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Exposure to violence: Inner-city adolescent's perceptions of control and psychological distress
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EXPOSURE TO VIOLENCE: INNER-CITY ADOLESCENTS PERCEPTIONS OF
CONTROL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL DISTRESS
by
Karen Lee Hickel
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements of the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(Education - Counseling Psychology)
December 1997
Copyright 1997 Karen Lee Hickel
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UMI Number: 9835077
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 90007
This dissertation written by
.....
under the direction of KfrXs..... Dissertation
Committee, and approved by all its members,
has been presented to and accepted by The
Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of re
quirements for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
______
i i / - *
Chairperson
—
s
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Acknowledgments
I am very grateful to the many people who have contributed to
the successful completion of this dissertation. First, to Mercedes
Croucier my mentor, who encouraged my first academic pursuits and
told me to set the highest goals possible. I shall always be grateful
for her guidance which set me on a path towards success. Mercedes
helped me realize that I could count myself as among the best and
the brightest. In addition, she supported me in practical ways such
as translating my measures into Spanish and helping to proctor my
first data collection session. She believed in me, when I doubted
myself during this long and arduous process.
Second, I am grateful to Rita Sequeira Ph.D., my good friend and
dissertation partner. She was truly an answer to a prayer, helping
me, as she wrote her own dissertation. Her kind words of
encouragement and stern words of discipline, kept me on track.
Rita’s own life has been an inspiration for me.
Dr. Michael Newcomb, my chair, has helped to make this
dissertation a scholarly work. He never allowed me to settle for the
easy way. Dr. Newcomb has mentored me throughout and helped me
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to gain insight into the exciting nature of research and it’s
application. I look forward to our continued association.
Dr. Klein, who helped me focus on what was necessary and to
eliminate the rest. I appreciate your detailed corrections of my
paper, no doubt a tedious duty. I will be forever grateful to you for
maintaining your commitment to my thesis, over this long time, and
under extremely trying personal circumstances.
In addition, I would like thank Dr. Kathleen Wulf who never
gave up on me and my ever changing topics. I appreciate her unique
contribution and support. Dr. Scott Whiteley who was a friend
throughout the last year of this process. I appreciated your support
and thoroughly enjoyed our coffee breaks together during this time
of transition.
I am indebted to my good friends. Kathleen and Barbara who
are my sisters in life. Thank-you for all the support, and for
acknowledging all the points of my achievements with celebrations,
flowers and love. Thank-you Jules for your research help. Catherine
for the years of investment and assisting me with my life in so
many ways. Gina, who was the best research assistant anycne could
ever have. Her physical and emotional support helped me in more
iii
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ways than I can mention. I am truly grateful you are in my life.
Jess, thank-you for your patience, love and understanding the last
two years. You have been a wonderful and an integral part of my life.
Gene, you were the first to sow the seed of education in my mind. I
know your are proud of me. Mother, who let me be an independent
thinker and never curtailed my growth. Father, your support has
been steadfast and appreciated.
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iv
Abstract
Violence is a serious threat to adolescents in the inner-city.
The literature on crime and violence indicates that being a victim,
witnessing violence, or even knowing a victim of violence can have
deleterious effects on an individual’s psychological functioning.
However, little is known regarding the degree of association
between specific types of violent exposure and particular
psychological distress symptoms for adolescents. It was
hypothesized that there would be a high correlation between
exposure to violence and psychological distress. Higher correlations
between exposure to violence and psychological distress were
expected for more direct and severe forms of exposure and closer
relationship proximity to the victim.
It was also hypothesized that perceptions of control would
increase adolescent coping ability; thus moderating the relationship
between exposure to violence and psychological distress.
Demographic variables (sex, age, grade, ethnicity, language) were
also examined to determine if these variables were associated with
increased exposure to violence and higher levels of distress. Lastly,
V
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parent support, exposure to gangs and view of the future were
examined as possible correlates of exposure to violence.
Data were collected from 276 Latino and African-American
adolescents from a public inner-city Los Angeles high school (9th to
12th grade). Subjects ranged in age from 13 to 19 years old with a
mean age of 16 years. African American youth accounted for 10% of
the total number of subjects, with 88% of the youth being Latino,
and 3% other. The majority of the Latino youth were not bom in the
United States (55%). Subjects were drawn from both English and
Spanish speaking classes. Thirty-six percent of the subjects chose
questionnaires translated into Spanish.
A 73 item, modified version of the Children’s Report of
Exposure to Violence (CREV) measured exposure to violence resulting
in a total score with 10 sub-scales including media, neighborhood,
domestic violence, weapons, perpetration, victimization, reported
(familiar other and stranger), and witnessed (familiar other and
stranger). A 43 item, slightly modified version of the Hopkins
Symptom Checklist measured psychological distress resulting in a
general distress factor (total score) with 9 symptom factors. The
symptom factors included somatic anxiety, anxious mood, panic-
vi
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phobia, depressed mood, decreased energy, sleep/sex disturbance,
appetite disturbance, impaired cognitive functioning, and hostility.
Correlations were run between 11 exposure to violence scales
and 10 psychological distress factors. All but 13 of the 110
correlations between exposure to violence scales and psychological
distress factors were significant, with increased exposure to
violence related to greater psychological distress. Total exposure
to violence was correlated .39*** (p < .001) with total
psychological distress.
All correlations between the 11 violence scales and total
psychological distress were significant. The violence scales with
the highest correlations to total psychological distress were
domestic violence, neighborhood violence and victimization. All
correlations between the 10 psychological distress factors and total
exposure to violence were significant. The psychological distress
factors with the highest correlations to total exposure to violence
were hostility, decreased energy and somatic anxiety.
For correlations between specific scales of violent exposure
and specific psychological distress factors non-significant
correlations were evident only for less severe forms of violence.
vii
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Results from this study indicate that there is a strong association
between exposure to violence and psychological distress. It is also
evident that although exposure to violence in general is associated
with psychological distress, more direct forms of violence and
closer relationship proximity to the victim are associated with
more distress for adolescents. This is particularly true if the
violence is domestic in nature, or pervasive as in neighborhood
violence.
Further, it appears that being a perpetrator of violence is less
distressing than being a victim, witnessing, hearing about it or even
viewing violence it in the media. Perpetration is however
associated with other forms of violence as well as with hostility
and decreased energy in this study. Adolescent perpetrators of
violence may represent a unique subset of youth chronically
exposed to violent stimuli. These youth may take cues from the
environment and act out feelings in an attempt to modulate distress.
There were main effects evident between perceptions of
control and both exposure to violence and psychological distress.
However, perceptions of control did not moderate the relationship
between violence and distress as hypothesized. Increases in
viii
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exposure to violence was associated with lower parental support,
gang exposure and a negative view of the future. Increases in
distress were associated with lower parental support, gang
exposure and a negative view of the future. There were also
differences found on demographic variables on both exposure to
violence and distress.
The association between exposure to violence and
psychological distress for adolescents is complex and
multifacitated. Understanding the kinds of violence youth are
exposed to in the inner-city and the types of psychological
symptoms related to that exposure, may have important implications
for prevention and intervention with youth living in environments
imbued with violence.
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ix
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgments............................................... ii
Abstract....................................................... v
List of Tables.................................................x
Chapter Page
I. I INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW....................... 1
A.Theoretical Perspective...................................4
B. Overview..................................................6
Child and Adolescent Exposure to Violence................. 8
Background and Related Research.......................... 8
Acute Exposure......................................10
Chronic Exposure....................................12
C.Community Violence....................................... 15
Prevalence of Exposure...................................15
Severity of Exposure and Relationship Proximity......... 16
Reported and Witnessed Violence..........................19
Demographic Variables....................................21
Sex Differences.....................................21
Age and Grade Differences...........................22
Ethnic Differences..................................24
Racial Inequality, Crime and Violence.............. 32
D.Types of Violence........................................ 35
Domestic Violence........................................ 35
Media Violence........................................... 38
Gang Violence............................................ 47
Weapons.................................................. 49
Perpetration............................................. 51
E.Psychological Distress and Developmental Consequences
of Chronic Exposure to Violence.........................56
Developmental Milestones/Adolescence.....................58
Psychological Distress................................... 61
Depression.......................................... 61
Hostility, Aggression and Violent Behavior..........66
Pathological Adaptation.............................69
Parent Support........................................... 74
F. Perceptions of Control................................... 74
Historical Background.................................... 75
Intergrative Framework................................... 77
Benefits of Control...................................... 80
Victimization, Coping and Control........................82
Low Control Situation.................................... 90
Contingency and Competency...............................96
G. Summary of Literature Review............................ 98
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H. Purpose of Study.......................................101
I- Hypotheses and Research Questions...................... 103
II. METHODS..................................................108
Subjects.................................................108
Procedures...............................................Ill
Measures.................................................114
Data Analysis............................................122
Assumptions and Limitations..............................123
III. RESULTS..................................................124
Prevalease of Exppgure to Violence...................... 125
Exposure to Violence and Psychological Distress......... 126
Severity of Violent Exposure and Relationship Proximity. 127
Exposure to Violence and Distress Symptoms............. 132
Types of Violence and Distress..........................132
Demographic Variables....................................134
Sex Differences.................................. 135
Age and Grade Differences...........................139
Ethnicity..........................................140
Language...........................................140
Perceptions of Control...................................141
Contingency and Esqposure to Violence................... 141
Competency and Exposure to Violence.................... 143
Contingency and Psychological Distress................. 145
Competency and Psychological Distress.................. 147
Main Effects............................................151
Regression Effects/Sub-Domains of Control.............. 150
Moderating Effects......................................153
parent Support...........................................155
View of the Future.......................................157
Gang Exposure............................................158
IV. DISCUSSION...............................................161
Prevalence of Exposure to Violence
Implications of Hypothesis...............................162
Exposure to Violence and Psychological Distress......... 162
Severity of Exposure and Relationship Proximity 165
Demographic Variables....................................166
Sex..................................................166
Age and Grade........................................169
Ethnicity............................................171
Language.............................................173
Perceptions of Control...................................174
Parent Support.........................................176
View of the Future.....................................178
Gang Exposure..........................................180
Q.thgji. Nop.-hyR9 the? i a Finding?..........................181
Exposure to Violence and Distress Symptoms........... 181
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Types of Violence and Distress Symptoms.............. 182
Domestic Violence...................................182
Neighborhood........................................183
Victimization.......................................184
Media Violence......................................185
Weapons.............................................187
Perpetration........................................188
Theoretical Implications................................ 189
Implications for Intervention............................193
Methodological Limitations and Directions for............ 197
Future Research
References...............................................202
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xii
List of Tables
Table Title Page
1 General Demographics of Participants..................110
2 Characteristics of Test Measurement Variables........ 113
3 Reliabilities for the Instruments Measurement........ 114
4 Prevalence of Any Report of Violence Exposure........ 125
5 Correlations: Exposure to Violence and
Psychological Distress..........................127
6 Regression Analysis: Exposure to Violence and
Psychological Distress..........................133
7 Correlations: Exposure to Violence and
Demographics....................................135
8 Correlations: Psychological Distress and
Demographics....................................135
9. Correlations: Perceived Control/Contingency and Sex. .137
10 Correlations: Perceived Control/Contingency and
Exposure to Violence............................141
11 Correlations: Perceived Control/Competency and
Self-Worth with Exposure to Violence............142
12 Correlations: Perceived Control/Contingency and
Psychological Distress..........................145
13 Regression Analysis: Perceptions of Control/
Contingency with Psychological Distress........ 145
14 Correlations: Perceptions of Control/Competency and
Psychological Distress..........................148
15 Regression Analysis: Perceptions of Control/
Competency and Self-Worth with Distress........ 150
16 Regression Analysis: Psychological Distress with
Violence and Perceptions of Control.............152
17 Correlations Exposure to Violence: Parent Support,
View of the Future and Gang Exposure............155
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18 Correlations Psychological Distress: Parent Support,
View of the Future and Gang Exposure........... 155
19 Correlations: Parent Support, View of the Future and
Gang Exposure...................................157
20 Pearson Product Moment Inter-Correlation Matrix
Exposure to Violence and Gang Exposure......... 159
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xiv
Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW
Violence is increasingly a more public event in the inner-city
(Richters & Martinez, 1993). One example of violence that has
increased the public’s exposure to violence is drive-by shootings
(Klein, 1995). Availability of guns, especially for youth, and
increases in gang violence have contributed to this phenomenon.
Given this increase in public violence, inner-city youth are now
exposed to an unprecedented amount of violence during their most
formative years. Exposure may come in the form of direct
victimization, witnessing violence, or having knowledge of family or
other members of the community who have been victimized. In
addition to these forms of violent exposure, youth today are exposed
to violence through the media, at again unprecedented levels (Emde,
1993; Friedlander, 1993). The examination of the psychological
effects and developmental consequences of living within a
1
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chronically violent environment for adolescents is the focus of this
study.
There is a large body of literature that has examined the
effects of discrete traumatic events on children. Experiencing a
natural disaster or witnessing the murder of a parent are examples
of single episode trauma (Putnam & Trickett, 1993; Pynoos & Nader,
1990). Research on the effects of chronic exposure to trauma, and in
particular prolonged exposure to violence have more recently begun
to emerge (Richters & Martinez, 1993; Osofsky et al., 1993). Most of
the initial research on the effects of chronic traumatization has
focused on child abuse and war. These studies indicate that there
are both immediate and long term negative effects for children
exposed to chronic violence (Lorion & Saltzman, 1993). Research on
the effects of community violence for children living in the inner-
city show similar negative developmental effects resulting from
repeated exposure to violence (Richters & Martinez, 1993). Living in
an environment of prolonged and prevailing danger requires certain
adaptations for members of that community. These adaptations may
have specific developmental consequences for children and
adolescents maturing within such an environment.
2
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Theoretical Perspective
Exposure to violence can be thought of as a stressor. How well
an individual copes with stress can effect the psychological well
being of that person (Thompson, 1991). The question of how
individuals cope with stress is complicated and multifaceted. One
of the most promising areas in the literature on coping, is the
construct of “ perceived control”. Perceived control has been shown
in research to mediate stress, with feelings of control leading to
increased coping behavior (Tyler, 1981; Averill, 1973). Feelings of
loss of control has been shown to lead to “learned helplessness” and
depression (Seligman, 1975).
One of the most damaging aspects of victimization, especially
if violent, is the feeling of loss of control (Janoff-Bulman & Frieze,
1983). The literature on crime and violence indicates that being a
victim, witnessing violence, or even knowing a victim of a crime can
have deleterious effects on an individual’s functioning
(Conklin, 1971). Many individuals who have been victimized feel
helpless and fearful, often experiencing a loss of self-esteem
(Wortman, 1983). Central to a victim’s recovery is the re
establishment of control (Davis & Friedman, 1995). Perceptions of
3
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control reflect a basic human need for competence (Skinner, 1995).
People have an innate need for control, to experience themselves as
effective in the environment, competent in producing desired
outcomes and preventing aversive outcomes. In the inner-city where
violence is pervasive and random, perceptions of control may help to
foster feelings of control, thus promoting psychological resiliency
in young people.
The impact of community violence is multidimensional, the
individual, family, and the community are all effected. Children and
adolescents exposed to violence are particularly vulnerable to
psychological distress. Normal development may be compromised or
distorted for youth living within a chronically dangerous
environment (Lorion & Staltzman, 1993). When stress is chronic it
can lead to a series of unresolved or negatively resolved
psychological stages, which may result in a cumulative negative
effect for the child or adolescent (Erickson, 1963). The
accumulation of unresolved psychological stages may leave
adolescents with an inadequate psychosocial foundation from which
to enter adulthood. Youth living in lower socioeconomic
communities with violence are at risk psychologically and
4
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physically. Perceptions of control may act as a protective factor for
inner-city youth, which helps to balance the negative effects of
violent exposure.
Review of the Literature
Overview
The evaluation of the effects of violent exposure requires the
examination of several factors to get a clear understanding of the
impact it may have on an individual. The type of violence is an
important consideration, be that familial, community/neighborhood
or media violence. A distinction needs to be made regarding the
level of exposure, is the person themselves the victim, a witnesses
or simply has knowledge of a violent act? The proximity to a violent
event, and the relationship to the affected person(s) is also a crucial
factor. Another distinction is whether the violence was intentional
or accidental. The developmental stage of affected individuals
needs to be considered when examining effects of violence. Other
stressors or contextual factors such as family conflict, divorce,
previous trauma and loss can effect how an individual may react to a
violent event. An individual’s current emotional state and
availability of family and social support can effect initial
5
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responses, subsequent coping, and long term adjustment to violence.
Lastly, the duration and severity of the violent exposure, may
greatly effect an individuals reaction to violence.
Inner-city populations are frequently exposed to stressful
stimuli indicative of high crime, high violence neighborhoods.
Family resources may be taxed when stress is chronic and intense in
nature. Parents may be unable to adequately meet the needs of their
children when they themselves are under duress. Many inner-city
families must also deal with the inherent stress of living in poverty.
Inner-city youth are often subject to the stresses of limited
economic and educational opportunity, racism, and discrimination.
Determining the effects of exposure to violence for youth and
developing effective interventions to mitigate negative effects will
require a holistic approach to this multifacitated problem. To
further this end, sound research is an obvious starting point, and one
this thesis hopes to advance. First an overview of relevant factors
associated with exposure to violence and the consequences of that
exposure is presented. Second, specific types of violence are
discussed. Third, demographic factors which may be related to
differential exposure to violence are discussed such as gender, age,
6
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grade level, ethnicity and language. Fourth, a discussion of
“perceptions of control” as conceptualized as a moderating variable
between exposure to violence and psychological distress is
examined. Lastly, several possible correlates of exposure to
violence are examined which include: parent support, view of the
future and gang exposure.
Child and Adolescent Exposure to Violence:
Background & Related Research
The United States is the most violent country in the
industrialized world, especially for young people (Richters, 1993).
Homicide rates have more than doubled since 1950’s, and rank as the
second leading cause of death for youth between 15 and 24 years of
age (Osofsky, 1995). Males are especially at high risk, with black
males 7 times more likely to die from homicide than their white
counterparts (Richters, 1993). Considering that these figures do not
take into account non-fatal injuries resulting from violence, these
figures become even more alarming.
Traditionally the reduction of violence has been addressed by
law enforcement and the criminal justice system. Currently the
Center for Disease Control has put violence prevention at the top of
7
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it’s research agenda. The focus on violence as a public health crisis,
lends itself to an approach which has been used with disease. Once
the etiology of the problem is understood, prevention and
intervention strategies can be used to reduce prevalence rates.
Previous research has primarily focused on the victims and
perpetrators of violence. More recently research has begun to
address the impact of violence on individuals with less direct
exposure; reported, witnessed, or otherwise exposed on a chronic
basis to violent stimuli (Bell & Jenkins, 1993; Garbarino et al. 1991;
Richters & Martinez, 1993; Osofsky, 1995).
The study of the effects of indirect exposure to violence, and
chronic exposure to urban violence on children and adolescents, is a
relatively new area of inquiry. It is helpful therefore, to briefly
examine related research on childhood trauma, both of an acute and
prolonged nature. Relevant research includes studies of children and
adolescents with Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), related to
war, abuse, and acute traumatic experiences such as experiences
with disasters, kidnapping, or witnessing a homicide.
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Acute Exposure to Trauma
Reactions to catastrophic trauma were first designated as
post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in the third edition of the
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (1980). DSM-
lll-R (1987) defines a catastrophic traumatic event as “ a
psychologically distressing event that is outside the range of usual
human experience [and] would be markedly distressing to almost
anyone” (p. 247). DSM-IV (American Psychiatric Association, 1995)
organizes the diagnostic criteria for PTSD into four categories: re-
experiencing, numbing, avoidance, and increased arousal. The person
must have experienced a catastrophic event and have symptoms
present for at least one month. Criterion modifications specific to
children and adolescents have also been added. These include
repetitive play, muteness or refusal to discuss the trauma,
generalized nightmares, diminished interest in activities,
constriction of affect, marked change of orientation toward the
future, omen formation, and somatic complaints. Adolescents may
act out, engaging in high risk behavior in reaction to trauma.
Studies examining life threat and posttraumatic stress on
school-age children, found strong evidence for a diagnosis of PTSD
9
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(Terr, 1981; Pynoos, et al., 1987). Pynoos noted there was a strong
correlation between severity of, and proximity to, the violence and
type and number of PTSD symptoms. In addition to assessing
exposure, Pynoos and his associates advocate assessing other risk
factors that may be non-exposure related but effect the child’s
reaction and recovery (Pynoos & Nader, 1987). These factors include
familiarity with the victim(s), previous trauma or loss (especially
in the last year), worry about the safety of a family member or
significant other, family response and psychopathology, and
individual psychopathology.
Terr’s (1981) landmark study which examined 26 kidnapped
children, confirmed initial post-traumatic emotional sequelae for
that group of children. Terr also found significant evidence that
long-term effects were related to past frightening events; with
feelings of helplessness related to traumatic experience. Later
symptomology included post-traumatic play, reenactment,
personality change, pessimistic expectations of the future and
dreams of death. According to Terr, a change in future orientation
may be one of the most significant markers of childhood trauma.
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Children who witness acts of personal violence such as
homicide, rape or suicide have also been studied (Pynoos & Eth,
1985). Children’s reactions include PTSD symptomology, efforts to
master anxiety or avoid its renewal, fantasies related to revenge or
intervention, guilt, as well as feelings of powerlessness and
vulnerability. When violence is of human design it is more traumatic
because it calls into question issues of human accountability,
impulse control, and view of the world as safe and benevolent. In
the case of a parent inflicting harm on another parent the child can
be further traumatized by intense conflicts of loyalty or guilt
connected to failure to intervene. Viewing domestic violence or
spousal homicide can negatively effect a child’s sense of safety and
trust in intimate human relationships, and lead to other long term
developmental consequences.
Chronic Exposure to Trauma
Although there are unique reactions to chronic trauma, there
are many similarities to acute trauma. By order of definition
chronic trauma involves a cumulative effect of many episodes of
acute trauma. Two bodies of literature that focus on the chronic
nature of childhood trauma and PTSD are war and child abuse.
11
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Findings from these studies serve as models in examining the
effects for youth exposed to community violence.
The effects of war on children and adolescents has been
reported in the medical literature for 40 years, in constellations of
symptoms now recognized as PTSD. Although the literature is
mostly anecdotal and the methodology poor, two conclusions persist.
First, war and prolonged civil strife adversely affect children and
adolescents psychologically, disrupting normal development
(Hickson, 1992). Secondly, the more personal the victimization and
the greater the disruption of every day life; the greater the risk of
youth developing seriously disabling psychiatric symptoms (Pynoos
& Eth, 1985).
Literature on child maltreatment has documented the extent
and severity of prolonged trauma on children. Children who have
been abused typically experience depression, fear, anxiety, low self
esteem, phobias, sleep disorders, hostility, and aggression (Browne
& Finkelhor, 1986). Victims of sexual abuse upon reaching
adolescence, often act out feelings through truancy, delinquency,
running away, early pregnancy, substance abuse, prostitution, or
mutilating and suicidal behavior (Ladwig & Anderson, 1998; Root,
12
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1989). Research has shown that revictimization is also common for
sexually abused children and adolescents. Child abuse victims have
difficulties forming secure attachments to caregivers which can
effect relationship formation later in life. Abused children may
have difficulty with emotional self-regulation, evidencing a lack of
impulse control and aggressive behavior on one end of the continuum,
and limited or blunted responses on the other (Cicchetti, 1990b).
Subsequent developmental stages are effected after abuse has
occurred.
In summary, the research on childhood trauma and
posttraumatic stress disorder point to many domains of cognitive,
emotional, social, and psychophysiological functioning which can be
severely affected by exposure to violence (Richters, 1993).
Reactions to both acute and chronic violence characteristically
include: depression, withdrawal, anxiety, fear, affect disregulation,
blunted affect, dissociative reactions, aggression, low impulse
control, cognitive impairments, intrusive thoughts, and flashbacks.
Feelings of powerlessness and vulnerability can effect both
development of the self and a sense of self-worth. Psychosocial
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developmental tasks may be interrupted, delayed, or unresolved, thus
effecting later stages of development, perhaps irrevocably.
individuals exposed to violence may have a foreshortened or
pessimistic view of the future. A sense of hopelessness about the
future may result in lowered motivation to achieve and increase risk
taking behavior. Youth continually exposed to violence and loss may
be unwilling to delay immediate gratification for future goals if
they experience a sense of futility about the future.
Community Violence
Prevalence of Violent Exposure
"Exposure to chronic community violence is defined as
frequent and continual exposure to the use of guns, knives, drugs and
random violence” (Osofsy, 1995). The extent of exposure to violence
for children and adolescents living in the inner-city has been well
documented (Bell & Jenkins, 1993; Garbarino et al., 1992; Richters &
Martinez, 1993). Violence occurs in all communities but it is
particularly prevalent in inner-city neighborhoods (Gladstein,
Rusonis, & Heald, 1992; Richters & Martinez, 1993), and
disproportionately effects minority youth (Bureau of Justice
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Statistics, 1990, 1991; Christofel, 1990; National Center for Health
Statistics, 1979).
Gladstein et al. (1992) reported that inner-city youth (11 to 24
years) were more likely to be victimized, know of victims, witness
assaults, rapes, stabbings, murders, and experience life threatening
events, than upper-middle class youth. Youth from the inner-city
reported knowing someone who had been robbed, assaulted with a
weapon, knifed, or murdered at a rate of 45%. Sixty-seven percent
of the inner-city youth reported knowing someone who was shot. In
the middle-upper class group approximately 25% of the subjects
knew someone who had been robbed or assaulted with a weapon,
raped without a weapon, shot, or knifed. Knowing someone
personally who was murdered was reported by 14% of the middle-
upper class youth. In another sample of inner-city African-
American youth, ages 10 to 19 years 75% of the boys and 70% of the
girls had seen someone shot, robbed, or killed (Shakoor et al., 1991).
Severity of Exposure and Relationship Proximity
Posttraumatic stress symptoms for children have been shown
to correspond both in type and number with level of exposure to
violence. When the level of exposure is high the number and severity
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of distress symptoms increase (Pynoos & Nader, 1987). in assessing
the severity of exposure the following factors should be considered:
proximity to the violence, severity of event (death, injury), and how
familiar the victim is to the child (relationship proximity).
Victimization by violence is one of the most severe forms of
exposure and is associated with high levels of distress. Emotional
reactions to victimization include shock, confusion, helplessness,
anxiety, fear, anger and depression (Bard & Sangrey, 1979; Burgess &
Holmstrom, 1974; Richters & Martinez, 1993).
Some studies show a significant relationship between
exposure to community violence and family violence (Osofsky et al.,
1993). Domestic violence is one of the most distressing forms of
violent exposure; the close proximity of the violence and the close
relationships of those involved make it one of the most severe forms
of violence. Familial violence may involve both direct
(victimization) and indirect violence (witnessing): and is usually
chronic in nature. Youth exposed to both family and community
violence are at particular risk for psychological distress.
Media violence is considered a less severe form of exposure
due to the fact that it is distant proximally and predominately
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ficticious. Although media violence is not considered a direct form
of exposure, there is a relationship between psychological distress
and media violence (Blanchard et al., 1986). The psychological
impact of media violence on an individual may vary depending on the
type and severity of the violence, personal characteristics of the
viewer, and duration of viewing (Huesmann & Malamuth, 1986).
Relationship proximity to the victim has been shown to be
correlated with distress. The closer the relationship to the victim
the higher the distress associated with the event (Pynoos et al.,
1987). According to Richters & Martinez (1993), the majority of
community violence witnessed by children involved familiar others,
family (13%), friends (25%), and acquaintances (16%). Acts of
violence perpetrated by strangers were witnessed by children 38%
of the time. Older children’s experiences were similar except for
friends accounting for 38% of all violence witnessed. Similarly, the
majority of violent victimization involved people familiar to
children; with friends accounting for 50% and acquaintances 12 per
cent. Victimization by strangers occurred 25% of the time to
children. A relatively small proportion of victimization events were
perpetrated by family members (13%) in this study. It may be
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concluded based on results from this study, that inner-city youth
experience higher levels of distress due to the close relationship
proximity to both victims and perpetrators of violence.
Reported and Witnessed Violence
Less severe than victimization, but more common for inner-
city youth, is witnessing violence. Richters and Martinez’s (1993)
reported that although a large number of children are victims of
violence; they were between 2 and 4 times more likely to witness
violence. Osofsky et al. (1993) found a significant relationship
between hearing about and witnessing community violence and
reported distress symptoms in children. Community violence is
especially distressing for youth if the level of violence is severe
and recurrent. Inner-city neighborhoods often have high levels of
criminal and gang activity.
A significant relationship has been found between reported and
witnessed community violence and stress symptoms in children
(Osofsky et al., (1993). The effects of witnessing violence are
detrimental for children. Many studies on community violence do not
look at the unique effects of victimization and witnessing violence.
Studies that do differentiate direct and indirect exposure to
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violence have found significant relationships between witnessing
violence and distress. Pynoos and Nader (1989) found that children
who witnessed injury to others and heard cries for help developed
posttraumatic symptoms. The negative effects of witnessing
violence may be stronger for females. Jenkins (1993) found that
female adolescent’s levels of distress were higher for witnessed
violence, even compared to victimization.
Reported violence is considered a less severe form of violence
compared to witnessed, due to the proximity to the event being more
remote. Pynoos and Nadar (1987) studied posttraumatic stress in
children who were exposed to a sniper attack at school. Results
from the study indicated a marked drop-off in symptoms for children
who were not on the school grounds and were exposed primarily
through reports about the violence. Other studies on adults exposed
to disaster have shown that primacy of exposure to danger was
associated with increased distress (Shore et al., 1986; Dohrenwend
et al., 1981). The adverse symptoms experienced by children may be
greater than initial research reports indicate. Parents are often
interviewed in studies of violent exposure and distress in younger
children. Richters & Martinez (1993) compared parent and child
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reports of exposure to violence and distress and found that parents
consistently under-report exposure and psychological distress in
their children. In studies of violent exposure where parents are the
reporters, figures for violence exposure and distress in children may
even be higher.
Demographic Variables
Sex Differences. Males have higher rates of violent
victimization and violent exposure than females, with the exception
of sexual crimes. In all categories, witnessing a shooting, robbery,
stabbing, or murder, boys had higher exposure rates (Shakoor et al.,
1991). Richters and Martinez (1993) found that boys (6 to 10 years)
reported significantly higher rates of victimization than girls (88%
vs. 25%). In the previously cited study by Gladstein et al. (1992),
sex differences revealed that males from both the inner-city group
and the upper-middle class group were more likely to have been
victimized, witnessed violence, or know of someone personally who
was harmed. Females in both groups however, reported higher sexual
victimization than males.
Jenkins (1993) in a study of African-American youth found
that both male and female victims of violence experienced distress.
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However, data on gender differences revealed that female subjects
who witnessed violence or whose friends had been victimized were
significantly more distressed than male subjects. Both genders
experienced distress related to family victimization.
Posttraumatic stress symptoms related to violence have been
shown to vary with sex. Most results, but not all, indicated that
females across age groups were found to be most vulnerable to PTSD
symptomology, depression and anxiety (Fitzpatrick, 1993;
Fitzpatrick & Boldizar, 1993; Lorion & Saltzman, 1994). Females
reported more symptoms associated with emotional distress, where
males reported more cognitive and behavioral problems (Horowitz,
Weine, & Jekel, 1995).
Aae Differences. Studies looking at age differences reveal
that although victimization rates are high for younger children; most
studies found that older children are more likely to have experienced
both direct and indirect exposure to violence (Osofsky, 1993;
Richters & Martinez, 1993). Twenty-two percent of the 10-year-old
subjects compared to 60% of the 19 year old subjects had witnessed
a shooting. Sixteen year old youth had the highest rate of
witnessing shootings, robberies, stabbings and killings according to
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a study by Shakoor et. al. (1991). Victimization rates for younger
children were 19%, and for older children 32%. Rates of witnessing
violence were 61% for younger children and 72% for older children
according to a study by Richters & Martinez (1993).
Although older children and adolescents usually have higher
prevalence rates for violence, younger children are also exposed to
serious forms of violence. Twenty-six percent of 10-year-olds
compared to 30% of 19-year-olds witnessed murders. Forty-one
percent of 10-year-olds compared to 30% of 19 year olds witnessed
stabbings, according to a study by Shakoor et al. (1991). Osofsky et
al. (1993) found high rates of exposure among elementary children.
In terms of prevalence rates 91% had witnessed violence, over half
had been victims of some form of violence. Twenty-six percent of
the sample had witnessed a shooting and 19% a stabbing. Three of
the children had been stabbed or raped. In addition, parents reported
that 40% of their children had seen a dead body, 72% had seen
weapons being used, and 49% had seen someone who was wounded.
Reports of having heard about these violent episodes were even
higher.
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School attendance is also related to exposure to violence. In a
study by Richters & Martinez (1993) the location of violent exposure
was examined. The location most cited where violence took place
was “near home”, the second most frequently cited category was “at
school” or “near school”. Children reported 22% of the victimization
took place in school and 30% near school. Thus, older children were
slightly more likely to be victimized at or near school (55%).
Although this study found relatively high levels of violence between
adults, none of the children reported home as the location for either
victimization or witnessing violence.
Posttraumatic stress symptoms and psychological distress
related to trauma from exposure to disasters and violence have also
been shown to vary with age. Younger children were shown to have
more psychological distress symptoms than older children in several
studies (Richters & Martinez, 1993; Fitzpatrick, 1993; Fitzpatrick &
Boldizar, 1993).
Ethnic Differences. The incidence and prevalence of violence
in the United States differs across social and cultural groups; with
African American and Latino youth at highest risk for exposure
(Prothrow-Stith, 1991; Block, 1988). The factors associated with
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these differences are best examined by looking at the risk factors
for violence and at population demographics. Ethnic minority
children are more likely than Caucasian children to live in poverty
(Children’s Defense Fund, 1991). Poverty is the greatest predictor
of violence regardless of race or ethnicity (Centerwall, 1984).
Social risk factors associated with poverty such as unemployment,
high population density, social isolation, segregation, family
disruption, tenuous social networks, drugs and gangs are some of the
factors that are associated with violent victimization and
perpetration.
Population demographics indicate that social risk factors are
overrepresented among minority groups and may account for the
differences in violence rates between ethnic groups and Caucasians
(Sampson, 1993). Although it has been well established that ethnic
minority groups have higher rates of violent exposure than Caucasian
groups; less is known about differences between minority groups.
This is partially due to the difficulty in separating the independent
role of ethnicity from risk factors of violence because of the close
association between the two. The literature on African American
social problems and violence is extensive, but most studies compare
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African Americans with Caucasians or other ttnon-African
American” groups. Research on Latino populations in general is
sparse, but is beginning to emerge. As in the case of African-
American studies, valuable group specific data is often lost due to
Latino populations being grouped with “non-Latino" groups. Studies
which compare violent exposure between African American and
Latino groups are very limited. However, some studies report
distinct patterns of violence associated with various ethnic
minority groups (Roper, 1991). For these reasons the following
section reviews relevant facts and patterns of violence for African
American and Latino youth separately. An attempt has been made
when possible to highlight comparisons and differences between
African American and Latino violence exposure factors.
African Americans are a culturally diverse group comprising
12% of the total population of the United States (Children’s Defense
Fund, 1991). According to the National Center for Health Statistics
(1990) the rate of violent victimization for African Americans is
higher than for any other ethnic group. The leading cause of death
for male and female African Americans between the ages of 15 and
34 has been homicide since 1978 (Center for Disease Control, 1990).
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Recent regional and national studies indicate an increase in male
homicide victimization for African Americans ranging from 55 to 70
percent (Center for disease Control, 1990; Fingerhut, Kleinman,
Godfrey, & Rosenberg, 1991). Inner-city African American children
and adolescents report higher rates than other groups in national
surveys for witnessing violent crime, victimization and weapon
carrying (Centers for Disease Control, 1991; Menacker, Weldon, &
Hurwitz, 1990; Sheley, McGee, & Wright, 1992).
Latinos in the United States comprise approximately 9% of the
total population. Mexican-origin is the largest sub-group, Central
and South Americans are the second largest sub-group, Puerto Rican
is the third largest sub-group, followed by Cubans (U.S. Bureau of the
Census, 1991). Latinos are currently the largest and fastest
growing populations of minorities in the United States. Considering
the size of the Latino population there has been very little research
on this group until recently. National homicide rates for Latinos,
especially youth, have to be pieced together from regional data and
do not reflect large subcultural, age or sex differences (Eron,
Gentery, & Schlegel, 1994). However, non-systematic regional and
anecdotal data indicate high rates of homicide in Latino populations
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in Los Angeles, Chicago, New York and Miami. Data from Los Angeles
indicated that homicide rates for Latino males rose 300% between
1970 and 1979 (Prothrow-Stith, 1991). Homicide was the second
cause of death for New Mexican Latinos in a study by Swell et al.
(1989). Latinos in general experience more violent crime than non-
Latinos according to a U.S. Department of Justice report in 1991.
Victimization rates of violent crime for Latino teenagers was higher
than Caucasian groups, and only slightly lower than African
American youth, according to the same study.
The usual pattern of violence for African American youth
involves a person known to the victim, of the same race and near the
same age. Homicides typically involve firearms, and are most likely
the result of an argument; over a minor matter between friends or
acquaintances. One of the most significant factors associated with
African American adolescent fatalities, other than poverty and urban
residence, is gun caring behavior (Hammond & Yung, 1994). Although
increases in drug trafficking and gang involvement have contributed
to increases in African-American male homicides, it is small when
compared to national homicide rates (Prothrow-Stith, 1991).
African-Americans are also the most victimized group by racially
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motivated hate crimes, roughly 35.5% of crimes such as
intimidation, vandalism, assault robbery and murder (U.S.
Department of Justice (n.d.).
African American females in late adolescents and young
adulthood are usually victimized by boyfriends or spouses. However,
African American women who reside in the inner-city also have
higher incidents of stranger victimization (Harlow, 1991). Fatal
spouse abuse is higher among African-Americans than other
ethnicity (Stark, 1990).
The pattern for Latino youth violence has not been studied as
extensively as African American youth violence; however several
patterns emerge. As with African American youth poverty and
inner-city residence are highly correlated with victimization and
violent exposure for Latino youth. According to research violence
most affects Latinos who are unemployed, have lower status jobs
and have low educational levels, between 9 and 11 years of
schooling (U.S. Department of Justice, 1988 &1990). Latinos have
the highest rate of school dropout of any major minority group in the
United States (De La Rosa & Maw, 1990). Chavez et al. (1989) found
that Latino dropouts are more likely to be exposed to violence.
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Immigration, acculturation, and language fluency are variables that
can effect school achievement and hence social and economic status.
Research on how these variables may in turn effect exposure to
violence are almost non-existent. More research is needed to assess
these cultural issues for Latinos and the direct and indirect effects
of language and cultural variables on exposure to violence. The
medium age for victims of violence is the youngest for Latinos
compared to any other ethnic group. As is true for all youth, gun
carrying for Latinos is another risk factor for violence.
Gang membership in general is associated with increases in
violent exposure. Latinos are estimated to comprise one third of all
gang members nationally (Spergel et al., 1990). Gangs account for
roughly one third of all homicides in the United States according to
Genelin and Copelin (1998). In cities such as Los Angeles with
higher Latino populations gang related homicide figures are even
higher. Figures from the Los Angeles Police Department as of 1990
indicate that Latinos comprise 51% of all gang members. Recent
trends indicate that African American gangs are becoming more
prevalent in many inner-cities (Klein, 1995).
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Studies on Latina physical and sexual abuse are sparse, but
some studies indicate that sexual abuse is a particularly relevant
factor in violent exposure. Latina gang membership was found to be
positively correlated with incestuous experiences for 29% of Latina
gang members (Moore, 1991). Latina dropouts were 2 times more
likely than controls to have been raped or sexually assaulted (10%
vs. 20%).
The literature reviewed above, although not conclusive,
indicates that African Americans have higher rates of violent
exposure than Latinos. However, several studies indicate higher
rates of violence for Latinos than for African Americans. Block
(1988) in a study in Chicago found the homicide rates for Latinos
were higher than for African Americans. Desenclos and Hahn (1992)
found that violence, either suicide or homicide accounted for the
greatest proportion of years lost for Latino males (18.4%), followed
by African American males (17.3%), and Caucasian males (10.5%).
However, results from the same study revealed that African
Americans females lost the most number of years to violence (7.5%),
followed by Latinas and Caucasians (6.7% for both). Smith et al.
(1988) found similar rates of homicide for Caucasian women and
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Latinas. Other studies indicate that Latinas are at greater risk of
homicide than Caucasian females (Shai & Rosenwaike, 1988).
The inclusion of weapons and perpetration sub-types of
violence in the present study allows for comparisons of crime-race
related literature in addition to the violence literature. It is
generally acknowledged that race is consistently a significant
predictor of involvement in violence and criminal activity. Racial
and ethnic minorities have disproportionately more arrests and
convictions for violent offenses than Caucasians (U.S. Department of
Justice, 1992). In addition, most crime is intraracial, which means
racial and ethnic minorities are more likely to be victims of crime
and violence (U.S. Department of Justice, 1991). The reasons behind
the relationship between race, violence and criminal activity are
less clear than the fact it exists.
Racial Inequality. Crime and Violence. Most theories which
address minority crime and violence reflect differences between
minority groups and the dominant Caucasian group (Cloward & Ohlin,
1960). One such theory is racial inequality theory. This theory can
be summarized as follows: racial inequality leads to economic
inequality, which leads to lower class status and blocked
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opportunity, which results in frustration that can lead to aggression
and violence. Russell (1994), in accounting for research findings
that did not fully support the racial inequality theory; proposed an
advancement of that theory which better explained differences
between minority groups. Russell states that racial inequality
theory suggests that racial inequality can be measured only in terms
of economic inequality. Further, for racial inequality to escalate to
violence, it presupposes that opportunity has been blocked.
Russell’s causal model proposes that racial inequality leads to
frustration which leads to aggression and violence, regardless of
economic disadvantage. Key to Russell’s theory is that some
minority groups may experience a “ sense of injustice” which can
impact the crime-race relationship, regardless of socioeconomic
status. Russell states that thinking of racial inequality as
synonymous with economic inequality ignores race specific history,
experiences, and perceptions.
Russell’s theory proposes that racial inequality needs to be
examined from both a micro and a macro level. Micro level
constructs address how an a member of a minority group personally
experiences racial inequality, either individually, or as a member of
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that group. These experiences may be perceptions and vicarious
experiences, received through other members of the group or through
the media. Perceptions of discrimination and injustice, which
cannot be directly protested, may result in anger and aggression.
Macro level constructs refer to the experience of that person, as a
member of that group. For example, African-American life
experience encompasses not only their history of slavery; but the
knowledge that their group has the highest rates of teen pregnancy,
imprisonment, victimization, infant morality, unemployment, out-
of-wedlock births, homicide, female-headed households and
illiteracy (Russell, 1994). As stated above, macro level also
includes race-specific perceptions of injustice. If a group perceives
injustice is based solely on race, a “ delegitimization” of social
institutions and laws may occur (Davis, 1974). Crime and violence
rates may reflect perceptions of injustice as well as lack of
opportunity. African-American and Latino groups may both
experience racial inequality based on minority status. Both groups
may have some similar experiences at both the micro and macro
levels. However, the unique racial and cultural history of each group
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and their respective experiences also reflects important differences
that may differentially influence behavior.
Types of Violence
Domestic Violence
One of the most salient and potent forms of exposure to
violence is within the context of the family. The family is the most
powerful socializing agent in the life of a child. Social learning
theory states that individuals learn through direct experience (trial
and error), by observing the behavior of others (modeling), or both
(Singer, 1986; Bandura, 1973). The social learning theory approach
to family violence proposes that the family is the primary context
where one learns and practices violent behavior (Hotaling, Straus, &
Lincoln, 1990). Aggressive behavior is learned and acquired through
family interactions. In addition to modeling violence, adults may
inadvertently encourage and reinforce assaultive behavior. Although
reinforcement of aggressive behavior may be unconscious or
unintentional, it is nonetheless quite effective (Patterson, Dishion,
& Bank, 1984).
The key in social learning theory’s view of violence is the
generaziabiiity. There is evidence in the research that suggests
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aggressive behavior and strategies of coping are generalized beyond
those experiences modeled in the family (Bandura, 1971, 1973). The
experience of family violence, both direct and indirect may increase
the likelihood of violent exposure outside the family. Tutty and
Wagar (1994) found that children who have witnessed violence in
their family often use physical aggression and/or passive
acceptance as strategies when dealing with conflict. These
strategies of conflict resolution may predispose an individual to act
in a violent manner, or to become a target for victimization.
Factors associated with criminal violence include a
background of familial and neighborhood violence and a history of
violence beginning in adolescence (Hotaling, Straus, & Lincoln,
1990). Children who witness familial violence show heightened
anxiety, depression, low self-esteem, school problems, self-abuse,
aggressiveness, dependency, somatic difficulties, and poor sleep
habits (Jaffe, Wilson, & Wolfe, 1986). Gender specific results
indicate that boys are at particular risk. Boys exposed to
intrafamilial violence tend to show earlier symptomology and tend
to perpetrate abuse in adulthood. It is likely that girls are equally
distressed but tend to internalize feelings rather than exhibit
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externalized behavior. Children who experienced direct violence
show more serious distress symptoms (Hughes, 1988). Direct and
indirect exposure to violence within the home may overlap at the
rate of 40% for children (Jaffe et al., 1986). Boys who witness
family violence show adjustment difficulties similar to boys who
have been abused (Straus, Gells, & Steinmetz, 1980).
Styraus (1991) studying the relationship between discipline
and deviance, looked at the physical punishment of children. He
concluded that although physical punishment produced conformity in
the immediate context, in the long term it tended to increase the
probability of deviance. Behaviors such as delinquency in
adolescence, wife battering, child abuse, as well as robbery, assault
and homicide were associated with physical punishment. Physical
punishment in childhood is an important factor in the etiology of
violence due to: the universality of the experience, the primacy and
continuity of the experience, the legitimization of violence within
society, as well as it’s role in criminal behavior. The experience an
individual has within the family in childhood can either inoculate or
place an individual at risk of violent exposure in adolescence.
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Media Violence
The media has been implicated in shaping the development of
youth’s beliefs, values and behavior. One of the most researched and
controversial issues in psychology is how media violence effects
American youth. There can be no doubt about the pervasiveness of
media exposure for both adult and youth populations. Since the
1950’s television has become a mainstay of American life.
Television viewing now occupies more time than any non-school
activity for children. Children and adolescents spend approximately
23 to 28 hours a week viewing television (Johnson, 1991;
Donnerstein, Slaby, & Eron, 1992). It is estimated that 40% of the
American population watch television between 8 and 11 p.m.
(Johnson, 1991).
Early studies on television and violence focused on the
prevalence and kinds of violence shown on the screen. The level of
violence portrayed on television has remained relatively constant
over the past 20 years. However, the advent of new technologies
(VCR, cable television, video games, computers) has increased the
amount of violence, sex, and sexualized violence available within the
home, primarily due to R-rated movie availability. It has been
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estimated that if youth watch between 2 to 4 hours of television a
day, by the end of elementary school, they would have viewed 8,000
murders and 100,000 other violent acts. At the end of teen age
years the figure would climb to 200,000 viewed violent acts
(Husston et al., 1992). These figures are expected to rise with the
increased presence of VCR’s in the home which is expected to double
in the years to come. Current figures indicate that 42% of homes
have VCR’s and that children and adolescent use is greater than adult
use (Greenberg, 1988).
Certain types of programming like cartoons and music videos
which are directed at children and adolescents often contain high
amounts of violence. Saturday morning children’s programs were
found to have between 20 to 25 acts of violence compared with 5 to
6 violent acts per hour on prime time (Gerbner & Signorielli, 1990).
Music videos shown on MTV contained an act of violence in 50% of
the films (Donnerstein, Slaby, & Eron, 1992). Music videos also
contain high levels of sex, often paired with violence. Women
portrayed as powerless, sexualized objects of male pleasure are the
norm in this media genre.
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Research from the past two decades has led to the conclusion
that the media significantly contributes to aggressive behavior and
aggression related attitudes for many children, adolescents, and
adults (Donerstein, Slaby, & Eron; 1992). Further, a direct causal
link has been established between television violence and
subsequent aggressive behavior for viewers in both laboratory and
field settings (American Psychological Association, 1993). Studies
show that both genders are influenced by viewing, with males and
females both identifying with male characters. Children who
perceive themselves as similar to television characters are more
likely to be influenced by aggressive cues, especially if their gender
is male (Huesmann, Lagerspetz, & Eron, 1984). High levels of
television viewing and aggressive behavior and attitudes are not
only correlated but stable over time, place, and demographics
(Huesmann & Eron, 1986). It is argued that viewing television
violence leads to subsequent aggression that becomes part of a
lasting behavior pattern. Aggressive behavior patterns can effect an
individual’s academic, social, and intellectual development
throughout life (Huston et al., 1992).
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In addition to increasing aggressive behavior, televised
violence has also been shown to lead to fear and anxiety in
individuals apprehensive of victimization. Just as individuals
identify with the aggressor, they may also identify with the victim
of the violence, creating a possible predisposition for victimization.
Another consideration is the desensitization effect television
violence may have on youth. Studies indicate that prolonged
exposure to violent stimuli results in a change of attitude about the
aversiveness of the event. Subjects show less empathy, and have
less negative emotional arousal after repeated exposure (Linz,
Donnerstein & Pernod, 1988). There is some evidence that the
effects of altered perceptions and reduced negative affect may
generalize to realistic settings and attitudes towards real victims
of violence. Lowered empathy and reduced negative affect towards
violence may lower inhibitions against using aggression and violence
and possibly increase the likelihood of violent behavior.
Although there is generally agreement on the negative impact
of media violence on youth, how and why this occurs is less
conclusive. Various theories have been postulated to account for the
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negative influence of media violence. The earliest approaches
applied the general principal of learning through observation. One
approach used the principals of classical conditioning in which
certain stimuli were conditioned to produce aggressive behavior
involuntarily (Berkowitz, 1973). The other popular theory was taken
from social learning theory. In this theory aggressive behavior was
voluntarily directed towards rewards or the removal of punishment.
Learning was acquired through observation of models who were
either rewarded or punished for aggressive behavior. These modeled
behaviors acted as informational cues in the real world tending to
increase behaviors that had been observed as rewarding and
decreasing punished behavior (Bandura, 1971, 1973). One of the
primary concerns about media violence is that there are often no
negative consequences associated with aggressive and violent
screen behavior.
More advanced theories on media violence incorporated
concepts of cognitive psychology. In this model aggressive ideas
from media exposure, prime other schematically related thoughts,
increasing the probability of these types of thoughts, which in turn
influence aggressive behavior (Neisser, 1967; Berkowitz, 1984).
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One of the most current theories on the effects of media exposure on
individuals derives from social cognitive theory. Social strategies
are learned through media viewing and act as “ scripts” or rules that
are then applied in real life settings. If these behavioral “scripts”
are rewarded it increases the likelihood they will be used again
(Huesmann, 1986).
“Provocation to violence” is another aspect to consider when
examining the relationship between youth and the media.
Provocation may be minor or severe threats against personal or
group esteem, desire for power or possession of objects. Themes
such as these are represented with high frequency in the media.
Lifestyles depicted in the media often center on easily acquired
affluent materialism. Heroes are shown high in power and control,
often gained through aggressive measures. Cues derived from the
media may come into play when youth are confronted with real or
perceived threats to one’s identity, family, group, masculinity or
pride. If heroes on screen react with aggressive or violent
responses youth who view this behavior may become primed towards
aggressive behavior.
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The Ideology of consumer individualism to which children are
exposed to in the media may lead to a belief system that becomes a
kind of secular religion that undermines humanistic and spiritual
values (Finnegan, 1990). The desire for power, affluence and
possessions may conflict with the reality of poverty,
discrimination, unemployment and structural inequality for many
disadvantaged youth. Disinhibition may combine with deviant
environmental influences (gangs, drugs, violence) and influence
youth towards crime and violence in order to gain the power,
prestige, and affluence they view on the screen.
Children and adolescents are most vulnerable to the effects of
viewing media violence. Attitudes related to identify, sexuality,
gender roles, interpersonal relations, and self-worth may be
effected by the influence of the media. There are positive models of
behavior in the media and in real life from which youth learn.
However, for youth living in environments with poverty, high
unemployment, family disruption, and violence, real life models may
be in short supply. Marginalized youth are especially susceptible to
the negative effects of media violence. Youth watch more television
than do adults, and African-American and Latino youth watch more
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than their white counterparts, independent of socioeconomic status
(Tangney & Feshbach, 1988).
Studies have shown that minority groups are often depicted in
the media as perpetrators or victims of violence. Ethnic minority
characters are often shown in a negative context. Gerbner et al.
(1986) found that U.S. Latino’s, Asian/Pacific Island Americans, and
Native Americans are usually stereotyped as criminals, victims, or
as dangerous in the media. Research has demonstrated that African
American’s portrayal in the media have improved within the last 25
years but is not representative of their actual representation in
society (Berry, 1988; Greenberg, 1986). Studies also indicate that
African Americans tend to be segregated from Whites when they do
appear on television (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). Stereotyping can
fuel prejudice and racism and possibly lead to violent crimes
against minority peoples. Of particular concern for minority youth
at this critical stage of identify formation, is the possibility of
lowered self-esteem from negatively stereotyped images of their
group (Fairchild, 1988).
Women may also suffer due to negative stereotyping. Sex and
violence are common themes in mass media programming. Wilson et
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al. (1992) found that one out of eight Hollywood movies contained a
rape scene. Research has indicated that exposure to media violence
against women, and sexualized violence may result in callousness,
or increased laboratory aggression towards female victims,
especially for rape (Donnerstein & Berkowitz, 1984; Linz, 1989;
Malamuth & Donnerstein, 1982). Attitudes and arousal patterns may
transfer to real life situations and increase aggression towards
women. Portrayals of women who desire or derive pleasure from
rape or abuse are also problematic, especially for youth who are just
formulating attitudes towards relationships and sexuality
(Malamuth & Check, 1980). Some films targeted at youth include
situations high in violence, sexualized violence, or violence paired
with erotic imagery, such as teen “slasher films”.
Gender difference may be especially important in evaluating
the effects of media violence on youth given gender based
differences in victimization and perpetration rates. Boys and girls
are socialized towards aggression and violence differentially.
Emotional and attitudinal responses to violence are different based
on gender. Boys perceive less violence in media portrayals, enjoy it
more, and see it as more realistic than do girls (Eron, 1980; Edgar,
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1977; Greenberg & Gordon, 1972). Females reacted more negatively
to suffering resulting from violence. Males were relatively
indifferent to suffering or seemed to find some compensating
enjoyment in scenes with graphic depiction of suffering (Blanchard
et al., 1986).
Media violence is a destructive force that is associated with
aggression, and even causally related to youth violence. However,
media violence is not the most dangerous or dehabilitating factor
for youth compared to other forms of violence. Community violence,
domestic violence, poverty, discrimination and structural inequality,
are more immediate and distressing factors impinging upon the well
being of young people. Media violence is none the less an important
factor in the complex equation on violence and youth and is related
to other, more serious forms of violence.
Gang violence
Gang violence has increased in the United States since the
1970’s along with other forms of violence (Maxson & Klein, 1991).
In addition, the types of violence have also become more severe and
varied. Street gangs have been shown to increase criminal and
violent behavior of members (Maxson, Whitlock, & Klein, 1997). The
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majority of gang members are most likely to be young, inner-city
dwellers, from ethnic or racial minority groups. Some of the
primary reasons gang violence erupts is over disputes related to
territory, drugs, and honor. Territoriality or disputes related to
“ turf” have traditionally been a focus of gang life. Currently the
focus may be on economic territory given the lucrative nature of
drug sales (Cervantes, 1992). Drug use and sales are highly
associated with violence for both gang and non-gang populations.
Drug related violence is only part of the picture in gang violence,
often relating to select members or subgroups of the gang involved
in drug sales (Maxson & Klein, 1991).
The availability of guns also play a major role in gang and
nongang violence. Gang related homicides not only involve more
guns, but a higher average number of weapons than nongang
homicides. In addition, gang related homicides more often involve
autos, occur in the street, have elements of intimidation and
retaliation, result in more injuries to other persons and involve
victims with no prior contact with the assailant. All the above
mentioned factors increase the danger for innocent people and
contribute to higher levels of community violence. The number of
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homicides attributed to gang violence is between 35% to 40% of all
countywide homicides in Los Angeles County. Although African
American and Hispanic gangs are similar in number, Hispanics have
victimization rates nearly twice that of African Americans (Klein,
1995).
Gang membership and the use of guns by youth to intimidate,
protect, threaten or harm can give marginalized youth a sense of
power, status, esteem and masculinity. Power and esteem for youth
are often unavailable through socially acceptable ways within
impoverished communities (Gardner, 1983). As stated previously,
adolescents are sensitive to any perceived threat to their honor or
image due to the developmental needs for peer approval, sexual
identity formation, autonomy, and efficacy. Youth may become
hyperviligent to perceived insults which may lead to violence (Moore
et al., 1978). Youth who use aggression and violence, join gangs,
and own guns to meet developmental needs for esteem are
increasingly at risk physically and psychologically.
Weapons
National statistics indicate that guns were used in
approximately 60% of the homicides and nonnegligent manslaughters
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between 1964 and 1989 (Jamieson & Flanagan, 1989; Maguire &
Flanagan, 1991). Adolescent males between the ages of 15-24 years
account for a large majority of the these deaths, especially if they
are minority youth living in metropolitan areas (Fingerhut et al.,
1991). Adolescent homicides (ages 14-17) have more than doubled
since 1984, with 80% of these involving firearms (National Center
for Health Statistics, 1991). The total number of homicides for
juveniles killed by firearms between 1986 and 1992 rose 144%,
compared to a 30% increase for adults (FBI, 1993b). __
Gun ownership has been associated with deviant and anti
social behavior for youth. Factors related to gun ownership include
being a high school drop-out, having been suspended or expelled from
school, having sold drugs, having been convicted of a crime, and
participation in assault and battery (Callahan & Revara, 1992;
Sadowski, Cairns, & Earp, 1989).
There have been several studies which look at the association
between African American adolescents and weapons-carrying.
African American youth most likely to carry guns or knives are male,
have witnessed violent crime, have been threatened or injured by a
weapon, have higher propensities for fighting with peers or
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strangers or assaulting family members, have arrest records, and
believe that carrying guns is not related to increased personal risk
(DuRant, 1994; Kulig, Valetome, & Steriti, 1994; Webster, Gainer, &
Champion, 1993). African American adolescents who are most likely
to be involved in a homicide have family members who carry guns;
carry guns themselves (in and out of school) and are affiliated with
others carry who guns to school (Hammond & Yung, 1994).
Less is known about the association between Latino youth and
weapon carrying. A recent survey by the Center for disease Control
indicated that Latino male students (grade 9-12) were more likely
to admit to weapon carrying than White or African American youth.
Gender differences revealed that African American females
admitted to higher weapon caring than Latinas in the same study
(U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1991).
Perpetration
Most arrests in the United States involving adolescents are for
property crime rather than violent crime. However, juveniles who
accounted for 13% of the total United States population in 1993
were responsible for 9% of all murder clearances, 14% of forcible
rapes, 17% of robberies and 13% of aggravated assaults (Howell,
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Krisberg, Hawkins, & Wilson, 1995). Trends in juvenile violent
crime have shown increases from 1983 to 1992. Juvenile arrests
rose for murder (51%), rape (17%), robbery (50%), and aggravated
assault (49%) (Snyder, 1994). The most important factor accounting
for the increase in juvenile violence is the availability and
increased lethality of firearms. In addition to societal factors such
as growing poverty and drug use, media violence has also been
implicated as a major factor that may increase the proclivity to use
guns for youth (American Psychological Association, 1992;
Centerwall, 1992).
Howel et al. (1995) describes the violent victimization of
children as one of the most neglected topics in the debate about
violent crime. Abused, neglected and runaway/throwaway youth are
one of the most victimized groups according to the National Crime
Victims Survey (Moore, 1994). Research has shown that being a
victim of violence and witnessing chronic violence either domestic
or community has a positive relationship with later violent
perpetration (Smith & Thornberry, 1993; Klein et al., 1997). Jenkins
(1993) found that personal victimization was positively associated
with gun carrying for males. Children who are exposed to violence
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are also more likely to commit violent crimes and to offend at
earlier ages compared with other children. Early age of onset for
violent crime is associated with a longer criminal career (Elliot et
al., 1986). Most violent crime is initiated during adolescence
between ages 14 and 17.
According to studies by Elliot et al. (1986,1994) the most
common serious violent offenders are lower-class urban dwellers;
white males living with both biological parents, and black males
from broken homes. Another study found three factors most
associated with African American adolescent perpetration of
violence: exposure to violence and victimization in the community;
degree of witnessing family conflict; and severity of corporal
punishment used at home (Du Rant et al., 1994). Anger and
frustration born from structural inequality and institutionalized
racism may further potentate perpetration of violence for inner-city
youth.
Summary
In summary, youth in the inner-city have high rates of
exposure to violence in all it’s forms. Inner-city youth routinely
have witnessed severe forms of violence, personally know of
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someone victimized, and have themselves been threatened or
victimized. Rates of victimization are between 20% to 50%
depending on the type of crime and the ages of the population
surveyed. Rates of witnessing violence, are between 2 to 4 times
higher than victimization. Figures range from between 25% to 40%
of children have witnessed stabbings, 22% to 60% shootings, and
23% to 30% murders. Cumulative figures for all types of violent
exposure rates are as high as 70% to 91% for some children and
adolescents. Pynoos and Eth (1985) estimated that children witness
between 10% to 20% of all homicides committed in Los Angeles.
Bell and Jenkins (1991) estimated that one third of the inner-city
children they studied in Chicago had seen a homicide, and two-thirds
had witnessed a serious assault.
Males have higher rates of exposure than females except for
sexual crimes and domestic violence. Age specific results indicate
that although younger children have high rates of severe violent
exposure, older children and adolescent exposure rates are even
higher. Attending school, increased independence from parents, and
having accumulated more violent experience may account for some
of these differences.
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Other important characteristics of exposure are the location
of the violence and relationship proximity to the victim. Most
violent exposure takes place near the home, and secondly near or at
school. Children and adolescents report that for both victimization
and witnessed violence people most familiar to them are likely to be
involved. Victims of violence reported that perpetrators of violence
were primary friends, followed by acquaintances and lastly family
members.
Weapons, especially firearms are the single greatest factor
contributing to the rise in adolescent violence. Adolescence is
typically the age when criminal and violent behavior begins. It is
therefore important to examine the relationship between exposure
to violence and subsequent perpetration. Inner-city minority youth,
especially African American and Latino youth are most likely to be
victimized, witness and perpetrate violence. Minority youth are
most likely to live in poverty and experience structural and racial
inequality associated with crime and violence. It is difficult to
examine the unique effects of ethnicy on violence. Russell’s
reformulation of racial inequality theory helps to explain some of
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interethnic differences in exposure rates between Latinos and
African Americans but this area needs more research.
In the proceeding section, child and adolescent prevalence
rates of exposure to community violence, severity of exposure,
relationship proximity, location of the violent event, and
demographic variables (age, sex, ethnicity, language) were examined.
Racial inequality theory was presented as a context for
understanding differences in minority and Caucasian crime and
violence rates as well as differences between ethnic groups.
Various types of violence were examined including domestic, media,
and gang. Factors related to weapon use and perpetration were
explored. In the next section the psychological effects of exposure
to violence on adolescents will be examined.
Psychological Distress and Developmental Consequences
of Chronic Exposure to Violence
Exposure to violence has been associated with various
psychological and behavioral consequences for youth. An
understanding of the developmental tasks associated with
adolescence is crucial for research, assessment, intervention and
violence prevention. The influence of sociocultural factors and the
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social milieu at adolescence and previous stages of development is
important. In addition factors such as individual traits, personal
history, parent support and current life situation (risk/protective
factors) should be considered when assessing the consequences of
violence on youth.
Certain socialization experiences have been shown to increase
exposure to violence for youth. First, inadequately achieved
developmental milestones increase the risk that youth will become
involved with violence either as perpetrators, victims, or observers.
Secondly, unhealthy family and peer relations increase the risk of
exposure to violence. Lastly, unfavorable sociocultural conditions
effect exposure to violence for youth (Eron, Gentry, & Schlegel,
1994).
The following section will give an overview of the
developmental milestones adolescents must achieve for healthy
development. A review of various distress symptoms and
consequences for adolescents exposed to violence will follow which
includes, depression, hostility, aggressive behavior, and other
pathological psychological and behavioral adaptations to violent
exposure. The influence of family support on youth violence and the
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association between view of the future and violence are considered
in subsequent sections.
Developmental Milestones/Adolescence
Contemporary theories of human development emphasize the
interaction between biogenetic and environmental influences.
Although the biological changes associated with puberty are
important, the sociocultural environment in which the adolescent
lives significantly influences the course of development.
Adolescence is a transitional period in which individuals separate
from parents and form primary relationships with peers. This
transition from childhood to adulthood is a process in which many
factors influence the course and outcome of development.
Development has been conceptualized as a series of tasks an
individual undertakes at a given stage of growth. Although
developmental tasks may be influenced by culture and the historical
time period, there is generally an agreed upon expectation for youth
in most societies.
Havighurst (1951) proposed the following eight developmental
tasks to be achieved in adolescence. 1) Achieving new and more
mature relations with age-mates of both sexes; 2) Achieving a
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masculine or feminine social role; 3) Accepting one’s physique and
using one’s body effectively; 4) Achieving emotional independence of
parents and other adults; 5) Preparing for marriage and family life;
6) Preparing for an economic career; 7) Acquiring a set of values and
an ethical system as a guide to behavior; developing an ideology;
8) Desiring and achieving socially responsible behavior. Havighurst
believed that each task needed to be completed sequentially and was
dependent on the successful achievement of the proceeding task. He
felt that if a task was not achieved at the appropriate time, it would
be difficult, if not impossible to master it later, or to proceed to
the next task successfully.
Adolescence is often divided into three stages each with it’s
specific tasks; early adolescence/middle school years: adapting to
physical and mental changes; middle adolescence/high school:
developing independence, peer relationships and dating; and late
adolescence/last year high school into early adulthood: establishing
a sense of identity. All of these tasks reflect biological,
psychological and cultural-sociological forces. Inner-city
environmental factors effecting these tasks are many and diverse
including: economic conditions, neighborhood and school
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environments, educational opportunities, occupational requirements
and availability, racism, sexism, immigration, cultural assimilation,
availability of drugs and guns, as well as the political Zeitgeist of
the time (i.e. welfare cuts, anti-immigration legislation).
Erik Erickson’s theory on personality development has been the
most influential in the field of psychology. Erikson proposed eight
stages of human life from a sociocultural perspective known as
psychoanalytic ego psychology. His theory is an epigenetic approach
in which, like Havighurst’s theory, sequential stages are dependent
upon earlier stages of development for success. According to
Erickson, each stage of development involves a dialectical struggle
between two opposing tendencies. His theory emphasizes adaptive
strivings in people, focusing on how individuals cope and develop
given their intrapsychic and environmental influences. Erikson
proposes that there are certain developmental tasks from which
values are gained through the successful completion of each stage.
Stages are not discrete events but overlap and interact with
adjacent development tasks depending on individual differences and
environmental conditions. Erikson’s stages of human life relevant to
adolescence are industry versus inferiority, which precedes
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adolescence; identity versus identity/role confusion; and intimacy
versus isolation, which follows adolescence.
The primary developmental task of adolescence is the
formation of identity. Identity can be considered from a ego
psychoanalytic perspective as the development of a self-structure
which is internal, self-constructed, dynamic organization of drives,
abilities, beliefs, and individual history (Marcia, 1980). In addition
to identity formation, involvement in intimate relationships and the
development of a sense of worth are important areas of development
for adolescents. The next section presents research findings on
some of the consequences and symptoms adolescents may have
resulting from chronic exposure to violence that may interact with
these developmental tasks. Some important questions are how
identity formation, peer relations, and an adolescent’s sense of
worth relate to exposure to violence and distress.
Psychological Distress
Depression. Depression has been associated with exposure to
violence. Children and adolescents living in violent environments
may be at greater risk for depression. Childhood victimization has
also been found to predict depression in adulthood (Eron, Gentry, &
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Schlegel, 1994). Miller (1986) stated that depression or any
dysfunctional affective state in adolescence effects personality
growth and development. In a paper titled “ Affective Disorders and
Violence in Adolescents” Miller describes several types of
depression, each with a different etiology. Miller distinguishes
anaclitic depression as following early deprivation. Reactive
depression and mourning follows the loss of a loved one.
Developmental depression is associated with efforts to master
experiences of helplessness and hopelessness that appear in puberty
when parental support diminishes.
Environments with chronic violence are often associated with
poverty, familial and community instability. Early deprivation and
loss of loved ones are more common in this environment. Children
may be more likely to suffer deprivation and multiple losses of
attachment figures due to the higher incidents of violent death,
incarceration and substance abuse in inner-city environments. A link
has been shown to exist between neighborhood characteristics and
substance involvement (Lorion & Saltzman, 1993). Children raised
by single parents may be at particular risk of loss, having only one
primary attachment figure. Adolescence may bring developmental
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depression into the forefront if opportunities for mastery are
limited. Unexpected or traumatic loss may reinforce the normal
feeling of helplessness of early adolescence. As stated previously,
mourning may be complicated by trauma and multiple losses making
it difficult for the adolescent to effectively mourn (Pynoos & Nader,
1990). Adolescents who cannot satisfactorily mourn are likely to
have unresolved anger and guilt associated with loss. Adolescents
who are socialized into a culture of violence, may view violence as
acceptable and use violence to dissipate their unresolved feelings of
anger and guilt. Adolescents from social systems that are
preoccupied with, and reinforce violence may use violence as an
emotional regulatory response to relieve tension (Miller, 1996).
Adolescents psychosocially desensitized to violence are more likely
to use violence.
Fitzpatrick (1993) studied depression in low socioeconomic
status African-American youth ages 7 through 18 years, who were
exposed to violence. His study showed that victims of violence,
younger children, and children from households without mothers had
more depressive symptoms when exposed to violence. Social
support, especially from a mother, acts as a stress moderator.
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Contrary to other studies, Fitzpatrick found that chronic exposure to
violence through witnessing had a negative effect on depression. He
hypothesized that some youth chronically exposed to violence
experience a desensitization process that inoculates them to these
types of stressors. This type of coping is not without cost
according to Fitzpatrick, energy required in blocking out stressful
stimuli may be diverted from other necessary developmental tasks
such as school, work and interpersonal relationships.
Desensitization may be adaptive in the short term but maladaptive
for long term development.
Fitzpatrick’s examination of the multiplicative effects of
sociodemographic characteristics with exposure to violence showed
two significant interactions. The first was Gender X Victimization,
where victimized females reported more depression. The second
interaction was Age X Witnessing Violence, which suggested that
older youths who witnessed more violence reported more depressive
symptomology. Fitzpatrick summized that both effects show that
there may be a somewhat higher risk for certain subgroups of youth
for depression related to violent exposure.
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Martinez and Richters (1993) found that violent exposure was
related to emotional and social problems for both older and younger
children. Depression and anxiety were related to exposure to
violence. Results from the study indicated higher distress for
children who were victimized by familiar people, and who witnessed
violence to familiar others. Self-reports of victimization by and
witnessing violence involving strangers were not related to distress
or depression. These results showed that maternal education
mediated distress in this study.
Gender specific results indicate that girls usually have higher
depressive symptomology related to violent exposure than boys
(Lorion & Saltzman, 1993). However, Richters and Martinez (1990)
found boys scored higher on the Checklist of Child Distress
Symptoms than girls in another study.
Freeman, Mokros, and Poznanski (1993) studied a non-clinical
population of urban school-aged children. Results indicated that
experiences of violence were associated with emotional
disturbances such as depression, dysphoric mood, low self-esteem,
and excessive fears and worries about death or injury. Freeman
pointed out that the association between violent events and an
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increase in depressive symptomology does not indicate a causal
relationship. Exposure to violence may act as a vulnerability factor
in combination with other biological or personal disposition factors
that combined mediate the child’s depressive symptoms.
Exposure to violence has also been associated with other
psychological distress symptoms. Hickson (1992) reporting on the
effects of violence on children exposed to war in South Africa listed
the following psychological effects as evident: a sense of
impotence due to a perceived lack of control over any aspect of life,
a sense of meaninglessness and emptiness, a loss of self-esteem
and feelings of humiliation, psychic numbing and emotional blunting
resulting in an inability to express emotion, and feelings of
isolation and alienation. Symptoms included depression, anxiety,
and posttraumatic symptomology such as traumatic flashbacks,
avoidance of stimuli related to trauma, increased arousal and
startle responses. Youth experienced concentration difficulties,
sleep disturbances, hypervigilance, anger, and irritability.
Hostility. Aggression and Violent Behavior. One of the
differentiating characteristics of child and adolescent depression
from adult depression is the presence of aggression and behavior
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problems (DSM-IV, 1995). The single strongest developmental
predictor of a child’s involvement in violence is a history of
previous violence. It is possible to predict reasonably well how
aggressive or violent an individual is likely to become in
adolescence and adulthood by age eight (Eron, & Huesmann, 1984;
Farrington, 1994; McCord, 1994). Behavior problems and aggression
have been found to increase in children exposed to violence. The
relationship between PTSD in youth and aggression has been
established in research (Terr, 1979; Eth & Pynoos, 1985). The
relationship between observing violence and aggressive behavior has
also been studied. Green and Berkowitz (1967) hypothesized that
frustration produces an arousal state that when combined with
highly salient aggressive cues results in a predisposition for
violence and aggression.
Anger and frustration are often the hallmark of poverty and
racism for underprivileged, marginalized youth living in the inner-
city. Developmentally, adolescence is a turbulent period both
physically and emotionally. New and confusing feelings heightened
by hormonal changes make emotional regulation more challenging.
Desire for adult freedoms, characteristic of this period may clash
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with societal and parental restrictions, increasing frustrations for
youth. It is important to note that extreme anger and inadequate
impulse control alone do not lead to an inevitable pathway towards
violence. Anger and inadequate impulse control put individuals at
risk for violence only if violence has been learned as a response.
Media violence, familial violence and community violence can
provide learning experiences and salient cues, thus increasing a
predisposition for aggression and violence.
Bell and Jenkins (1993) study of African-American children
exposed to violence found that witnessing a shooting or a stabbing
was associated with more fighting, as were reports of familial
fighting. Results indicated that younger children and boys were
more likely to fight. Children from father absent homes and children
who were physically punished were also more likely to engage in
fighting.
Peer relations become increasingly important as youth
separate and individuate from parents in adolescence. Peer pressure
has been shown to be a factor in interpersonal violence, when
fighting is an expected response to a challenge or perceived insult
(Spivak et al., 1989; Taylor, 1990).
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Adolescents’ narcissistic preoccupation with their appearance,
image, and sex role nriay make them susceptible to embarrassment or
verbal attack. This vulnerability combined with risk-taking
tendencies of adolescence, availability of weapons, and violent
socialization may increase the chances of a violent response. The
focus on sexual identity may lead to a period of identification with
sexual extremes such as macho images of aggressive males. The
identification with aggressive role models may further predispose
youth for violence. Studies of aggressive children and violent
adolescents found beliefs that support the use of aggression and it’s
use as a way to gain self-esteem and avoid a negative self-image
(Guerra & Slaby, 1989; Huesmann & Guerra, 1994; Shure & Spivack,
1988).
Pathological Adaptation. Intense negative emotions can
interfere with the usual course of development of emotional
regulation (Osofsky, 1993). Pynoos (1987) noted that negative
affective experiences influenced children’s ability to differentiate
affective states and the capacity to elaborate on their emotional
expressions. Youth exposed to chronic danger may adapt in ways
that are dysfunctional or pathological (Garbarino, Kostelny, &
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Dubrow, 1991). Efforts to cope with stress, defend against negative
feelings and survive within a violent milieu can lead to
psychological and behavioral adaptations that may be maladaptive
for optimum development.
For example, withdrawn or aggressive behavior may protect a
youth in a violent neighborhood, but the same behavior in school can
negatively effect academic performance and social adjustment.
Similarly, in dangerous and unpredictable environments parents may
thwart children’s strivings for autonomy and exploration. Efforts to
protect youth from falling under negative neighborhood influences
may manifest in extremely restrictive and punitive styles of
parenting. Authoritarian and punitive parenting styles have been
shown to increase aggression and rebelliousness and be less
effective in producing positive growth (cite).
Youth may become desensitized from repeated exposure to
violence in real life and through the media. Youth who have been
desensitized to violence are more prone to use violence (Miller,
1986). Detachment from stimuli that would normally elicit distress
may utilize energy optimally spent on development tasks such as
school achievement and relationships which could further
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compromise development. A generalized desensitization to the
threat and consequence of violence can lead to increased risk taking
behavior and possibly an addictive pursuit of danger (Lorion, 1993;
Garbarino, Kostelny, & Dubrow, 1992).
Adaptation within a violent environment may lead youth
towards more violence. In the process of “identification with the
aggressor” youth model behavior after those individuals in the
environment that are viewed as powerful. Identification with the
aggressor allows the youth to defend against fear, anxiety, and
feelings of vulnerability by aligning (psychologically or physically)
with individuals who have power. This process may take place even
when those with power are viewed as the enemy or creating the
danger. Identification with aggressors has been noted with children
living in inner-city environments occupied with street gangs, in
occupied territories with enemy soldiers, and in cases of
kidnappings (Garbarino, Kostelny, & Dubrow, 1991).
Another way adolescents may expose themselves to more
violence in an attempt to adapt to a dangerous environment is by
joining a gang for protection against other local gangs. Carrying a
weapon to “protect” themselves, again places the youth at greater
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risk. The strongest predictor of exposure to violence, witnessing,
victimization, or perpetration is carrying a weapon (Bell & Jenkins,
1993).
Moral development may be hampered or arrested when youth
are forced to grow up in a violent environment. Truncated moral
development has been associated with experiences of chronic danger
when coupled with ideology reflecting justification for violence
(Fields, 1987). Research in Northern Ireland and the Middle East
revealed children’s moral development at more primitive stages than
same age children not affected by violence. A vendetta mentality
dominated children’s thoughts in countries at war or with civil
strife. In street gang culture the violent retaliation appears to
reflect a similar vendetta mentality illustrative of a lower stage of
moral development.
Another form of pathological adaptation may be the
development of a “mean world” view. Immersion in an environment
of chronic violence and exposure to media violence may effect a
developing youth’s view of the world. A negative view of the future
or futurelessness can result in what Erikson refers to as “despair”.
Erikson (1963) described this condition in the elderly who perceived
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insufficient time to compensate for incomplete goals. For youth
living in an unpredictable and dangerous world their “ despair” may
come from the belief that there is inadequate time to achieve
socially approved outcomes. Immediately rewarding alternative
behaviors may appear attractive and lead to increased risk taking
for youth. The pursuit of high risk activities may in turn decrease
the likelihood of a successful future; contributing to the
perpetuation of the violent environment that originally caused the
limited opportunity.
In summary, adolescence is an important time in development
when the biogenetic factors associated with puberty interact with
environmental factors; thus influencing the course of development.
The primary psychosocial task of adolescence is identity
development. Peer group affiliation and opposite sex interactions
take on increased importance as youth move toward independence
from family. Youth who are exposed to violence can have a variety
of negative consequences related to the stress of living in danger.
Normal development may be delayed, interrupted, or distorted when
energy needed for learning and development is focused on coping and
surviving. Depression, anxiety, impaired cognitive functioning,
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hostility, and aggressive behavior are but a few of the many
negative consequences associated with exposure to violence in the
literature.
Parental Support
A positive relationship with parents has been shown to be a
protective factor for youth against a host of problems including drug
abuse, gang affiliation and violent behavior (Children’s Defense Fund,
1991). Research has shown positive outcomes for youth are related
to several parent variables. These variables are parental
educational level, self-esteem, stability and ability to mediate
stress for youth. Parents living in poverty often lack the power and
opportunity to achieve the attributes and skills needed to protect
their children from negative societal forces.
Perceptions of Control
Decades of research in psychology and sociology have
demonstrated that feelings of control are important to physical and
psychological well-being. In the areas of coping, motivation, self
esteem, and achievement a sense of control has been associated
with positive outcomes. Researchers agree on the importance of
control as a construct, but a review of literature reveals a diverse
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and complex array of terms, definitions, conceptualizations, and
interpretations of research findings. Confusion results when
different terms are inter-related and partially overlapping or the
same terms are used to refer to very different constructs. Skinner
(1996) has developed an integrative framework in an attempt to
clarify the field of “ control” and make sense of research findings
that are inconsistent and contradictory. Skinner’s framework will
be used as the model from which to review the relevant research for
this thesis.
Historical Background and Theory
Four influential theories of perceptions control have guided
the thinking in this field. These are; locus of control (Rotter, 1966;
Lefcourt, 1981), causal attributions (Weiner, 1985a,1986), learned
helplessness (Seligmen, 1975), and self-efficacy (Bandura, 1977,
1986). In defining perceptions of control in the broadest sense it
can be thought of as a “self-theory” (Skinner, 1995). Brim (1976)
stated “One’s sense of personal control is in fact a system of belief,
i.e., a theory about oneself in relation to one’s environment, and a
concern with causality, whether outcomes are a consequence of
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one’s own behavior or tend to occur independently of that behavior”
(p.243).
Striving for control fulfills an individual’s innate need to be
effective in interactions with the environment. The experience of
control is central to well-being, the loss of control can lead to
severe distress. Perceptions of control influence actions and action
regulation and therefore underlie success and failure in many areas
of life. Perceptions of control may influence decisions to pursue
certain courses of action (motivation), as in stratagizing, learning
or planning, or in avoiding or acting passivity towards a task. The
action regulation in this process is often referred to as coping.
Perceptions of control are particularly critical in times of stress
when effective coping is necessary for an individual to maintain a
sense of well-being.
Thompson (1981) looked at the relationship between control
and aversive events. Her research indicated that cognitive control
has positive effects on the experience of such an event. She defines
cognitive control as “a belief that one has a cognitive strategy
available that can affect the aversiveness of an event”. Individuals
that believe they possess a cognitive strategy for coping with a
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stressful event have less anticipatory anxiety, experience reduced
impact from the stimulus, and show improved post event effects.
Thompson’s cognitive control falls under Skinner’s rubric as
subjective control or perceived control. Thompson found that
behavioral control, or objective control was not related to the
severity of the stressful of aversive event. For coping with
adversative situations cognitive strategies or subject control is
more important than the amount of actual or objective control
available.
Interarative Framework of Perceptions of Control
Skinner’s integrative framework of perceptions of control
delineates two primary distinctions. The first distinguishes three
aspects of control: objective, subjective, and experiences of control.
The second distinguishes among agents, means and ends of control.
Objective control refers to how much control is actually available in
a given context. This type of control is often referred to as
contingency. Perceived control or subjective control refers to an
individual’s beliefs about how much control is available. The
distinction between objective control and subjective control is
critical to the argument that people’s perceived control influences
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their behavior and emotion, regardless of the actual control
conditions that may have contributed to those perceptions. As
stated above many researchers feel that perceptions of control are
more relevant when predicting functioning than is a amount of
actual control available (Averiil, 1973; Burger, 1989).
The third dimension is “experiences of control”. In contrast to
actual conditions of control (objective control) or beliefs about
control (subjective control), this dimension focuses on the feelings
an individual has while interacting with the environment in
attempting to produce a desired or prevent an undesired outcome.
According to Skinner, experiences of control are products of
external conditions, subjective interpretations and individual
actions. External conditions reflect the contingency between
actions and outcomes. Subjective interpretations differ based on
attributions of success. An individual’s experience of control
attributed to effort and ability will produce different feelings than
those experiences attributed to luck. In the control literature
“experiences of control” are sometimes referred to as feelings of
efficacy (White, 1959) or experiences of mastery (Harter, 1982).
“Control experiences are important because they are powerful
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affirmations and determinants of change in subjective control but
they are also one aspect of control that is unequivocally beneficial”
(Skinner, 1996).
The second basic dimension of Skinner's integrative model of
control is the distinction among agents of control, means of control,
and ends of control. Agents refer to individuals or groups who exert
control. Means refer to the causes or pathways through which
control is exerted. Ends refer to the desired and undesired outcomes
over which control is exerted. This distinction is most commonly
applied within the realm of perceived control (subjective) but also
applies to objective control conditions.
There are many classes or categories of causes that may fall
under “means of control”. In discussing this dimension it is
necessary to focus on relations between the agent, means, and ends
of control. Means-ends relations focus on beliefs or objective
conditions which refer to the connections between particular
classes of potential causes and desired and undesired outcomes.
There are many terms and constructs in the literature on control
that relate to subjective beliefs about the extent to which certain
causes lead to success and failure. These terms and constructs
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include: locus of control, judgments or expectations of contingency,
universal helplessness, response-outcome expectancies and means-
ends beliefs.
Benefits of Control
Perceptions of control have also been associated with
emotional well-being (Thompson, 1994; Taylor, 1983). This is
especially true for vulnerable populations; people suffering from
life threatening illnesses, victims of crime and the elderly (Larson,
1989; Thompson, 1991). Perceptions of control contribute to
adaptive coping for a variety of life’s stressors. Depression is a
common reaction to adverse situations and stress. Research has
shown that levels of depression have been negatively correlated
with perceptions of control, and positively correlated with feelings
of happiness (Thompson, 1991; Larson, 1989). Even in situations low
in objective control, overestimates on the amount of control
available (illusion of control) have led to better adjustment in
severely ill patients (Taylor, 1983). Perceptions of control
preceeded versus followed changes in affective states, suggesting
that perceptions of control may cause affective reactions
(Thompson, 1991).
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In the area of health research perceptions of control have been
related to positive outcomes. Perceptions of control can moderate
physiological responses reducing negative effects on the nervous
system and immune system (Thompson, 1991). Expectations of
control over adversative experiences reduces physical arousal, so
the benefits are realized even before the event. Feelings of control
have been associated with greater self-care behaviors, specifically
and with positive behavior change generally in health research.
Bandura’s theory of behavior change states that behavior change is
closely tied to perceptions of control. High perceptions of control
can increase a sense of self efficacy which is key to making
successful behavior changes (Bandura, 1977, 1982).
Personal control has been found to have beneficial effects on
motor and intellectual functioning. Individual’s show increased
functioning in rehabilitation programs when perceptions of control
were higher (Partridge & Johnson, 1989). Children in grade school
and college students who were given more control performed
significantly better on cognitive tasks than those who did not have
control (Chapman et al., 1990; Liem, 1975). Children in an
outpatient setting who had higher perceptions of control over
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solving problems at home and at school benefited more from their
outpatient psychotherapy program (Weisz, 1986).
Performance in social and political situations has been found
to vary with the availability of perceived control (Thompson, 1991).
Stickland (1965) found that African-Americans who were social
activists were more likely to have an internal locus of control.
Research in this area suggests that people will work for social
change to the degree that they perceive control over the issue.
Conversely, lack of control has been associated with apathy in social
and political arenas (Baum, Singer, & Baum, 1981; Evans & Jacobs,
1981). Sherrod and Downs (1974) in a study on altruism found that
subjects with perceptions of control over aversive stimuli (noise)
were more likely to help another person than those without control.
In another experiment subjects exposed to noise without control
evidenced increased aggression compared to subjects with control
(Donnerstein & Wilson, 1976).
Victimization. Coping, and Control
The research findings particularly relevant to the present
study on exposure to violence, are how perceptions of control effect
people who have been victimized. The dictionary definition of the
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word “ victim” is “anyone who suffers as a result of ruthless design
incidentally or accidentally” (Webster’s Third New International
Dictionary, 1971). The field of social psychology has researched
victimization from two vantage points. First, how assumptions and
beliefs about the world effect reactions to stress or victimization.
Second, how victimization effects beliefs about personal control.
Behavior is influenced by a person’s belief in a “ just world”
(Lemer, 1978). Individual’s feel they are protected from misfortune
by being good. People generally regard the world as controllable,
benign, and “making sense”. These feelings of invulnerability
protect people from stress and anxiety associated with perceived
threat or misfortune. When victimization occurs these beliefs and
assumptions are shattered. According to Wortman (1983) if
shattered assumptions are the vehicle through which life events
have negative effects, then it is possible that even relatively minor
incidents may have a severe impact due to the shattering of one’s
beliefs. When basic assumptions are altered in such a way it can
lead to feelings of anger, bitterness, hostility, passivity, depression
and withdrawal. The assumptions which are held by victims play a
critical role in coping (Janoff-Bulman, 1983). Coping with
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victimization is seen as an interaction between several variables;
assumptive beliefs, attributions and social support (Wortman,
1983).
One of the primary ways people make sense of the world is to
believe that what happens to them is controllable (Seligman, 1975).
Exposure to uncontrollable stressors may alter the belief that there
is a contingency between one’s behavior and subsequent outcomes.
This alteration in beliefs has been related to deficits in motivation
and performance (Seligman, 1975). For a victim, attributions of
causality can have profound effects on subsequent coping and
adjustment. Researchers studying “helplessness” realized it was
the subject’s interpretation (subjective control) of the
uncontrollable stimulus, rather than the stimulus itself, that was
most important. This change reflected the reformulation of the
“learned helplessness” theory, in which attributions play a central
role in subsequent theory and research. According to this
reformulation, it is the attribution of causality about an event that
determines coping ability, subsequent deficits in functioning, how
long it lasts and how far the deficit generalizes.
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Victimized individuals may conclude that they are to blame for
what has happened to them. The experience of victimization effects
a person’s self-perception. After victimization an individual may
feel weak, vulnerable, needy and helpless. Self assumptions of
goodness and worth help people maintain a high sense of self
esteem. When assumptions such as “bad things do not happen to good
people”, are violated, it challenges basic assumptions about one’s
self and world. Either an individual must change assumptions about
the world and accept that bad things do indeed happen to good
people; or they must change assumptions about themselves, that
they are responsible for their misfortune. A change in either the
view of one’s self or world may have both positive or negative
consequences. If a person attributes being victimized with a
particular behavior that placed them at risk, an alteration in that
behavior may be seen as a positive re-establishment of control. For
example, if a person was victimized after drinking too much alcohol.
The person may conclude that alcohol consumption contributed to
their victimization, and decide to drink less. If however the
attribution of responsibility is linked to a more global attribution
about some characteristic of themselves, this can undermine control
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and lead to reduced adaptive coping. As in our above example, an
intoxicated victim my attribute the assault to being “a drunk” i.e. a
“bad” person, and thus deserving of maltreatment. This type of
attribution can have severe consequences for the individual’s self
esteem and level of distress.
In summary, self-blame has been shown to be functional
following victimization, especially if it involves behavioral
attributions rather than characterological attributions (Janoff-
Bullman, 1979). Behavioral self-blame occurs when victimization is
attributed to controllable and modifiable circumstances, and thus
gives the person a belief that they can avoid future misfortune.
Chacterological self-blame occurs when a person attributes
victimization to underlying character or personality traits.
Characterological attributions are viewed as less controllable and
have been associated with depression (Janoff-Bullman, 1979;
Peterson, Schwartz, & Seligman, 1981). Behavioral attributions
have been associated with adaptive outcomes.
If on the other hand, the individual changes their view about
the “ just world” and comes to believe that bad things can happen to
anyone; there are also negative and positive consequences to this
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change in assumptions. A change in world view to the world as a
dangerous place may be both adaptive and maladaptive. Prevention
behaviors may increase as a result of a changed world view, and
therefore reduce the probability of future victimization. According
to Tyler (1981) perceptions of controllability of one’s own
probability of victimization are strongly related to crime-
prevention behavior. However, alterations in assumptions about a
just and benevolent world may also become maladaptive for an
individual. Attention directed toward prevention may make the
possibility of victimization more salient. Individuals who are
constantly vigilant about the possibility of harm may experience
more fear and anxiety. Fearful individuals may live in a restricted
and limited way, experiencing less life satisfaction and sacrificing
a positive sense of well-being (Wortman, 1983). Victimization
forces people to rework basic assumptions about the world.
Successful adjustment ultimately requires the integration of the
experience of victimization with new, or reworked assumptions
about the world and self.
Severe psychological reactions may result from the experience
of victimization be that from accidents, natural disasters, or crime.
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There are common psychological experiences shared by a wide
variety of victims which include shock, confusion, helplessness,
anxiety, fear, depression, and PTSD (Burgess & Holmstrom, 1976;
Symonds, 1975). One of the defining characteristics of victims is
that all have experienced a change in condition as a result of their
victimization (Janofff-Bulman & Frieze, 1983). Victims may have to
deal with physical injury, which may mean a loss of functioning
either temporary or permanently. There may be a loss of home or
property due to a traumatic event. The loss may be the death of a
significant other in a person’s life. The loss of a significant person
in the life of a child can have profound developmental consequences.
The experience of loss is one of the hallmarks of being
victimized. Intense feelings such as anger, sadness, hopelessness,
regret and guilt may be associated with loss. These reactions may
be resultant from direct victimization or from indirect
victimization such as viewing violence. As stated previously, if the
trauma is of human design, as is the case with crime and violence,
reactions may be more severe, and recovery slower. This may be
especially true if harm to the individual was intended, rather than
incidental to a crime, or if it involves familiar people.
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Feelings of loss of control are one of the most disturbing
aspects of the experience of victimization. If feelings of control
are an essential part of an individual’s experience of well-being, it
follows that a loss of control would elicit negative psychological
reactions. Efforts to help a person re-establish a sense of safety
and control following victimization help to mitigate negative
reactions and enhance coping (Janoff-Bulman & Frieze, 1983).
Although people may have little objective control over Iheir own
victimization, a person may be quite powerful in coping with the
consequences.
Lazarus and Cohen (1978) state that due to the unusual and
threatening nature of traumatic events a victim’s resources are
taxed, there are no automatic “adaptive” responses. In situations of
chronic threat and exposure to violence individual’s may be burdened
with cumulative stress and overwhelming feelings. When
threatening experiences are no longer “unusual” but common
experiences, individual’s must adapt to situations which are
“ outside the realm of normal experience”. The question arises, as to
what is an adaptive means of coping to a maladaptive situation?
How do perceptions of control lead to adaptive or maladaptive
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coping? Maladaptive coping can arise when individuals adopt
defensive mechanisms that may further impede functioning long
term. Alcoholism, illicit drug use, prolonged dependence on
psychotropic medication, agoraphobia, withdrawl from
relationships, are a few examples of maladaptive coping and
prolonged reactions. Feelings of loss of control may further place a
person at risk. An individual may not exert control over aspects of
the environment within his or her control based on a belief that no
control is availiable (Selligman, 1975).
Low Control Situations
Foremost in the scientific debate on perceptions of control, is
the question of whether high perceptions of control can be damaging
when objective control is not possible. Research has shown that
both objective and subjective control provide a psychological
advantage in most areas of functioning. Intervention strategies
focusing on increasing control assume that more control is better.
This appears to be true, if the person is effective in controlling his
or her environment in desired ways. Some research has shown that
there may be negative reactions and even greater distress if a
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person feels in control, when there is little or no opportunity for
control.
This argument is formulated around the dimension of agent-
ends relations of control. This dimension is the prototypical
definition of control; reflecting connections between people and
outcomes. Precisely, the extent to which an agent (person) can
intentionally produce a desired outcome or prevent an undesirable
outcome. Success in this realm is most commonly referred to as,
personal control, a sense of control, and perceived control. The
desired outcomes are usually considered in terms of effectiveness
with the environment. The focus is on changing the external world
to fit with an individual’s wishes. This has been referred to in the
literature as primary control.
The literature on control has recently been evolving to
accommodate a broader conceptualization for outcomes of control.
The new conceptualization encompasses situations where there is
little or no objective control possible. The focus here is on changing
or adapting one’s internal world, to fit with the situation.
Situations which are irreversible such as trauma from an accident
or assault, life threatening illness, and aging are some examples in
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which people may not be able to fit the environment into their
desires, where primary control is not possible. There may be no
cure for a disease, reversal of aging, or undoing of a traumatic
experience. In this situation some researchers have indicated that
high perceptions of control or subjective control may actually lead
to poorer psychological adjustment. When an individual feels he or
she should have control and there is none available (low contingency)
depression will result.
The more encompassing definition of control focuses not just
on prevention (of disease, age, trauma) which may not be possible,
but on aspects of control that are available to the individual. These
aspects may fall into the category of repair, damage control,
restoration of function, control over symptoms, emotions, outlook.
Key to this theory is that although a person may not have control
over the disease, or the fact that they were victimized, they may
have varying degrees of control over aspects of the situation. For
example, an individual can be in control of personal attitude,
choices, course of treatment, and who is involved in his or her
recovery or care. Literature on victimization concludes that the re
establishment of control is central to recovery. An individual may
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not be able to undo the past event, or be assured of a safe future; but
taking control in some areas, can enhance a sense of control, even
when there is little objective control available. This kind of control
has been discussed as secondary control. The discussion may best be
advanced, not by asking which form of control is better, primary or
secondary, but rather which kind of control is possible, and in what
situation most adaptive.
The inclusion of secondary control broadens the definition of
control from people simply producing desired outcomes or avoiding
undesirable outcomes; to include beliefs about the extent to which a
person is able to change his or her behavior, emotions, attitudes and
perceptions. The inclusion of secondary control as an adaptive and
viable form of control may have important ramifications for
interventions with disease, violence, or any other low (contingency)
control situation in which internal adjustment is paramount to
coping. Key to the effectiveness of any program aimed at behavior
change or psychological adjustment is the assumption that change is
possible. Perceptions of control are an important element in this
equation effecting motivation, achievement and coping.
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Skinner emphasizes that the kind of control that is adaptive,
as seen from a needs theory perspective, is the experience of
control. Those situations in which a person is effective in
producing desired or preventing undesired outcomes (Skinner, 1995).
Burger defines perceived control as "the perceived ability to
significantly alter events" (Burger, 1989). Skinner maintains that
objective and subjective control can be confused in the research.
Objective control refers to the actual opportunities for control,
where there is high contingency between action and outcome.
Subjective or perceived control refers to beliefs about control.
Both objective and subjective control are generally considered
adaptive because both lead to increased experiences of control.
Objective control allows for more experiences of control because
more are possible. Subjective control allows for more experiences
of control because, the higher the perception of control the more
effort is exerted, which increases the likelihood of success.
Skinner argues that researchers who find more control to be
harmful are examining the effects of more objective or subjective
control, and not of the control experience. It is the
phenomenological experience of being effective, and competent that
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is adaptive. Skinner further states that researchers often examine
subjects in situations in which higher objective or perceived
control lead directly to experiences of loss of control. According to
Skinner, researchers may omit key elements people need to
transform objective or subjective control into control experiences.
Naturalistic studies that have explored the detrimental
consequences of control involve individuals who perceive control in
uncontrollable circumstances. Most of the studies of this kind are
based on measures of internally. A person having an internal locus
of control believes that outcomes are usually contingent on their
actions or attributes. In situations where there are negative
outcomes, contingency does not necessarily imply control, but can
imply self-blame (Skinner, 1995). The negative effects can be
related to feelings of control over a cause, for example feeling
responsible for having a disease. This belief taps directly into
self-blame and can create a myriad of negative reactions such as
depression and lowered self-esteem.
In contrast, the control over the course of the disease taps
into beliefs of efficacy and is related to positive psychological
outcomes. In this formulation higher perceptions of control over
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aspects of the disease (treatment, mood) “ within ones control”
created an experience of control. Patients who perceived the
effectiveness of their control efforts, did better psychologically,
especially if they suffered more disease symptoms (Thompson et al.,
1993). The detrimental effects of self-blame may be best
ameliorated through cognitive therapy rather than through
interventions targeting perceptions of control.
Contingency and Competency
Another closely related conceptualization of control and one
used in this study, focuses on two dimensions of control, outcome
contingency and personal competence. The reformation of the
“Learned Helplessness” model distinguishes between personal
helplessness and universal helplessness. Personal helplessness
results from perceptions of low competence and leads to self
blame, lowered self-esteem, and depression. Universal helplessness
results from low contingency and does not necessarily lead to
lowered self-esteem or self-blame. Both types of helplessness have
been shown to contribute to depression, but along different
pathways. It is possible that low contingency can lead to
depression. However, if the cause of the low control is viewed as
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external, not contingent upon the person’s behavior, a person’s sense
of self efficacy may not be effected. This study hypothesized that
perceptions of competency are more important and effective than
perceptions of contingency in increasing coping and alleviating
distress.
Living with a terminal disease, just as living within a violent
and threatening environment, an individual may not have objective
control. In addition to internal adaptation (secondary control), what
can increase feelings of control and lead to an "experience of
control" is control over aspects with which one does have some
power to control. A person who lives in a violent environment may
increase feelings of control by avoiding areas known to be
dangerous, avoiding gangs and drugs, using effective security
methods in the home, or staying home after dark. In this study it
was hypothesized that adolescents who maintain high perceptions of
control will have better psychological adjustment than adolescents
with lower perceptions of control. Research has show that high
perceptions of control also lead to greater prevention behavior.
Youth who engage in more prevention behavior may be able to reduce
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the risk of violent exposure, which may in turn lead to greater
perceptions of control.
Summary of Literature Review
In summary, exposure to violence both direct and indirect, has
been shown in the literature to lead to negative consequences for
children and adolescents. These negative effects include
psychological distress, pessimistic view of the future, arrested or
disrupted development, as well as cognitive and behavioral
problems. The literature review has established that there are high
rates of violent exposure of different types, for youth in the inner-
city. Familial violence has been shown in the literature to have
especially deleterious effects. The negative effects of domestic
violence are due in part to the close proximity of the violence and
also because of the role the family has in socialization. If there is
violence within the family, aggressive behavior has been shown to
generalize outside of the family. Community violence has been
shown to be a particularly distressful form of violence for youth.
Media violence also plays an important role in socializing youth and
influencing behavior. Media violence is a powerful influence on
primarily due to two factors. First, the large amount of time youth
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spend viewing media violence where attitudes and values are formed
about violence through social learning. Second, how media violence
contributes to the formation of violent schemas, that may be acted
out when youth are exposed to similar cues in real life.
Other factors that have been addressed in this literature
review that are associated with violence for youth are racial
inequality, ethnicity, gangs and weapons exposure. Minority youth
are more likely to live in poverty, experience structural and racial
inequality, and to become indirect or direct victims of violence.
Victimization is associated with high levels of distress and reduced
functioning. The proliferation of violence, gangs and weapons are
not the problem but rather the result of complex and pervasive
historical and economic factors such as segregation, institutional
racism, unemployment, industrial and manufacturing job loss, and
educational system failure.
Theoretically, exposure to violence can be considered a
stressor; especially when it is chronic in nature. The extent to
which exposure to violence has a detrimental effect on an
adolescent, is based on the individual’s ability to cope effectively
with that stress. Perceptions of control have been shown to mediate
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stress with feelings of control leading to increased coping behavior
which, in turn, leads to less psychological distress (Tyler, 1981;
Averill, 1973).
Research has concluded that one of the most important and
effective coping mechanisms available to an individual, regardless
of the amount of objective control available, is subjective control or
perceptions of control. This study distinguishes two dimensions of
control. The first dimension is contingency (objective control),
which refers to the actual amount of control available in any
situation. The second dimension is competency, or the degree to
which a person feels he or she will be effective in producing a
desired or avoiding an undesirable outcome. It has been shown in
research that both dimensions are an important and integral part of
the control experience. However, competency or beliefs about one’s
ability to control a situation, or aspects of that situation have a
more powerful association with psychological well being than the
amount of control actually available. In addition, it has been noted
in the research that youth may differ across sub-domains of control
(Harter, 1989). For example, an adolescent may feel more adequate
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and have higher perceptions of control in the domain of academia
than in a social domain.
Adolescents living in the inner-city are victimized directly,
and indirectly from the constant exposure to violent stimuli in their
environment. One of the critical factors in recovery and coping with
victimization is the re-establishment of control. It is proposed in
this thesis that perceptions of control will be associated with less
psychological distress for inner-city adolescents who are exposed
to violence.
Purpose of Study
The following research questions and hypotheses are derived
from the literature on the effects of community violence on children
and adolescents; and the theoretical perspective of control theory,
in particular Skinner’s intergrative framework of perceptions of
control. Based on this literature it is expected that exposure to
violence will be associated with increased psychological distress.
Perceptions of control are hypothesized to moderate the relationship
between exposure and distress. Particular types and dimensions of
control may be more effective in reducing distress than others
(Harter, 1986). Exposure to violence and distress may vary with
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demographic variables (age, sex, ethnicity, language) and with
amount of parent support. Parent support has been shown to be a
protective factor for a variety of high risk factors for youth and may
also reduce violence exposure. It is also expected that youth who
have more parental support will have less distress, less exposure to
gangs and a more positive view of the future. Terr (1981) found that
PTSD symptoms and pessimistic expectations of the future were
associated with past frightening events. A negative view of the
future is expected to be associated with higher exposure to violence
and with increased distress. Gang exposure is hypothized to be
distressful and frightening for youth because of it’s association
with violence. Gang exposure is therefore hypothesized to be
associated with increases in violence exposure, increased distress
and a negative view of the future.
The purpose of this study is first to examine the extent and
type of violence to which inner-city adolescents are exposed.
Secondly, this study aims to look at psychological distress for this
population of youth. Third, demographic variables (sex, age, grade,
ethnicy, language) are examined to determine if these variables are
associated with: 1) differential levels of violent exposure; 2)
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specific types of violence; 3) differential levels psychological
distress. Fourth, this study proposes to look at the moderating
effect perceptions of control may have between exposure to violence
and psychological distress. Lastly, parent support, exposure to
gangs and view of the future are examined as possible correlates of
exposure to violence.
Hypotheses and Research Questions
Exposure to Violence and Psychological Distress
The first set of hypotheses concerns the relationship between
exposure to violence and psychological distress for inner-city
adolescents.
The following hypotheses were proposed:
1. What is the relationship between exposure to violence and
psychological distress?
1a. Higher exposure to violence is associated with greater
psychological distress.
1b. Exposure to more severe forms of violence (victimization,
domestic, witnessed, neighborhood) is associated
with greater psychological distress.
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1c. Closer relationship proximity to the victim
(victimization/self, familiar other) is associated
with greater psychological distress.
Demographic Variables
The second set of hypotheses focuses on the association
between demographic variables with exposure to violence and
psychological distress. These demographic variables include: sex,
age, grade level, ethnicity, and primary language spoken (Spanish or
English).
The following hypotheses were proposed:
2. Are there differences for male and female subjects on exposure
to violence rates and psychological distress?
2a. Male subjects will have higher exposure to violence for
total exposure, and specific types of violence (stranger
reported/witnessed, victimization, neighborhood, perpetration,
weapons) than female subjects.
1b. Female subjects will experience greater psychological
distress on total distress and on the 9 psychological
distress symptoms (somatic anxiety, anxious mood, panic,
decreased energy, depressed mood, sleep/sex disturbance,
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appetite disturbance, hostility, impaired cognitive
functioning) than males subjects.
3. Are there differences for age on exposure to violence rates and
psychological distress?
3a. Older subjects will have greater exposure to violence than
younger subjects.
3b. Younger subjects will have greater psychological distress
than older subjects.
4. Are there differences for grade level on exposure to violence
rates and psychological distress?
5. Are there differences for ethnic groups on exposure to violence
rates and psychological distress?
5a. African-American subjects will have greater exposure to
violence than Latino subjects from the same high school.
6. Are there differences between the predominantly English
speaking subjects and the predominantly Spanish speaking subjects?
Perceptions of Control
The third set of hypotheses concerns the association and
moderating effect perceptions of control may have between exposure
to violence and psychological distress for inner-city adolescents.
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The following hypotheses were proposed:
7. What is the relationship between perceptions of control in the
domains of contingency and competency with exposure to violence
and psychological distress? Are some sub-domains of perceptions
of control associated with any particular distress symptoms?
7a. Higher perceptions of control in the domain of contingency
will be associated with less psychological distress.
7b. Higher perceptions of control in the domain of competency
will be associated with less psychological distress.
7c. Perceptions of control in the domain of competency
will have a stronger association with psychological
distress than perceptions of control in the domain of
contingency.
7d. Perceptions of control will moderate the relationship
between exposure to violence and psychological distress.
Parental Support
The fourth set of hypotheses looks at the relationship between
parental support and the following variables: exposure to violence,
psychological distress, gang exposure and view of the future.
The following hypotheses were proposed:
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8a. A positive relationship with parents will be associated
with less total exposure to violence.
8b. A positive relationship with parents will be associated
with less total psychological distress.
8c. A positive relationship with parents will be associated
with less exposure to gangs.
8d. A positive relationship with parents will be associated
with a positive view of the future.
View of the Future
The fifth set of hypotheses looks at the relationship between
view of the future and the following variables: exposure to violence,
psychological distress and gang exposure.
The following hypotheses were proposed:
9a. A negative view of the future is positively associated
with total exposure to violence.
9b. A negative view of the future is associated
positively with total psychological distress.
9c. A negative view of the future is associated positively
with gang exposure.
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Gang?
The sixth set of hypotheses looks at the relationship between
gang exposure, exposure to violence and psychological distress.
The following hypotheses were proposed:
10a. Higher exposure to gangs will be associated with greater
total exposure to violence.
10b. Higher exposure to gangs will be associated with greater
psychological distress.
10c. Higher exposure to gangs will be associated with
specific types of violence (stranger witnessed, familiar
witnessed, victimization, neighborhood, perpetration,
weapons.
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CHAPTER II
METHODS
Subjects
The subjects in this investigation were 276 male and female
adolescents between the ages of 13 and 20 years old from an inner-
city Los Angeles high school. This high school was choosen because
the researcher had connections with staff at this school. The mean
age was 16 years for the entire population. The high school is
located in the Southeast Police Division of Los Angeles. An
examination of the 18 Los Angeles Police division records, for the
year preceeding the study (July 1995 - July 1996), was done to
compare aggravated assault and homicide rates between divisions.
Compared to other divisions the Southeast Division ranked third in
largest number of aggravated assaults (3434); and second in highest
number of homicides (106). The youth in this study represent an
inner-city population living in a high violence, low-economic area of
Los Angeles.
Subject demographic variables are presented in Table 1.
Among the subjects, 88% were Latino and 10% were African-
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American, and 3% were Other Ethnicity. The subject pool was 44%
males (n=122) and 56% females (n=154). Subject grade levels were
41% 9th grade, 34% 10th grade, 16% 11th grade, and 9% 12th grade.
Subjects who chose English versions of the questionnaire comprised
64% of the sample, subjects preferring Spanish versions accounted
for 36% of the population. The reported mean grade point average of
the group population was 2.6 (GPA).
A review of the data regarding parent employment revealed
similar socioeconomic level jobs across respondents. Subjects were
asked if the parent they lived with worked, and what type of job the
parent/s held. The kind of work most described for mothers was:
factory, sewing, domestic, and child care. The kind of work most
described for fathers was: factory, mechanic, gardener, and store
clerk. Subjects reported that 65% of mothers worked, 34% did not
work, 1% of answers were not applicable. For fathers, 76% worked,
10% did not work, 14% of answers were not applicable (subjects did
not live with that parent).
Subjects reported an average of 3 siblings in their families,
this was the same for both Latino and African-American groups.
Fifty-three percent of subjects reported living with both parents,
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10% with one parent and a step-parent, 24% with mother, 4% with
father, 6.5% with another relative, and 2% other.
Table 1.
General Demographics of Particteants
Gender % Native-Born in United States %
Females 56 .0 Yes 45 .3
Males 44 .0 No 54 .7
Age Reside With:
13 .4 Both Parents 53 .3
14 8 .7 Parent and Step-Parent 10.1
15 29 .3 Mother 23 .9
16 29 .0 Father 4 .0
17 22 .1 Relative 6 .5
18 8 .7 Other 2 .2
19 1 .4 Parent Employment
20 .4 Mother
M years 16 .0 Yes 65 .0
Grade Level No 34 .0
9th 41 .0 Not Applicable 1 .0
10th 34 .0 Father .0
11th 16 .0 Yes 76 .0
12th 9 .0 No 10 .0
Ethnicity Not Applicable 14 .0
Latino 88 .0
African American 10 .0 Siblings
Other 3 .0 M number 3
Language Grade-Point Average
English 64 .0 M grade 2 .6
Spanish 36 .0
Procedure
Youth were selected from the general school population, to
participate voluntarily in the study. Approximately ten teachers
who taught a variety of general education classes were selected to
participate in the study. Some classes were taught in English others
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were taught in Spanish (English as a second language ESL). Written
consent from both the adolescent subject the parent was obtained.
Student and parental consent forms were available in Spanish and
English.
Return rates of consent forms varied, some classes had 100%
return rates, while other classroom return rates were between 25%
to 50%. Overall, approximately 75% of the students given consent
forms, returned them signed. Classes in which teachers reminded
students to return the forms and expressed interest and excitement
about the study had greater return rates.
One class of African-American students who had a Caucasian
teacher refused to take the survey because they felt it was racially
biased. I was informed that the student’s teacher had told her
students the study was racially biased, if this were true, it may
have effected their perception of the study. Although the issue of
racial bias was raised by other African-American students, in other
classes, most ultimately agreed to take the survey. Several
African-American teachers approached me and discussed their
support and approval regarding the topic of the study. This issue
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will be addressed further in the results section under ethnic
differences.
On the day of testing, only students with signed parental
consent forms were taken to the testing room. Subjects were asked
to choose either an English or Spanish version of the questionnaire.
Subjects were instructed to answer the questions truthfully and
reminded that their answers were anonymous. In addition to the
primary researcher there were several research assistants available
to answer questions in Spanish or English.
If subjects declined to fill out the questionnaire after viewing
the material, or wanted to stop, they were allowed to return to their
classroom. Counseling was provided for students who were
disturbed by the content of the questionnaire. None of the subjects
requested counseling services. Upon completion of the
questionnaire subjects raised their hand and the questionnaire was
collected. To thank the students for participation candy bars or gift
certificates to a local fast food restaurant were given. Most
subjects took approximately 1 hour to complete the survey (8
questionnaires). Class periods were 2 hours, therefore students
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usually returned to their class after testing, escorted by a research
assistant.
Measures
Statistical characteristics of the measurements used in this
study appear in Table 2. Reliability coefficients for the measures
are presented in Table 3. For measures with sub-scales, two forms
of reliability were assessed. First a total score reliability was run
for all sub-scale measures combined, next reliability was
determined for each individual sub-scale in each measure.
Table 2.
Characteristics of Test Measurement Variables
Standard Number of
Measure_________________________ Mean Deviation Items Range
Exposure to Violence (CREV-R) 133.5 28.6 62 64-228
Psychological Distress (SCL) 92.4 26.6 43 42-184
Perceived Control - Contingency (PCS) 72.4 11.9 24 39-92
Perceived Control - Competency (COMP) 91.4 12.7 45 45-126
Gang Exposure 17.2 5.0 8 8-36
Parental Support 15.4 3.8 4 4-20
View of the Future 15.5 3.5 4 4-20
Demographic Information. A questionnaire was used to obtain
information about respondent's age, grade level, sex, ethnicity and
grade point average, as well as several other variables of interest.
In order to determine socioeconomic status (SES) a number of
questions were asked about parents employment.
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T a b le 3,____
Reliabilities for the Instruments Measurement____________
Cronbach's Alpha
Children's Revised Report of Exposure to Violence (CREV-R) .95
Media .78
Reported Stranger .85
Reported Familiar .84
Witnessed Stranger .78
W itnessed Familiar .67
Domestic Violence .82
Neighborhood Violence .79
Perpetration .66
W eapons .75
Symptom Checklist .95
Somatic Anxiety .83
Anxious Mood .71
Panic .72
Decreased Energy .77
Depressed Mood .73
Sleep/Sex Disturbance .56
Appetite Disturbance .49
Hostility .80
Impaired Cognitive Functioning .80
Perceived Control Scale (Contingency) .82
Behavioral .65
Academic .80
Social .71
Self-Perception Profile for Adolescents (Competency) .77
Acceptance .46
Athletic -56
Behavioral .49
Friendship .65
Job .43
Physical .65
Romance .45
Scholastic .52
Self-W orth .66
Parental Support .73
View Future -63
Gang Exposure ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 3 2
Children's Report of Exposure to Violence. The Children’s
Report of Exposure to Violence (CREV) (Cooley, Turner & Beidel,
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1994) is a brief self-report instrument for assessing exposure to
community violence. The CREV consists of thirty two items
designed to assess exposure to violence through four modes: Media
(television or film), Reported (other people’s reports of occurrence),
Witnessed and Victim (direct experience). For each item there was a
choice of a 5 point scale consisting of: No never, one time, a few
times, many times, and every day. Scale scores are comprised of all
items related by the mode of exposure. The CREV includes three
categories of victims: strangers, familiar persons (friend, relative,
parent) and self. There are five types of violence measured: beaten-
up, chased or threatened, robbed or mugged, shot or stabbed and
murdered.
For the purposes of this study the CREV was modified in
several ways. The modified version will be called CREV-R. The
subjects in this study were older adolescents (13 to 20 years) and
more knowledgeable than children or younger adolescents regarding
sexual activity, therefore rape was added as a category for type of
violence. Three other violence modes were added increasing the
number of items from 32 to 73. The additional modes were:
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Domestic Violence, Neighborhood Violence, and Weapons Exposure
(Uehara et al., 1996).
The Domestic Violence mode measured the extent to which
adults within the home yelled, hit, beat-up, and threatened to stab
or shoot other members of the family including the subject. The
Neighborhood mode measured violence related activities in the
school or community such as hearing gun shots, seeing drive-by
shootings, seeing dead bodies on the street, viewing individuals
getting arrested, selling or using drugs. Items relating to arrest,
drug use and sales were added because violence is often associated
with these activities. Subjects were also asked if they had ever
been afraid someone would hurt them at school or after school. The
Weapons mode included items related to exposure to assorted
weapons including guns. Subjects were asked if they had seen,
owned, carried or used guns. In addition subjects were asked if they
had ever carried a gun to school. Firearm availability was also
measured.
Eleven items on the CREV-R were not included in the final
analysis, bringing the final number of items used to 62. Items 38,
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40, 63 ,65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73 were removed because they
were not directly related to the research questions.
Internal consistency was evaluated using Cronbach’s alpha.
Reliability for total exposure to violence (CREV-R ALL), a total of
all 10 sub-scales was .95. Reliability for the individual sub-scales
of violent exposure was as follows: Media .78, Reported Stranger
.85, Reported Familiar .84, Witnessed Stranger and Familiar Other
.78, Victimization .67, Domestic Violence .82, Neighborhood .79,
Perpetration .66, and Weapons .75.
Perceived Control Scale. (Perceived Contingency Scale for
Children): The Perceived Control Scale (Weisz, Proffitt, & Sweeney,
1994) is a 24 item self-report measure that assesses perceived
control for children. The scale is designed to yield a general
measure of perceived control defined as “I can obtain a desired
outcome (or avoid an undesired outcome) if I try" (Weisz et. al.,
1994). Sub-scales are also embedded in the questionnaire which
measure perceptions of control for Academic, Social, and Behavioral
outcomes. Half of the items in each sub-scale are worded in a
positive direction and the other half in a negative direction.
Subjects must respond to one of four choices; very false, sort of
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false, sort of true, or very true. The Perceived Control Scale has
been found in previous studies to be a reliable and valid measure of
the construct of perceived control (Weisz, Sweeney, Proffitt, & Carr,
1993). Alpha coeficients presented first represent figures for the
present study, followed in parentheses by previously established
readability. Full scale was .82 (.86), sub-scale alphas for
Academic, Behavioral, and Social sub-scales were .80 (.69), .65
(.75), .71 (.74) respectively.
Self-Perception Profile for Adolescents. The Self-Perception
Profile for Adolescents (Harter, 1988) is a 45 item self-report
instrument designed to measure perceived competency. It is an
upward extension to the Self-Perception for Children Test (Harter,
1985). There are five domains and a global domain for self-worth in
the child version. In addition to the original five domains, the
adolescent version has three additional domains. The additional
domains in Harter's adolescent measure are: Job Competence, Close
Friendships, and Romantic Appeal. The established reliability for
the total measure was .77 based on Cronbach's Alpha. Reliability
(Cronbach’s alpha) based on the current sample population for total
measure, a total of all sub-scales is .79. The individual sub-scale
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reliability presented first represents Cronbach’s Alpha for this
study, figures in parentheses represent previously established
reliability for the measure. Scholastic Competence .52 (.81),
Athletic Competence .56 (.92), Physical Appearance .65 (.86), Social
Acceptance .46 (.78), Behavioral Conduct .49 (.78), Job Competence
.43 (.74), Close Friendships .65 (.83), and Romantic Appeal .45 (.80).
Symptom Checklist. The Symptom Checklist (SCL) is a slightly
modified version of the clinically proven Hopkins Symptom Checklist
(Uhlenhuth et. al., 1993). The checklist has been modified from an
interview format to a self-report format. The advantage of this
checklist is that it is scored according to patterns of symptoms
that resemble syndromes observed in clinical practice and identified
in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-IV). Reliability for
this sample for total distress (SCL) was .95 and for all nine
symptom factors based on Cronbach's Alpha as follows: somatic
anxiety .83, decreased energy and interest .77, depressed mood .73,
hostility .80, anxious mood .71, panic-phobia .72, impaired cognitive
functioning .80, sleep/sex disturbance .56 and appetite disturbance
.49.
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Gang Questionnaire. This measure consisted of 8 questions
designed to assess subject’s exposure to gangs. Nine questions were
orginaliy asked but item 6 was eliminated in the final analysis as it
reduced the reliablity of the measure. Questions were selected from
in depth questionnaires on gangs used in previous research by the
Social Science Research Institute (Klein, 1997). Questions related
to amount of gang activity in the neighborhood, pressure to join
gangs, importance of gang membership, number of friends or
neighbors in gangs, and present and past gang membership.
Reliability for this measure as assessed by Cronbach’s alpha was
.72.
Parental Support. Parental support was measured by a 4 item
scale which asked respondents to choose between 2 poles on a 5
point likert type scale. These poles were as follows: My parents are
usually proud of me/disappointed with me; my parents usually
respect my ideas/don’t think much of my ideas; my parents include
me when they do things/do not include me; my parents show an
interest in me/don’t seem to care about me. Item directionality was
mixed in a positive and negative direction. This scale was taken a
survey used in research by Bentler and Newcomb (1986) assessing
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social support and hopelessness for adolescents. Reliability
(Cronbach’s alpha) for this measure was .73.
View of the Future. View of the future was measured by a 4
item scale which asked the subject to choose between 2 poles on a 5
point likert type scale. These poles were as follows: I look forward
to the future with hope and enthusiasm/l don’t look forward to the
future it seems hard and hopeless; I think I can get what I want in
my future/l do not think I can get what I want; I think I will live a
long life/l think I will die young; In my future I expect to succeed/l
am worried I won’t succeed. Item directionality was mixed in a
positive and negative direction. I developed this measure modeled
after the parent support scale. Reliability (Cronbach’s alpha) for
this measure was .63.
Data Analysis
First, point-biseriai correlations were used to assess the
relationship between total psychological distress and ail
dichotomous variables (age, sex, language, native-born, grade level,
grade point average, ethnicity). Secondly, pearson-product moment
correlations were run for all remaining continuous variables on
distress. Multiple regression (MR) analysis was used to test main
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effects and interaction effects, to determine whether perceived
control moderates the relationship between exposure to violence and
psychological distress for inner-city adolescents.
Assumptions
1. The subjects responded honestly and accurately.
2. The instruments used to measure the variables of interest in this
study were sufficiently reliable and valid to permit accurate
inferences.
3. The data were accurately recorded, analyzed, and interpreted.
UmitetiQns
1. Internal and external validity were limited to the degree that the
assumptions set forth were not met.
2. The degree of participation, positive attitude, and cooperation of
the subjects affected the outcome of this study.
3. Sample selection was limited to subjects who volunteered to
participate in the study, and whose parents permitted their
participation.
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NOTE TO USERS
Page(s) not included in the original manuscript and are
unavailable from the author or university. The manuscript
was microfilmed as received.
123
This reproduction is the best copy available.
UMI
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CHAPTER III
Results
The results of the data analyses are presented in this chapter.
Violence exposure was measured with 10 sub-scales of violence
exposure each measuring a particular type of violence and a total
exposure scale (CREV-R Total). Psychological distress was
measured with 9 categories of specific distress symptoms and a
total distress category (SCL Total). Perceptions of control were
measured in 2 dimensions, contingency and competency. Contingency
has 3 sub-scales and a total score. Competency has 8 sub-scales
and a measure of self-worth, in addition to a total score.
First, prevalence rates of total violence, sub-types of
violence, and gang exposure are presented. Second, the association
between demographic variables with exposure to violence and
psychological distress for inner-city adolescents are discussed.
Third, results related to the relationship between exposure to
violence and psychological distress will be presented. Next, the
moderating effects of perceptions of control between exposure to
violence and psychological distress are examined. Lastly, other
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variables of interest are examined within the context of the
proposed hypotheses, these include: parental support, view of the
future, gang and weapon exposure. The research questions are
restated and followed by the results of the statistical analyses used
to test each of the hypotheses.
Analysis of Prevalence of Violence Exposure
Prevalence rates of violence exposure were measured based on
CREV-R results. Gang exposure was assessed with the gang measure.
Both exposure to violence (CREV-R) and gang exposure were
measured on likert type scales. To determine prevalence of any
report of violence, variables were recoded into categories specified
as zero exposure and one or more occurrence. Frequencies were run
for both total exposure and for males and females separately.
Results from this analysis is presented in Table 4.
Results revealed high rates of exposure in all categories of
violent exposure. The highest total exposure was neighborhood
100%, media 99%, and gang violence 98%. Males and females had
identical rates of exposure in these categories. Total reported
familiar and stranger violence was also a high 96%. Females
reported slightly higher rates of familiar reported, and stranger
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reported violence than did males. Total stranger witnessed violence
was 91% total, with males 97% and females 87%. Weapons exposure
was very high at 93% total, with males having 97% exposure and
females 90%. Total familiar witnessed violence was 85%, with
females and males having similar rates of exposure. Eighty-three
per-cent of the sample had experienced domestic violence with
females 88% and males 76%. Victimization had occurred to 77% of
the total subject sample, with males 84% and females 72%. Thirty-
three per-cent of the total sample had perpetrated violence, males
were considerably higher at 43% compared to females at 24%.
Table 4.
Total Exposure Total Female (%) Male (%)
Media Violence .99 .99 .99
Reported Stranger .96 .97 .95
Reported Familiar .96 .99 .92
Witnessed Stranger .91 .87 .97
Witnessed Familiar .85 .86 .83
Victimization .77 .72 .84
Domestic Violence .83 .88 .76
Neighborhood 1 .00 .99 .99
Perpetration .33 .24 .43
Weapons .93 .90 .97
*Gangs .98 .98 .98
*Gang exposure was measured separately from Exposure to Violence (CREV-R)
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Analysis of Exposure to Violence and Psychological Distress
The relationship between exposure to violence and
psychological distress for inner-city adolescents was analyzed with
pearson product-moment correlations. These tests for association
between exposure to violence and psychological distress are
presented in Table 5.
It was hypothesized that higher exposure to violence is
associated with greater psychological distress. Results presented
in Table 5 confirm this hypotheses. Total exposure to violence was
significantly correlated with total psychological distress. All
correlations between the 10 violence sub-scales and total
psychological distress were also significant.
Severity of Violent Exposure and Relationship Rroximitv
It was hypothesized that exposure to more severe forms of
violence and closer relationship proximity to the victim, would be
associated with greater psychological distress. Categories that
were considered close relationship proximity were victim, familiar
other reported and witnessed, domestic violence, and neighborhood
violence. Categories which were considered more distant proximity
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0 0
CM
Table.,5.
Correlations: Exposure To V iolence and Psychological Distress
Total
Distress
Somatic
Anxiety
Anxious
Mood
Panic Decreased
Energy
Depressed
Mood
Sleep/Sex
Disturbance
Appetite
Disturbance
Hostility Impaired
Cognitive
Functioning
Total Exposure .39*** .34*** .29*** .30*** .38*** .28*** .29*** .17** .40*** .30***
Media Violence .21*** .13* .17** .08 .26*** .19** .18** .02 .23*** .20***
Reported Stranger .33*** .23*** .27*** .24*** .33*** .23*** .28*** .13* .32*** .30***
Reported Familiar .29*** .25*** .25*** .25*** .27*** .20*** .20*** .13* .13* .21***
Witnessed Stranger .16** .13* .13* .18** .17** .06 .15** .05 .15** .09
Witnessed Familiar .24*** .25*** .18** .21*** .20*** .12* .16** .16** .24*** .16**
Victimization .32*** .33*** .20*** .27*** .24*** .22*** .28*** .22*** .32*** .20**
Domestic Violence .42*** .35*** .29*** .30*** .36*** .41*** .25*** .20*** .40*** .30***
Neighborhood .36*** .31*** .27*** .30*** .34*** .26*** .29*** .15** .33*** .30***
Perpetration .13* .16** .03 .05 .21*** .02 .01 -.01 .19*** .08
Weapons .23*** .23*** .11 .12* .28*** .12* .17* .05
'31***
.15**
***p < .001; **p < .01; *p < .05
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were; media violence, stranger reported and witnessed violence,
weapons and perpetration.
Severe forms of violent exposure are operationalized as more
direct forms of exposure, for example, being a victim of violence.
Domestic violence would also be considered a severe form of
exposure. Witnessing violence would be considered a more severe
form of exposure compared to hearing reports about violence.
Neighborhood violence is considered to be severe a form of exposure,
especially if the level of violence is severe and recurrent (Osofsky
et. al., 1993). Media violence would be considered the least severe
form of exposure.
The hypothesis that more severe forms of violence and closer
relationship proximity to the victim are associated with greater
distress was confirmed in general, with mixed results. Although 6
types of violence were correlated with all 9 distress symptoms,
there were greater associations between some types of violence and
certain distress symptoms. The 6 categories that had significant
correlations with all distress symptoms were domestic violence,
neighborhood violence, victimization, familiar witnessed violence,
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and familiar and stranger reported violence. The 4 types of violence
exposure that did not have significant correlations with all distress
symptoms were media, stranger witnessed violence, perpetration
and weapons.
Domestic violence had the highest correlation of any category
of violence with distress. Neighborhood violence and victimization,
both severe and close forms of exposure, were highly correlated
with distress. Also in support of the hypothesis was a higher
correlation between distress and familiar witnessed violence
compared to stranger witnessed violence. One surprising and
contradictory finding was that reported violence had a higher
association with distress than witnessed violence, for both
categories; stranger and familiar other. Further, stranger reported
violence had a higher correlation than familiar reported violence
with distress.
Media violence, considered as less severe form of exposure,
had significant correlations with distress. However, the magnitude
of the correlation coefficients for media exposure were lower than
for closer and more severe forms of exposure. Exposure to weapons,
was associated with distress, but also had a lower correlation
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compared with other, more severe forms of violence. Perpetration
had the lowest correlation with distress, compared to all other
categories of exposure.
Types of Violence and Distress
Correlations between types of violence and total psychological
distress confirmed the hypothesis that more severe types of
violence were associated with higher distress. Although all types of
violence were associated with total distress, domestic violence, and
neighborhood violence had the highest correlations. Stranger
reported violence, victimization, and familiar other reported
violence, also had high correlations with total distress.
Types of violence and distress symptoms. Domestic violence
had the highest correlations with depressed mood, decreased energy,
hostility and somatic anxiety. Neighborhood violence had the highest
correlations with decreased energy, hostility, somatic anxiety,
panic, and impaired cognitive functioning. Victimization had the
highest correlations with somatic anxiety, panic, sleep and sex
disturbance and hostility.
Familiar reported violence had the highest correlations with
decreased energy and somatic anxiety. Stranger reported violence
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had the most association with symptoms of decreased energy,
hostility and impaired cognitive functioning. Familiar witnessed
violence was most associated with somatic anxiety and hostility.
In categories with fewer significant correlations with
specific symptoms; media violence was correlated with 7 out of the
possible 9 specific distress symptoms. The symptom that had the
highest association with media violence was decreased energy.
Stranger witnessed violence was also correlated with 7 specific
distress symptoms none having partially high correlations. Weapons
exposure was correlated with 8 distress symptoms; the highest
being hostility followed by decreased energy and somatic anxiety.
Perpetration was significantly correlated with only 3 distress
symptoms; the highest being decreased energy followed by hostility
and somatic anxiety.
The types of symptoms most associated with violence are
decreased energy, somatic anxiety, hostility and to a lesser degree
impaired cognitive functioning. Appetite disturbance had the least
association with any category of violence exposure.
To assess which if particular types of violence would predict
greater psychological distress, multiple regression analysis were
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run withIO types of violence regressed on psychological distress.
The types of violence that most predicted distress were domestic
violence (B = 6.1253 p < .001), neighborhood violence (B = 4.9887 p <
.01), victimization (B = 4.8353; p < .01) and stranger reported (B =
1.3321; p < .01). Another significant results which predicted less
distress was witnessed stranger violence (B = -1.7642; p < .01). The
results of the regression analysis are presented on Table 6.
Table 6.
R egression A n aly sis
Exposure to V iolence and Psychological D istress
B Beta Std. Er. T-Value Sig. of T
Media Violence - .0967 -.0139 .4375 - .221 .825
Reported Stranger 1.3321 .2460 .4719 2.823 .005**
Reported Familiar - .0569 -.0094 .5117 - .111 .912
Witnessed Stranger -1.7641 -.2569 .6003 -2.844 .005**
Witnessed Familiar .1486 .0205 .6134 .242 .809
Victimization 2.1270 .2158 .6960 3.056 .003**
Domestic Violence 1.0551 .2140 .3096 3.408 .000***
Neighborhood .9837 .2115 .3702 2.657 .008**
Perpetration - .9745 -.0705 1.0370 - .940 .348
Weapons .3689 .0417 .7712 .478 .633
***p < .001; **p < .01; *p < .05
Analysis of Demographic Variables
The demographic variables deemed of interest to the present
study included: sex, age, grade level, ethnicity, and primary
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language spoken. To examine the association between demographic
variables and exposure to violence and psychological distress
correlational analyses were conducted. A point-biserial correlation
was used to test dichotomous variables (gender, ethnicity, language)
and pearson product-moment correlation was used to test the
continuous variables (age, grade). Tests for association between
demographic variables and exposure to violence are presented in
Table 7. Tests for association between demographic variables and
psychological distress are presented in Table 8.
Sex differences. It was hypothesized that there would be sex
differences for inner-city adolescents on both exposure to violence
and psychological distress. The following hypothesizes were
proposed: Male subjects will have higher exposure to violence for
total violence and on specific types of violence (stranger
reported/witnessed, victimization, neighborhood, perpetration,
weapons). Female subjects will experience greater psychological
distress on total distress and on all 9 symptoms of distress.
Total exposure to violence was correlated with sex to test
whether males had more exposure to violence than females. As
shown in Table 7, males were not exposed to more violence than
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Table 7.
Correlations: Exposure to Violence and Demographics
Total Media Stranger Reported Witnessed Witnessed Victim Domestic Perpetration Neighborhood Weapons
Exposure Reported Familiar Stranger Familiar Violence Violence
Sex .05 -.08 -.02 - .01 .23*** - .12* .18** - .25*** .22*** .06 .22***
Age .02
©
*
.07 .00 .05 - .03 .04 - .07 -.04 .07 .03
Grade .14* .10 .16** .14* .05 .04 .10 .04 .04 .11 .18**
Ethnicity -.13*
1
b
00
-.04 - .13*
I
o
o o
- .11 - .08 - .11 -.19** - .08 -.15*
Language - .27*** -.08 -.02 - .27*** -.07 - .14* .18** - .15** -.23*** - .19** -.27***
***p < .001; **p < .01; *p < .05
Notes: Female,younger,lower grade level, Latino and English Language subjects are indicated by negative values.
Table 8.
Correlations: Psychological Distress and DenwgcaB-higg
Total Somatic Anxious Panic Decreased Depressed Sleep/Sex Appetite Hostility Impaired
Distress Anxiety Mood Energy Mood Disturbance Disturbance Cognitive
__________________________________________________________________________________Functioning
Sex -.2 1 * * * -.19** -.2 0 * * *
I
o
N O
- . 1 0 -.36*** -.09 -.17** -.14* -. 1 2 *
Age .0 2 -.06 -.03 .05 - . 0 2 .05 . 1 0
I
o
•u
.03 .04
Grade Level .08 .03 .05 .03 .08 .09 .08 .0 1 . 1 1 * .06
Ethnicity .05 .0 0 .08 .06 -.05 .16** .06 .06
i
o
.08
Language - . 1 0 -.15** .0 1 .03 -.2 0 * * * -.04 -.03 - . 0 2 -.18**
i
o
***p < .001; **p < .01; *p < .05
Notes: Female,younger,lower grade level, Latino and English Language subjects are indicated by negative values.
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females for total violence. However, when sex differences were
examined for specific types of violence males report greater
exposure on some scales. Males scored significantly higher than
females on 5 out of 10 categories of violence exposure. As
hypothized males had higher stranger witnessed violence,
perpetration and weapons exposure. Males also experienced more
victimization, and witnessed more stranger violence as
hypothesized. However, there were no significant sex differences
for stranger reported violence and neighborhood violence. Although
not hypothesized the types of violence females scored significantly
higher on than males were domestic violence and witnessed familiar
violence.
Females were hypothesized to have higher rates of psychological
distress than males. As presented in Table 8, this hypothesis was
confirmed for total psychological distress. Specific types of
distress symptoms were also associated with being female, but not
for all 9 symptoms. Distress symptoms that were higher for
females included: depressed mood, anxious mood, somatic anxiety,
appetite disturbance, hostility, and impaired cognitive functioning.
The only symptoms females did not have higher distress for were
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panic, decreased energy and sleep/sex disturbance. Males did not
score higher than females on any of the 9 distress symptoms.
Table 9.
Correlations: Perceived Control/Contingency and Sex
Total Contingency - .08
Academic - .07
Behavioral - .10
Social - .04
Correlations: Perceived Control/Competencv and Sex
Total Competency - .02
Acceptance - .06
Athletic .18**
Behavioral - .13*
Friend - .14*
Job - .12*
Physical .09
Romance - .05
Scholastic .00
Self-Worth - .07
***p < .001; **p < .01; *p < .05
Female subjects are indicated by negative values.
There were no hypotheses generated regarding sex differences
on the association between perceptions of control and
psychologicaldistress, but differences were found for competency.
The results of this analysis are presented in Table 9. There was a
greater associations between control and distress for females. For
females higher control was correlated with less distress for
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behavioral, friendship and job competency. For males, athletic
competency was the only sub-domain of control associated with
lowered distress.
Age, it was hypothesized that older subjects would have higher
exposure to violence and that younger subjects would have greater
psychological distress. Neither hypothesis was confirmed. Table 7
shows that older subjects did not have greater exposure, either for
total exposure or for any particular category of violent exposure.
Results presented in Table 8 indicate that younger subjects did
not have greater psychological distress than older subjects exposed
to violence. This was true for total distress, and for specific types
of distress symptoms.
Grade level. It was expected that subjects at higher grade
levels would have increased exposure to violence and decreased
psychological distress. As proposed, higher grade level was
associated with greater total exposure to violence. The results are
presented in Table 7. Higher grade level was also associated with 3
specific types of violent exposure; weapons, stranger reported
violence, and familiar reported violence.
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As presented in Table 8, total distress was not associated with
subject’s grade level. Only one type of distress symptom, hostility,
was associated with higher grade level.
Ethnicity. African-American subjects were hypothesized to
have greater exposure to violence than Latino subjects. As shown on
Table 7 African-Americans had greater exposure to violence than
Latino subjects for total violence. For specific types of violence,
African-Americans had greater exposure in the following categories:
perpetration, weapons exposure and familiar reported violence.
Although no hypothesis was proposed, Table 8 shows there is not
a relationship between ethnicity and total psychological distress.
There was one significant result for a specific type of symptom.
Latino subjects had greater depressed mood than African-American
subjects.
Language differences. It was hypothesized that predominately
Spanish speaking subjects would have greater exposure to violence
than predominantly English speaking subjects. Results presented in
Table 7 show significant results, but in the opposite direction of the
hypothesis. English speaking subjects had greater exposure to
violence. When specific categories of violence were examined
139
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English speakers showed higher exposure for the following types of
violence: familiar reported, weapons exposure, perpetration,
neighborhood violence, domestic violence, and witnessed familiar
violence. The only type of violence that Spanish speaking subjects
had higher exposure to than English speaking subjects was
victimization.
There were no significant associations between language and
total distress. Although not hypothesized, Table 8 shows there were
some significant correlations between language and psychological
distress for specific symptoms. English speaking subjects had
greater decreased energy, hostility, and somatic anxiety.
Analysis of Perceptions of Control
Presented in Table 10 and 11 are the results of the analyses
between perceptions of control contingency and competency with
exposure to violence and psychological distress. Pearson product-
moment correlations were run to test these associations.
Contingency and Exposure to Violence
The relationships between contingency perceptions of control
and exposure to violence are presented in correlation Table 10.
There was no significant association between total contingency and
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Table 10.
C o rrelatio n s
Contingency Academic Behavioral Social
Total Exposure - .06 - .05 - .10 - .01
Media Violence .14* .17** .08 .22
Reported Stranger .05 .07 .04 .01
Reported Familiar - .01 - .03 - .02 .02
Witnessed Stranger - .01 - .02 - .10 .08
Witnessed Familiar - .19*** - .16** - .19** - .15**
Victimization - .22*** - .23*** - .21*** - .14*
Domestic Violence - .11* - .10 - .13* - .07
Neighborhood Violence - .01 .01 - .05 .05
Perpetration - .01 - .02 - .10 .08
Weapons - .08 - .10 - .14* .02
***p < .001; **p < .01; *p < 05
total exposure to violence. There were also no significant
relationships between sub-categories of contingency control and
total exposure to violence. However, total contingency was
associated with several specific types of violent exposure. Total
contingency was negatively related to victimization, witnessed
familiar violence, and domestic violence. In a positive direction,
higher exposure to media violence was related to total contingency.
Examining the relationship between sub-categories of
contingency and specific types of violence Table 10 shows some
significant results. Media violence was positively associated with
academic control. Witnessed familiar violence was negatively
associated with all categories of contingency; academic, behavioral,
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and social. Victimization was also negatively associated with all
categories of contingency; academic, behavioral, and social. Lastly,
weapons exposure was negatively associated with behavioral
contingency.
Competency/Self-Worth and Exposure to Violence
The associations between competency perceptions of control
and self-worth with exposure to violence are presented in Table 11.
There was no significant relationship between total perceived
competency and total exposure to violence. For total perceived
competency and specific types of violence there were 2 significant
results. Victimization and weapons were negatively correlated with
total competency.
There were some specific types of violence and sub-categories
of competency. Behavioral competency had the greatest number of
associations with different types of violence. Behavioral
competency had the highest negative correlation with victimization,
it was also negatively associated with weapons, perpetration,
neighborhood violence, stranger witnessed violence and reported
familiar violence.
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C O
C orrelations: Perceived C ontrol/C om petencv and Self-W orth W ith Exposure to V iolence
Total
Competency Acceptence Athletic Behavior Friend Job Physical Romance Scholastic
Self-
W orl
Total Exposure .07 - .01 -.06 - .17** .02 .05 - .06 .01 - .04 - .06
Media Violence .10 .19*** .08 - .03 .07
19**
- .01 .00 .12* .13*
Reported Stranger .02 .09 -.02 - .04 .08 .11 - .07 - .00 .06 .02
Reported Familiar - .02 .05 -.07 - .12* .06 .09 - .06 .06 - .01 - .07
Witnessed Stranger - .04 - .04 -.01 - .14** .00 -.04 - .01 .03 - .02 - .03
Witnessed Familiar - .07 - .06 -.09 - .15 .03 -.05 .02 .06 - .07 - .06
Victimization .19**
. 19***
-.12* - .22*** - .08 -.08 - .05 - .02 - .13* - .13*
Domestic Violence - !io - .07 -.11 - .11 .02 .04 - .08 - .04 - .05 - .02
Neighborhood .09 - .04 -.04 - .15** - .00 -.00 - .08 - .02 - .04 - .1 1
Perpetration .08 - .00 -.00 - .16** - .12* -.05 .04 - .01 - .10 - .08
Weapons .12* - .02 -.02 - .21** - .08 .04 .07 .04 - .15** - .1 1
* * * p < .0 0 1 ; * * p < .0 1 ; * p < .0 5
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Acceptance was positively associated with media violence, and
negatively associated with victimization. Athletic competency was
negatively associated with victimization. Scholastic competency
was positively associated with media violence and negatively with
weapons and victimization. Job competency was
positively associated with media violence. Self-worth was
positively correlated with media violence and negatively correlated
with victimization.
Contingency and Psychological Distress
Associations between contingency perceived control and
psychological distress are presented in Table 12. It was
hypothesized that higher perceptions of control contingency would
be associated with less psychological distress. This hypothesis
was confirmed, total contingency was significantly related to total
distress. Total distress was correlated significantly with 2 of 3
categories of contingency, behavioral control and academic control.
There was no significant relationship between social control and
psychological distress for contingency.
Although not hypothesized some sub-domains of perceptions of
control were correlated with less distress for some symptoms.
144
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Correlations
Perceptions of Control/C ontingencv and Psychological Distress
Total Somatic Anxious Panic Decreased Depressed Sleep/Sex Appetite Hostility Impaired
Distress Anxiety M6od Energy Mood Disturbance Disturbance Cognitive
Total ________________________________________________________________________________ Functioning
Contingency -.15** -.13* -.07 -.07 -.12 -.13* -.10 -.16** -.14* -.11
Academic -.14* -.13* -.09 -.14* -.09 -.10 -.10 -.17** -.12* -.09
Behavioral -.18** -.15** -.07 -.13* -.18** -.14* -.11 -.15** -.20*** -.15**
Social -.07 -.04 -.01 -.08 -.03 -.10 -.07 -.09 -.05 -.06
***p<.00l; **|K .0I; p<.05
Iablfi_L3i
Regression Analysis
Perceptions of C ontrol C ontingency w ith Psychological Distress
B Beta Std. Er. T-Value Sig. ofT
Academic - 75037 - .0941 109 71)55 292
Behavioral - 5.4125 - .2035 2.09 -2 .591 .010**
Social 1.8018 .0678 2.100 .858 .3917
***p < .001; **p < .01; *p < .05
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Total contingency was negatively associated with appetite
disturbance, hostility, depressed mood and somatic anxiety. For
specific sub-domains of perceived contingency only academic and
behavioral contingency had significant relationships with specific
distress symptoms. Social contingency had no significant
association with psychological distress.
Academic contingency was negatively associated with appetite
disturbance, panic, somatic anxiety, and hostility. Behavioral
control was negatively associated with hostility, decreased energy,
appetite disturbance, somatic anxiety, cognitive functioning,
depressed mood, and panic.
To assess which if any sub-domains of control would predict
reduced distress multiple regression analysis was run where
perceptions of control contingency were regressed on psychological
distress. The only sub-domain of control that predicted a reduction
of distress was behavioral contingency ( B = - .2035; p < .01). The
results of the regression analysis are presented on Table 13.
Competency/Self-Worth and Psychological Distress
Associations between competency, self-worth and
psychological distress are presented in Table 14. It was
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hypothesized that higher perceptions of control competency would
be associated with less psychological distress. This hypothesis was
confirmed, total competency was associated with total distress.
All 9 symptom categories were also associated with total
competency. All significant results were in the direction of less
control associated with more distress.
Although not hypothesized results showed that perceptions of
control were associated with less psychological distress for
specific of symptoms. Correlations between specific categories of
perceived competency with particular symptoms of distress are
presented in the following section.
Athletic competency was negatively correlated with somatic
anxiety, anxious mood, panic, decreased energy, depressed mood,
appetite disturbance, hostility and impaired cognitive functioning.
Behavioral competency was negatively with somatic anxiety,
decreased energy, anxious mood, panic, depressed mood, sex and
sleep disturbance, hostility, appetite disturbance and impaired
cognitive functioning. Scholastic competency was negatively
associated with anxious mood, somatic anxiety, decreased energy,
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00
■ T a b le 14.
Correlations: Perceptions of C ontrol/C om petencv and Psychological Distress
Impaired
Total Somatic Anxious Panic Decreased Depressed Sleep/Sex Appetite Cognitive
Total Distress Anxiety Mood Energy Mood Disturbance Disturbance Hostility Functioning
Competency - .27*** - .22*** - .16** - .21*** - .20***
. 27***
- .21*** - .27*** - .23*** - .22***
Acceptance - .06 - .08 .00 - .12* .01 - .06 .01 - .12* - .05 - .03
Athletic - .28*** - .22***
. 19***
- .22*** - .20*** - .32*** - .11 - .26*** - .26*** - .21***
Behavioral - ,23*** - .20*** - .15** - .14* - .21*** - .18** - .20** - .23*** - .18** - .18**
Friend - .11 - .08 - .05 - .14* - .05 - .08 - .10 - .11 - .10 .13*
Job - .06 - .03 - .00 - .09 - .03 - .06 - .00 - .13* - .03 - .07
Physical - .18** - .12* - .16* - .12* - .13* - .20*** - .19*** - .16** - .16** - .09
Romance - .09 - .06 - .05 - .01 - .07 - .14* - .15** - .02 - .04 .08
Scholstic - .23*** - .18** - .14* - .12
. .19***
- .19** - .18** - .28*** - .20*** - .21***
Self-Worth - .25*** - .20*** - .15** - .22*** - .19** - .26*** - .22*** - .17** .19** - .18**
•**p<.ooi; **p<01; *p,05
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depressed mood, appetite disturbance, hostility, impaired cognitive and
sleep and sex disturbance.
The only 2 symptoms negatively related to acceptance were panic
and appetite disturbance. Perceptions of competency in friendship was
negatively related to panic and cognitive functioning.
Self-worth was negatively associated with all psychological
distress symptoms. Significant correlations existed for somatic anxiety
panic, anxious mood, decreased energy, depressed mood, appetite
disturbance, sleep and sex disturbance, hostility, and cognitive
functioning.
Regression Effects/Sub-Domains of Control
To assess which if any sub-domains of control would predict
reduced distress multiple regression analysis was run where perceptions
of control competency were regressed on psychological distress. Two
sub-domain of control predicted a reduction of distress behavioral
competency ( B = -.2347; p < .001) and athletic competency ( B = -.2057;
p < .001). The results of the regression analysis are presented on Table
15.
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lafrtoL.ISt
Regression Analysis
Perceptions of Control/Competency and Self-W orth with Distress
B Beta Std. Er. T-Value Sig. ofT
Athletic - 5.4708 - .2057 1.53 - 3.570 .001***
Behavioral - 6.2408 - .2347 1.57 - 3.966 .001***
***p < .001; **p < .01; *p < .05
Main Effects
Multiple regression (MR) was used as an omnibus test to assess the
overall significance of the independent variable, exposure to violence on
the dependent variable, psychological distress. The demographic variables
(sex, age, grade, ethnicity, language) were controlled by entering them
into the first block of the each analysis. In the second block, total
exposure to violence was entered. All independent variables were
“centered” by converting the variables into standardized z-scores (Aiken
& West, 1991). The results of the multiple regression yielded an overall
significant equation for exposure to violence and distress. The outcome
suggested that exposure to violence was significant in predicting
psychological distress. The more exposure to violence the greater the
distress. Regression analysis for exposure to violence and distress, show
increased exposure associated with more distress (B = 10.5644; p < .001).
150
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It was hypothesized that the independent variables, perceptions of
control; contingency and competency would be associated with less
psychological distress. It was also hypothesized that higher perceptions
of control in the domain of competency would have a stronger association
with less psychological distress than in the domain of contingency. To
test these hypothesizes a regression analysis was run in the following
order: 1) demographic variables were entered in the first block 2) total
exposure to violence and total perceptions of control contingency were
entered in the second block 3) the interaction of exposure to violence and
perceptions of control contingency were also included in the second block
(total exposure to violence multiplied by total contingency). The same
procedure was performed for perceptions of control competency.
The results of the regression analysis for perceptions of control and
distress are presented on Table 16. When contingency was entered
separately there was a significant main effect, higher perceptions of
control yielded less distress (B = -.1967; p < .001). When competency was
analyzed separately it results were also significant (B = -.2883; p < .001).
However, when both contingency and competency were entered into the
analysis together, contingency no longer accounted for a significant
151
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amount of the variance (contingency B = 2.0469; p > .05; competency B =
1.1981; p < .001). The second hypothesis was confirmed, competency has a
stronger association with distress than contingency. Considering both
dimensions of control, competency is a better predictor of distress than
contingency.
Table 16.
Regression Analysis: Psychological Distress
Exposure to Violence and Perceptions of Control
B Beta Std. T-Value Sig. of T
_________________________________________ Er.________________________
Exposure to Violence 10.5644 1.4909 .397 7.086 .001***
Perceptions of Contingency - 2.0469 1.5482 - .0769 - 1.322 .187
Perceptions of Competency - 1.1981 .3223 - .2150 - 3.717 .001***
***p < .001; **p < .01; *p < .05
Moderating Effects
It was hypothesized that perceptions of control would moderate the
relationship between exposure to violence and psychological distress for
inner-city adolescents. To understand how perceptions of control may
buffer the effect of exposure to violence on psychological distress,
interactions between violence exposure and distress were analyzed.
152
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Statistical procedures recommended by Aiken and West (1991) to test
interactions between continuous predictor variables in multiple
regression were followed. First, exposure to violence scales and
perception of control scales were converted into standardized z-scores.
Interaction variables were then computed by multiplying each
standardized exposure to violence scale with each perception of control
standardized scale. Multiple (MR) was used to test the hypothesizes. The
analysis was performed in the following way: 1) demographic variables
(sex, age, grade, ethnicity, language) were entered into the first block
with forced entry 2) Main effects were then tested by using forced entry
between exposure to violence scales and perceived control scales
3) Moderating effects were then tested by forced entry if only one
interaction was being tested; when multiple interactions were entered at
once a stepwise procedure was used.
None of the hypotheses were confirmed. Out of a possible 120
interactions only 6 were significant at the 1.0 level. However, once the 6
interactions were plotted it appeared likely that the significance was due
to chance because the results made no sense theoretically.
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Analysis of Parent Support
The fourth set of hypotheses looks at parental support. Pearson
product-moment correlations were used to test the association between
parental support and the following variables: exposure to violence,
psychological distress and gang exposure. The results of these analyses
are presented in Tables 17, 18 and 19. It was hypothesized that a
positive relationship with parents would be associated with lower total
exposure to violence and lower total psychological distress. It was also
hypothesized that parental support would be negatively correlated with
gang exposure.
The first hypotheses were supported with parental support
associated with lower total exposure to violence and lower total distress.
As hypothesized parental support was associated with lower exposure to
gangs. Although not hypothesized, correlations between parental support
and most other types of violent exposure were significant, with parental
support being associated with less exposure. Two categories were
exceptions, media and stranger reported violence did not show an
association with parental support.
154
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Table-1 L
m
in
Correlations
E xposure to V iolence w ith Parent Support.
V iew of the Future and G angs,
Total Media Reported Reported Witnessed Witnessed Domestic Neighborhood
Exposure Violenc Stranger
e
Familiar Stranger Familiar Victim Violence Violence Perpetratio Weapons
n
- .27*** - . 1 0 - .1 0 - . 1 2 * - .14* -.2 4 *** - .30*** - .28*** - .19** - .24*** - .35***
- .23*** - . 1 1 - .14* -.09 - .14* -.1 9 *** - .24*** - .18** - .19** - .24*** - .25***
.61*** .29*** .42*** .48*** .45*** .48*** .44*** .31*** .57***
4 7 ** *
.54***
Parental
Support
View of
the Future
Gang
Exposure
***p < .001; **p < .01; *p < .05
Table 18,
Correlations
Psychological Distress w ith Parent Support V iew of Future.and G angs
Impaired
Total
Distress
Somatic
Anxiety
Anxious
Mood Panic
Decreased
Energy
Depressed
Mood
Sex/Sleep
Disturbance Appetite
Cognitive
Hostility Functioning
Parental Support - .30*** - .28*** - .23*** -.15** -. 2 2 * * * - .29*** - .18** - .1 1 .27*** -.27***
View of the Future - .25*** - .2 2 *** - .24***
I
o
00
-.2 5 *** - .26*** - .1 2 * - .0 2 .2 1 * * * -.29***
Gang Exposure .25*** .26*** .18** .2 0 ** * .29*** .1 0 .18** .07 .26*** .15**
***p < .001; **p < .01; *p < .05
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For psychological distress, all symptoms except for appetite
disturbance were significantly correlated, with more parental
support associated with less distress.
Analysis of View of the Future
The fifth set of hypotheses looks at the relationship between
view of the future with the following variables: exposure to
violence, psychological distress and gang exposure. Pearson
product-moment correlations were used to test the association
between view of the future and exposure to violence and
psychological distress. The results of these analysis are presented
in Tables 17 and 18. It was hypothesized that total exposure to
violence and total psychological distress would be associated with a
negative view of the future. It was also hypothesized that gang
exposure would be associated with a negative view of the future.
The first hypotheses were confirmed with total exposure to
violence and total distress both associated with a negative view of
the future. It was also confirmed that a negative view of the future
was associated with exposure to gangs. A particularly high
correlation showed that a positive view of the future was
associated with parental support.
156
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Table 19.
Correlations
Parent Support. View of the Future and Gangs
View of
the Future
Parental
Support
View of the Future —
Gang Exposure - .22***
.52***
- .27***
***p < .001; < .01; *p < .05
Analysis of Exposure to Gangs
The seventh set of hypotheses looks at the relationship
between exposure to violence and psychological, distress for inner-
city adolescents and exposure to gangs. Pearson product-moment
correlations were used to test the association between gang
exposure with exposure to violence and psychological distress. The
results of these analyses are presented in Table 20. First, it was
hypothesized that higher exposure to gangs would be associated with
greater total exposure to violence for inner-city adolescents.
Secondly, higher exposure to gangs was hypothesized to be
associated with greater psychological distress. Lastly, higher
exposure to gangs was hypothesized to be associated with specific
types of violence.
157
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The first hypothesis was confirmed with higher total exposure
to violence correlated with higher exposure to gangs. The second
hypothesis was also confirmed with greater exposure to gangs
associated with higher psychological distress. The third hypothesis
stated that there would be a relationship between gang exposure and
specific types of violence (stranger witnessed, familiar witnessed,
victimization, neighborhood, perpetration, weapons).
Results indicated that gang exposure was associated with all
categories of violence. Confirming the hypothesis were results
showing that categories of violence with the highest correlation to
gang exposure were weapons, neighborhood violence, familiar
reported and witnessed violence and perpetration. Although not
hypothesized stranger reported violence was also highly correlated
with gang exposure. The lowest correlations between gang exposure
were for domestic violence and media violence.
Seven categories of distress symptoms were significantly
related to gang exposure; somatic anxiety, anxious mood, panic,
decreased energy, sleep and sex disturbance, hostility, and impaired
cognitive functioning.
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T ab le 20.
CHAPTER 1V
DISCUSSION
In this chapter, the results of the present study will be
interpreted and discussed. Limitations of the study and implications
of the findings will be addressed from a theoretical and applied
perspective. Directions for future research will also be suggested.
The major focus of this study has been to examine how
exposure to violence relates to psychological distress for inner-city
adolescents. In particular, the interest is in how specific types of
violent exposure are differentially related to specific types of
symptom formation for youth. Demographic variables were also
examined to determine if exposure to violence and distress varied as
a function of sex, age, grade, ethnicity or primary language spoken.
In addition, adolescent’s perceptions of control were examined to
determine if either of two dimensions of control, contingency or
competency moderated the relationship between exposure to
violence and psychological distress. High perceptions of control
were hypothesized to function as a coping mechanism, buffering the
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deleterious effects of violent exposure and decreasing psychological
distress.
Other variables of interest in this study were parent support,
view of the future and gang exposure. Relationships between these
variables and exposure to violence and distress were explored.
Specifically, the study examined how exposure to violence and
distress may vary as a function of parent support and exposure to
gangs; and how an adolescent’s view of the future may be associated
with: exposure to violence, distress, parent support and exposure to
gangs. Other non-hypothesized findings related to distress
symptoms and types of violence are then discussed.
Implications for Hypotheses
Exposure to Violence and Psychological Distress
A review of the literature concluded that children and
adolescents exposed to violence have negative psychological
consequences (Terr, 1983; Pynoos & Nader, 1990; Martinez &
Richters, 1993). Consistent with the literature review, the results
from this study overwhelmingly supported the hypothesis that
higher exposure to violence is associated with greater psychological
distress for inner-city adolescents. This was a cross sectional
161
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study and therefore causality cannot be determined, but this
association suggests a number of interpretive possibilities. First,
is the proposal that exposure to violence precedes distress.
Research on the traumatic effects of violent exposure have
established that chronic danger is not only distressful but may even
suppress the developmental process itself (Garbarino et al., 1992).
Living with chronic and prevailing danger can limit exploration and
immobilize the child, thus impairing the development of competence.
Both children and adolescents may suffer from depression related to
loss and a sense of hopelessness when members of their family and
community are victimized by violence. Violent traumatization and
fear may lead to cognitive impairments for youth, reducing
academic achievement. This study validates that distress symptoms
related to violence are pervasive for inner-city populations of youth;
and most likely follow violent exposure.
Another possibility for the association between exposure to
violence and distress may be that distressed youth are more
vulnerable to violence. Some children may seek danger as an
expression of psychopathology. Low self-esteem and self-loathing
may result in unconscious death wishes and suicidal ideation. The
162
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desire to hurt one’s self may be acted out consciously or
unconsciously through exposing oneself to violence. Although this
argument may be plausible, it can also be argued that low self
esteem and psychopathology are the results of living with high
levels of violence.
The third possibility is that another factor may be accounting
for both distress and violence, such as poverty. Youth growing up in
environments that are poor, disenfranchised, crime ridden and
violent have to cope with many risk factors. Psychological distress
may be related to any number of these factors or most likely an
accumulation of these factors. According to Garbarino et al. (1992)
it is the cumulative effect of violent exposure, compounded by the
risks of living in poverty, that increases the chance of
developmental harm for youth. Research has shown that most youth
can cope with low levels of risk, one or two risk factors, but when
more accumulates development is jeopardized (Sameroff et al.,
1987). The relationship between violence and other risk factors
associated with poverty and inner-city life is complex and
intercorrelated. What this study shows is that violence is one of the
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most distressful factors for youth and increases the risk of
developmental harm.
Violence is a particularly stressful event because it destroys
a sense of safety and replaces it with danger and fear. Energy and
resources needed for development are directed towards survival.
Adolescents who are exposed to violence may experience a
premature entrance into adulthood or a premature closure on
identity formation (Pynoos & Eth, 1985). Identity formation is the
primary task of adolescence, which serves as the building block for
the subsequent development of intimacy and maturity. Premature
entrance or closure on identity formation can have profound effects
on an individual’s life course (Erickson, 1979). Adolescents who are
exposed to violence are also at greater risk for acting-out and
engaging in self-destructive behavior such as substance abuse,
delinquent behavior, promiscuity and aggressive acts (Cull, 1996).
Severity of Exposure and Relationship Proximity
Although, violence in general is distressful for youth, research
has shown that particular dimensions and types of violence may be
even more detrimental for youth. It was hypothesized that severe
forms of exposure and closer relationship proximity would be
164
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associated with higher distress. This hypothesis was confirmed.
The types of violence most associated with distress were domestic
violence, neighborhood violence, and victimization, all severe and
close forms of violence. In addition, familiar witnessed and
reported violence had significant correlations with distress. Other
results which supported this hypothesis, were non-significant
results and lower correlations between distress and less proximal
and severe forms of violence. The types of violence associated with
less distress were media, stranger witnessed, perpetration and
weapons.
Stranger reported violence had a relatively high correlation
with distress, compared with other closer and more severe
categories of exposure. This was the only result that did not show
closer relationship proximity to the victim and greater severity of
exposure related to more distress. It can be argued that hearing
about violence may increase feelings of vulnerability and distress.
Demographic Variables
Sex Differences, based on the literature review and crime
statistics it was hypothesized that males would have higher
exposure to violence than females. Contrary to expectations, there
165
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were no significant differences between male and female subjects
on total exposure to violence. However, when exposure was broken
down into specific types of violent exposure males did have higher
exposure as hypothesized. Males were victimized more, witnessed
more stranger violence, and were more involved with perpetration
and weapons. Males experienced approximately 20% higher rate of
victimization than females. Males reported being shot or stabbed
10% more than females (16% verses 6%). Neighborhood violence was
the only exception to the hypothesis, males and females had equal
exposure to this type of violence.
Although not hypothesized, female exposure was higher for
domestic violence and for witnessing violence against familiar
others. Consistent with the literature were higher victimization
rates for females in this study for sex related crimes (Gladstein et
al., 1992). Analyzed on an item level, 27% of females reported being
molested and 14% reported being raped, compared to 12% of males
reported being molested and 7% reported being raped.
Gang exposure was also not different for males and females.
Gang membership, analyzed on an item level, was higher for males.
Five per-cent of males reported current gang membership, compared
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to 2% of females. Ex-gang membership was reported by 8% of males
and 4% of females.
Although there have been mixed results in the literature
regarding male and female psychological reactions to violence, this
study confirmed that higher exposure to violence is associated with
more psychological distress for females. In general females are
socialized to be more emotional and empathic than males which may
contribute to higher levels of distress when confronted with
violence. Females are also more often victims of sex crimes, a
particularly intimate and distressful type of violence. All females
in American society must live with sexual vulnerability and be
aware of the threat of sexual victimization. Females who live in
high crime neighborhoods may experience more distress. Females
are also exposed to higher levels of domestic violence. Domestic
violence is a chronic, severe, close, and distressful form of violent
exposure.
Although not hypothesized, perceptions of control had a
stronger association with well being for female subjects. This was
true for both dimensions of control, contingency and competency.
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The only categories of control associated with less distress for
males were scholastic and behavioral competency.
In summary, inner-city males and females both experience high
levels of violence and distress and share equally in level of exposure
for media, neighborhood, gang, and reported violence. However,
significant sex differences for specific types of exposure, levels of
distress and perceptions of control would indicate that intervention
and prevention efforts should consider male and female differences.
Age and grade level differences. It was hypothesized that
older subjects from higher grade levels would have higher exposure
to violence. Previous research concluded that although inner-city
children are exposed to high levels of violence, older youths have
higher exposure rates (Shakoor et al., 1991). Increased independence
from parents and school attendance are two factors associated with
higher exposure for older youth. The hypothesis that older youth had
greater exposure to violence was not confirmed in the present study.
Interestingly, higher grade level was associated with total greater
exposure to violence, reported violence and weapons exposure.
Although it is logical to assume that age and grade level have a
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strong association, it appears that grade level is a better predictor
than age of violent exposure for inner-city adolescents.
Aside from the normal differences due to birth dates,
differences between age and grade level may also be due to
immigration, language, and socioeconomic variables. Over 50% of
the youth sampled in this study were not born in the United States,
and 36% of the sample were predominately Spanish speaking. Youth
who do not speak English are often placed in lower grade levels. In
addition, many youth from the inner-city face social, environmental
and economic disadvantages which are associated with lowered
scholastic achievement and may affect academic advancement.
Another reason grade may have a higher correlation with
violence exposure is that society in general, and parents
specifically, may grant more freedom based on grade level. More
freedom and independence may mean more time “ on the street” or in
other public areas where violence may occur.
It was hypothesized that younger subjects and subjects in
lower grade level would have greater psychological distress. This
hypotheses was not confirmed for either age or grade level for total
distress. Hostility was the one distress symptom significantly
1 6 9
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related to higher grade level. The age variability of this sample may
not be wide enough to see significant differences in adolescents’
ability to cope with the stress of violence.
Ethnic differences. Based on the literature it was
hypothesized that African-American subjects would have higher
exposure to violence than Latino subjects. Poverty is the greatest
predictor of violence exposure, regardless of race or ethnicity.
However, differences based on race and ethnicity do emerge in some
studies when socioeconomic differences are held constant. This was
true for our sample, African Americans had higher total exposure,
perpetration, weapons and familiar reported violence.
African Americans as a group have historically experienced a
lower status than Latinos in American culture. Latinos immigrated
to the United States. African Americans were captured and brought
to America enslaved. Racial inequality theory proposes that a
“sense of injustice” based on the specific history, perceptions and
experiences of certain ethnic groups may promote anger and
aggression regardless of socioeconomic status (Russell, 1994).
African Americans have a collective historical experience not
shared by Latinos. The economic and emotional consequences of
1 7 0
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these factors continue to impinge on African-Americans, especially
those in lower classes. The accumulation of past and current
experiences of racism, structural inequality, and injustice most
certainly could lead to anger. Anger may be acted out in aggressive
and violent acts which may help explain higher rates of perpetration
for African Americans.
In addition one of the most important factors for ethnic group-
esteem is the attitude of the host country at the time of
immigration. Clearly, there are differences between Latino and
African American groups on this variable. How an ethnic group is
viewed by the dominant culture may be especially important for
youth who are developing a sense of identity. African Americans
typically experience higher levels of discrimination and racial
violence than Latinos. Darker skin color has been shown to be
related to greater discrimination (Galap et al., 1985; Smart & Smart,
1995). It is also likely that because African Americans are exposed
to more violence and discrimination there is a greater perceived
need to have and use weapons. Gun carrying behavior is one of the
most significant factors associated with adolescent fatalities, of
which African Americans have the highest rate. The fact that
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African American youth have higher exposure to weapons than Latino
youth may increase their overall exposure to violence.
Language differences. It was hypothesized that predominately
Spanish speaking subjects would have greater exposure to violence
than predominately English speaking subjects. Immigrants and non
native speaking individuals are more often vulnerable in new
countries, making the risk of exploitation greater. Results from this
study support this idea in part; Spanish speakers were higher on
victimization than English speakers. However, the hypothesis that
Spanish speakers would have greater exposure to violence in general
was not supported.
Results from this study show that English speaking Latinos are
at greater risk of violence exposure than Spanish speaking Latinos.
Higher exposure to violence may be related to greater acceptance
into peer groups that have greater exposure to violence. Higher
correlations in perpetration and weapons categories for English
speaking Latinos suggest this relationship. Greater acculturation
may be one factor related to higher exposure to violence for English
speakers. America is the most violent country in the industrialized
world, which suggests that aspects of American culture contribute
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to violence (Richter, 1993). It is also possible that certain cultural
values from Latino culture mix in combination with American
cultural values in such a way that place Latino English speaking
youth at greater risk. Conversely, a strong cultural identity has
been shown to be a protective factor against violence for minority
youth. Less acculturated youth may have stronger cultural ties
which may help to reduce their exposure to violence.
Perceptions of Control
It was hypothesized that higher perceptions of control in the
domain of contingency and competency would be associated with
less psychological distress. These hypotheses were confirmed.
Decreased distress was related to perceptions of control for total
contingency and total competency. As indicated by the literature
perceptions of control were found to have beneficial effects o n
psychological functioning (Thompson, 1994; Taylor, 1983).
It was also hypothesized that perceptions of control in the
domain of competency would have a stronger association with
psychological distress than contingency. This hypothesis was also
confirmed. Although contingency is an important aspect of control,
competency appears to be more important in reducing distress. In
173
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the coping literature perceptions of competency have been referred
to as feelings of efficacy and have been consistently associated
with self-esteem and well being (Bandura, 1982; Thompson, 1981).
Perceptions of control were hypothesized to moderate the
relationship between exposure to violence and distress. This
hypothesis was not confirmed. There were main effects between
perceptions of control for distress and violence, but no interaction
effects were significant. Perceptions of control did not buffer the
effects of violence for youth. Violence is a powerful and complex
phenomenon, connected with many risk factors. Youths perceptions
of control may not be a strong enough factor to lessen the distress
associated with violence. Perceptions of control are complicated a
construct to define and measure. It is possible that with further
specification of definition and refinement of measurement
perceptions of control would produce a moderating effect between
violence and distress.
No hypotheses were generated regarding the relationship
between exposure to violence and perceptions of control. In general
exposure to violence is not associated with perceptions of control.
However, when sub-domains of control were examined victimization
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had the most association with control. Previous research has shown
that an individual’s perception of control, functioning and self-
image may be altered after victimization (Janoff-Bullman, 1979).
These results are consistent with the victimization and control
literature, indicating that being a victim leads to feelings of loss of
control (Janoff-Bulman & Frieze, 1983).
Parent Support
It was hypothesized that youth who have parental support will
have lower exposure to violence. This hypothesis was confirmed,
with more parental support associated with less exposure to
violence. Exposure to the most severe and close types of violence is
associated with lack of parental support.
There were no studies in the literature directly related to
exposure to violence and parental support. Other adolescent risk
variables that would increase exposure to violence, such as
delinquency, drug use and aggression have been shown to be related
to low parental monitoring, lack of discipline and conflicted
familial interactions (Barnes, 1984; Patterson et al., 1984;
Hurrelmann, 1990).
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It was also hypothesized that parental support would be
negatively associated with psychological distress. This hypothesis
was confirmed, parental support was related to lowered distress for
adolescents. Parent support has been shown in the literature to
reduce the negative effects of trauma related to violence. Social
support leads to better prognosis and quicker recovery for victims
(Jannoff-Bulman, 1983). Social networks have also been positively
linked to reductions in distress and increases in self-esteem for
high risk adolescents (Hirsch & Reischl, 1985).
Garbarino’s work with children exposed to violence discusses
the importance of parent support in helping children make sense of
traumatic and violent experiences (Garbarino et al., 1992). Children
not cnly need a sympathetic listener, but clarification for the moral
implications associated with violence. Results from this study
show one of the highest correlations was between parent support
and a positive view of the future. Youth who have a supportive
environment are more hopeful about the future.
Low parental support was hypothesized to be associated with
higher gang exposure. This hypothesis was confirmed. Klein et al.
(1997) found that availability of adults to give information or
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advise to youth was a factor that distinguished non-gang from gang
membership. Youth who do not have positive relationships with
significant adults may join gangs in search of a sense of belonging
and support outside of the home. In addition, results from this study
support the finding in the delinquency literature that there is a
relationship between parenting variables and crime. Results from
this study showed negative correlations between perpetration and
weapons with parental support. Although direct causal links cannot
be established from these analysis, inferences can be made that a
positive relationship with parents lowers exposure to violence and
acts as a protective factor.
View of the Future
Exposure to violence was associated with a negative view of
the future. These results were consistent with Lenore Terr’s
discovery that trauma, especially life threatening trauma, is
associated with a .negative and foreshortened view of the future.
The types of violence that had the highest corretations with a
negative view of the future were victimization, perpetration and
weapons exposure. Youth who have a negative view of the future
may place themselves in higher risk situations, becoming involved
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with crime and weapons. Youth in the inner-city may have difficulty
viewing the future positively given the realities of violence, poverty
and racial discrimination.
A negative view of the future was also related to
psychological distress. A negative view of the future had the
highest correlation with cognitive impairment which suggests that
negative thoughts may intrude on cognitive processing. Other
symptoms that had high correlations with a negative view of the
future were depression, decreased energy and somatic anxiety.
Anderson (1995) looked at the relationship between depression and
pessimistic predictions about the future. Her findings indicated
that depression was associated with depressive pessimism and with
pessimistic predictions. Negative and depressive thoughts about the
future would be a logical consequence for youth who grow up in
environments where violence and loss are common. These
depressive, pessimistic thoughts may in turn produce more feelings
of depression for inner-city youth.
Gang Exposure
It was hypothesized that gang exposure would be associated
with increased exposure to violence and distress. This relationship
was validated by the results of this research. Gangs are associated
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with violence and criminal activity (Klein, 1995). All types of
violence had significant associations with gang exposure. Aside
form total exposure to violence, gang exposure had the highest
association with neighborhood violence and weapons. Other types of
violence highly associated with gangs were familiar reported and
witnessed violence, perpetration and victimization.
Gang Exposure was related to distress. The distress symptom
with the highest association with gang exposure was hostility.
Depression, anxiety and impaired cognitive functioning were all
related to gang exposure. Gang exposure was also related to a
negative view of the future. Although 98% of subjects reported
exposure to gangs, gang membership was reported by only a small
sample of the subjects. The majority of exposure to violence
associated with gangs in this study was reported by nongang youth
in the community. However, youth exposed to violence are more
vulnerable to joining gangs, as previous research has shown (Klein et
al., 1997; Howell et al., 1995). Exposure to gangs may not only be
associated with exposure to violence and distress, but may
predispose youth to joining gangs.
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Other Non-hvpothesized Findings
Exposure to Violence and Distress Symptoms
It was expected based on previous studies that youth exposed
to violence would experience psychological distress, in particular,
depression and anxiety (Fitzpatrick, 1993; Eron et al., 1994). This
expectation was supported; youth in this study showed symptom
constellations related to depression and anxiety (DSM-1V, 1995).
Decreased energy and somatic anxiety had higher correlations with
exposure to violence than did depressed and anxious mood.
Adolescents may lack the psychological sophistication necessary for
identification of “moods” but can identify physical symptoms
related to anxiety and depression. It may therefore be more useful
when assessing adolescent distress to focus on physical aspects of
distress.
One unexpected finding in the study was that hostility had the
highest association with exposure to violence. Hostility has
received little attention in the literature on violent exposure.
Hostility may be part of a depressive symptom constellation or it
may function as a unique dimension of distress. It has been
suggested in the literature that the emotion of anger underlies
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aggressive and violent behavior. DiGiuseppe et al. (1994) have
proposed that a general anger/hostility disorder be included in the
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-1 V. They
point out that violence has received much attention in the literature,
but anger and hostility which may underlay violence have largely
been ignored. Results from this study support that position. The
high correlation between violence exposure and hostility suggest
that exposed adolescents may be at greater risk for aggressive or
violent behavior.
Types of Violence and Distress
Domestic violence. Domestic violence had the highest
correlation of any type of violence with total distress. Results from
the regression analysis indicated that domestic violence was most
predictive of psychological distress. Jaffe’s et al. (1986) study on
children who witness domestic violence also found high rates of
depression, anxiety, aggressiveness and somatic complaints.
Although 83% of the subjects reported some form of domestic
violence female subjects had higher exposure rates of domestic
violence than males by approximately 20 percent in this study. The
highest risk of violent victimization for females is intimate
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violence (Sorenson & Bowie, 1994). For the most part, research has
ignored the interface between domestic violence and other forms of
violence outside the home. Women who live in communities where
violence is common may minimize personal victimization. Females
from violent communities who become habituated to violence may be
at particular risk. Bandura (1971, 1973) found evidence that
aggressive behavior and coping strategies generalized beyond the
family. Therefore, youth exposed to domestic violence may be more
likely to perpetration violence within the home and in the
community.
Neighborhood violence. Neighborhood violence was the second
most distressful form of violence. One hundred percent of youth in
this study reported exposure to some form of neighborhood violence.
A look at the kind of violent neighborhood experiences youth are
exposed to and the frequency gives an indication of the severity of
this form of violence. Figures from the present study are
comparable with other studies on violence exposure for inner-city
youth. Osofkey’s study indicated 91% of the children in his study had
witnessed violence, the same percentage found in this study for
stranger witnessed violence. Familiar witnessed violence was
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reported by 85% of the subjects in this study. Gladstein (1992)
found that 67% of the youth personally knew someone who had been
shot. Berman et al. (1996) found that 93% of a sample of urban high
school reported witnessing violence. Shakoor (1991) reported that
70% of the inner-city youth in his study had witnessed a shooting,
robbery or murder. In this study 85% of youth witnessed drug sales
or use, 95% had heard gun shots, 56% witnessed a drive-by shooting,
40% had seen a dead body, 20% had gun shots fired at them. The
pervasiveness of neighborhood violence and it’s high association
distress lead to the conclusion that inner-city youth are living with
a high level of stress.
Victim ization. Victimization was the third most distressful
type of violence. The literature on violence stated that being a
victim of violence is one of the most distressful forms of violent
exposure. Victims of violence experience severe psychological
reactions including depression, anxiety, fear and PTSD symptoms
(Burgess & Holmstrom, 1976; Symonds, 1975). This was confirmed
by the present study, symptoms connected to physical reactions,
fear, and anger were evident, in this study 77% of the adolescents
reported being victimized. Youth in this sample reported higher
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levels of victimization than in other studies. Berman et al. (1996)
found 44% of youth in his study had been victimized. Osofkey et al.
(1993) found 50% of the children in the study were victims of
violence.
Gang exposure was also highly associated with victimization
in this study. Gang membership has been found to be associated with
higher victimization in the research (Maxson, Whitock, Klein; 1997).
Youth who are exposed to weapons, gangs, and neighborhood violence,
witness more violence and are also more likely to be victimized
themselves.
Victimization was also associated with low parental support
in this study. Youth who have less parental support may also have
less supervision and hence more “ street time". Youth who have less
supportive home environments may want to spend more time away
from home. Youth who have been victimized often have a lowered
sense of self-esteem. These youth may turn to external sources for
esteem such as gang affiliation and gun ownership to compensate for
feelings of inadequacy.
Media violence. Media violence was significantly correlated
with total psychological distress, but to a less degree than more
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severe forms of violent exposure. Previous studies have found
negative effect associated with viewing media violence, especially
for females (Blanchard et al., 1986).
At the center of the debate on how media violence effects
youth is the tenet that it increases violent behavior. Exposure to
media violence has been shown in the literature to be associated
with and causally related to aggressive attitudes and behavior for
youth (Donerstein et al., 1992; American Psychological Association,
1995). The purpose of this study was not to assess attitudes
towards violence, but to look at psychological and emotional
distress related to violent exposure. However, an association was
found with violent behavior exposure to media violence. Emotional
distress may influence behavior, attitudes and values about violence.
Hostility had the second highest correlation with media violence of
any distress symptom. An argument can be made that hostility may
fuel aggression and leave youth vulnerable to acting in a violent
manner. Emotional vulnerability may combine with violent schema,
repeatedly generated by the media, that may cue violent behavior in
real life. Fear of violent victimization has been shown to increase
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with exposure to media violence and may also contribute to distress
for youth living in the inner-city.
Exposure to media violence adds more violent stimuli into the
lives of youth already inundated with violence. The cumulative
effects of violent exposure have been shown to have detrimental
effects on development for children (Garbarino, 1992).
Weapons exposure. Weapons exposure was significantly
correlated with distress. The highest correlation weapons exposure
had with a particular distress symptom was with hostility. The
intercorrelation between weapons exposure and perpetration was
also one of the highest correlations in the study. Gun carrying was
associated with perpetration in the literature (Jenkins, 1993).
Statistics from other studies show that adolescent males from the
inner-city account for the majority of deaths caused by firearms,
and these figures are increasing (Fingerhut et al., 1991; National
Center for Health Statistics, 1991). The data from this study show
93% of youth were exposed to some kind of weapon (males 97% &
females 90%). These figures may be higher for youth not in school.
Gun ownership has been shown to be associated with suspension,
expulsion and school drop-out.
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Studies have found that some youth carry weapons for
protection (cite). Weapons and guns in particular may give
depressed, anxious, fearful or angry youth a sense of control and
power. Results from this study showed that weapons exposure was
associated with low perceptions of behavioral control for youth.
Although youth may perceive more safety and higher levels of
control by having weapons; the reality is that youth who carry guns
are more likely to die from firearms. This situation points to the
need to help youth find more productive and safe ways of coping
with the feelings that give rise to the desire for and use of weapons.
Perpetration. Perpetration had the lowest association and
significance levels with distress of any type of violence. Only three
symptoms were found to be correlated with perpetration which were
decreased energy, hostility and somatic anxiety. Perpetration
differs from all the other types of violence exposure in that it is an
active verses passive form of exposure. Perpetration may be a less
distressing form of violence because most of the control irr a violent
situation lies in the hand of the victimizer. Perpetration may also
represent a form of emotional regulation in which distressing
feelings are acted out and dissipated through violent action. It is
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also possible that individuals who perpetrate violence are more
detached from their emotions, giving rise to a lack of empathy that
makes violent perpetration possible.
The factors in the literature associated with violent
perpetration that were also found in this study were: witnessing
violence, victimization and being African-American (Du Rant et al.,
1994; Smith & Thornberry, 1993; Klein et al., 1997). Bell (1991)
found in a study with middle and high school students that 23 %
reported they had committed a violent act. Youth in this study
reported a 33% rate of violence perpetration, males were higher than
females (34% vs. 24%). In summary, this study and others suggests a
significant correlation between children who are victims and their
subsequent involvement as perpetrators of violence (Uehara et. al,
1983; Klein, 1997).
Theoretical Implications
An integration of these findings suggests several theoretical
implications. First, as conceptualized, exposure to violence was
found to be a stressor for inner-city youth. Results from this study
showed that adolescents were distressed in general when exposed to
violence; and that higher levels of exposure and specific types of
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violence were associated with more distress. While there is a great
deal of overlap in distress symptoms associated with exposure to
violence, it is also evident that certain types of violence are more
stressful. Findings in this study substantiated the literature that
the most severe forms of violence with the closest relationship
proximity to the victim were the strongest predictors of distress
for adolescents. These types of violence were domestic,
neighborhood and victimization.
Second, as expected from the literature review, the level of
exposure to violence is very high for inner-city youth. Inner-city
youth have high exposure to violence in general and also to specific
types of violence. Results from this study show that although inner-
city adolescents are universally exposed to violence; there are also
differences based on sex, ethnicity, grade and
language/acculturation variables. These findings show the
importance of examining sociocultural variables when specifying the
relationship between violence and distress. In addition, these
findings point to the need to address the specific factors relevant
for particular groups of adolescents.
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Third, it was conceptualized in this study that adolescents’
perceptions of control would increase coping by moderating the
relationship between violence exposure and distress (Skinner, 1995).
Previous research findings have supported the contention that coping
is enhanced and stress reduced as perceptions of control increase,
regardless of the amount of objective control available (Thompson,
1994; Taylor, 1983). Results from this study did not support this
theory in it’s entirety. Higher perceptions of control did not
moderate distress for adolescents exposed to violence. Although
perceptions of control did not buffer the effects of violence, lower
distress was associated with higher perceptions of control.
Both dimensions of control, contingency and competency, were
related to lower distress for adolescents. As hypothesized, lower
distress had a higher association with competency. These results
indicate that feelings of efficacy are more important to
psychological well being than the amount of actual control available.
These results support the reformulation of the “learned
helplessness” theory which states the interpretation of the
attribution of causality (subjective control/l believe I am
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competent) is a more important determinant of coping ability and
functioning than objective control (contingency) (Seligman, 1978).
It was also theorized that in addition to global perceptions of
control, individuals may also have variable perceptions of control
depending upon the type of control or situation (Weisz et al., 1993;
Harter, 1988). In addition, certain types of control may be more
important for coping and psychological well being than others. The
results of this study confirmed both tenets. Adolescents in this
study varied in perceptions of control depending upon the type of
control. Results also indicated that specific sub-domains of control
were more highly associated and with decreased distress. This
finding was true for both contingency and competency. Behavioral
and academic perceptions of control had the most association with
lowered distress in both domains of control. It appears that
behavioral and to a lesser degree academic perceptions of control
are the most important types of control associated with stress
reduction for adolescents. Other sub-domains of perceptions of
competency most associated with well being for adolescents were
athletic, physical appearance, acceptance and self-worth.
Adolescence is a phase with a strong focus on friends and romantic
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relationships. However, results from this study indicate that
perceptions of control in a social domain are less associated with
well being than in the domains of behavior, athletics, and academia.
Fourth, results from this study which show a correlation
between exposure to violence and violent perpetration lend support
to social learning theory (Bandura, 1971,1973). According to social
learning theory, learning is acquired through observation of modeled
behavior. Youth learn about violence living in violent environments
and viewing media violence.
Fifth, parental support was shown to be associated with lower
exposure to violence, lower distress and a positive view of the
future. These results suggest that social networks and support, and
in particular parental support, are an important protective factor
for youth.
Implications for Intervention
A greater understanding of how violence affects adolescent
development has important implications not only theoretically but
clinically. Youth in cities all over America are exposed to violence
in real life and through the media. This study has shown that there
is a strong correlation between violent exposure and distress for
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inner-city youth. Emotional distress has been found to be predictive
of adolescent problem behavior (McDermott et al., 1990; Covey &
Tam, 1990). Chronic exposure to violence may contribute to low
academic achievement, school drop-out, delinquency and other youth
problems. The need to treat traumatized youth for specific types of
violent exposure such as victimization, domestic violence or single
incident trauma has long been recognized. However, few youth ever
receive treatment for distress related to chronic trauma from
exposure to community violence. Treatment of individuals with
indirect exposure to violence has only recently been recognized.
In terms of prevention, results of this study provide evidence
for the need to screen all youth living in violent areas to target
youth with high exposure. In terms of intervention, youth evidencing
symptoms of distress should be assessed for violent exposure.
Individual treatment should include aspects of grief resolution, fear
and anger reduction and skills for feeling expression. Helping youth
develop positive ways to channel and express feelings such as
creative pursuits and social activism would also be effective.
Although intervention targeted on a micro level is important,
prevention and intervention at a macro level may be the most
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effective. Inner-city environments have a myriad of interrelated
problems. Violence is but one of many risk factors facing urban
youth. There is also a high inter-correlation between different
types of violence. Inner-city youth who are exposed to violence of
one type are more likely to be exposed to other forms of violence. A
milieu approach therefore would be most effective in reducing
violence and addressing systemic problems.
Although a holistic approach may be the most effective in
reducing violence, targeting the most distressful types of violence
may also have a positive impact. For example, efforts to minimize
domestic violence may also help to reduce violence outside the
home. Parent training may also be important in fostering a good
relationship with children, especially during the tumultuous years of
adolescence.
Both individual and holistic approaches to lowering distress
related to violence which include ways to increase perceptions of
control may be beneficial. Perceptions of control have been shown
to be related to lower distress, increases in prevention behavior and
social activism (Tyler, 1981).
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The data suggest that sex differences need to be considered
when planning intervention strategies for youth exposed to violence,
inner-city males and females both experience high levels of violence
and distress. Both genders share equally in level of exposure for
certain types of exposure. However, there were significant sex
differences for specific types of exposure, distress and perceptions
of control. These differences indicate that sex specific components
of intervention would increase relevance and effectiveness.
Males are more often subject to “street” violence involving
friends, acquaintances and strangers. Intervention directed at
reducing male incidence of violence needs to address the types of
violence males are exposed to, as well as male psychology. Aspects
of treatment for males should consider the culturally proscribed
roles of men as strong, brave and powerful. Adolescent males are
sensitive about their burgeoning masculinity and often
hypersensitive to any threats, actual or perceived, against their
male status. Prevention, intervention and treatment efforts
directed at reducing male exposure to violence should consider these
factors.
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Females experience more domestic violence and violence
associated with familiar people . Females also report greater
incidence of sexual violence. Prevention, intervention and treatment
efforts directed at reducing female exposure to violence should
include education regarding the types of violence most likely to
affect females and aspects of female psychology. For example,
women’s identity formation may be influenced by cultural and media
portrayals of women as passive and powerless. Women are often
shown as victims of male violence. This gender socialisation of
both women and men may legitimize violence against women.
Empowering females may also inadvertently lead to reductions for
other problems facing teens, such as teen pregnancy and sexually
transmitted diseases.
Methodological Limitations and Directions for Future Research
While the present study was important in terms of furthering
the theoretical and empirical state of the literature on youth
exposed to violence, several limitations exist. One of the
limitations of this study was the sole use of self-report measures
to gather data. Research that is based on self-report are prone to
threats to reliability and validity. Therefore, these findings may be
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subject to question. Measurement error associated with self-report
can result from factors such as item ambiguity, variations in
testing environment, reading ability, language proficiency, concerns
regarding self-presentation and biases effecting symptom reporting
(Isaac & Michael, 1989). Although these problems cannot be
completely avoided several precautions were used to increase the
likelihood of accurate reporting.
First anonymous questionnaires were used to encourage honest
reporting and account for social desirability factors. Second,
published tests with established validity and reliability were used
when possible to measure variables. New reliability tests were
done on the current sample of subjects for all tests in this study.
Tests which were designed for children and adolescents were used
to insure developmental appropriateness and correct reading level.
To determine if the reading level was appropriate for this sample of
adolescents a pilot study was done at the test school with all grade
level subjects. All data was collected within the same month in a
classroom setting in an attempt to standardize the testing
environment. Future research should consider other methods in
addition to self-report to improve reliability and validity.
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The test used to measure perceptions of control competency
(Harter, 1988) had lower reliability (sub-scales) for this study’s
sample compared with it’s previously reported reliability. The
format of the test was confusing for many of the youth and
therefore results from this part of the study need to be questioned.
Most of the questionnaires that were eliminated from the original
data pool for this study were due to problems with this test. For
example, subjects either did not finish the test or scored it in error.
Future research on perceptions of control for the dimension of
competency would benefit from the use of a more reliable and easier
to answer measure.
Besides these general and specific methodological
considerations, the results of the present study suggest some
additional future directions for research. First, to predict
adequately levels and type of youth distress, greater specification
of the type and severity of the violence and relationship proximity
to the victim is needed. Second, attention needs to be given to the
connection between exposure to violence, hostility and perpetration.
Most previous studies on violent exposure address posttraumatic
distress symptoms which do not focus on hostility. The cycle of
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violence theory well known in domestic violence literature may well
be applicable to community violence. More research needs to be done
on protective factors such as perceptions of control and parent
support which have practical applications for intervention and
prevention.
A greater conceptual and theoretical understanding of the
effects of violence on development and social learning would further
subsequent research and policy formulation. An integration of
theories and findings from multidisciplinary fields such as
psychology, sociology, criminology and public health would best
guide future research and intervention efforts.
Additional empirical research is needed to study the ethnic,
cultural and subcultural variations in exposure and coping styles for
youth exposed to violence. It would also be recommended that
studies examine sex differences in exposure, distress and coping
with violence. Studies using younger subjects in middle school may
reflect developmental and environmental differences from the high
school population used in this study.
Research on prevention and intervention efforts to reduce
youth exposure to violence would benefit from considering which
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factors and environments (home, school, community) best target
youth at different developmental stages. The prospective data used
in this study were useful to establish associations. However, future
research that was designed to separate the causal sequences of
variables would be more useful to specify the relationships between
factors related to exposure to violence.
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200
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Hickel, Karen Lee
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Exposure to violence: Inner-city adolescent's perceptions of control and psychological distress
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Black studies,education, guidance and counseling,Education, Secondary,health sciences, public health,OAI-PMH Harvest,Psychology, clinical,sociology, criminology and penology,sociology, social structure and development
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