1915. . Liricheskii potok. Lirionetty i barkarolly. Saint Petersburg: M.O. Vol'f, 1914. Baian, Vadim, Konstantin Bol'shakov, Georgii Zolotukhin, et al. Iz batarei serdtsa. Sevastopol': Taran, 1922. Baian, Vadim, Konstantin Bol'shakov, and Mariia Kalymkova. Srublennyi potselui. Sevastopol': Taran, 1922. Belenson, Aleksandr. Bezumiia 3-ia kn. stikhov. Moscow, 1924. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 202 — . Iskusstvennaia zhizn'. vstupitel'n-st. N Evrexnova. Petrograd: Strelets, 1921. — . Vrata tesnye. 2 aia kn. stikhov. Petrograd: Strelets, 1921. Beliaev, Sergei. Izviliny rifmoritmy. Moscow, 1918. Benedikt. Devichii ram oktavy. Saint Petersburg, 1914. Biokosmisty Desiat Shtuk. Petrograd: Komitet poezii Biokosmistov-Immortalistov, 1923. Bobrov, Sergei. Almaznye lesa. Moscow: Tsentrifuga, 1917. . Vertogradari nad lozami. Moscow: Lirika, 1913. Bogorodskii, Fedor. Daeshl Kak budto stikhi Prédis1. V. Kemenskogo, V. Khlebnikova. Saint Petersburg., 1922. Bok Fun. Akkordy dushi stikhi. Saint Petersburg, 1913. Bol'shakov, Konstantin. Poema Sobytii. Moscow: Peta, 1916 . Serdtse v perchatke. Moscow: Mezonin poezii, 1913. . Le Futur. Moscow, 1913. Bol'shakov, Konstantin, David Burliuk, Nikolai Burliuk, et al. Dokhlaia luna 2-oe izd. M, 1914. Bozhidar [Bogdan Gordeev], and Sergei Bobrov. Buben 2oe izd. M, 1916. . Raspevochnoe edinstvo. Moscow: Tsentrifug, 1916 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 203 Brik, Osip. Nepopatchitsa. Rasskaz. Moscow-Petrogradi GIZ, 1923. Bulgakov, Sergei. Na piru bogov (Ro So A). Kiev, 1918. Burliuk, David. Lyseiushchii khvost. Stikhi. Vladivostok, 1919. Burliuk, David, and Velimir Khlebnikov. Zatychka. Sbornik. Risunki. Stikhi. Kherson: Gileia, 1914. Burliuk, David, and Samuil Vermel'. Vesennee kontragentstvo muz. M, 1915. Burov, L. Futuristicheskie stikhi. lampol', 1913, Chachikov, Aleksandr. Inta. Persidskaia poema. B.M.: Iran, 1919. . Krepkii gram. Stikhi Prédis 1. A. Kruchenykh. Moscow, 1919. Chempionat poetov. Saint Petersburg, 1913. Cherkasov, Nikolai, iskaniia dukha liremy i dissony. Petrograd, 1916. Cherkasov, Nikolai. V riady. Saint Petersburg: Nash vek, 1914. Chet i nechet. M, 1925. Chetyre ptitsy- sbornik stikhov. M, 1916. Chicherin, Aleksei. Kan-fun. Moscow: Tsekh poetov, 1926 . Shlepnuvshiesia aeroplany. Kharkov, 1914. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 204 Chicherin, Aleksei, and E. Sel'vinskii. Znaem. Moscow, 1923. Chicherin, Aleksei, Konstantin Zelinskii, and E. Sel'vinskii. Mena vsekh. Moscow: 1924. Churilin, Tikhon. Vesna. Posle smerti Stikhi. Moscow: Al tsiona, 1915. . Vtoraia kniga stikhov. Moscow: Liren', 1918. Degen lurii. Gorod vetrov. Tiflis, 1918. D'Or, O. L. "Poslednyi futurist" in Deshevaia iumoristicheskaia biblioteka navaga Satirikana vyp 16. SPb, 1914. Dorin, D. Taskuiushchii arel. Stikhi. SPb.: Peterburgskii glashatai, 1914. Egorov, P. Chernaia arkhideia. Rifmety strasty. Moscow; Kassiopeia, 1918. . Rydaiushchii demon. Rifmety nad "Umiia". Moscow: Svetlomir, 1916. . Salntse i liubav. Salnechnye rifmety. Moscow: Kassiopeia, 1923. Esenin, Sergei, Riurik Ivnev, and Anatolii Mariengof. Imazhinisty. Moscow: Imazhinisty, 1921. Esenin, Sergei, Anatolii Mariengof, and Vadim Shershenevich. Zalatai kipiatak. Moscow: Imazhinisty, 1921. Filipov. Mai dar. kniga atkravenii. Stikhi. Moscow: Kitovras, 1918. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 205 Filonov- Katalog. L; Gos. Russkli muzei khudozhestvennyi otdel, 1930. Filonov, Pavel. Propeven' o prorosli mirovoi. P, 1913. Fioletov, Anatolii. Zelenye agaty. Odessa, 1914. Futuristy- Pervyi zhurnal rnssklkb futuristov no 1-2. Moscow, 1914. Gavrilov-Lebed' P. Golubye dali. stikhotvoreniia. Saint Petersburg., 1910. Giulistan Al'manakh II. Moscow, 1916, Gnedov, Vasilisk. Gostinets sentimentam. Saint Petersburg: Glashatai, 1913. . Smert' iskusstvu. Saint Petersburg; Glashatai, 1913. Gnedov, Vasilisk, and Pavel Shirokov. Kniga velikikh. Saint Petersburg; B eta, 1914. Golubev-Bagrianorodnyi, Leonid. Moe khotite. Stikhi. Tiflis, 1918. . Ozherel'e plevkov. Stikhi. Rostov-na Donu; Egosamost', 1919. . Slezy voskovye. Stikhi. Rostov-na Donu; Egosamost', 1919. Gorskii, Vladimir. Chernaia lenty. Stikhi. M, 1913. . Tango. M, 1914. Gruzinov, Ivan. Bubny boli stikhi. M, 1915. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 206 . Imazhxzma. osnovoe. Moscow: Imazhinisty^ 1921. Guro, Elena. Oseanyi son. Saint Petersburg: Sirius, 1912. . Sharmanka- p'esa stikhi proza. Saint Petersburg, 1909. la: Futur-Al 'manakh vselenskoi ego-samosti. Saratov, 1914 laroslavskii, Aleksandr. Krov' a radost'. M, 1919. . Miru potselui. Petrograd: Komitet poezii Biokosmistov- Imortalistov, 1923. . Poema anabioza. Petrograd: Komitet poezii Biokosmistov-Imortalistov, 1922. . Zvezdnyi manifest. Petrograd: Komitet poezii Biokosmistov-Imortalistov, 1921. Ignat ev, [Kazanskii] Ivan. Beil Ego-Futuristy. 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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 223 . "Sovremennye khudozhestvennye gruppirovki." Krasnaia nov' 10.(1926); 226-236. Kronin, B. "Iskussstvo plasticheskikh tantsev." Maski 6 (1914): 50-51. Shaposhnikov, B. "Futurizm i teatr." Maski 7-8 (1913): 29. Sikhnovskii, Vas. "Komediia Gol'doni." Maski 5 (1914): 40-41. Argos. "Khudozhestvennaia khronika." Mlechnyi put' 1 (1914): 17-18. . "Khudozhestvennaia khronika." Mlechnyi put' 2 (1914): 14. Babenchikov, Mikhail. "0 doklade D. Burliuka." Novaia studiia Dec. 11.13 (1912): 13-14. Abramovich, N. "O futurizme v literature." Novaia zhizn' May (1914): 105-114. Anonymous. "Aktrisa i prostituttsiia." Rampa i zhizn' Jan. 21 (1913): 14. . "Letuchaia mysh'." Rampa i zhizn' 20 (1913): 12 "Marionetka letuchei myshi." Rampa i zhizn' 1 (1912): 13. "Po povodu vechera shkoly Dunkan." Reunpa i zhizn' 21 (1914): 6-8. . "Vecher meloplastiki." Rampa i zhizn' 12 (1912): 11 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 224 — . "Vecher Ganako." Reunpa i zhizn' 8 (1913): 3. "Villi Ferrero v Moskve." Reunpa i zhizn' 48 (1913) 14. lur'ev, M. "Po vystavkam. Mishen'." Rampa i zhizn' 13 (1913): 12-13. 'Po vystavkam." Rampa i zhizn' 2 (1914): 4-5 Lolo. "Dlia kabare. Shaliapinistka i Shaliapin." Reunpa i zhizn' 12 (1911): 18. M. lu. "Na dispute "Bubnogo valeta"." Reunpa i zhizn' 9 (1913): 7. S. "Na vystavkakh. O "Bubnovom valete"." Rampa i zhizn' 1 (1911): 13. Auslender, Sergei. "Vecher "soiuza molodezhi"." Russkaia khudozhestvennaia letopis' Feb. 3 (1911): 60. Bobrov, S. "Zhizn' i tvorchestvo Artiura Rimbo." Russkaia mysl' 10 (1913): 127-154. Briusov, Valerii. "Literatura i iskusstvo." Russkaia mysl' 5 (1914): 25-31. lushkevich, P. "A. Bergson i ego filosofiia intuitsii. Russkoe bogatstvo 3 (1914): 47-64. Red'ko, A. E. "ü podnozhiia afrikanskago idola." Russkoe bogatsvo 4 (1913): 317-332. Anonymous. "la- Futurist." Shut 17 (1913): 13. . "V al'bom "Brodiachei sobake"." Shut 49 (1913): 8, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 225 B. "Darovoi sovet." Shut 11 (1913): 5. Bazil’. "Dachniki futuristy." Shut 16 (1913): 10. . "Dachnye kanibaly." Shut 27 (1913): 3. Ezh. "Monolog futuri-kubista." Shut 15 (1913): 2. I. K. "Sredi futuristov." Shut 39 (1913): 5. Koren'. "Duma ego-futurista." Shut 4 (1914): 12. -ov. "Futurist V sude." Shut 12 (1914): 8. Rok, G. "Polyn'." Shut 50 (1913): 9. Bezlichnyi. "Koe-chto o kino-teatre." Sine-fono Oct. 12.1 (1913): 13-16. P'ero. "Svinofily." Sine-fono Oct. 26.2 (1913): 42. Anonymous. "Koroleva tango. Libretto." Sxnema Dec. 25.1 (1913): 12-14. . "Eto futurist!" Sinll zhurnal Oct. 4.40 (1913): 8. -. "Grimasy futuristov." Sinii zhurnal June 25.26 (1913): 8. -. "Misticheskie foto-etiudy." Sinii zhurnal Oct. 18.42 (1913): 14. -. "Moshennicheskie znaki." Sinii zhurnal June 7.23 (1913); 8. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 226 'Portret futurista." Sinii zhurnal Nov. 8.45 (1913): 8. — . "TatuirovJca v mesto kostiuma." Sinii zhurnal May 17.20 (1913): 13. -. "Tozhe futuristy." Sinii zhurnal Oct. 18.42 (1913) 10. Severianin, Igor’. "Moia poeziia." Sinii zhurnal Oct. 11.41 (1913): 5. Anonymous. "Tri portreta. Konkurs." Solntse rossii 124 (25) (1912): 16-17. Shebuev, N. "Kubisty. Novye vliianiia v zhivopisi, Solntse rossii 122 (23) (1912): 10-11. Bobrov, S. "Literatura i iskusstvo." Sovremennik 12 (1914): 240-247. Kranikhel'd, VI. "Literaturnye otkliki." Sovremennyi mir 4 (1913): 96-112. Anonymous. "Akter i sverkh marionetka." Teatr i iskusstvo 2 (1912): 37. — . "Malen kaia khronika. Moskovskie futuristy." Teatr i iskusstvo Oct. 20.42 (1913): 846. — . "Malen kaia khronika. Futuristicheskie spektakli Teatr i iskusstvo Dec. 1. 48 (1913): 9. -. "Moskva- Teatr Nezlobin." Teatr i iskusstvo 1 (1914): 10-11. -. "Rikhard Vagner v Peterburge." Teatr i iskusstvo 19 (1913): 418-420. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 227 . "Zheltaia kofta." Teatr i iskusstvo 2 (1914): 34. B. Ars. "Krivoe zerkalo." Teatr i iskusstvo 4 (1914): 14 Gnedich, P. "Pis'ma o sovremennom teatre." Teatr i iskusstvo 10 (1913): 227-228. Homo Novus. "Zametki." Teatr i iskusstvo 49 (1913): 1010- 1012. R-ov, A. "Khoromnye deistva." Teatr i iskusstvo 6 (1911): 127. Z. B. "Noveishie techeniia v tantsakh." Teatr i iskusstvo 41 (1909); 703. Anonymous. "Novye teatry. Teatr futuristov." Teatr^ muzyka i sport Oct. 20.1 (1913): 5-6. . "Rikhard Vagner na ekrane." Teatr, muzyka i sport Oct. 27.2 (1913): 12. . "Tango." Teatr, muzyka i sport Nov. 10.4 (1913): 8. — . "Futuristicheskaia muzyka." Teatr v karrikaturakh 15 (1913): 16. — . "Grimacy v iskusstve. K.proektu teatra futuristov, Teatr v karrikaturakh 4 (1913): 8. — . "K. A. Varlamov i futuristy." Teatr v karrikaturakh 15 (1913): 6. — . "K osnovaniiu futuristicheskago teatra." Teatr v karrikaturakh 14 (1913): 23. . "Krik mody." Teatr v karrikaturakh 3 (1913): 14. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 228 — . "Poslednyi krik Parizhskoi mody." Teatr v karrikaturakh 14 (1913): 14. — . "Rozovyi fonar'." Teatr v karrikaturakh 6 (1913) 15. Bol'shakov, Konstantin. "Atraktsion." Teatr v karrikaturakh 10 (1913): 10. . "Immortel'." Teatr v karrikaturakh 9 (1913): 8. . "Vesny." Teatr v karrikaturakh 16 (1913): 21. Bunakov, Peter. "Romans futuristov." Teatr v karrikaturakh 12 (1914): 6. Frank, L. "Futuristicheskaia miniatiury dlia zhurnala "Teatr v karrikaturakh"." Teatr v karrikaturakh 6 (1914): 8. -. "Melankholichesko-tragicheskiia stikhotvoreniia futuristov dlia nashogo zhurnala." Teatr v karrikaturakh 9 (1914): 9. I. Evgenii. "Na vystavke kartin Natalii Goncharovoi." Teatr v karrikaturakh 5 (1913): 14. Kants1er, A. "Sibirskie futuristy dlia "Teatra v karrikaturakh"." Teatr v karrikaturakh 7-8 (1914): 11 Larionov, M., and I. Zdanevich. "Nashe prazdnichnoe interv'iu s futuristami." Teatr v karrikaturakh 1 (1914): 19. M-ii, Viktor. "Artistke A. N. S-koi." Teatr v karrikaturakh 15 (1914): 7. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 229 Nirov. "Nirov-futurist." Teatr v karrikaturakh 4 (1914): 19. Rigo. "Rozovyi fonar'." Teatr v karrikaturakh 9 (1913): 4. Anonymous. "K proektu futuristicheskago teatra v Moskve. Teatr v karrikaturakh 15 (1913): 13. — . "Mariam Armeni (Bosonozhka)." Teatr~var'ete 5-6 (1911): 10. — . "Russkii iazyk. Kuplety." Teatr-Var'ete 1-2 (1911) 7. Volkonskii, S. M. "Ritm v istorii chelovechestva." Trudy vserossiiskogo s"ezda khudozhnikov v Petrograd Dec. 1911- Jan. 1912 Tom 1. (1914): 7-13. Anonymous. "Futuristy na ekrane." Vestnik kinematografii April 20. 88/8 (1914): 32. — . "Ia khochu byt' futuristom. " Vestnik kinematografii April 1. 87/7 (1914): 60. — . "Moskovskie futuristy na ekrane." Vestnik kinematografii Jan. 15. 82/2 (1914): 40. Lopatin, A. "Stikhotvoreniia." Vestnik kinematografii April 1 87/7 (1914): 18-19. Bodouin de Courteney, R. "Galopom vpered." vestnik znanie May 5 (1914): 350-361. Tatlin, V. E. "0 Zangezi." Zhizn' iskusstva 18 (1923) Vyrezka iz zhurnal. Located in RGALI Fond Tatlina, f. 2089, op. 2, ed. khr. 3. Anonymous. "Chelovecheskie dokumenty. Razoblacheniia <rundizma>." Zhurnal zhurnalov 7 (1915): 24. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 230 — . "Iskusstvo dlia naroda." Zhurnal zhurnalov 12 (1915) 5-8. . "Sapogi V smiatku." Zhurnal zhurnalov 10 (1915); 16. Kamenskii, Vasilii. "0 gonenii na molodost'." Zhurnal zhurnalov January 2 (1916): 17. Venskii, Evgenii. "Igor' Severianin." Zhurnal zhurnalov Jan 1 (1915); 9. Voznesenskii, Al. "Stat'ia o futurizme." Zhurnal zhurnalov June.27 (1916): 14. Contemporary Newspaper Accounts Adamovy E. "Na Burliuke." Den'. 4 Nov. 1913, 2. . "Prosveshchenie ili atraktsion. Teatr futuristov." Den'. 22 Nov. 1913, 3. Al'tman, N. "Sobach'ia karusel." Den'. 10 Jan. 1914, 6. Anchar. "U rampy: V <Krivom zerkale>." Birzhevyia vedomostl. 22 Jan. 1914, 4. Anonymous. "Aisadora Dunkan." Russkie vedomostl. 13 Jan. 1913, 4. . "Akademicheskaia zhizn'. Akademicheskaia vecherinka s futuristami." Den'. 4 Nov. 1913, 3. . "Balmont Lecture." Rech'. 9 Jan. 1916, 1. . "Bal'mont lecture." Rech'. 24 Jan. 1916, 1. . "Banket futuristov." Russkoe slovo. 6 Nov. 1913, 6. . "Benefis Anatolia Durova." Russkoe slovo. 11 Feb. 1914, 7. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 231 . "Beseda s N. S. Goncharovoi." Stolichnaia molva. 5 Apr. 1910, 3. . "Bubnovyi valet. Disput o Repine." Russkoe slovo. 13 Feb. 1913, 5. . ""Bubnovyi valet"." Russkoe slovo. 20 Feb. 1914, 7. . "Disput Misheni." Novoe vremia. 25 Mar. 1913, 5. . "A. Dunkan v letuchei myshi." Russkoe slovo. 11 Jan. 1913, 5. . "A. Dunkan." Russkoe slovo. 12 Jan. 1913, 5. . "Eclipse of the Sun April 4, 1912." Rannee utro. 30 Mar. 1912, 2. . "Eshche shag vpered. V Moskve otkryvaet vystavka kruzhka "Oslinyi khvost"." Vechernee vremia. 14 Mar. 1912, 4. . "Eshe kolokol'chiki." Rech'. 29 Mar. 1913, 6. . "Fotografiia myslei- "Luchi zhizn'"." Rannee utro. 20 Jan. 1913, 5. . "Futurististy i predstoiashii sezon. Iz Besedy s M. F. Larionovym." Rannee utro. 12 Sept. 1913, 4. . "Futuristskaia muzyka." Moskovskaia gazeta. 7 Oct. 1913, 6. . "Futuristicheskaia drama." Stolichnaia molva. 7 Oct. 1913, 4. . "Futurististki-pricheski." Peterburgskaia gazeta. 7 Nov. 1913, 6. . "Futuristy." Russkoe slovo. 12 Nov. 1913, 7. . "Futuristicheskie spektakli." Teatral'naia gazeta. 8 Dec. 1913, 8. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 232 — . "Gonenie na futuristov." Russkoe slovo. 23 Feb. 1914, 7. — . "Grafitti v Novgorodskii Sofiiskom sobore." Protiv techeniia. 8 Dec. 1912, 7. — . "Grandioznaia draka dispute futuristov." Moskovskii listok. 24 Mar. 1913, 4. — . "Iskusstvo griadushchago dnia (Lektsiia Korneia Chukovskogo)." Golos Moskvy. 25 Oct. 1913, 4. — . "Kabare letuchaia mysh'." Moskovskaia gazeta. 12 Nov. 1912, 6. — . "Kabare "Golubaia sobaka" u liliputov." Teatr i zhizn'. 16 Nov. 1913, 14. — . "Kak futuristy-"okaloshilis" Peterburgskaia gazeta. 15 Oct. 1913, 5. "Kak zarodila "Oslinyi khvost" v Parizhe." Moskovskaia gazeta. 12 Mar. 1912, 2. — . "Khlyst o khlystakh (Pimen Karpov- "Plamia")." Novoe vremia. 27 Oct. 1913, 5. — . "Khoromnye deistva." Obozrenie teatrov. 29 Jan. 1911, 10-11. — . "Khronika. Vecher v chest' K. D. Bal'monta." Protiv techeniia. 10 Mar. 1912, 2. — . "Khudozhestvennye vystavki. Bubnovyi valet." Russkoe slovo. 7 Feb. 1913, 6. — . "Khudozhestvennaia zhizn' . Oslinyi khvost." Den'. 7 Oct. 1913, 5. — . "Khudozhestvennye vesti. Vystavka Soiuza molodezhi." Rech'. 1 Nov. 1913, 5. — . "Khudozhestvennyia vesti (Biuro Dobychinoi)." Rech'. 8 Jan. 1916, 5. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 233 . "Konets zhivopistsam (vyveski v Peterburge)." Birzhevyia vedomosti. 17 Jan. 1914, 3. . "Konets futuristam." Peterburgskaia gazeta. 13 Feb. 1914, 4. . "Krivoe zerkalo. Karikatury." Den'. 23 Jan. 1914, 6. . "Kubisty i kruglisty." Rech'. 26 Mar. 1913, 5. . "Larionov o Marinetti." Moskovskaia gazeta. 27 Jan. 1914, 6. . ""Lau-di-tau"." Russkoe slovo. 10 Nov. 1913, 8. . "Lektsii K. I. Chukovskogo." Den'. 4 Nov. 1913, 3. . "Lektsiia Anatoliia Durova." Teatr i zhizn'. 25 Nov. 1913, 8-9. . "Liudi iskusstvo." Moskovskaia gazeta. 7 Oct. 1913, 5. . "Malen'kaia khronika. Vystavka Tsionglinskogo." Rossiia. 5 Oct. 1913, 4. . "Maniaki poezi- futuristy Pis'mo iz Rima." Moskovskaia gazeta. 12 Nov. 1912, 5. . "Manifest k muzhchine i manifest k zhenshche." Stolichnaia molva. 15 Sept. 1913, 4. . "Manifesto Marinetti." Den'. 14 Nov. 1913, 7. . "Marinetti." Rannee utro. 10 Oct. 1913, 3. . "Marinetti v Moskve." Moskovskaia gazeta. 27 Jan. 1914, 6. . "Marinetti v Moskve." Vechernye izvestiia. 27 Jan. 1914, 3. . " Marinetti- photographs." Birzhevyia vedomosti. 6 Feb. 1914, 5. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 234 . "Maskarad ili "Bal'-maskarad"." Peterburgskaia gazeta. 3 Nov. 1913, 12. . "Mishetii." Pal'. 27 Mar. 1913, 4. . "Mitropolit Makarii o tango. " Birzhevyia vedomosti. 25 Jan. 1914, 2. . "Moskovskie vesti. U futuristov." Russkie vedomosti. 12 Nov. 1913, 5. . "Moskovskie vesti. Lektsiia o futurizme." Russkie vedomosti. 10 Dec. 1913, 5. . "Na pamiat't g. Kul’binu i prochim futuristam "Petrushku" smotriat." Peterburgskaia gazeta. 3 Nov. 1913, 5. . "Nabroski." Rech'. 28 Mar. 1913, 6. . "Nadezhdy futuristov." Peterburgskaia gazeta. 28 Oct. 1913, 6. . "Nashi <Futuristy > o svoem skandale." Moskovskoe utro. 26 Mar. 1913, 5. . ""Nastoiashchie" futuristy." Saratovskii listok. 21 Mar. 1914, 3. . "Novye kabare. Teatr Rtishchevoi." Russkoe slovo. 14 Nov. 1913, 8. . "Novyi liker "Tango"." Russkoe slovo. 11 Feb. 1914, 1. . "O Marinetti." Birzhevyia vedomosti. 5 Feb. 1914, 4. . "Ocherednoi bred futuristov." Peterburgskaia gazeta. 4 Nov. 1913, 5. . "Okolo teatra. Teatr M. I. Rtishchevoi." Moskovskaia kopeika. 18 Nov. 1913, 4. . "Opiat" futuristy." Den'. 30 Nov. 1913, 3. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 235 . "Of’ezd Marinetti." Russkoe slovo. 1 Feb. 1914, 6. . "Po mirovcm sud' iam: Futuristy za rabotoi." Moskovskii listok. 18 Oct. 1913, 7. . "Po Moskve- Na poezokontserte Igoria Severianina." Russkie vedomosti. 1 Apr. 1914, 6. . "Pobeda nad solntsem sharzh." Golos Moskvy. 6 Dec. 1913, 3. . "Poboishche v Politekhicheskom muzee. Disput <Mishen'>." Rannee utro. 24 Mar. 1913, 5. . "Podel'nye futuristy." Vechernie izvestiia. 25 Feb. 1914, 3. . "Poezo-vecher Igoria Severianina. " Golos Moskvy. 25 Mar. 1915, 5. . "Porcha kartiny I. Repina." Russkoe slovo. 17 Jan. 1913, 2. . "Pornografiia na ulitsakh Moskvy." Moskovskaia gazeta-kopeika. 25 Nov. 1910, 3. . "Prodelka "futurista"." Peterburgskaia gazeta. 11 Feb. 1914, 5. . "Puni / Malevich lecture." Rech'. 12 Jan. 1916, 2. . ""Pylesos"." Moskovskii listok. 8 Sept. 1913, 5. — . "Raskrashennyi Larionov." Moskovskaia gazeta. 9 Sept. 1913, 6. . "Raskrashennye moskvichi, raskrashennyi Larionov." Moskovskaia gazeta. 15 Sept. 1913, 5. . "Raskrashennye moskvichi." Moskovskaia gazeta. 16 Sept. 1913, 5. . "Razval futurizma." Moskovskaia gazeta. 2 Jan. 1914, 2. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 236 . "Reklama Tango." Peterburgskaia gazeta. 3 Nov. 1913, 1. . "Ritmicheskaia ginmastika." Russkoe slovo. 29 Jan. 1913, 2. . "Rozovoe iurodobitie." Moskovskaia gazeta. 21 Oct. 1913, 5. . "Rozovoi fonar'." Russkoe slovo. 20 Oct. 1913, 5. . "Rozovyi fonar'." Russkoe slovo. 22 Oct. 1913, 6. . "Rozovyi fonar'." Russkoe slovo. 23 Oct. 1913, 5. . "Samoubiistvo futurista I. V. Kazanskogo (Ignatieva).’ Vechernye izvestiia. 24 Jan. 1914, 3. . "Shabash futuristov: skandal v kabare." Rannee utro. 22 Oct. 1913, 5. . "Shedevr Futurizma portret Ganako." Moskovskaia gazeta. 8 June 1913, 3. . "Skandal na sobranii khudozhnikov." Russkaia molva. 25 Mar. 1913, 4. . "Skandal na sobranii." Recb'. 25 Mar. 1913, 4. . "Skandal v Politekhnicheskom Muzee." Russkoe slovo. 13 Feb. 1914, 6. . ""Soiuz molodezhi"." Recb'. 19 Oct. 1913, 5. . "Sostoitsia li duel'? Kopot' "Rozovago fonaria"." Rannee utro. 23 Oct. 1913, 5. . "Sovremennyi bashmak i Venera. Disput <Mishen'>." Golos Moskvy. 24 Mar. 1913, 5. . "Spor ob iskusstve. Bubnovyi valet." Utro Rossii. 14 Feb. 1912, 5. . "Sredi futuristov." Den'. 8 Nov. 1913, 3. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 237 . "Suicide of I. V. Ignatiev." Den'. 23 Jan. 1914, 5. . "Tainyi Marsa." Rannee utro. 17 Oct. 1913, 3. . "Teatr "Futu"." Moskovskaia gazeta. 9 Sept. 1913, 5. . "Teatr i muzyka." Novoe vremia. 15 Feb. 1914, 15. . "Teatr Rtishchevoi." Russkoe slovo. 29 Nov. 1913, 7. Suicide attempt. . "Teatral'nye ocherki Teatr futuristov." Rech'. 7 Dec. 1913, 6. . "Teatral'nye ocherki." Rech'. 7 Dec. 1913, 5. . "Teatry: Rozovyi fonar'." Golos Moskvy. 19 Oct. 1913, 5. . "Teatry; "Dukhov den' v Toledo" (Pantomima Kuzmina)." Golos Moskvy. 25 Mar. 1915, 5. . "Tsirk Chinizelli 7 Amerikanok." Birzhevyia vedomosti. 20 Jan. 1914, 1. . "U iaponskoi Duze. Beseda s Ganako." Rannee utro. 18 Jan. 1913, 5. . "U rampy: na mukhu s obukhom." Birzhevyia vedomosti. 24 Jan. 1914, 4. . "Ü rampy: Pantomim kniazia Volkonskogo." Birzhevyia vedomosti. 6 Jan. 1915, 4. . "V "Brodiachei sobake" Bal'mont v Peterburg." Birzhevyia vedomosti. 9 Nov. 1913, 5. . "V masterskoi Gocharovoi." Moskovskaia gazeta. 26 Mar. 1914, 5. . "Vecher A. Dunkan." Russkoe slovo. 13 Jan. 1913, 6. . "Vecher futuristov." Moskovskaia gazeta. 14 Oct. 1913, 6. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 238 . "Vecher futuristov." Russkoe slovo. 15 Oct. 1913, 5. . "Vecher futuristov." Birzbevye vedomosti (utr. vyp). 3 Dec. 1913, 2. . "Venera i sapogi." Peterburgskaia gazeta. 28 Mar. 1913, 5. . "Vliianie russkogo futurizma." Vechernye izvestiia. 22 Jan. 1914, 3. . "Vokrug stseny. Teatr M. I. Rtishchevoi." Moskovskaia kopeika. 11 Nov. 1913, 4. . "Voloshin o Repine." Moskovskaia gazeta. 11 Mar. 1913, 5. . "Vsechestvo." Russkoe slovo. 6 Nov. 1913, 6. . "Vystavka "Bubnovyi valet"." Moskovskaia gazeta. 20 Feb. 1912, 4. . "Vystavka graficheskikh iskusstv." Novoe vremia. 30 Oct. 1913, 5. . "Zhretsy iskusstva. Oslinyi khvost." 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"Doklad o futurizme Zdanevicha." Den'. 8 Apr. 1913, 3. D'Or, 0. L. "Lektsiia o futurizme." Den'. 14 Oct. 1913, 3. . "Malen'kii fel'eton. Triumfatory (Tiazhelaia komediia V 1 deistvii)." Den'. 22 Nov. 1913, 5. Doroshevich, V. "Debiussi." Russkoe slovo. 24 Nov. 1913, 6. E. B. "Noveishaia russkaia literatura." Rossiia. 27 Nov. 1913, 2. E. P. "Vystavka kartin N. I. Kul'bina." Protiv techeniia. 20 Oct. 1912, 5. F. M. ""Oslinyi khvost"." Moskovskaia gazeta. 12 Mar. 1912, 4. Fal'staf. "Malen'kii feleton. Psikhiatry i Ego-futurizm." Peterburgskaia gazeta. 20 Nov. 1913, 4. Fedorov, I. "Akademiki i "tango"." Stolichnaia molva. 16 Sept. 1913, 2. Garin, Sergei. "Bubnovyi valet." Utro rossii. 12 Dec. 1910, 5. Gita. "Khoromnye deistva." S. Peterburgskaia vedomosti. 29 Jan. 1911, 6. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 240 Gornyi, Sergei. "Malen'kii fel'eton. Petli v vozdukhe." Den'. 3 Jan. 1914, 6. Grabar', I. 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Creator Konecny, Mark Clarence (author)

Core Title The aesthetics of performance in experimental Russian culture of the 1910's

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Slavic Languages

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Art History,Literature, Slavic and East European,OAI-PMH Harvest,Theater

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c17-351127

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Legacy Identifier 9902830.pdf

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Document Type Dissertation

Rights Konecny, Mark Clarence

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