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Political romanticism in European literature

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Content POLITICAL ROMANTICISM IN EUROPEAN LITERATURE by- Jacqueline Olson Padgett A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Comparative Literature) January 1976 Copyright Jacqueline Olson Padgett 1976 UMI Number: DP22529 All rights reserved IN FO R M A TIO N TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Dlsswtatien Publishing UM I DP22529 Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 4 8 1 0 6 -1 3 4 6 U N IV E R S IT Y O F S O U T H E R N C A L IF O R N IA TH E GRADUATE SCHOOL U N IV E R S ITY PARK LOS ANGELES, C A LIF O R N IA 9 0 0 0 7 This dissertation, written by Jacc[ueline:..pison Padgett under the direction of h3J?... Dissertation Com mittee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by The Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of requirements of the degree of D O C T O R O F P H IL O S O P H Y Dean ACKNOWLEDGMENTS | i | Because of a few people, the writing of my disserta tion proved to be an enjoyable experience. I thank the |members of my committee for the guidance they offered. | jDr. Bernard H. Moss helped me through the historical back- |ground to my subject. Dr. Cornelius Schnauber taught me Imore about romanticism and the early nineteenth century in ! jGerman literature than I shall be able to assimilate eom- jpletely for years to come. His ideas shaped my approach iin the dissertation. It is to Dr. David H. Malone that I j !owe my largest debt of gratitude. His humanism and schol- arship will continue to serve as examples to me. For the work he did as chairman of my committee, especially at a i point when the demands on his time were great, I thank him wholeheartedly. It was particularly gratifying to benefit i from his conscientious reading of the drafts, his patience,' i iand his willingness to share his knowledge of the romantic j I period. If my dissertation has any merit at all, it is ! because of Dr, Malone*s guidance. ! There are other important debts of gratitude as well. j i jMy parents and family supported me at every stage. Friends i * • !in Los Angeles, especially Rona King, helped and continue 1 !to help with the chores involved in completing the paper i I work. Most of all, I thank Jim Padgett for his constant |encouragement and unlimited patience. He made the past i j year and a half of work go by with as much happiness as can I I ! be reasonably granted to someone in the throes of writing i a dissertation. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ii Chapter I. Introduction 1 Literature and Politics The Critical Tradition of Political Romanticism Aims of this Study II. Political Romanticismt Emergence, Evolution, Continuity..................... .. The Politicization of Romanticism The Revolutionary Prelude The Bridge to Conservative Romanticism Conservative Romanticism Reactionary Romanticism Liberalism, or the Bridge to Social Romanticism Social Romanticism III. Conclusion 158 BIBLIOGRAPHY 162 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Literature and Polities i Irving Howe tells us rather glibly that "by a politi- ical novel" he means "a novel in which political ideas play i ja dominant role or in which the political milieu is the ;dominant setting. . . .m1 Amplifying somewhat, he contin- i : ues • Perhaps it would be better to say* a novel in which we take to be dominant political ideas or the political milieu, a novel which permits this assumption without thereby suffering any radical distortion and, it follows, with the possibility of some analytical profit.2 jThis definition sidesteps the major problems involved in i i discussing politics and literature largely, it seems, be- jcause of Howe’s professed dislike of categorization.^ Iciearly, this dissertation is not the proper forum for a ^Politics and the Novel (1957s rpt. Freeport, N. Y.i Books for Libraries Press, 1970). p. 17. | 2Howe, p. 17. i I 3Howe may indeed have a distaste for categories, but ihe certainly favors one word or one phrase summings up, as |when, after brief remarks on the Nietzschian term, he con- icludes that "... Stendhal’s politics are the politics of ;the Good European" (p. 36). I i ____________________________________________________ 1 j debate on the real problems in dealing with the interaction jbetween the political and the literary. Suffice it to say | here that in a broad manner of speaking I mean "political I ' literature" to be that body of discursive and imaginative writing which stands, consciously or not, in some direct | relationship to the political thought and events of the :time in which it was written. This definition recognizes i ; that the relationship need not be one of causation, al though Napoleon's attempt to establish a st.vle empire and :Zola's J * accuse certainly attest to the two-way lines of j I causation which may exist. David V. Erdman's Blake. Proph- et against Empire« A Poet's Interpretation of the History j 1 of his own Times.^ with its splendid detail on the histor- j ; ical background to Blake's poetry, illustrates the useful- j 1 ness of bringing the element of influence to bear on the | i i •text. With Erdman of course this procedure stands, as it should, as a means to greater understanding of the text, not merely as an end in itself. Feyond causation and in- | fluence, those who attempt to chart the relationship be- ; tween literature and politics must be willing to admit, ; despite Howe and without wishing to be overly rigid, that ' ' there exist certain loosely organized categories within | | the encompassing category of political literature. Some l ! I distinction must be made between the purely occasional or i | j . \ ^Blake. Prophet against Empire. 2nd ed., rev. (Prince d o m Princeton University Press, 1969). ltopical work, the propagandists work, and the work which :raises, whether with specific historical reference or not, i [fundamental political issues, such as the relationship of • 'man to society or state. Within the romantic era, which I take to be 1789 to [1848, many authors debated the increasing politicization of [literature. Most reconciled literature and politics, but not without some signs of struggle. Generally, the debate ; fell into that greater debate of activism versus passivity. ■Thus, Musset labored over the dichotomy oens6e-action in [his belief that action was bound up with evil.^ Blake held i the same view, but treasured the evil as a manifestation of energy. Likewise, Lamartine in Des destinies de la oo§sie ssought to reconcile poetry (passivity, the internal) with 'politics (activism, the external). With less success Keats! i i ’attempted to bring together the dreamer and the doer in ! I The Fall of Hyperiont A Dream. Nor does the discussion of politics and literature stop at the level of the individual: I ! ' ipoet. Clearly, Italian romanticism, beginning with Mme de | jstael's epoch-making artiele "De 1’esprit des traductions"^j i Ion through to the censorship of II conciliatore. represents; i | !the creation by the political events of a new literary i i i I t ; -'Claude Duchet, "Musset et la politiquei Formation [des id§es et des th&mes* 1823-1833." Revue des Sciences ;Humaines. 108 (1962), 538. ^Oeuvres comolStes de Mme la baronne de Stael. oubli- l§es oar son fils (Paris? Treuttel et Wurtz, 1821), XVII, 387-399. Hereafter cited in the text as Oeuvres. j ' ’school." Even so, Grazia Avitabile is correct in warning ! that "it is a mistake to conclude that Italian romanticism i i t i , !is simply synonymous with patriotism or, even worse, to j I * 7 Jthink of it as a political movement or conspiracy. " ’ With > this rather sketchy view of some of the problems involved ^ l 1 in dealing with literature and politics, I now turn to the I , jmore specialized topic of political romanticism. The Critical Tradition of Political Romanticism ■ Definitions of political romanticism abound. That I !am adding one more simply demonstrates my belief that the j i j definitions provided by the voluminous criticism on polit- ! : I ical romanticism in literature fail to grasp the phenome- inon correctly or completely. My work stands thus as a j slight contribution toward correctness and completeness, j :"Political romanticism" in its broadest sense refers to j the political thought and activity of those literary au thors whose main production fell between 1789 and 1848. i .More specifically at this point I shall say merely that ! i I political romanticism (and I always mean only in litera ture ) developed through six organically-linked phases. iThese six phases are 1 ) the revolutionary prelude, 2) the i I i .bridge from that prelude to conservative romanticism, 3) ;conservative romanticism, 4) reactionary romanticism, ?The Controversy on Romanticism in Italyt First Phase 1816-1823 (New York:Vanni, 1959), p. 97. ; ^ i :5) liberal romanticism, or the bridge from conservative j iromanticism to social romanticism, and 6) social romanti- !cism. Chapter Two will discuss each phase individually. i i ' Previous analysis of political romanticism has failed to i r consider the phenomenon in a comparative context, a failure ! which accounts for the frequent pigeon-holing of political I iromanticism into one or another of these phases. Where 'different phases or "types" of political romanticism have ;been recognized (a rare recognition), critics have given I ;little effort to the determination of the inner cohesive- :ness which I have found to exist throughout the six phases.j ;A quick overview of the major critical stances on political!, 'romanticism will underscore the need for a new definition. ! i i First, there are those critics who deny that romantic i 'writers were capable of political thought and/or activity, iA typical attitude is that of Ricarda Huchi Unpolitisch waren die romantischen Naturen; das ; heiflt die auflere Gestaltung des Lebens, sei es I in der Familie, der Gesellschaft oder im Staate, ; interessierte sie wenig, die den Menschen in ! erster Linie als Inneres, in bezug auf das Ewige ! und Unendliche betrachteten. Sie waren keine handelnden Menschen; die Politik riQ sie aus dem weihrauchdurchdufteten Tempel des Innem. . . .8 Surely the notion is mistaken. Familie. Gesellschaft. and Staat stand as preeminent concerns of the literary romantic 8 "Romantische Politik," in Ausbreitung und Verfall der !Romantik. Part 2 of Die Romantik. 11th ed. (Leipzig; Haes- :sel, 1924), p. 296. writers. Novalis, in Glauben und Liebe. used the three concepts as building blocks for his political thought. Furthermore, Huch fails to grasp the meaning of action to !the romantic. While many of the writers did involve them- jselves on the level of practical politics, they also re garded much of their creative and discursive writings as political acts. Gbrres so considered his work on the Rhei- Inischer Merkur. Shelley so considered his Address to the i I Irish People. Those who, with Huch, see some mysterious i (incompatibility between romanticism and politics remain |fortunately few in number. ! i Many, however, are those who term political romanti- | i Icism the expression of one ideological label. Most fre- Iquently, the critics characterize political romanticism as i | "conservative" or "traditionalist" and as the politics of !restoration or reaction. These characterizations tend in 1 the main to reflect the attitudes of the critics toward po-. i Jlitical romanticism itself. Those who view it as a con- ' ; I jservative ideology believe that the political thought of i i I the romantic writers was built on a solid theoretical foun- | I ! i ! idationj those who view it as the politics of restoration or! 1 reaction accept it primarily as the expression of political jpragmatism. Generally, the ascription of the conservative jlabel to the political thought of the romantics comes about when critics deal with German romanticism. Goetz A. BPiefs and Karl Mannheim thus speak of a conservative romanticism in Germany.9 Jacques Droz avoids at once the narrowness of Briefs and the determinism of Mannheim, for whom conserva- Itism proved the only possible reaction to the immediate jpost-1789 political events. Accordingly, from an interac- !tion between traditional conservatism and emerging nation- !alism resulted a new and less dogmatic political stance* Du romantisme sortira un conservatisme liberal qui est un des traits originaux de la pens§e politique de ceite ipoque et qui correspond aux exigences d’une soci6t§, dont les anciennes classes dirigeantes ont conscience que des sa crifices et des compromis doivent §tre consen- tis au monde moderne, mais pretendent conserver malgr§ tout, sur le plan politique, social et Sconomique, le eontrdle de la chose publique.-*-® ' The label "traditionalist” is a variation on the label i . ! I"conservative." The critics use the word "traditionalist" !as they seek to establish a rapprochement between the early I jGerman romantics and those known as "traditionalists," that ■is, Burke, Maistre, and Bonald. Carl Schmitt-Dorotic, es- Ipecially in his belief that political pragmatism provided ;the major impetus to the writers in question, serves as the ;typical advocate of the traditionalist label. Schmitt- 9 ‘ "The Economic Philosophy of Romanticism," Journal of 'the History of Ideas. 2 (19*+l), 299; "The Social Structure ! of Romantic and Feudalistic Conservatism," in Essa.vs on !Sociology and Social Psychology, ed. Paul Kecskemeti (Lon don s Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1953)# P# 12^. j -^Jacques Droz, Le Romantisme allemand et I'Stati R6- 1sistance et collaboration dans fAllemagne naoolgonienne !(Parist Payot, 1966), p. 18. Hereafter cited as Droz, 1Romantisme. ; Dorotic attacks political romanticism on this very basis as ]being "occasionalist." Occasionalism represents an attempt j in all romantic thought to solve basic antitheses by a re- ! sort to a "higher" third which negates the antitheses with out actually resolving them. When applied to politics, oc- ! casionalism results in what one could call expediency or j | lack of principle. Political romantics end up as little i 'more than mercenaries* I i | Solange die Revolution da ist, ist die poli- ' tische Romantik revolutionar, mit der Beendi- gung der Revolution wird sie konservativ, und j in einer ausgesprochen reaktionaren Restauration weiS sie auch solchen Zustanden die positive | Gefiihlsseite abzugewinnen.H I ' From parallels with the traditionalists Schmitt-Dorotic ! | ! ! proceeds to assert that Friedrich Schlegel and Adam Muller ! simply indulged in "Wiederholung" of what they found in 1 1 ? ; traditionalist writings. In the end, he rejects a true ! affinity, the traditionalists being genuine political ae- i tivists, the romantics mere exponents of a "feminine j | Schwarmerei."^ Political pragmatism, according again to J ! Schmitt-Dorotic, explains the identification of political | jromanticism with "Restauration, feudal-klerikale Reaktion, j I j i •^Carl Schmitt-Dorotic, "Politische Theorie und Roman- ; tik," Historische Zeitschrift. 123 (1921), 383* Hereafter | cited as Schmitt-Dorotic, "Theorie." j ^"Theorie," pp. 381 and 39^. ! ^Schmitt-Dorotic, "Theorie," p. 398. politische Unfreiheit."1^ What is missing in Schmitt- :Dorotic*s appraisal and in the arguments of the proponents I of this view is an understanding that reactionary romanti- i i eism stood as hut one phase in the developing political I thought of romanticism, a phase it quickly transcended. I i Just as the critics generally term the political :thought of the German romantic authors "conservative," so I the critics use the term "social romanticism" to describe the political stances of the French romantics. Complieat- |ing the issue here is the prevalent mistaken idea that for I some reason romanticism and reform naturally go together. i Happily, most critics who recognize social romanticism do so in the knowledge that it emerged out of a less socially-J !concerned romanticism. Nonetheless, several dismiss anoth-j ; ! i er non-social period as not "truly" romantic. j I ■ ! ! Beginning with Paul Kluckhohn the notion of different j "types" of political romanticism gained ground, although without my insistence on the strong evolutionary links be- j tween the phases. Kluckhohn, in connection with political j i ;romanticism, warned against the use of the label of "con- ' i I !servative" or "reactionary" alone. He considers it inap- j i propriate "die politische Auswirkung der romantischen An- | t j lsehauungen ohne weiteres mit der Reaktion oder Restauration Igleichzusetzen oder mit den Ideen der preuBischen ( i ! ^Politische Romantik (Munchen and Leipzigi Duncker i & Humblot, 1919)» pp. 382-383. Hereafter cited as Schmitt-j ■Dorotic, Romantik. Konservativen.”15 He points to Uhland, Baader, and Bettina as examples of a non-conservative romanticism. One might I add that Young Germany represented a strong anti-conserva- I ;tive force} an emerging worker literature likewise belies ithe distance between some late German romantics and the i |conservative-reactionary camp.-^ Nonetheless, and typical t jof those who do recognize in political romanticism more |than one tendency, Kluckhohn considers the conservative t I phase as the dominant one. Others, of course, depending on perspective, consider social romanticism dominant. I I j Pierre BarbSris alone has sought to discover a conti- |nuity between two phases of political romanticism. He • distinguishes a romantisme de droite (romantisme aristo- I icratioue) and a romantisme de gauche. Romantisme aristo- i 1cratiaue results from the 6mlgrd experience and manifests I !itself in two sets of themest 1) Mla mise en oeuvre lit- t§raire des thSmes de la solitude et de la difficult^ 'd,§tre," and 2) wla critique et 1*analyse du dSsordre et j de 1*absurdity moderne. . . . On the other hand, ”le | ‘ j •^Personlichkeit und Gemeinschaft: Studien zur IStaatsauffassung der deutschen Romantik. Deutsche Viertel- I j jahrsschrift (Buchreihe), Vol. 5 (Hallej Niemeyer, 1925)* I |p. 98. | 1 1 j XDSee Ingrid Pepperle's "Literatur des deutschen Friih- ;proletariats,” Weimarer Beitrage. 18, No. 3 (1972), 123-^3• ; 17pierre BarbSris, ”Mal du siecle ou d'un romantisme ■de droite a un romantisme de gauche,” in Romantisme et po litique 1815-1851» Collogue de l*Ecole Normale SunSrieure 1de Saint-Cloud (1966). No ed. (Paris; Colin, 19^9). P. lZSl ! romantisme de gauche, ee ne peut etre que le romantisme qui i pose le probl&me fundamental de la soci§t§ brougeoise, le l 8 probleme de 1*argent," In the romanticism of the right, then, the authors transform a political reality into lit erary themes reflecting the exile experience. In the ro manticism of the left, little such transformation of the dominant political reality, money, occurs as the authors |examine it in literature (Eug&nle Grandet and Les Mis§ra- i ♦ !bles certainly attest to the fact). Mai du sifecle is com- | _ ' - - ■ - t I men to both* Alors le doute? le fameux doute romantique? II est n# de la crise de la confiance des hommes en leur soci§te. II est ne chez les aristo- crates le jour oti la Revolution, en ayant lieu et en durant. leur a prouvA que leurs certitudes §taient incertaines et leur §ternit£ mortelle. II est nd chez les bourgeois le jour oti leur §conomie triomphante a montrg ses premieres le- zardes, ses premieres insuffisances, le jour ou il a commence a devenir clair que la merveilleuse machine a drainer les energies, non seulement en laissait perdre, mais encore en gcrasait et en sacrifiait,1? |What must be pointed out is that while mal du siScle re- , I |spends to a political situation, it results more important-j j i :ly from the growth of a literary theme which pre-dates the j ! ! !French Revolution, It is, thus, not merely a political I |response, but rather a literary theme, which, in the con- |text of the emigrg experience and later in the context I -^•®Barb#ris, p, 179. -^BarbSris, p. 179. of the encounter with the deceptions of the industrializing world, assumes a political meaning. Werther certainly ex hibits the themes which Barb#ris associates with the ro- 'mantisme aristocratiquet solitude, "difficult# d'etre," or !passivity/activism problematics, chaos, and absurdity. |Just as certainly, however, Werther*s mal du sifecle does |not represent a directly political response. Such a direct i response does form the mal du siecle of a Ren#, but de- i :spite our knowledge that his character originates in the I Jmigr6 experience, we sense the more fundamental response j I of an essentially non-political figure. In other words, ;the response results much more from the character of Ren# !molded in melancholy childhood than from the sole impact iof external events. His mal du si#cle serves as much as a 1 pre-condition for the political response as the result of [such a response. Nonetheless, there appears at least in , Barb#ris a recognition that the themes of romanticism ;underwent growth, that there was a certain continuity from |the romantisme de droite to the romantisme de gauche. j I jStill, he insists on external factors (the emier# experi- jenee and the new importance of money) as the primary movers i toward the emergence of the two phases. The growth does not stem from within the movement, but from outside. What i iremains refreshing about Barb#ris* discussion, despite his 'emphasis on an externally-induced political romanticism, is his reluctance to see the two phases as distinctly separate • I ; f ! 12 I phenomena linked only by a sudden shift from one to the other. He views the themes of the romantisme aristocra- ’1 - - ■ ' If - > tiaue as evolving into those of the romantisme de gauche, jContinuity, not abrupt change, characterizes the relation- i |ships among the phases of the political thought of the ro- !mantics. i ! : Clearly, the critics have fostered several misconcep- i i itions about political romanticism in literature. They have :sought to identify political romanticism with one ideolo- Igical label. Generally, the critical tradition ascribed a }label on the basis of the nationality of the author. Thus, 'German romantics frequently are called "conservative,” * jFrench romantics "social." When the critics recognized I I that many writers did not fall conveniently into the slot i ichosen for the romanticism of one particular national !literature, they resorted to terming one or another phase j ; "dominant." Finally, except for Pierre BarbSris, the crit-| i I ics who do recognize more than one tendency in romantic j ! political thought do so without testing for any continuity j i | Jamong the tendencies. Even BarbSris makes of the eontinu- | i • , : : lty a product of external events. ; j i j Alms of this Study I In order to correct the critical misconceptions about I political romanticism, this study has two aims» l) the I 'elucidation of the comparative context of political I romanticism, and 2) a new definition of political romanti cism based on that comparative context. By "comparative context," I mean the manifestation of political romanticism ! i ■ in the works of the authors of the major European litera- i |tures between roughly 1?89 and 1848. To achieve these [aims, I propose to survey the six phases I have identified I !with a view toward understanding how they differ and how I !they are organically linked. I j CHAPTER II i | POLITICAL ROMANTICISM: EMERGENCE, EVOLUTION, CONTINUITY The Politicization of Romanticism i i At a time when the works of Solzhenitsyn have politi- ,cal consequences probably more significant than any liter- i f | ary consequences, to speak of a separation between art and , i politics appears needless. And yet the conflict between ! : | poetry and politics stood unresolved for the romantic writ-j ers. It figures thematically in work after work from Mme ,de Stael's De la littSrature to Keats's The Fall of Hyperi-l on! A Dream, A gulf separated the world of the romantic i :imagination from that of the reality of political events, and whether art should bridge the gap or not remained a j question demanding an answer from those writers, j The notion of a "politicized" romanticism has little ! i ! i 1 !currency even though the critical tradition frequently ! ; I speaks of "political romanticism," Critics accept the lat-j l i !ter term without inquiring into the origins. There are J several ways in which the romantic authors may be said to jhave been politicized! 1) after the French Revolution and I 'with the coming of industrialization, art's place in ; i5' society became inextricably bound up with the social, the economic, in short, the political; 2) romanticism moved |from early theoretical pronouncements on its aesthetic pur- iposes into a practice which increasingly exhibited a poli ticized view of the function of literature and of the poet; j3) romanticism developed from generalized concerns (theo- 1 I . ^izing, interest in the fundamentals of politics) to spe- I jcific concerns with the workings of government, concerns i !which necessarily led to personal political action, t The French Revolution signaled that point in the his- I J tory of art when the artist could no longer remain aloof |from the political realities of his time. With the Revolu- I Ition, the higher classes, which in former times had made I , ithe artist's profession viable only as one of dependence, i ilost power. Art stood on its own. Industrialization cre- i i :ated a new intimacy between art and the emerging middle j I class. The break with tradition effected by the revolu- ! ;tions in France and in industry demanded a similar break with literary tradition. Wordsworth's Preface to L.vrical :Ballads (as Hazlitt told us long ago) grew out of such a j i 'demand. Much later, Hugo's Preface to Cromwell would also | irecognize that freedom in one sphere cannot tolerate a lack! ; I jof freedom in another* the aims of literature were forced jto harmonize with those of politics. This process of poli- i jtieization in literature moved forward ineluctably. When ! |Shelley closes his Defence of Poetry with the statement i i i i i 16; !that "Poets are the unacknowledged legislators of the | !world," there is insistence on the fact that art and poli tics are one, despite what the public may acknowledge and ! :despite what the poet himself may acknowledge. It is l largely the poet who remains unaware of his political mis- l Ision. Art can no longer recede into the fabled ivory tow- ' er. That tower fell along with the Bastille. I ; It is startling in view of the impact of the French Revolution on literature as a whole and on Friedrich Schle- |gel in particular to read Idee 106 in the Athenaeum* I . . . * Nicht in die politische Welt verschleudere du Glauben und Liebe, aber in der gottliehen Welt I der Wissenschaft und der Kunst opfre dein In- ! nerstes in den heiligen Feuerstrom ewiger Bil- | dung.1 1 The immediate addressee is of course Hovalis (with the |words Glauben und Liebe). who stood as the most politi cized poet of the early romantics. Jacques Droz in fact !believes Novalis to have been the agent of politicization j . I !for German romanticism.^ The ultimate addressee is the j i I poet of the new "progressive Universalpoesie" of Fragment | i ■^August Wilhelm Schlegel and Friedrich Schlegel, j iAthenaeum? Eine Zeitschrift (Bterlin: Heinrich Frolich, j |1800), III, No. 1, 22. Hereafter cited in the text as iAthenaeum. I ^L'Allemagne et la Revolution francaise (Paris* ;Presses Universitaires de France, 19^9)» P» ^6l. Hereafter 'cited as Droz, Allemagne. L 1116.3 Hj.s duty consists in rendering "das Leben und die i jGesellschaft poetisch" (Athenaeum. I, No. 2, 28), Any |politicization of art can only demean it. Art’s only re- I Jlationship t© politics reveals itself as that of a guide. ;While the political world remains one devoid of morality !(Athenaeum. Ill, No. 1, 22), art transcends any attachment 1 1 to the actual, the quotidian. The poet can thus have no ;political role; poetry merely elucidates a higher order I ! and encourages politics to become poeticized, to belong to !this new order. Poetry's role is purely educative, not 1 participatory. Der Kunstler darf eben so wenig herrschen als dienen wollen. Er kann nur bilden, nichts als bilden, fur den Staat also nur das thun, daft er Herrseher und Diener bilde, daft er Politiker und Oekonomen zu Kunstlern erhebe. (Athenaeum. Ill, No. 1, 1*0 .Curiously, the Athenaeum* s position against politicized jliterature stands in direct opposition to romantic theory i j iand contemporary romantic practice. Theory (especially in j ■Novalis, who also practiced it) insisted on the unification! i i i ;of all realms of endeavor, not through the annihilation of i i ! 1 i ione, but through the assimilation of all. Practice had al-! j j |ready shown Friedrich Schlegel politically aware in the i | Versuch liber den Renublikanismus and in Lucihde. The I ! ^August Wilhelm Schlegel and Friedrich Schlegel, I Athenaeum; Eine Zeitschrift (Berlin; Friedrich Vieweg dem jaiteren, 1798), I, No. 2, 28. Hereafter cited in the text :as Athenaeum. [Athenaeum itself contains numerous references to politics I I I in the Fragmente as well as in the Ideen. There, after jail, Schlegel in Fragment 216 included the French Revolu- i i ; tion as one of the three great "Tendenzen des Zeitalters" ! along with Wilhelm Meister and Fichte's Wissenschaftslehre ;(Athenaeum. I, No. 2, 56). Importantly, however, the Athe- ■naeum consistently dissociates politics from literature, i Even "An die Deutschen" with its pronounced cultural na tionalism carefully avoids becoming an overtly political ’poem. The battle for Germany's superiority will be won on •the cultural front, not on the political ones it is part ofj 1 "des Geistes heilgen Krieg" (Athenaeum. Ill, No. 2, 168), j Nonetheless, in the Athenaeum romanticism emerges as a dy- j namic movement, accepting no boundaries, no stasis* in itsi ;perpetual Werden politicization was inevitable. ! In the other major programmatic text of early romanti cism, Wordsworth's Preface to L.vrical Ballads. similar problems of incorporating a political purpose to romanti- ! ; ' I eism, the aesthetic movement, arise. Just as Schlegel's j I"progressive Universalpoesie" reflects the tradition-break-j | j ,ing and cosmopolitan outlook born of the French Revolution,: so Wordsworth's new poetry drawn from the masses (in theo- j ry, if not in practice) bears the mark of the Revolution's jthrust toward freedom and newness. Nevertheless, here too, ;as in the Athenaeum, poetry's role vis-a-vis politics re- jmains educative, not participatory. Again a gulf separates l______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________19- fthe order of the real, to which those "sickly and stupid iGerman Tragedies"^ cater, having abdicated the true mission |of Poetry, Politics and industrialization unite to demean | ; man i • , , a multitude of causes, unknown to former times, are now acting with a combined force to blunt the discriminating powers of the mind, and unfitting it for all voluntary exertion, to reduce it to a state of almost savage tor por, (Preface. p. 117) !Poetry's weapon against this demeaning force consists not ' " I j in involving itself directly as the German tragedies did j i (and so demeaned themselves), but in counteraction, Edu- i |cation and example are primary: again Schlegel and Words- i | worth grant to poetry the same function with respect to i ipolitics. Again the poet's practice belies his theoretical; t | pronouncements. Politicized from the start, testimony to j * 1 : which he gives in The Prelude. Wordsworth cannot escape, asj !no post-Revolutionary poet can, the necessary bond between ;poetry and politics. j Keats anguished over the bond with feelings of inade- ■ !quacy. Lamartine initially felt a need to divorce the two*j :poetry for feeling, politics for action. Friedrich Schle- j I | fgel proclaimed the necessity for patriotic poetry soon j after the Athenaeum in "Bei der Wartburg" and "Am Rheine." ^W, J. B! » Owen, ed., Wordsworth's Preface to Lyrical |Ballads. Anglistica, Vol. 9 (Copenhagen: Rosenkildeand I Bagger, 1957)* P» 117. Hereafter cited in the text as 'Preface. Romanticism had undergone politicization, and though the | theme of poetry versus politics remained a constant, the answer to the question had been given at the outset. Art j had to bridge the gap between itself and the economic and | political realities. These realities were to provide the i | impetus and subject matter for art from that point forward. I Finally, there is the third sense in which we may | | speak of romanticism as politicized. This sense actually i j refers to a renewed politicization in which the general | political concerns of early romanticism become specific. I The cosmopolitanism of Novalis in Ghristenheit oder Eurooa ! I • j I becomes the nationalism of Jahn. The cultural introspec- i ! ! tion of Tieck and Wackenroder evolves into the politically 1 ; ■ | 'motivated cultural introspection of Des Knaben Wunderhorn j : i 1 intended for mass consumption. While the early romantics, I I ;such as Holderlin and Blake, dwelt on political and social .realities on the level of compassion, their later progres sive counterparts supplemented compassion with sober in- J j vestigation of institutions responsible for social injus- J ' i :tice and with actual involvement in the political process. ; I i i It is precisely this development which reveals itself ! j in the relationship between the early revolutionary enthu- ! j siasm and the later re-evaluation of the Revolution. In |the enthusiasm, concern for the workings of government were i isubordinated to the critical concerns regarding the role of I igovernment in society, man’s relationship to that government, the relationship of the state to religion, and so forth. Only in the re-evaluation of the Revolution by such people as Mme de Stael, Byron, and Lamartine did po- jlitical romanticism get to looking at the problems of day- I ' to-day government. Realism entered the political thought i j of the romantic authors. I f f o longer did it suffice for the j poet to be the national prophet, as in Holderlin, or the ! unacknowledged legislator of Shelley. The poet came to re- ; gard his role as participant, rather than as an educating, t ; condescending guide, as he was portrayed in Schlegel and I Wordsworth. Engagement becomes the imperative of the day. ; Byron sails off to die in Greece. Sainte-Beuve in his 1831 ! "Espoir et voeu du mouvement littgraire et pogtique aprgs 1 la revolution de 1830" calls forth the new age in which i peuple et poetes vont marcher ensemble, une pgriode nouvelle s’ouvre pour la pogsie* I'art est dgsormais sur le pied commun, dans 1’arSne avec tous, c6te & c6te avec 1*infatigable hu- , manitg.5 ' ■ The aims of politics and of literature must be mutually | supportive. Hugo’s 1828 Preface to the Odes exclaims as | much* "Espgrons qu’un jour le dix-neuviSme siecle, poli- i | tique et littgraire, pourra §tre r§sum§ d*un mot* la ^Premiers Lundis: dgbut des portraits littdraires. Vol. 1 of Oeuvres. ed. Maxime Leroy, Bibliothgque de la PlSiade, Vol. 80 (Paris* Gallimard, 1956), p. 377. Here- ; after cited in the text as Lundis. liberty dans l’ordre, la liberty dans l’art,"^ Political romanticism here abandons its mission of merely commenting |and guiding* action is demanded. Where commentary contin ues to be tolerated, it must deal with actuality, real in stitutions, real issues, and no longer with the ideal or !the generalized, ! Why and when this process of renewed politicization :occurred can be explained in many ways. Jakob Baxa insists i ;that Fichte determined each step which the romantics took jin the development of their political thought.? Certainly, the Napoleonic wars and the threat they posed to the indi vidual nation--which H. G. Schenk calls the threat of ; o "standardization"— produced a turning inward. The results i I of this introspection appeared initially as cultural land- j ! -marks, which, however, contained within themselves the po- i itential for politicization. The new feeling for cultural .identity was easily mobilized into a new politicized feel- ;ing for national identity. Eugene N. Anderson bases the I ! i i emergence of political romanticism on the impact of these | ’ I | < 1 ^Oeuvres po6tiques completes, ed. Francis Bouvet (Pa- ! Iris: Pauvert, 1961), p. 9, Hereafter cited in the text as | ' Oeuvres. 1 7 I 'Einfuhrung in die romantische Staatswissenschaft. 2nd | jed., rev., Erganzungsbande zur Sammlung Herdflamme, Vol. k !(Jenai Fischer, 1931), p. 63. Hereafter cited as B&xa, IStaatswissenschaft. 1 ~ ' . ' R I °The Mind of the European Romantics 1 An Essay in Cul tural History (1966* rot. Garden Citvt Anchor Books, 19^9), P. 18. revolutionary and Napoleonic wares In the succeeding years /ifter the French Rev olution^ the danger became acutely political, and the German Romanticists were compelled to subordinate their preoccupation with the wid ening of art and the enrichment of individual experience to social and political ideas and actions. . . .9 !Droz seconds the view with his assertion that "le roman- ;tisme deviendra au cours de la periode napol§onienne une •force politique."^-0 For example (and there are numerous ‘examples), these wars moved a politically indifferent Achim, ! . ! |von Arnim to a highly politicized poetry. August Wilhelm j 'Schlegel states pointedly in his M&noire sur l*€tat de ' l*Allemagne et sur les moyens d*y former une insurrection I inationale of 1812 that Les paroles imprimees d6sormais ne sont que des fadaises, si elles ne sont pas accompa- gn6es d’action. La plume ne doit plus mar cher qu*avec l’6pee, et elle doit porter des coups aussi d6cisifs.il In his usual manner, Schmitt-Doroti# cannot accept the sin- I i [ I jeerity of such words and actions on the part of romantic . ! | Iwriters. He insists that "wo die politische Aktivitat j ; i I 9 ‘ ^"German Romanticism as an Ideology of Cultural Cri- jsis," Journal of the History of Ideas. 2 (19^1), 301* ^"°Droz, Romantisme. p. 85. . "^Norman King, "A. W. Schlegel et la guerre de lib€- 'ratiom Le M6moire sur l'gtat de 1'Allemagne," Cahiers Staeliens. NS 16 (1973), 19. beginnt, hort die politische Romantik auf. . . ,"12 romantics prove him wrong. J Just as the French Revolution provided the initial im- Ipetus, so the 1830 Revolution had a significant politiciz- j : ing effect at a point at which romanticism in France had !barely begun its move away from the generalized concerns. The Preface to Cromwell previews the renewed politicization in which shackles on any activity were seen as menacing every activity. The romantic poet now had a stake in poli tics, for its aims reflected those of art. Lamartine t I j delves into practical politics where he will remain impor- Itant until 1848.^ Hugo proclaims his view of the politi- |cized role of drama in the 1833 Preface to Lucrece Borgia> ! 1 | ". . . le drame, sans sortir des limites imp§riales de Il'art, a une mission nationale, une mission sociale, une i . I I mission humaine,"-*- Not far off was the Saint-Simonian j | I ; conception of the artist, the new propagandist for the ; cause, whose efforts made art but a vehicle for political ; activity. Literature stood inescapably bound to the polit-i | ical world and its demands. ! ! ! | 12 : j Sehmitt-Dorotic, Romantik. p. 162. ; -^See Henri Guillemin, Lamartine et la question soci- ! ale (documents inddits) (Geneves Plon, 1946), for details on Lamartine the practical politician. •^ThS&tre complet. Biblioth&que de la Pleiade, Vol. 170 (Pariss Gallimard, 1964), II, 289. j Politicization proved to be a recurrent factor in the I development of the political thought during the romantic era. We are now ready to turn to a survey of that thought j from its origins to its culmination. Once the first gen- ! eration of romantic writers had undergone politicizationf ! J they reacted with brief enthusiasm to the events in Revo- i | lutionary France. They then proceeded to develop a con servative political philosophy. This philosophy in turn 1 became rigid as it gave way to reactionary romanticism in ; which a close identification between the state and an es- | tablished church determined political thought and activi- j ; ty. In other minds romanticism shed its association with I ) w i j conservatism and reaction, and politicized itself anew as 1 a force working for social causes. This social romanticism! ; ! 1 perpetuates itself on through the nineteenth century and j : may be said to reach a climax in the work of the natural ists and the ultimate extension of its assumptions in i i i Marxist literature. ! i In order to examine these developments, I have fur- | ; ther divided this chapter into six sections which will I i ! recount the growth of politicized romanticism. These - sections treat* 1) the revolutionary prelude to political | romanticism, 2) the bridge to conservative romanticism, I 3) conservative romanticism, 4) reactionary romanticism, , 5) liberalism, or the bridge to social romanticism, and I 1 6) social romanticism. To define political romanticism, i i i 26 fas so often has been done, as the expression of any one of I |these political philosophies in isolation overlooks the ! i fact that romanticism encompassed several different polit- j ical philosophies. Without an acceptance of this encompas- !sing nature, there can be no real understanding of the i jpolitical thought and activity of the romantic authors, I I The Revolutionary Prelude | The term ’ ’revolutionary prelude” expresses the notion i I that romanticism came of age as a result of the immediate i |events of 1789 and that its reaction to those events forms i jpart of the process of emergence. The reaction constitutes i |thus a prelude to the fully-developed political thought of j i i jthe romantics. It spawned the two major currents of polit-i i i |ical romanticism, the conservative which rejected the prin-1 • I ciples of the Revolution while nonetheless acknowledging j i its historical importance, and the social which based it self on the ideals of the Revolution and gave its histori- ! , cal importance a new positive interpretation. What I call :the "revolutionary prelude" represents thus the formative j :period of political romanticism. It is incorrect to term j jthis period "political romanticism"* it stands at the be- j I 1 jginning as an impetus to what was to come. Enthusiasm, rather than serious reflection, characterizes the political jthought of those romantics who participated in the revolu tionary prelude. When that enthusiasm gave way to the actual writing down of a political philosophy, the grand drama was already over. How the epilogue to the drama (the Terror, Napoleon) was interpreted determined whether the ! j enthusiasm of the prelude denied itself or perpetuated it- iself into a new-found dedication to social causes.^ I J Among those who later turned against the Revolution !after the initial enthusiasm are several of the later lead- :ing proponents of conservative romanticism, Novalis, in :spite of his ties to the aristocracy, enthused over the I ispectacle of a nation arising against its tradition. To Novalis, whose attitude was fundamentally determined by aesthetic considerations, the Revolution seemed a gigantic drama, a prome thean attempt of mankind to challenge the established order.1® iA restrained positive judgment of the Revolution as a grand! I |historical event and a later insistence on the ideal soci- I !ety as being the union of the republican and the monarchi- I |cal combine to place Novalis in the role of a transition j i 'figure, not wholly within the category of the conservative i i ! "^Howard Mumford Jones, Revolution and Romanticism j i (Cambridge* Harvard University Press, 197^), provides a jbroadly cultured and popularizing introduction to our sub- !ject. j 1^Reinhold Aris, History of Political Thought in Ger- imany from 1789 to 1815 (London: Allen & Unwin, 1936), p. 2 6 8 . Hereafter cited as Aris, History. See also Wil- fried Malsch, "Europa**: Poetische Rede des Novalis: Deu- tung der franzosischen Revolution und Reflexion auf die Poesie in der Geschichte (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1965)• romantics, belonging in some measure on the bridge to so cial romanticism. Novalis speaks of an ideal society rath er than of a government; he dwelt little on actual politi- | leal institutions. With the impact of Burke,1' 7 Novalis* I position as a conservative romantic is assured, j In Josef Gorres' enthusiasm there is testimony to the ! fundamentally non-political approach of the early romantics ! , I to the Revolution. Gorres was nonetheless politically ; aware, having studied Montesquieu and Rousseau and having i 18 I followed closely the events of the Revolution. Agitation \ j for the union of the Rhineland with France proved no uncom- ; mon cause for the Rhenish intellectual. Enthusiasm expand- ’ ed in the Rhineland to a call to action for the union. As ! a witness to his enthusiasm Gorres edited two pro-revolu- i I | tionary journals, Das rote Blatt (1798) and Rubezahl (1798- ! 1799K 1^ which never attained the prominence the anti-Napo- leonic Rheinischer Merkur subsequently did. With the pam- j 1 phlet of 1798, Der allgemeine Friede. ein Ideal. Gorres en-j ; ters the ranks of the anti-monarchical, anti-Catholic j j forces of the Revolution.20 As usual with the early roman- * j j tic enthusiasts, however, his thought proceeds from a j < i ; I ! ^Aris, History, p. 270. | 1®Baxa, Staatswissenschaft. p. 38. J 1^Hans Reiss, Politisches Denken in der deutschen Ro- ! mantik, DALP-Taschenbiicher, Vol. 386 (Bern and Munchen* i Francke, 1986), p. Hereafter cited as Reiss, Denken. ! 20Reiss, Denken, p. 55* non-political attitude. Aris stresses this non-political basis in reference to the 1798 pamphlet* Gorres was a republican in this period not because he believed or even conceived as pos sible that the economic development required some sort of self-government, but because he was convinced that the principle of virtue was secured only in a republic and that only the republic realises the moral postulates.21 ! His approach remains that of a moralist, not of a political |thinker. As his primary political principle, one can cite |merely "his hatred of absolutism."22 This hatred led to his preference for a representative system. j Equally non-political in approach was Wordsworth, j (whose revolutionary enthusiasm has been well researched.^ j j I Wordsworth in The Prelude admits having misunderstood the I realities of politics in the days of fervor, although he 24 I rightly insists on his sincerity. Chief among the j ^Aris, History, p. 327. ? ? i Aris, History, p. 327. i 23see Albert Elmer Hancock, The French Revolution and j the English Poets* A Study in Historical Criticism (New ; ■ j York* Holt. 1899) . and Charles Cestre. La Revolution fran-i |caise et les poetes anglais (1789-1809) (Paris* Hachette, i il906), among others. Specifically on Wordsworth, see Les- i |lie F. Chard II, Dissenting Republican* Wordsworth’s Ear- ( ' l.y Life and Thought in their Political Context. Studies in I ;English Literature, Vol. 66 (The Hague and Paris* Mouton, (1972). I 24 I William Knight, ed., The Poetical Works of William 1 Wordsworth (London and New York* Macmillan, 1896>), III, (333. All subsequent citations of Wordsworth’s poetry are j from this edition in eight volumes and will be given in the itext as Poetical Works by volume and page number. I i_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 30 |documents of Wordsworth's revolutionary period stands the J I decidedly Rousseauan Letter to the Bishop of Llandaff. ! | Wordsworth and most English romantics came to Rousseau and |other eighteenth-century political thinkers via William |Godwin, whose Political Justice "Pitt had refused to sup- i ! press because it was too expensive and too dull to produc'e I jany h a r m . " 2 5 Little personal political thought emerges; |"the material and even the vocabulary" belong to the Con- i p i trat social. The ideal of democratic republicanism, as !the ideal of Rousseau must, harmonized with the principles i |of the Revolution. Here Wordsworth condemns monarchy. I Nor is "pure democracy" an ideal. Gorres rejected it for i !the same commonly held Rousseauan belief in its impracti- I ,cability on a large scale. Rather,.the best to be hoped :for turns out to be a "system of universal representa- 27 tion." 1 Popular tyranny may result during the move from monarchy to representative government, but Wordsworth's faith sustains him long enough to express a soon-to-fall ^Alfred Cobban, Edmund Burke and the Revolt against the Eighteenth Century: A Study of the Political and So- ' cial Thinking of Burke. Wordsworth. Coleridge and Southe.v. j2nd ed. (Londons Allen & Unwin, 19^0), p. I j 6 , I 2^Crane Brinton, The Political Ideas of the English Romanticists (Oxfords Oxford University Press, 1926), !P. 52. ^William Knight, ed., Prose Works of William Words worth (Londons Macmillan, I896), I, 11. All subsequent 'citations of Wordsworth's prose are from this edition in I two volumes and will be given in the text as Prose by vol- ;ume and page number. t conviction that tyranny will subside quickly and effort lessly. At the time of the writing of his Letter, which i I ' he never sent, Wordsworth accepts utilitarianism and con- I Itractualism. "Government is at best a necessary evil" I * (Prose. I, 17). This stance, and it is largely a pose, contrasts sharply with Wordsworth's later move toward col- I ilectivism. Likewise, his attack on Burke's historicism i ! (Prose. I, 25) will stand in opposition to his later ap- ' preciation of tradition. Principles compromised themselves I before long, and Wordsworth molded his ideals to fit the t j I changing political situation in Europe longer than one ! j J , would think tolerable. First came the justification of thej I ! . I king's execution, a justification which adopted Machiavel- ■ l lian notions. There followed a justification of the Ter- | 1 ror, to him the final, long anticipated overflowing of "a S 1 terrible reservoir of guilt and ignorance which had been { p f t i accumulating down the ages. . . ,M£:o Finally, principles . I could bend no more. Explanations held no longer. Napole- ! : onic wars turned from wars of liberation to wars of aggres-j 1 i sion. What made the disillusion in Wordsworth and others j 1 i ' so poignant is the final acceptance on their part that the I I I Revolution had not signaled, or had failed to carry i through, the beginning of the millennium. | I pQ | £ Renee Winegarten, Writers and Revolutiont The Fatal : Lure of Action (New York* New Viewpoints, 197^)» P* 29* j M. H. Abrams has made of this millennial thought and I of the transformations it later underwent the focus of his 1 ! iNatural Supernaturalismi Tradition and Revolution in Ro- j imantic Literature.Succinctly stating the thesis, Abrams i 'notes that "faith in an apocalypse by revelation had been i ;replaced by faith in an apocalypse by revolution, and this ;now gave way to faith in an apocalypse by imagination or .cognition."3° The millennium proved impossible in the world of politics, and, therefore, the hope was transferred |to the inner world of the self. In Wordsworth this processj j lied to such imagery as that of mastery and servitude, im- j iagery drawn from the political world but now applied to the! activities of the self.-^ Wordsworth himself refers to his! r :millennial thought at the time of the Revolution in a pas- j sage from The Prelude. The passage relates Beaupuy’s reac- i jtion to the sight of a young girl bound by hunger and work. j I with him believed i 1 That a benignant spirit was abroad Which might not be withstood, that poverty j Abject as this would in a little time | Be found no more, that we should see the earth ' | Unthwarted in her wish to recompense j The meek, the lowly, patient child of toil, ! All institutes for ever blotted out i ; That legalised exclusion, empty pomp. 1 : (Poetical Works. Ill, 309) ! ! , j 2^Natural Supernaturalism (New Yorks Norton, 1971). 3°Abrams, p. 334. t I j ^Abrams t pp. 356-57. t j i This fervent hope in the Revolution as millennium led Wordsworth to look upon the criminal means used by the rev olutionaries to consolidate their gains as but the neees- |sary, transitory, albeit unfortunate, step toward the apoc- 'alypse. ! Enthusiasm, which had brought Wordsworth to France, |led him eventually back to England. The Sonnets Dedicated to Liberty express a new-found patriotism and constitute 'the foundation on which his conservatism grew, Wordsworth came to revolutionary France a political neophyte? enthu siasm provided, as it were, a passage-way from innocence toI i ;experience. i Coleridge differed from Wordsworth here in that he ap-j |peared on the scene very much politically a w a r e . While Coleridge began from a position of experience, he nonethe less travelled much the same path as Wordsworth. Their po litical thought runs parallel from revolutionary enthusiasm to conservative and on to reactionary romanticism. It is j i I .against Coleridge’s own wishes that he is included as a j irepresentative of revolutionary fervor, but of course not | | i against fact. In The Friend. Coleridge states categorical-! i i ]ly of himself that “I was never myself, at any period of myj life, a convert to the Jacobinical system.From the | 32winegarten, p. 31. 1 -^Vol. 2 of The Complete Works of Samuel Ta.vlor Cole ridge . ed. Professor Shedd (New York* Harper & Brothers, :185^ 5, p. 203. Hereafter cited in the text as Friend. early "Destruction of the Bastille" with its call to Eng- iland to support and imitate revolutionary France to his Jacobin journalistic writing, Coleridge channeled his en thusiasm into activism, Pantisocracy, which in hindsight ;in The Friend he terms "a plan, as harmless as it was ex travagant" (Friend, p. 203), proved to be one result of |this channeling. With Southey, who later came to regret |the embodiment of his revolutionary republicanism in Wat i 1 3 * 5 I T.vler. Coleridge advanced thoughts far beyond mere re- i |publicanism and mere practicality. Cobban sees Pantisocra- t i |cy as the immediate result of an uncritical imbibing of i !"the pure milk of Godwinism."^ Coleridge himself admits i las much in his 1795 "To William Godwin" where the author of ' 37 |Political Justice is thanked for his "holy guidance," ;Basically, Pantisocracy remains outside the political ■ i ! I sphere t n o institutions are conceptualized, no structure J i to handle a large society emerges, no borders between state' i I 'and society exist. Political thought here boils down to 1 | ;the ideal fostered by Condorcet of human perfectibility to | i I jbe promoted by a small group in an unrestrictive natural j i | i - ’ See Brinton, p. 68. ! or ; D- ’Brinton, p. 86. i 36Cobban, p. 137. 37 ! Ernest Hartley Coleridge, ed., The Complete Poetical j'Works of Samuel Ta.vlor Coleridge. Including Poems and Ver- isions of Poems Now Published for the First Time (Oxford j IClarendon Press, 1912), I, 86. Hereafter cited in the text las Works. I — j and social environment. Already that ideal stands in op- i position to revolutionary principles of a re-structuring of the relationships in society and of political institutions, a re-strueturing motivated by generalized needs and effect- j ed by generalized action. Pantisocracy failed to material- i ;ize, and its failure partakes of Coleridge's loss of revo lutionary enthusiasm. j Friedrich Schlegel joins Novalis, Gorres, Wordsworth, I and Coleridge in a revolutionary enthusiasm destined to be I negated and replaced by conservative political romanticism. To him can be attributed, however, a greater political awareness at the point of encounter with the Revolution. jHis republicanism emerges in the early praise of the Greek city-state in Ueber das Studium der griechischen Poesie. in i ithe 1796 Versuch uber den Renublikanismus. in the essay j j"Georg Forster" (1797), and even in the Jena lectures of 1800, As Aris notes, "Schlegel hailed the Revolution 1 I wholeheartedly and retained his enthusiasm for it longer ; than most of his fellow Romantics."-^® Ernst Behler points i |out the passages in which Schlegel enthuses over the grand j !drama of the Revolution, the "grofie Taten und Namen,"-^^ ' I oO ' : j J Aris, History, p. 281. j 39«Die Auffassung der Revolution in der deutschen IFruhromantik," Essavs on European Literature in Honor of i Lieselotte Dieckmann. eds. Peter Uwe Hohendahl, Herbert jLindenberger, and Egon Schwarz (St. Louis: Washington jUniversity Press, 1972), pp. 203-0^-. Hereafter cited as Behler, "Auffassung." ibut, in contrast to the enthusiasm of Coleridge or Words- i ! jworth for the spectacle, Schlegel develops a real sense of !the political in his writings on the Revolution. The en- !thusiast here indulges in an investigation of the political I thought rather than of the mere events or slogans. The ! Versuch uber den Begriff des Republikanismus presents an I example of Schlegel's own version of republicanism. It j ;marks him as a more serious enthusiast of the Revolution, [unlike Wordsworth, for instance, who but reproduced Rous- :seau's terminology and conclusions in the Letter to the ' ! !Bishop of Llandaff. It is not the General Will which domi- !nates here, but "der Wille der Mehrheit soli als Surrogat I h , A 'des allgemeinen Willens gelten." As expressed m terms ! iof political power, the Wille der Mehrheit establishes it- | !self permanently in the form of a constitution and only itransitorily in the form of a government (Studien. p. 18), With the view that the actual institutions of a political system remain subordinate to the constitution, Schlegel can: mold his republicanism to fit the hierarchically-ordered isociety of the German states. Political institutions which! i ! iserve the aristocracy and are headed and constituted by the| ! 'aristocracy thus rate equally with democratic ones. j i i ^°Friedrich Schlegel, Studien zur Geschichte und Poli- Itik. ed. Ernst Behler, Vol. 7 of Kritische Friedrich-Schle- igel-Ausgabe. eds, Ernst Behler, Jean-Jacques Anstett, and :Hans Eichner (Wiens Schoningh, 1966), p. 17. Hereafter [cited in the text as Studien. For close analysis of Fried rich Schlegel*s reaction to the French Revolution, see I Ernst Behler’s "Einleitung" to this edition, pp. xv-clii. I Republicanism manifests itself in the spirit of the consti- i tution rather than in any physical form. Die Konstitution ist der Inbegriff alles poli- | tisch Permanenten; da man nun ein Phanomen nach ; seinen permanenten Attributen, nicht nach sei- ! nen transitorischen Modifikationen klassifiziert» so wUrde es widersinnig sein, den echten (repub- likanischen) Staat nach der Form der Regierung einzuteilen. (Studien. p. 19) i ! The constitution sets forth republican principles (Freiheit | land Gleichheit). not forms. Monarchy, for instance, re- > ~ | suits from a despotic form (one head of government) and a i republican or representative spirit (Studien. p. 20). No- I ; I I valis makes the same point. Plainly, then, in Friedrich | ; Schlegel's revolutionary enthusiasm, the way is paved for j a bridge to conservative romanticism. No rejection of the j I monarchy occurs, as it did in Gorres' Der alleemeine Frie- j i I de. ein Ideal. Jakob Baxa also discusses this matter and j i j stresses in addition Schlegel's emerging sense of the col lective as opposed to revolutionary individualism. ^ Im- j t portantly, the revolutionary enthusiast here thinks in po- ; I litical terms which go beyond the excitement over an ex- ; traordinary historical event. The significant passages in j i "the Athenaeum which detail the later reaction of Schlegel { likewise form part of the bridge to conservative romanti- i cism. I t ! A i - 1 XStaatswissenschaft. p. 35• ! Rejection of the enthusiasm generated by the French i Revolution constituted one alternative for the emerging po- i jlitical romantics. Those who participated in the rejection I moved on to develop a conservative philosophy. Another al- I jternative presented itself in the continued acceptance of |the principles of the Revolution. Those who opt for this !alternative form a bridge to social romanticism and stand as forerunners to those (Byron and Mme de Stael, for exam- i pie) who, much later, will re-evaluate in positive terms a ' t i Revolution which, in the years between the Terror and the j 1820*s, had been generally denied any but a negative value. f < William Blake retained his enthusiasm for the princi- jples of 1789, an early expression of which he gave in The 1 1 French Revolution (1791), with its vision of a new order where the peasant and the priest now embrace. Revolution represents a step in the process toward the breaking of "the mind-forg'd manacles," toward the redemption of a jworld which interprets slavery and misery as achievements 1 1 i rather than as failures. "The Chimney Sweeper" accuses j jmost pointedly the hierarchy of priest and king which per- | ! , i jmits the interpretation. Any revolution which attacks suchi |a hierarchy must naturally assume a positive value for iBlake. Revolution in the early "Gwin, King of Norway" (probably 1778) unseats the monarchy, the formal embodiment I of the tyranny which holds power through the imposition of I jeconomic hardship. The people revolt in recognition of the identity of monarchy and tyranny. The land is desolate; our wives And children cry for bread; Arise, and pull the tyrant down! Let Gwin be humbledI^2 I Blake shared with Wordsworth a millennial hope regarding i revolution.^ Later, of course, Blake (in "The Grey Monk," , for instance) will conclude reluctantly and sorrowfully ,that revolution not only brings down tyranny, but breeds it! i ! i |as well. Pushkin makes the same point in Boris Godunov. j Blake repudiates rebellion and war in general as a means to' i ' ;freedom and places his restrained hope in the powerful wel-J ; I I ling up of indignant moral forces. ! For a Tear is an Intellectual Thing, And a sigh is the Sword of an Angel King, And the bitter groan of the Martyr’s woe Is an Arrow from the Almightie's Bow. (Poetry, p. 118) :The disillusion with the aftermath of a revolution (the i turning away from revolution by the erstwhile revolution aries become tyrants) undergoes poetic transformation in [The Visions of the Daughters of Albion. The poet's cries j for the loosening of newly forged bonds of laws and insti- i j tutions go unheeded. In similar fashion the Wanderer of j ^2Geoffrey Keynes, ed., Poetry and Prose of William Blake. 3 r d ed. (New Yorki Random House, 1932), p. 14, j Hereafter cited in the text as Poetry. 1 43 -'See Erdman, p. 5°» 40 I [ Wordsworth*s The Excursion turns in disappointment from I America and the ideal of the unfettered land (Poetical jWorks. V, 139-141). Enthusiasm in Blake merely contributes I ! to political philosophy? it does not stand in its stead as \ J it had for many of those who later denied the principles | which had excited them to political awareness. Blake's | revolutionary enthusiasm perpetuated itself from the early Songs of Experience and The French Revolution down to a |persistent attack on the impact of the industrial age. i Sharing Blake's positive evaluation of the Revolution j is Friedrich Holderlin. Excitement for revolution occurs 'early (prior to the actual events of 1?89) in "Mannerjubel" with its invocations to freedom, love of the fatherland, and call to action. When that call to action, a call to support the poet, fell on deaf ears (in Hyperion, for exam ple), revolutionary enthusiasm faded, but not the love for the principles. Germany did not seem ready to react to those principles as she must, but time would prove her equal to the task. In the meantime, the poet suffers the |burden of bridging the gap between the reality and the i ,lofty aim of fulfilling the principles of 1789* j I Nul peut-£tre n'a ressenti d'une fagon plus dramatique le contraste entre la rSalitg , v6cue et 1*immensity du r § v e germanique que i Holderlin. . . . Ce contraste fut d'autant j plus douloureux k 1*auteur d * Empgdocle qu'il ! avait admir§ le caract&re hdrolque de la Re- i volution, la grandeur epique des campagnes rdvolutionnaires, 1'enthousiasme patriotique triomphant des armies de mercenaires, 1'idSal spartiate et cpmmunautaire des Jacobins de 1'an II. . . I As Blake did, Holderlin perceived the French Revolution as | [a step in a perfecting process. Consider alone the closing j line of the "Hymne an die Menschheit" written in the period I of full revolutionary enthusiasm (1791)« "Und zur Vollen- !dung geht die Menschheit ein.” Holderlin, of course, went iinsane long before developing a political philosophy, but i I one can speculate in view of his turn toward Greece as an ideal that democratic republicanism might have character ized his political stance rather than the feudalistically- ;oriented monarchism other German romantics would draw from i i the Middle Ages. ! Both Blake and Holderlin came to their positive evalu- 1 ation of the revolutionary experience on the basis of a t !non-political argument, the argument of compassion, of fel- i lowship, of humanitarianism. What was left to be done in ; completing the bridge from this revolutionary prelude to j full-blown social romanticism consisted in a certain ! i j 1 j ^Droz, Allemagne. p. 486, Specific studies on Hol- 1 derlin and the French Revolution include notably Paul Bbck-! mann, "Die Franzbsische Revolution und die Idee der asthe- I tischen Erziehung in Hblderlins Dichten," in Literatur und jGeschichte. Vol. 1 of Der Dichter und seine Zeit: Politik J : im Spiegel der Literatur* Drittes Amherster Kolloauium zurl modernen deutschen Literatur 1969. ed. Wolfgang Paulsen i (Heidelberg: Stiehm, 1970), pp. 83-112; and Walter Muller- j Seidel, "Hblderlins Dichtung und das Ereignis der Franzb- j sischen Revolution: Zur Problemlage," Holderlin-Jahrbuch. I 17 (1971-72), 119-25. j~politicization of Blake*s and Holderlin's compassion. Mme i de Stael, Byron, and Lamartine form links in this comple- | tion process as they shift the focus from the principles of i i 1789 to the institutions it fostered in the form of a con- 1 ! stitutional monarchy and later a republic. j On the basis of the preceding discussion, I might now : undertake a summary definition of the revolutionary prelude 1 I before examining the fully developed political thought of : I | the romantic authors. The revolutionary prelude repre- I ! sents the initial politicization of writers of the period, 1 1 1 i a politicization brought on and determined by the events in i France in 1789 and the years to follow. Within the prelude two main currents of thought developt one which will deny the principles of the Revolution and lead to conservative t | and reactionary romanticism and one which will perpetuate ; the revolutionary principles on into social romanticism. Novalis belongs to both currents. In the two currents, • enthusiasm, rather than serious involvement with practical ! political issues, characterizes the writers. This enthu- j I siasm manifests itself in various degrees. For Wordsworth ; i it proved to be the agent of initiation into political con- 1 l j i i cernj for Friedrich Schlegel it went beyond fascination ; with the historical spectacle to responsible political | writing; for Coleridge it channeled itself into a never quite fulfilled activism; for Blake it contributed to a developed political consciousness. Enthusiasm proceeded in i the main from a hope among several early romantics that the j French Revolution stood as the first visible step along the |road to the millennium. Later events conspired to prove to !the romantics, especially to Wordsworth and Blake, that ■this hope had been premature. Political theory during the I |prelude is vaguely based upon some notion of representative government, but there is little discussion of governmental |forms. Friedrich Schlegel and Novalis both deny the sig- i jnificance of actual institutions. In later developments, I |each current will retain something of the theory of repre- |sentative government as well as a hatred of tyranny and a j l | 'new awareness of the communion of the people in the state, i i | The Bridge to Conservative Romanticism j i | i Let us follow now the path which leads from the prel- I I j ude to conservative romanticism. Of course, it did prove j possible for the initial revolutionary enthusiasm to en- 1 I i gender two phases of political romanticism, the conserva tive as well as the social. The process of evolution into . one or the other depended upon the attitude which particu- 1 : I ,lar writers adopted toward the principles of 1789 and the ! } ! jinanner in which those principles came to be implemented in j jthe Terror and Napoleon’s regime. Where rejection oc- 1 curred, conservative romanticism was born. Where, much |later, approval was given wholeheartedly, social romanti- cism began to emerge. The rejection of the French Revolution thus consti tutes the bridge, the evolutionary link, between the revo ke lutionary prelude and conservative romanticism. J A con- | spiracy of events certainly formed the basis for the rejec- ! tion. Even before such events as the execution of Louis I jXVI (1793) or the Napoleonic invasions of Switzerland | ' (1799) and Spain (1808) raised the level of general antag- j j i j onism to a high mark, Edmund Burke's Reflections on the ' Revolution in France (1790) had provided an influential i I guide to those who already were turning from the Revolu- |tion. Burke's arguments dominated the counter-revolution- i ary writing, supplemented nonetheless by the substantially i German argument that the French Revolution represented the j ,culmination of the Reformation. Significantly, however, j j | the rejection of the implemented principles of the Revolu- i I tion (the manner in which the slogan liberte-fraternitg- ! i ggalitg was modified into political acts and institutions, ispecifically in the Terror, Directory, and Napoleonic ! .reign) left room for a restrained positive acceptance of i f < , -'The phases evident in the development of the polit- ; Iical thought of romantic authors do not follow in neces- ; ;sarily strict chronological sequence. Much overlapping in j |time occurs among the phases. Because of the focus on the I French Revolution in the revolutionary prelude and here in j .the move from the prelude to conservative thought, the doc uments discussed fall into a specific time frame. Here, !for instance, the majority of works were written during the jlast decade of the eighteenth century. There are telling ;exceptions, however (Muller's Elemente der Staatskunst of |1809? Lamartine's revised Meditations oogtiaues of 1823). ■These exceptions illustrate the pervasiveness of anti-rev olutionary thought over a period of several years. j its historical importance. The Revolution's impact and the . necessity of recognizing the transformation of politics ef fected thereby became tenets of conservative romanticism i | alongside the ever-present rejection of the actions and in- i ' stitutions theoretically derived from the principles. i | Events conspired to turn early enthusiasts for the ■ Revolution into its detractors. This process derives, I I believe, from the fundamentally non-political nature of the irevolutionary enthusiasm. Once these enthusiasts took ac- |count of what in real political terms had actually happened ! in France and what was continuing to manifest itself in ag-i I I ;gressive wars, they turned away from the excitement gener- j ! j !ated by an important event. i Partially in response to his own revolutionary enthu- ! i ;siasm evident in the early play, Per Gefangene (1790)» Lud-: i i wig Tieck, in Die beiden merkwflrdigsten Tage aus Siegmunds j Leben (1796), ridicules literally (in the mouth of a pros- 1 | | titute) the prostitution of the ideals of 1789. These ! i ;ideals had been reduced to nothing more than fashionable | I ; sayings.*4,6 In like manner, but with greater seriousness, iAlfieri turns against his own pro-revolutionary Della ti- j I ' Irannide (written in 1777 long before the storming of the jBastille). Guido de Ruggiero details Alfieri's initial i 46 Fruhe Erzahlungen und Romane. Vol. 1 of Werke in Ivier Banden. ed. Marianne Thalmann (Munchem Winkler, |1973), pp. 55-56. reaction* At first, feelings of naive confidence and fervent hope were uppermost* the success of the French Revolution, first internal and then external through its victorious armies, seemed | a providential means of universal salvation.^? j Millennial hope is shattered by the events surrounding Na- | poleon* the victories in Italy and Austria came in 1796. I Alfieri writes Misogallo, Hthe foreunner of an abundant ’ anti-French literature. ! Josef Gorres moves from radical republicanism to an ’ 1 , ever-strengthening rejection of French rule which couples ; itself with an awakening of a new national spirit. In the I Resultate meiner Sendung nach Paris (1800) Gorres examines ' ! ' i his loss of attachment to the France of 1789, a loss re- ! : i ' suiting from observing the reality of French political jlife. Pointedly, he sums up his deception* "Ich sah die Schauspieler entkleidet hinter den Coulissen."2 *^ His re- | publicanism remained strong for some time nonetheless, onlyj ; its association with France changed. "Gorres became anti- | j French not because he lost his belief in republican ! | I ; ^The History of European Liberalism, trans. R. G.. I Collingwood (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1927), i p. 288. I kA Ruggiero, p. 288. ^Joseph von Gorres, Politische Schriften. Vol. 1 of ; Gesammelte Schriften. ed. Marie Gorres (Munchens In Coro- |mission der literariseh-artistischen Anstalt, 185*0, p. 2 7 , | Hereafter cited in the text as Schriften. ! principles but because he lost his confidence in the French ! Republicans. Embryonic nationalism, a recognition of a difference in "Nationalcharakter," begins to show itself (Schriften. p. 92). The revolutionary enthusiasm of Wordsworth and Cole ridge likewise succumbed before the events in revolutionary I ' France. Both justified the principles of 1789 as imple- | j 1 ! mented by the French up to the point when the events could ino longer be justified by those principles. Wordsworth, in 1 The Prelude (1799-1805), saw Napoleon's assumption of the 1 i |title of Emperor as j | This last opprobrium, when we see a people, ! That once looked up in faith, as if to Heaven ! For manna, take a lesson from the dog | Returning to his vomit. . . . j i (Poetical Works. III. 3^1) I I I |Sometime before, the invasion of Switzerland (the victory ; at Zurich came in late 1799) had dealt a crushing blow to 1 the enthusiasm of both English romantics. The argument to j ■ i i Coleridge's France; An Ode (1798) reveals the process in- j 1 l , i I volved in his turn away from revolutionary France; t 1 > i ; Third Stanza. The blasphemies and horrors dur- j | ing the domination of the Terrorists regarded i by the Poet as a transient storm, and as the | ( natural consequence of the former despotism and of the foul superstition of Popery. Rea- ! son, indeed, began to suggest many apprehen- | sions,* yet still the Poet struggled to retain I -^Aris, History, p. 329* ! the hope that France would make conquests by no other means than by presenting to the ob servation of Europe a people more happy and j better instructed than under other forms of i Government. (Works. I, 24E) ; These words bring to mind Wordsworth's view in The Prelude j of the Terror and accompanying horrors as "Ephemeral mon- i ! sters, to be seen but oncel / Things that could only show i : themselves and die" (Poetical Works. Ill, 313)• France, in; I the words of Coleridge, no longer sought to "compel the na tions to be free" (Works. I, 2^6), but instead sought to i impose its tyranny on the free. This view is expounded ; ! ! upon at greater length in the Address Delivered at Bristol i in 1795. later included in The Friend. Coleridge, like f ! Wordsworth in The Prelude, retreats to nature for consola tion and also for re-affirmation of the still-cherished j ! principles of 1789. Abrams notes with reference to France« An Ode that "the resolution of this poem is intelligible only if we recognize that it turns on the conversion of po-; ; i : i litical concepts, slavery and liberty, into the metaphors | ; of the mind in its relation to nature."51 Importantly, I j i feel, this turning to nature promoted the emergence of the ; i ! new organic conception of the state which the conservative j I i romantics will develop. Disappointment and disillusion I i I ! fostered the conservatism of Wordsworth and Coleridgei | | | such soil surely provided the bed for the growth of a I ^Abrams, pp. 36^-65• ! strong rejection of the institutions horn of the Revolu- Ition. t j The growth of conservatism from the turn against gen- juine enthusiasm differed thus from the long-held conserva- i I tism which already marked the position of the £migr§s. Little of the positive historical appreciation of the Rev- i »olution will come from the §migr£ writers. The enthusi asts, through the struggle from affirmation to disillusion |to rejection, determined a historical significance unrecog- I inized by those who, as the well-worn saying goes, had r ;learned nothing, forgotten nothing. Chateaubriand, in the 1Essai sur les revolutions (1797), equates revolution with !the expression of human frailty, ever recurrent* M. • . ! 'l'homme, foible dans ses moyens et dans son g§nie, ne fait ; i ique se r§p§ter sans cesse,"^2 The French Revolution thus I brings nothing new to the world, changes little, and only confirms that politics is cyclical and revolutions bound to l ,erupt. Later, Chateaubriand himself, in the Preface to the; I ,1826 edition, for example, recognizes the facile premises { :of such an argument. Events held for the &migr6 no disap- 1 i ; jpointment, only confirmation of existing beliefs.And : 1 i 1 ! ^^Etude sur Chateaubriand oar M. Sainte-Beuve* essai i sur les revolutions anciennes et modernes. Vol. 1 of Oeu vres completes de Chateaubriand. 2nd ed., rev. (Paris* |Garnier, n. d.), p. 613. ! ero S -'-'Alphonse de Lamartine, in belated sympathy with the ijmigrgs in his early "Ode" (1823), writes in abjuration of 1 the ohiloso-phes who engendered the age of revolution* 50 while the enthusiasts came to a positive evaluation of the historical importance of the Revolution, both enthusiast Ianc* £migr£ were to develop conservative romanticism with i !rejection of the events of 1789 as a common foundation, I jAlone the enthusiasts, especially Novalis and F. Schlegel, |were to carry over a new notion of uniting the traditional !monarchy with a certain measure of broadly defined republi- t * Icanism (i.e., not bound to an institution). This new no- |tion reveals ties to later liberal romanticism. j ; Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France i :heralds for the erstwhile enthusiasts the rejection of the } j ;French Revolution. This rejection was incapable of assimi-j lating, as fully developed conservative romanticism would, j i I the historical import of the principles of 1789. BUrke's ;fresh perspective consists in an acceptance of circumstancej las the dominant contributing factor in determining the i value of a political event or idea: i , I I Circumstances (which some gentlemen pass I for nothing) give in reality to every po- j litical principle its distinguishing color , 1 and discriminating effect. The circum stances are what render every civil and i Le Ciel, trop lent § . vous poursuivre, Devait vous condamner a vivre Dans le si&cle enfant^ par vous. Quoted from: Oeuvres oo6tiques completes, ed. Marius-Fran- Qois Guyard, Bibliothdque de la Pleiade, Vol. 165 (Paris: iGallimard, 1963), p. 32. Hereafter cited in the text as {Oeuvres. political scheme beneficial or noxious to man kind. 5# What the romantics drew from this circumstantial interpre tation of political principles resulted in a reluctant ac ceptance of the fundamental ideas of the Revolution, but not of the forms later manifested in the immediate post- Revolution era. This measured acceptance included a now necessary belief in individual liberty and in popular par ticipation in the governmental process (restrained republi canism), despite a strong rejection of the actual men and events connected by mere circumstances to those same ideas, Burke himself does not completely follow through with his case-by-case interpretation of history. The French Revolu tion remains a thing of evil without qualification. The National Assembly seems to him capable only of destructions "They have a power given to them, like that of the evil principle, to subvert and destroy, but none to construct, except such machines as may be fitted for further subver sion and further destruction" (Reflections. p. 79). Burke, it must be added, did not see evil alone in the manipula tors of the events, but in the institutions as well, de spite the restraint he placed on himself of viewing politi cal ideas and institutions in the context of circumstance. cii . . J Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution m France, ed. Thomas H. D. Mahoney, Library of Liberal Arts, Vol. 46 (Indianapolis and New Yorki Bobbs-Merrill, 1955)» p. 8. Hereafter cited in the text as Reflections. 52 Thus, democracy seems to him little else but the expression of unchecked selfishness as the people run rampant with the assertion of private wills, as individual responsibility I fades before the impossibility of collective judgment. "A i jperfect democracy is, therefore, the most shameless thing i i in the world" (Reflections. pp. 106-0?). Likewise, repub- I :licanism represents an evil turn of political thought, as 1 i ! it seeks to reduce political complexities to mere numbers, i : rule based on quantity of opinions rather than on the real i : import of opinion. "It is said that twenty-four millions i | ought to prevail over two hundred thousand. Trues if the constitution of a kingdom be a problem of arithmetic" (Re- 1 f 1 flections, p. 59 )• The romantics were not to accept total- | | ly Burke's admonition against democracy and republicanism, j To do so would have been to negate blindly that political ! life had been changed irrevocably as a result of the French 1 1 ’Revolution. Nevertheless, Burke's influence was profound. ! I ' Unlike others who had tried to debunk the Revolution by ! | 1 debunking its symptoms (the..events and men), Burke delved j ■ I j into the intellectual origins of the Revolution, into Rous-' 1 1 seau, Condorcet, and the Encyclopedists. And delve he did,! I 1 iwith vehement attacks on the poor tribe of poets* "Men of iletters, fond of distinguishing themselves, are rarely I averse to innovation" (Reflections. p. 126). The literary : I ; hypocritically advocate in word the cause of the downtrod- I , den while destroying at the same time the political hierarchy "of courts, of nobility, and of priesthood" (Re flections . p. 129) on which Burke felt the poor must depend for an amelioration of conditions. | Joseph de Maistre echoes Burke in viewing the French i | Revolution as a force for evil, but the view loses some of its harshness as Maistre recognizes a supernatural hand in the events, which will lead inevitably to good. For him, i ! in the 1 7 9 6 Considerations sur la France, the Revolution 1 incarnates "le plus haut degre de corruption connu* c*est | la pure impurete."55 in short, "il y a dans la revolution 1 J frangaise un caractSre satanioue qui la distingue de tout i ce qu'on a vu et peut-etre de tout ce qu*on verra" (Consi- . 1 ! derations, p. 66). Evil for both Burke and Maistre enters i ! the picture primarily in the form of the men directing, or, 1 as Maistre would say, being directed in, the implementation I | of the principles of 17& 9* Maistre insists on the revolu- i : tionaries as the forces of evil, but again the insistence i ; | is tempered by that stupendous argument, used by both the j i ; I supporters and the detractors of the Revolution, that evil j I I | operates merely as an instrument for future good. If the j ! | argument could justify guillotining for the protection of ' 1 ! i the state, it could justify also for Maistre the events as punishment and as atonement for national crime (specifical ly the execution of Louis). "Les sceierats meme qui 55Joseph de Maistre, Considerations sur la France. 2nd ed., rev. (Lyon* Peiagaud, 184-7), p. 60, Hereafter cited I in the text as Considerations. ' paraissent conduire la revolution n'y entrent que comme de i simples instruments. . .” (Considerations. p. 5)- It is not surprising that Coleridge adopted Burke’s i ■ point of view. In Chapter Ten of the Biographia Literaria iafter all he states that "in Mr. Burke’s writings indeed jthe germs of almost all political truths may be found,” I I claiming distinction for himself only in the clarification ;of the term "Jacobinism."56 Coleridge dwelt on the perver- ision of the ideals of the Revolution, a perversion brought ! i !on by men and not inherent in the ideals themselves (see ! ;France; An Ode, for example). ! ! Novalis gives witness to the impact of Burke on polit- |ical thought during the periods "Es sind viele antirevolu- i !tionnaire Bucher fur die Revolution geschrieben worden. ■ Burke hat aber ein revolutionnaires Buch gegen die Revolu- i :tion geschrieben."57 Despite a play with words, Novalis* remarks point to praise of Burke’s method of debunking both' ithe origins and the symptoms of the Revolution. Novalis ! I ■adopted much of Burke for his own political philosophy; j ; I j"il s'est assimilg la pens^e de l’illustre Anglais, son < ' i i 5^Biographia Literaria (Londons Dent, 1906), p. 114. 1 iCobban (p. 7) notes in rebuttal that with reference to j :Jacobinism, Coleridge's "description is in essentials the ! I same as Burke's.” i ^7 ! -^fDas philosoohische Werk I. eds. Richard Samuel, ,Hans-Joachim Mahl, and Gerhard Schulz, Vol. 2 of Schriften; Die Werke Friedrich von Hardenbergs. eds. Paul Kluckhohn land Richard Samuel, 2nd ed., rev. (Stuttgarts Kohlhammer, !1965)» P* 464, Hereafter cited in the text as Schriften jattachement aux valeurs historiques, sa defense du pr§jug§, !sa conception de la liberte, son respect superstitieux du ipass§."-^ Unlike Burke, Novalis, in his development as a J forerunner of social romanticism would incorporate his |ideal republicanism (unbound to so-called "republican" in stitutions) with his advocacy of the monarchy, Friedrich Gentz, in 1793# had introduced Burke’s Re- jflections to the general German audience, already to some i idegree aware of the Englishman through two earlier transla tions (the first in 1791# the second slightly earlier than jGentz*s in 1793)#'^ Besides Novalis, Adam Muller endured 1 : as a result* of this introduction the lasting influence of !Burke (and,not just of the Reflections). While Novalis Imentions Burke but once, in the aphorism quoted above, MUl- ler's Elemente der Staatskunst (Winter 1808-09 as lectures) 1 seems to revolve around the magic which the person of Burke held for Muller. Throughout the Erste Vorlesung. |Muller praises Burke for uniting the theoretical with the practical,^® a union the romantics were not to achieve to ! ^®Droz, Allemagne. p. ^65. ! -^Frieda Braune, Edmund Burke in Deutschlandi Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des historisch-politischen Denkens. iHeidelberger Abhandlungen zur mittleren und neue’ rn Ge- jschichte, Vol. 50 (Heidelbergt Winter, 1917), pp. 19-20. ^°Die Elemente der Staatskunst. ed. Jakob Baxa, Die Herdflamme, Vol. 1 (Jenai Fischer, 1922), I, 3-25# Here- 1 after cited in the text as Elemente. " " r a significant degree before romanticism politicized itself anew at about the time of the 1830 revolution in France. Muller adopts especially, as Savigny's historical school :did, Burke's appreciation for political principles and in- ! j stitutions as the products of long historical growth. Such products are thus invested with the legitimacy born of tra- |dition. Burke in the Reflections dwells on the importance of holding continuity as a primary political principle1 . . . in this enlightened age I am bold enough to confess that we /the English/ are generally men of untaught feelings, that, instead of cast ing away all our old prejudices, we cherish them to a very considerable degree, and, to take more shame to ourselves, we cherish them because they are prejudices? and the longer they have lasted and the more generally they have prevailed, the more we cherish them. (Reflections. pp. 98-99) ! Exactly therein lies the fault of the French Revolutions 'it dared put aside the past, and, so Burke's argument runs, |then had nothing upon which to build. Muller echoes the ! argument faithfullys Treffen nicht . . , alle ungllickliehen Irrthu mer der Franzosischen Revolution in dem Wahne iiberein, der Einzelne konne wirklich heraus- treten aus der gesellschaftlichen Verbindung, und von auBen umwerfen und zerstoren was ihm nicht anstehe; der Einzelne konne gegen das Werk der Jahrtausende protestiren. . . . (Elemente. I, 26) The actual consideration of this new historical sense I |as a factor in political thought and activity belongs to I the work of conservative romantic authors. Nonetheless, the re-evaluation and rejection of the French Revolution as pronounced here by Burke and Muller constitute the link be- ; tween the early enthusiasm of the revolutionary prelude and J the visibly emerging conservative romanticism. In that new i | | phase Burke*s historical appreciation of the Middle Ages 6l • assumes unbound and unintended dimensions. Likewise, i however, what Burke brought to romanticism would be supple- I I jmented, not so much in Muller as in others, by a new-found t 1 awareness that the French Revolution would not bear total | rejection. That awareness forms a major bond between the J enthusiasm of the prelude and the later re-habilitation of | the principles of 1789 at the hands of the emerging social ! romantics. 1 Before examining the new positive evaluation of the 'Revolution's historical importance, let us first glance ; f ; quickly at one additional result of Burke's historicism, the explanation of the French Revolution as the direct out- i t f ■ come of political Protestantism, specifically of the Ref- I i ; ormation. This explanation occurs most often in Novalis, j Z p j I as in Christenheit oder Eurona (1?99)« It belongs ; I ! I < ^Braune, on p. 200, discusses Muller's literal adop- ! ; tion of Burke's references, meant illustratively, to the age of chivalry. j Das •philosonhische Werk II. eds. Richard Samuel, I Hans-Joachim Mahl, and Gerhard Schulz, Vol. 3 of Schriftent 1 Die Werke Friedrich von Hardenbergs. eds. Paul Kluckhohn | and Richard Samuel, 2nd ed., rev, (Stuttgart* Kohlhammer, 11968), p. 518. Hereafter cited in the text as Schriften ' III. essentially to the equation fostered by Burke of the Revo lution with evil. In such a light, the chain which unites the events of 1789 with the Reformation appears continuous I j because of the belief that both complexes of events repre- ! I ! sent the achievements of forces working for disintegration. I Friedrich Schlegel belatedly seconds the argument in his j 1804- "Lessings Geist." Droz sees Schlegel*s new-found view 1 of the Revolution as the culmination of the Reformation as the result of August Wilhelm’s influence,^ but Novalis 'must have contributed as well. In that essay Friedrich s'Stait SlevS contre 1*intrusion en Europe du protestantisme politique, qui avait brisS 1*uni te religieuse du monde occidental et SpuisS par , une critique negative l*elan unanime de la ChrS- tiente. II avait interprets la Revolution fran- gaise comme le rSsultat de cette polSmique dis- solvante et StriquSe. ^ i This explanation of the Revolution as the direct result of : the Reformation represents a step backward insofar as the 1 ; evolution from revolutionary enthusiasm to conservative ro-! J I manticism is concerned . This linking of 1789 with the Ref-j . I i ; ormation does take part indeed in the rejection of the Rev-' : olution which characterizes the bridge from the prelude to j ; the political thought of the conservative romantics. How- ! ever, it fails to take note of the positive historical ! i evaluation with which the conservatives would view the ^ Romantisme. p. 57. 6k Droz, Romantisme. p. 57, ! French Revolution. Curiously enough, it is precisely No valis and Friedrich Schlegel who will give shape to this new positive evaluation, j To illustrate the significance of the Revolution as an ! agent for the transformation of politics, two main argu- j ments emerged. The first, given by Joseph de Maistre and | : Adam Muller, results in a positive evaluation only out of i ! total negation of what the Revolution stood to promote. ! ! It thus does not represent a move forward in political I I thought, but more of a move to the side. The Revolution j I | happened, yes, but soon it will be over, and things will I I i i return to normal (monarchy). The positive lies not in the j i Revolution itself, but in what will derive from it, its [ ! i j opposite. Thus, Maistre evaluates the Revolution's course:1 i ■ Que si l'on veut savoir le resultat probable i de la revolution francaise il suffit d*exami ner en quoi toutes les factions se sont r£u- ! nies: toutes ont voulu l'avilissement, la | destruction m§me du christianisme universel et de la monarchies d'oft il suit que tous , leurs efforts n'aboutiront qu’3. 1'exaltation ; i du christianisme et de la monarchie. (Con- ; siderations. pp. 138-39) I j Maistre's cyclical interpretation of history is facile, | ' ! • just as Chateaubriand's in the Essai sur les revolutions ! was. Accepting monarchy and Christianity as standards of i j normalcy in politics even fails to grasp the import of ! | Burke's remarks on circumstance. j Adam Muller employs the same argument as Maistre in I _________ . ______________________ . __________________________ 60 his oft-repeated statement that the Revolution must of ne cessity "bring forth its opposite. One is reminded of a similar thought in Bftchner's Dantons Tod where the impli- i J cations, however, differ. There the opposite is not a de- | ! sirable endi liberty gives way to tyranny, fraternity to l ! violence, equality to petty dissension. And beneath it | all, beneath the Revolution, beneath the events and indi- : viduals who form it, gapes the vast abyss of nothingness. i i What was facile in Maistre and Muller assumes existential ! significance in BSchner, and it renders the notion of the I i ■ Revolution in the process of self-consumption (bringing I i forth its opposite) a matter for terror and anguish. Mul- jler nonetheless did not go so far as Maistre in his nega- | tion. Along with Gorres, Novalis, and Friedrich Schlegel, ! ; Muller recognizes some diluted good in the impact of the i ! events of 1789. For Mftller, das Grofie, was die Revolution gebracht hat, ist | 1 eine neue Einschatzung von Gutern. . . . Er be- | trachtet besonders das Verhaltnis des Einzelnen s zum Staate, zum Volke, zum Herrscher, zur Reli gion als Element des nationalen Lebens. Alles ; dies muBte erst durch die grofie ErschUtterung ; aller Staaten in der Revolution in Frage gestellt j werden, Urn zum persoplichen Erlebnis des Einzel- 1 nen zu werden. . . ,°5 ' i :Still, signs are here that the positive evaluation of Mul ler has more to do with the negation of the French Revolu- j tion than with its positive transformative role. f I . : ^Braune, p# 204-. ! 61! The second argument goes beyond rejection! which it has incorporated, to accept the fact that the monarchy can no longer remain uncontested as the expression of the po litical will of a people. After personal contact with the i | revolutionary regime in France turned G’ orres from his adu- ! lation of the French, he nonetheless retained a measure of i his positive outlook on the Revolution. His opposition to ! I j Napoleon*s rise grew out of his republicanism, his adher- ; ence to what was valuable in the revolutionary experiencei Die Anklage, ' daB der Zweck der Revolution ganz- lich verfehlt* sei, wurde bei Gorres erst durch die Erhebung Bonapartes zum Ersten Konsul her- vorgerufen und erfolgte zu dieser Zeit eigent- lich noch auf Grund seines Republikanismus.°6 I | I Novalis, of course, retained a respect for republicanism, a respect which bloomed in the programmatic text of con- > : servative romanticism, Glauben und Liebe (1798). Primari ly, it fell to Friedrich Schlegel to assimilate for the | j emerging conservative romantic authors the new feeling for I j , the historical importance, which takes its place beside thej ! rejection of what remained in the Revolution bound to cir- > ! i j cumstance (the events, the men, the institutions). This | i ; | junction of the positive and the negative reveals itself in ! the oft-quoted Fragment 2 1 6 of the Athenaeum ( 1 ? 9 8 ) i Die Franzbsische Revoluzion, Fichte’s Wissen- schaftslehre, und Goethe's Meister sind die ^Bfehler, "Auffassung," p, 200, groBten Tendenzen des Zeitalters. Wer an die- ser Zusammenstellung AnstoB nimmt, wem keine Revoluzion wichtig scheinen kann, die nicht | laut und materiell ist, der hat sich noch nicht j auf den hohen weiten Standpunkt der Geschichte t der Menschheit erhoben. (Athenaeum. I. No. 2. | 56) ---- i I In bringing the three "Tendenzen" together, Schlegel elear- ily emphasizes that what is important in a revolution is (captured in its influence on ideas, not in its events or in i i |its participating individuals. Schlegel, then, like Nova- I jlis and Gorres, retains as positive in the Revolution its principles, not its institutions or its leaders. Even in i I Fragment 422 where Mirabeau, Robespierre, and Bonaparte are ibrought together, they are united in the subordination of i |the individual to the cause. Republicanism will remain for Schlegel, the conservative romantic, what it did for Nova- jlisj a new and necessary belief in bringing the people in « ! :touch with the government. It must give dimension to the iold concept of monarchy. ! 1 The link between the early revolutionary enthusiasm and the conservative thought of the romantics is provided j |by the rejection of the manner in which the ideals of the : I jFrench Revolution came to be implemented in the decade fol lowing 1789. The progress from phase one to phase two re- 1 veals itself repeatedly, as from Alfieri's Della tirannide jto his Misogallo. in Coleridge*s France> An Ode, in Words- |worth*s The Prelude, in G'orres* Resultate meiner Sendung nach Paris, and elsewhere. While the authors who stand on the bridge between the two phases find much inspiration in Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, they go beyond him in a new-found appreciation of the historical :import of the Revolution. Because of this appreciation, |the romantics of this phase now temper their monarchism i with a belief in individual liberty and popular participa tion. This participation does not necessarily occur |through institutions, but, more often, through a new feel- :ing for national identity. 1 Conservative Romanticism i I i I I The revolutionary prelude proclaimed the ideals of the |French Revolution, liberty-fraternity, equality, the bene- ifits of republicanism over monarchism, and the sovereignty * :of the people in the state. With the turn toward conserva-l I I !tive romanticism, rejection of the circumstantial elements ! iin the Revolution led to a turning away from the form given! I 1 these ideals as well. All was not lost in the rejection, ’ ! ;however, as conservative romanticism developed a new con- ! I jcept of the relationship of the individual to the state. ! I In order to detail the concept of the state as developed by' i | ■ the conservative authors, it will be necessary to examine j six areas of thoughts l) the early cosmopolitanism, 2) the! |turn to the national Middle Ages, 3) the emergence of na tionalism and patriotism in literature, 4) organicism and I Ihistoricism, 5) the relationship of the individual to the romantic state (rejection of the contract theory! the na ture of the state; the function of the state with regard to the individual— collectivism versus individualism), and i | 6) the turn from generalized political concerns (cosmopol- !itanism, nationalism) to the specifics of governmental form 1 (Standestaat. republic versus monarchy). i S Cosmopolitanism born of the French Revolution charac- j terized the early emergence of conservative romanticism. i ; Efforts at regeneration were directed toward Europe as a ! whole rather than at the nation itself. ^ Novalis* Chris- i ----- |tenheit oder Eurooa (1799) condemns the Reformation for its t ! cdepartmentalization of the continent into national groups ■ (Schriften. Ill, 511 )• At the heart of the utopian vision | at the end of that essay lies a view of a re-bom Europe, | re-born of a Christianity which goes beyond the artificial ly imposed national boundaries. The Schlegels concur. For ! August Wilhelm the restoration of the medieval Germanic ' empire will re-establish in Europe a sense of unity lost j during the Reformation. In the Athenaeum (1800) cultur- j ■ al, not political nationalism is expressedi 1 | | i Nicht Hermann und Wodan sind die Nationalgot- i ter der Deutschen, sondern die Kunst und die | Wissenschaft. Gedenke noch einmal an Keppler, I i ! ^?See in this connection Heinz Gollwitzer, Europabild ! und Euronagedanke8 Beitrage zur deutschen Geistesgeschich- | te des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts (Munchent Beck, 1951 )• | 6®Droz, Romantisme. pp. 55-56. Durer, Luther, Bohme; und dann an Lessing, Winkelmann, Goethe, Fichte. (Athenaeum. Ill, No. 1, 28) ! The realm of art, not that of politics, will lead Germany: ! ! cosmopolitanism, not nationalism, is the order of the day. ! | Granted that the seeds of future political nationalism are contained in such cultural nationalism, especially immanent , in "An die Deutschen" of 1800, the vision remains nonethe- jless one of culture, not of land or capacity for aggres- i sion. Fichte's so-called "nationalism" has strong bonds as well to this advocacy of cultural supremacy. Even in the I Reden an die deutsche Nation (1808), it is Geist and Gei- j ; I stigkeit which prevail and through which Germany's identity ! ! will be formed, ^ Friedrich Meinecke recognized as much | long ago: Fichte's "nationale Geist ist und soil, auch I nach der Auffassung der 'Reden,' nur sein der wahrhaft t ' menschliche Geist, das hochste und reinste Kulturideal. j i Similar expressions form the attitudes of Holderlin in J • Hvoerion and of Schiller in the Aesthetische Briefe. How- ; j ’ i ; ever, the educational process in Schiller does not lead, asj | in Fichte, to national identity; cosmopolitanism is pre- ; I ! i servedj moral concerns prevail over political ones. I I i 69johann Gottlieb Fichte, Reden an die deutsche Na- i tion. ed. Hermann Schneider, Kroners Taschenausgabe, Vol. 35 (Stuttgart: Kroner, 1938)» P« 117. Hereafter cited in the text as Reden. ^Weltburgertum und Nationalstaat. ed. Hans Herzfeld, | Vol. 5 of Werke. eds. Hans Herzfeld, Carl Hinrichs, and i Walther Hofer (Mttnchen: Oldenbourg, 1962), p. 101. Initially, and as part of the cosmopolitan outlook, the turn by the romantics toward the past was aimed at no | one particular period or nation. Friedrich Schlegel stud- I ied old French in Paris. Holderlin sang the praises of ancient Greece, as did Schlegel. As the threat of French ! dominance loomed closely, however, the turn shifted to the national past. Karamzin, for example, moved away from his I |early cosmopolitanism as a result of his studies in Rus- j i sian history. H j ' More often, the turn toward the past was specifically j t l jto the Middle Ages. While the result of this introspection! ■may have manifested itself at first in cultural spheres— i !the re-habilitation of the chap book, the excitement over !the Nibelungenlied--the process of looking inward quickly ;assumed political significance. Arnim and Brentano wanted 1Des Knaben Wunderhom to awaken a sense of national iden- itity, for instance. Under their influence, Gorres turned i ■ from the restrained cosmopolitanism left over from the rev-| i olutionary prelude to a new interest in the political and j 72 cultural development of the German Middle Ages. Percy’s : 1 i iReliques had heralded long before Arnim and Brentano*s work! ja similar turn in England, which bloomed in the historical ! I ^Richard Pipes, Karamzin’s Memoir on Ancient and Mod- iern Russia* A Translation and Analysis. Russian Research !Center Studies, Vol. 33 (Cambridgei Harvard University jPress, 1959)* p. 57. | ^2See Aris, History, p. 333.' novels of Scott and through him penetrated France, as seen in Notre-Dame de Paris and Cinq-mars. By the time France developed an interest in the Middle Ages, the interest was ! merely literary, with no political implications. Since the |threat of losing identity figured prominently in Germany, it is there that we find substantial political import in ;the turn to the Middle Ages. The introspection occasioned !in Germany by the Napoleonic wars reveals the politiciza- t tion of the cultural nationalism of the Athenaeum and of |Fichte. Through the re-awakening of cultural identity, a inew sense for political— national— identity arose. That the turn to the Middle Ages could have political value to I 1 the romantic authors is of no great surprisei certain i ;areas of Prussia still retained a version of the medieval ;political world in the Junkertum. In Fichte the respect for the cultural greatness of !the Middle Ages in Germany already assumes this politicized; sense as he advocates renewed interests ■ I i i I Unter den einzelnen und besondern Mitteln, den ; I deutschen Geist wieder zu heben, w’ tirde es ein j sehr kraftiges sein, wenn wir eine begeisternde i Geschichte der Deutschen aus diesem Zeitraume hatten, die da National- und Volksbuch wurde, i 1 | so wie Bibel oder Gesangbuch es sind, so lange, bis wir selbst wiederum etwas des Aufzeichnens ; Wertes hervorbrachten. (Reden. p. 99) His advocacy, unlike that of the romantics, focuses on ab- I jstracting from one-time cultural and political dominance a L. 68 [~re-born inspiration for the present. He refrains from ad vocating, as the romantics would, a re-vitalization of me dieval institutions, social relationships, and supremacy of the Church, ! August Wilhelm Schlegel, as noted above, would urge 1 precisely the re-establishment of the German empire as it i existed prior to the divisiveness of the Reformation, even i ; though his attitude shared more with cosmopolitanism than j with emerging nationalism. In his 1 8 1 2 Memoire sur l'gtat ; de l'Allemagne et sur les mo.vens d',v former une insurrec- j ,tion nationale. he calls for the re-vitalization of the old i l forms of the Empire. The vehicle for this re-vitalization | would be a new pan-German confederation, which he terms a ■Ligue Germanique. "Le but avou§ de cette Ligue seroit le rgtablissement de l'ancien €tat des choses."’ ' 7^ Nor was I this call mere empty rhetoric. In league with Mme de Stael, August Wilhelm had decided on Bernadotte as the one j : capable of leading the nations against Napoleon. Bema- j ■dotte later incorporated Schlegel's ideas into a memoir of j 7^ I | hi s own. : i j Burke had set the stage for the revival of interest ini ; i |the medieval in his praise of chivalry. However, praise of l I the past extended in Burke to the general English past, not I jmerely to the Middle Ages. The romantics narrowed that t I ; ^King, p. 19. | ^King, p. 8. L _ _______ . ___________: _______ 69, praise. Novalis opens his essay Christenheit oder Eurona (1799) with a nostalgic look at the lost social-cultural- political unity of the Middle Ages (Schriften. Ill, 5°7)» | Southey’s Colloquies with Sir Thomas More pit modern dis- ! integrative trends toward individual liberty against me- idieval integrative trends toward social interdependence.^ i i Friedrich Schlegel urges the re-assumption of medieval val- l |ues, closest to the supposed original harmony of the Mid- idle Ages. Here, as in Novalis, are planted the seeds for | the next stage, reactionary romanticism, where the Church j l I becomes the primary vehicle for the restoration of the po- | litical values of the Middle Ages. Adam Muller develops I the turn to the Middle Ages from Fichte’s source of inspi- i } j ration into a full-fledged search for institutions to be : resurrected and adapted to the post-revolutionary world. i I He too narrows Burke. Muller would eventually derive— as i Gorres and Friedrich Schlegel did— from his admiration for j the hierarchically-ordered society of the Middle Ages and I ; from his advocacy of the Standestaat a reactionary politics! I ' | j celebrating the hierarchy of the Church and the potential ; I | for world dominion— for the creation of a utopian city of j ; man— inherent in the position of the Church as an interna- j ! j tional network, Adam Mickiewicz, much later, in his Books of the Polish Nation and of the Polish Pilgrimage (1832), ^Cobban, p. 198. !would also harken back to the Middle Ages as an ideal. The ideal fades, as it did not for the conservative romantic i | authors, before the corruption inherent in monarchy.^ ! A new feeling for the nation as a political unity was j j one result of the essentially cultural interest in the Mid- |die Ages.'’ ? The growth of this feeling was prepared for by !Fichte and was already existent in Muller’s Elements der i Staatskunst. Aris has pointed out that with the romantic i ; stress on nationality the middle classes developed a new i 78 ;sense of identity with the governmental process. This i |development, of course, grew out of the impact of the i : French Revolution, especially in the new feeling for na- : tional symbols (the tricolor flag, monuments, and so on), j Tumvater Jahn thus mobilized a gymnastics program into a : tool for awakening national identity, Wordsworth under- i stood nationality in similar terms. He saw . . . that the modern nation, which im poses a vague but real similarity of thought and . habit upon its members, and conceives itself to i t 76 I 'Jewell Parish, Dorothea Prall Radin, George Rapall Noyes, et al., trans., Konrad Wallenrod and Other Writings ; of Adam Mickiewicz. University of California Syllabus Se- ries, No. 1?Q (Berkeley* University of California Press, j 1925)» P* 135* Hereafter cited in the text as Books. j ??See here Hans Kohn’s "Romanticism and the Rise of German Nationalism," Review of Politics. 12 (1950)* 443- 72} and Benno von Wiese and Rudolf Henfi, eds., Nationalis- mus in Germanistik und Dichtung* Dokumentation des Ger- j manistentases in MUnchen vom 17.-22. Oktober 1966 (Berlin« i Schmidt, 19^7). ?®Aris, History, p. 278. be a product of the general will, might af ford the social restraint upon the individur a!l which had been lost in the day of the old regime.79 Shades of Hobbes appear. Novalis likewise had a keen sense i | for the need for the government to be made immanent for the jpeople* Glauben und Liebe (1798) is replete with calls for |indoctrination, symbols of national identity (uniforms, | i"icons” of the king and queen), and for the state to per- ! vade all of life (Schriften. II, 489, 491).®° In a frag- ! |ment of 1799 Novalis repeats* Der Staat wird zu wenig bey uns verkundigt. Es sollte Staatsverkundiger— Prediger des Patriotism geben— Jetzt sind die meisten Staatsgenossen auf einem sehr gemeinen— dem feindlichen sehr nahe kommenden FuBe mit ihm. (Schriften. Ill, 576) 1 Fichte’s educational program for the achieving of na- j tional identity draws on the same notion that man must be j I inculcated with a sense of nationality. Enculturation must! 1 serve the growth of the future state. The new educational i i ■program, for which Fichte indebts himself to Pestalozzi, j ! I ^^Brinton, p. 64. | i Q A I ; Three excellent studies on Novalis' politics deserve! ;mention* Hans Wolfgang Kuhn, Der Anokal.vptiker und die Po-1 jlitik* Studien zur Staatsohilosophie des Novalis (Freiburg! 'i. Br. * Rombach. 1961); Richard Samuel. Die ooetische j Staats- und Geschichtsauffassung Friedrich von Hardenbergs '(Novalis)* Studien zur romantischen Geschichtsphilosophie. 'Deutsche Forschungen, Vol. 12 (Frankfurt* Diesterweg, |1925){ and E. Spenl.fi's seminal work, Novalis* Essai sur il'idgalisme romantique en Allemagne. Bibliotheque de la ;Fondation Thiers, Fascicule 2 (Paris* Hachette, 1904), [has as its task to turn the unshaped and purposeless will into necessity. No longer will Fichte's call to arouse na- j tional identity be needed: an automatic response will have !been inbred into the new generation. Diesen festen und nicht weiter schwankenden Willen muf3 die neue Erziehung hervorbringen nach einer sichern und ohne Ausnahme wirksamen Regel: sie mulB selber mit Notwendigket / s i c / erzeugen die Notwendigkeit, die sie beabsich- tigt. (Reden. p. 21) | One is tempted, of course, to see in Fichte’s educational j i I iprogram a foreshadowing of the totalitarian use of educa- i I ,tion, but, as with Novalis, the intent was to bring forth I the complete man. "Diese Erziehung erscheint . . . als die; ! ! Kunst, den ganzen Menschen durchaus und vollst’ angig / s i c / \ zum Menschen zu bilden" (Reden. pp. 4-0-41). What we would :see as a necessary lack of congruity between the intent and the result of his system does not actually enter into the discussion. * , I The late Wordsworth had different ideas on national education, which indicate a stronger conservatism than in j | ' ;Fichte, who in many ways belongs on the bridge from conser-| I I vative romanticism to social romanticism. .1 find in this ; jconnection Laura Johnson Wylie's characterization of Words-^ i worth's conservatism as "superficial,"®^ that is, not real, I I 8liifphe Social Philosophy of Wordsworth," in Social [Studies in English Literature (Boston and New York: Hough- Iton Mifflin, 1916), p. 149. to be mere playing with words. It reminds me of that equally stupendous remark by Roger Picard that Hugo only thought he was a monarchist in his youth, whereas, if he had known better, he would have realized that he was in reality "d&nocrate et rgpublieain.At any rate, Words- j worth advocates a policy of keeping the poor in a status I quo by denying them progressive educations "*Can it, in a I I i general view, be good that an infant should learn much ! which its parents do not k n o w ? * " ® 3 i i | Certainly, Novalis* indoctrinating symbols and Fich- j | te*s equally indoctrinating education were of little importj 1 1 : in stimulating a sense of national identity in the face of ! the mere fact of the Reichsdeoutationshauptschlufl of Feb- i ; ruary 25» 1803, which arbitrated the apportioning of the j ; German states among the princes. Even more significant j I ! were, of course, the revolutionary wars, which initially i ' gave the "liberated" lands a foretaste of constitutional i I government and which, through the presence of foreign j ! troops, eventually led the "conquered" lands.to yearn for j i ! a try at self-determination. The impetus for national j I identity thus came out of political events and quickly ^ Le Romantisme social (New Yorks Brentano*s, 19^)» | p. 1^2. j ^Quoted by Brinton, p. 60, Brinton also points out j here that "popular education, the corner-stone of modern | democratic practice, still seemed desirable to the author 1 of The Excursion. ..." The change of heart had already j taken place "by the time of the Reform Bill." brought about a demand for the politicization of all spheres of activity, including literature. Poetry and patriotism became indissoluble partners. i j Wordsworth wrote his Sonnets Dedicated to Liberty from 1802 i I to 1807. Friedrich Schlegel abandoned the stance against { politicized literature of the Athenaeum. Long before "Ge- ; lubde" appeared in early 1809, Schlegel had stressed the ' necessity of all poetry being patriotic. In the journal ? 1 ; Eurooa. in the Poetische Taschenbuch fur 1806. and in the i ! collection Dichtergarten of 1807, he provides specimens of 1 I the new poetry of patriotism.®**” The anti-Napoleonic "Ge- ! lubde" embodies the new sense of mission which the poet as- ! I ' sumes with regard to the nations "Es sei mein Herz und j ! Blut geweiht, / Dich Vaterland zu retten."®^ Fichte had in! i ] ; the Reden (1808) called upon the poets to accept the task I ! ! of promoting the national cause. "Das edelste Vorrecht und : das heiligste Amt des Schriftstellers ist dies, seine Na- , tion zu versammeln und mit ihr liber ihre wichtigsten Ange- j | : legenheiten zu beratschlagen. . ." (Reden. p. 201). Ernst j ! Moritz Arndt devotes almost all of his poetry to the theme ' 1 ! i of patriotism from the very early "Lied der Freien" (1803) j j _ 1 i to the late "Deutsches Kriegslied" of 18^1, which utilizes 1 | | ®**Uroz, Romantisme. p. 62. i ®5Friedrich Schlegel, Dichtungen. ed. Hans Eichner, | Vol. 5 of Kritische Friedrich-Schlegel-Ausgabe. eds. Ernst ! Behler, Jean-Jacques Anstett, and Hans Eichner (Wieni ! Schoningh, 1962), p. 397. the terminology of the anti-Napoleonic verse* In his 1813 ; ”Des Deutschen Vaterland" Arndt affirms the unity of Ger many as based on language and on the fervor for liberation i i from France.®® More militant in its religious exhortation I j on behalf of German nationalism is Arndt's Katechismus fur | den deutschen Kriegs- und Wehrmann (1813). There we read | of a vehement anti-Napoleonism which depicts Napoleon as i 1 "Satans altester Sohn."®? There also we find the new iden- I I tification of individual liberty with national liberty ! (Werke. XIII, 57). I j Similar in tone is, of course, Kleist's fragmentary I I Katechismus der Deutschen of 1809* It too reveals a fierce ! anti-Napoleonism, an anti-particularism which calls for I | Germans to overlook regional differences, and a devotion 1 ! to the nation. Militant nationalism responded to the ad- i 1 | vances of Napoleon's army. Kleist demanded extremes, ei- i ther love or hatej indifference alone was evil. In the I ; introduction to his 1809 journal, Germania. Kleist insists ! on the new bond between literature and patriotism* "Diese ! Zeitschrift soil der erste Atemzug der deutschen Freiheit ®^Gedichte II. ed. Heinrich Meisner, Vol. 3 of Ernst i Moritz Arndts ausgewahlte Werke. eds. Heinrich Meisner and Robert Geerds (Leipzig: Max Hesse, 1908), p. 26. ®7Ernst Moritz Arndt, Kleine Schriften I. ed. Robert Geerds, Vol. 13 of Ernst Moritz Arndts ausgewahlte Werke. ; eds. Heinrich Meisner and Robert Geerds (Leipzig: Max : Hesse, 1908), p. ^5* Hereafter cited in the text as Werke. j XIII, QQ sein." ° Die Hermannsschlacht of 1808 called likewise for German unity through the sacrifice of particularist senti ment, As a display of the unifying characteristics, Kleist |writes his paean to the German people, Was gilt es in die- i t 1sem Kriege?. also of 1809. Here the emphasis is on Gemein- i Ischaft. more utopian than real. To place Kleist to some !degree outside that perspective which sees him as merely a !militant nationalist, it is important to see in Penthesilea I •a humane and thoughtful commentary on the bonds placed by jsociety on the individual, bonds which determine the cate- | jgories through which we communicate. There he deplores |those bonds which cause misunderstanding and violence be- ■ tween two traditions. | Gorres in Ueber den Fall Deutschlands und die Be- i |dingungen seiner Wiedergeburt (1810) regretted the lack of i !an organ to serve as a rallying point and mouthpiece of the I emerging patriotism (Schriften. p. 130). His own Rheini- scher Merkur (1814-16) may be viewed as a successful es- I tablishment of such an organ. In the Preface to his jour- i ' i ;nal, which echoes that of Kleist’s short-lived Germania. j 'Gorres writes of the patriotic missions "In der groBen Be-j i i jwegung, die alle Geister jetzt umtreibt, wollen wir nicht Imuflig seyn? wenig vermag freylich der Einzelne, aber Vieler ' 88- I °°Samtliche Werke und Briefe. ed, Helmut Sembdner, 2nd ;ed., r e v , (Munchens Hanser, 1961), II, 375. Hereafter cited in the text as Werke. t ( 77 [ Zusammenwirken fordert wohl das Werk. . . . Again, as in Arndt and often in Kleist, the individual identity is I subsumed in the collective. | Eichendorff in his 183^ Auch ich war in Arkadien |spoofs the call of the Hambacher Fest of I832 for national unity, but Eichendorff is no less sparing of the patriot ism, the outward show thereof, that is, of the generation !involved in the wars of liberation from France, The narra- i i | tor belongs to that generation. Through him., Eichendorff |criticizes what is modish and insincere in the display of |patriotism. The narrator writes of himself to a friendi Du weifit, ich lebte seit langer Zeit fast wie ein Einsiedler und habe von der Welt und ihrer Julirevolution leider wenig Notiz genommen. Als ich meinen letzten Ausflug machte, war eben die Deutsehheit aufgekommen und stand in ihrer dick- sten Bltite. Ich kehrte daher auch diesmal nach 1 Mbglichkeit das Deutsche heraus, ja ich hatte j mein gescheiteltes Haar, wie Albrecht Durer, „i schlicht herabwachsen lassen und mir bei meinem j Schneider, nicht ohne griindliche historische j Vorstudien, einen gewissen germanischen Reise- \ schnitt besonders bestellt.90 ' , Patriotic sentiments similar to those evident in all j t !the writings directed against Napoleon show themselves in i I Ugo Foscolo's Ultime lettere di Jacopo Ortis with its > ‘lengthy passage added to the 1816 edition "where the author1 t . j j ^ Rheinischer Merkur (1814; facsimile rpt. Berm I Lang, 1971). I. no pag, i ! 90joseph von Eichendorff, Romane; Erzahlungen. Vol. 2 1 of Werke. eds. Jost Perfahl and Ansgar Hillach (Munchem Winkler, 1970), p. 722. ! 78 gives vent to his hatred of Napoleon as the tyrant that had betrayed Italy."^ Foscolo, like Arndt and Kleist, faced national divisiveness. Similarly, he, in the Discorsi del la servitfl d*Italia (1815), denounced particularism, espe- t cially with the phrase, "'If Italy is to be remade, the i !sects must be unmade,* which was to be the watchword of the Moderates at the Risorgimento."^2 II conciliatore with its [first issue (1818) adopts the aims of national liberation i(from Austria rather than France, of course), just as the i i t S Rheinischer Merkur had. Rivas* Romances historicos take | jup the patriotic theme in Spain.93 Goya’s panel (1814) on ; The Third of Ma.v 1808. which re-creates a scene from the French repression of the Dos de Ma.vo riots in Madrid, i springs to mind as well. Equally significant are the de- ;tailed etchings Goya called Los desastres de la guerra. [which again condemn the French repression of guerilla ac tivity, j I Responding in England to the new call for patriotic i ! i [verse, beyond the above-mentioned Sonnets by Wordsworth, I iare Southey’s and Scott*s contributions to the Quarterly ! i i I Review. As a sequel to his Sonnets. Wordsworth wrote in [ ! q i i Douglas Radcliff-Umstead, Ugo Foscolo. Twayne*s i [World Author’s Series (Italy), No. 115 (New York: Twayne, 11970), p. 36. ! 92Ruggiero, p. 295. i 9-^E, Allison Peers, A History of the Romantic Movement i in Spain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 19^0), 'II, 2?0. 1816 his Thanksgiving Ode. Patriotism and anti-Napoleonism again unite in, the line "0 Britain', dearer far than life is dear," and in the praise of Wellington (Poetical Works. VI, 83-84).^ Wellington had defeated Napoleon at Waterloo merely months before. In Russia, the,first stirrings of romanticism grew, as in Italy, out of a new sense of national identity. The |battle between Shishkov and Karamzin on linguistic grounds |was symptomatic of this new nationalism. Pushkin's poetry t [proved anti-Napoleonic from the beginning. Even in "Napo- i jleon" (1821), when he grants to the recently dead Emperor 'a positive role, it is that of having served the cause of national a w a k e n i n g .95 Contrary to the more common reac- i jtion, Pushkin moved closer toward nationalism after the I ' July 1830 Revolution. j French romanticism obviously did not indulge in this new wave of patriotic literature in the first and second [ ! I decades of the nineteenth century. But in the next decade,[ I there exist strong tendencies in France toward a litera- < ; | 'ture with explicit ties to the nation. In the backward- | i [looking Society des Bonnes Lettres (founded 1821), whose | • I ! on Wordsworth's politics see A. V. Dicey, The I i Statesmanship of Wordsworths An Essa.v (Oxfords Clarendon IPress. 1917).- and F. M. Todd. Politics and the Poets A [ Study of Wordsworth (Londons Methuen, 1957). { 95see here Temira Pachmuss and Victor Terras, "The Shift of the Image of Napoleon in the Poetry of Aleksandr iPuskin," Slavic and East European Journal. NS 5 (1961), 311-30. I I I Qr\ {members included many of the emerging romantics, notably jVictor Hugo, the poetry of patriotism rated highly. Its political consciousness— its belief in the ability of po- i etry to sway the political events and feelings of the day— ifell below that present in Germany. The prospectus of the {organization details the political nature of poetryi the national past will serve as "*flambeau1" and "'guide*w to !the Society "’pour faire revivre le goGt des bonnes doc- :trines et des bonnes lettres.'"^ of course, the bonne t !doctrine is monarchic and anti-liberal and bonnes lettres i |consider romanticism as but a variation on classicism. Ro mantic participation in France in the poetry of patriotism !nonetheless emerges, Hugo's Preface to the first edition ! (1822) of the Odes reflects the ideals of the Society as he i ;states that "l'histoire des hommes ne presente de po6sie |que jugfie du haut des idges monarchiques et des croyances 'religieuses" (Oeuvres. p. 3). More significantly, Stendhal conceived of romanticism as inextricably bound up with the I i j ipresent in his call for a "nouvelle trag§die nationale en jprose" in Racine et Shakespeare (1823).^ ! The line between patriotism and xenophobia often was j Jblurred. Arndt clearly went over into xenophobia as he at- jtacked the French repeatedly. Pushkin, despite his j ^RenS Bray, Chronologie du romantisme (1804-1830) ■ (Paris* Boivin, 1932), p. 58. ; go 7'Oeuvres comolfetes. ed. Georges Eudes (Paris* Lar- rive, 195^)» XVI, 71. sympathy for other emerging nationalities, allows his Rus sian nationalism to override any possible appreciation for the Caucasian cause (see "Kavkazskii plennik" of 1820-21) I or for the Polish in their uprising in 1830-31 against the I jRussians.9® Leigh Hunt attacks the confusion of patriotism |with xenophobia. In his essay "Deliverance pf Europe" i ( 1 8 0 8 ) Hunt calls xenophobes the true enemies of the na- i Itions, "These are the patriots, who confound national !prejudice with patriotism} who cannot bear to hear an enemy |praised} . . , who think every war necessary, provided the jFrench are its objects. . . ."99 Hunt’s case points up a :difficulty in discussing romantic nationalism within a see- i !tion on conservative romantic thought. Certainly, Hunt I |would be most indignant at the inclusion. Nonetheless, it I I was precisely at the behest of the conservative romantic i ;authors that the new sense of national identity emerged. ! lit, of course, did not remain peculiar to them, but rather ! ;was taken up by authors of differing political ties. Those! j ties assert themselves when the move is made from this gen-l ! I |eral topic toward a discussion of the nature of the state j ' • I 1 1 land of the individual’s relationship to that state. There-i \ jfore, while I include the new sense of national identity I I I 98see Walter N. Vickery, "Pushkins Russia and Eu- Irope," Review of National Literatures. 3 (1972), 15-38* I | 99jJ awrence Huston Houtehens and Carolyn Washburn JHoutchens, eds., Leigh Hunt’s Political and Occasional Es- !savs (New York and Londons Columbia University Press, ;I902), p. 87. Hereafter cited in the text as Essays. and the sympathy for emerging nations in this section, I do wish to call attention to the fact that.these issues cut |across ideological boundaries. | ! Sympathy for emerging nationalities proved to be one :concomitant of patriotism. This sympathy unites, in par ticular, authors of many different political.stripes, thus, Wordsworth and Byron join to condemn the Convention ! !of Cintra of 1808, Wordsworth terms himself "indignant and \angry like men who are betrayed” in his tract on the Con tention of Cintra (1809).^°° Byron in the first Canto of |Childe Harold*s Pilgrimage (1812) reacts with similar in- [ i \ dignation* I i 1 t f And ever since that martial synod met, | Britannia sickens, Cintrat at thy names I And folks in office at the mention fret, ! And fain would blush, if blush they could, 1 for shame.101 Wordsworth and Shelley both summon Germany to arms against :Napoleon, Wordsworth in "A Prophecy” (1807), Shelley in the ringing ”0de to Liberty." Several cry in sympathy for | |Spain's freedom, Wordsworth in "Spanish Guerillas" (l8ll), 1 i I I j - * - 00In R. J. White, ed., Political Tracts of Words- ;worth. Coleridge and Shelley (Cambridge* Cambridge Univer-j jsity Press, 1953). p. 125.Hereafter cited in the text as ! ;Cintra. See here Gordon Kent Thomas, Wordsworth's Dirge and Promise* Napoleon. Wellington, and the Convention of Cintra (Lincoln* University of Nebraska Press, 1971)• ; lOlThe Poetical Works of Lord Byron (London and New iYorki Oxford University Press, 191^), p. 180. Hereafter ; cited in the text as Poetical Works. 83 Byron again in Canto I of Childe Harold. Shelley in the "Ode Written October, 1819, before the Spaniards Had Re covered Their Liberty." Lamartine, despite the scandaliz ing couplet from Le Dernier Chant du uelerinage d'Harold i (1825), which led to the Pepe incident, urges Italian na- J tionalist pride, especially in "La Perte de I'Anio" (1827). 1 1 A p jMme de Stael's Corinne. much earlier, did the same. 6 : Byron and Lamartine support Greece in her struggle against i ! Turkish occupation. So, for a time, does Pushkin. Dela- | croix paints his 1827 Greece Expiring on the Ruins of Mis- i | solonghi with the same sense of tribute with which Lamar- j i j tine wrote his Dernier Chant. Byron and Pushkin (before ! 1827) both mock Alexander I*s portrayal of himself as a i 1 liberal and as a supporter of the national cause. Byron's 1 i | ; words on the subject in The Age of Bronze (1823) taunt "thei | | j autocrat of waltzes and of war"s With no objection to true liberty, Except that it would make the nations free. How well the imperial dandy prates of peace'. How fain, if Greeks would be his slaves, free Greece! How nobly gave he back the Poles their Diet, Then told pugnacious Poland to be quiet! (Poetical Works, p. 170) i I could go on with endless additional examples. I shall I ! i n p j See Carlo Pellegrini, "Corinne et son aspect po- j litique," in Madame de Stael et 1'Europe» Collogue de Cop bet (18-2** .iuillet 19^6) organist pour la calibration du ! deuxieme centenaire de la naissance de Madame de Stael 1 (1766-1966). No ed.. Actes et Collogues. No. 7 (Parist | Klincksieck, 1970), pp. 265-72. add only, by way of contrast to the foregoing, that words were not always,spoken in support of emerging nationali ties. Pushkin saw no need to support the Caucasians or the I Poles. Lermontov wavered again and again in his support of !those two. And Wordsworth had some crass things to say i about the Irish, "these swarms of degraded people," in his | 1829 letter on the Catholic Relief Bill (Prose. II, 3^2). ! One important facet of the new sense of national iden- !tity is the messianic role given to the nation by several [romantic authors.Wordsworth’s T.vrolese Sonnets, dedi cated to the April 1809 revolt in Tyrol under Andreas Ho- fer, extol the saving mission attributed to the nation !fighting for its freedom. In "Feelings of the Tyrolese," i 1 the rebellious march forth "With weapons grasped in fear- ; less hands, to assert / Our virtue, and to vindicate man- ! ! I kind" (Poetical Works. IV, 215). In a similar vein, Au- : gust Wilhelm Schlegel in his Memoire argues that "le r6- ! tablissement de 1’Empire germanicue est essentiel au salut j ; de 1’Europe."10^ Adam Mickiewicz expands much later upon ; j the same messianic thought. In his 1832 Books of the Po-, | i 1lish Nation and of the Polish Pilgrimage. Mickiewicz al- |ternately assumes the pose of Moses dealing with the dis- 1 i |gruntled Israelites in the desert and the pose of Jesus the ■ * ‘°^See J. L. Talmon's informative Political Messi- anismi The Romantic Phase (New York* Praeger, 19^0). I ! 1 ^King, p. 17. parable-teller. The Books are clearly intended by Mickie wicz to be the Bible for the nation. Mickiewicz, in his jpose as Moses and as Jesus, thus stands at once as composer I and as central figure in the new Bible. The poet does not j go so far as to proclaim himself the savior; rather, Poland is so proclaimed. In numerous parallels with Christ, Po land emerges as the redeemer of Europe, crucified, buried, !and soon to be resurrected. "But on the third day the soul !shall return to the body, and the Nation shall arise and | free all the peoples of Europe from slavery** (Books, p. | 1 11^3). It is curious to note in Mickiewicz*smessianism the i |incongruous belief in individuals rather than in the eol- j | |lective nation as the agents of large-scale destruction and :regeneration. The satanic trio of Frederick II of Prussia, ,Catherine II of Russia, and Maria Theresa of Austria are 'pitted against agents of good, such as Columbus and Lafa yette. Similarly, Kleist in the Katechismus der Deutschen icalls for a collective regeneration, but expects the agent J i of that regeneration to be an individual, "Franz der Zwei- i 1 | jte, der alte Kaiser der Deutschen" (Werke. II, 353)* Franz _ _ _ _ _ | i i ill is pitted against another individual, the,diabolical Na-i i |poleon. | Within the time framework of this study, Mazzini may i be said to stand at the culmination of messianic thought jamong romantic authors. For Mazzini, the nation stands as ja corner-stone of life. Here we come full circle as we I ! 86 join again that early romantic cosmopolitanism, now re vitalized to include the nation as the basic building block of a supranational fellowship. "Without Country you have neither name, token, voice, nor rights, no admission as 1 brothers into the fellowship of the Peoples. with re- { gard to that fellowship the nation assumes a messianic j role. "Your Country is the token of the mission which God ; has given you to fulfil in Humanity" (Duties. pp. 55-56). ' Finally, I should mention that this belief in a mes- | sianic nation among the romantics harkens back to the mil- : i ! lennial thought of those romantics who participated in the ' revolutionary prelude. Thus, that hope for a millennium ^was not merely transferred to the self and to nature, as jAbrams noted, but to the new concept of the nation as well. What was this nation which the romantics exalted in I I the new patriotic poetry? Just as romanticism stressed the I | individual in all, so in politics the nation had to be ! junique, its identity solely bound to one people. Language i formed a uniting feature, especially in Fichte in the I Reden and in Schlegel as early as the Versuch uber den Re- •publikanismus. The notion obviously derives from Herder. ! j Tradition supported the sense of identity as well. Burke jspeaks of the legitimacy born of prejudices Maistre and Joseph Mazzini, The Duties of Man and Other Essa.vs. j trans. Ella Noyes, L. Martineau, and Thomas Okey, Every- I man's Library, No. ZZk (London and Toronto* Dent and Sons, |1907)» p« 53• Hereafter cited in the text as Duties. Fichte echo the need for inculcating a sense of tradition. Tradition also enters into the new concept (Muller would say "idea," for '•concepts" are static to him, alien to the j state) in the form of a bond between all generations. Thus, Fichte can call upon the Vorfahren and the "noch un- i geborne Nachkommen" (Reden. pp. 244-45) as addressees as important as his contemporaries. So also Burke spoke of i government as "a partnership not only between those who are i |living, but between those who are living, those who are dead, and those who are to be born" (Reflections, p. 110). | Likewise again, Wordsworth in his tract on the Convention j | of Cintra (1809) insists on "a spiritual community binding j together the living and the dead} the good, the brave, and I the wise, of all ages" (Cintra. p. 193)* Continuity must i exist before national identity can be mobilized to maintain the territorial— and linguistic— integrity of a people. War provides for a testing of the viability of the | identity, a test of the sense of obligation to the conti- ! ’ ! inuity between the generations. MUller's view of war as ! I iweeding out the impermanent in a nation's traditions, in I | schooling the living in patriotism, represents the typical i ! stance of the conservative romantic toward war. (To be I j sure, there was considerable disagreement on this pointj j Novalis was a notable promoter of peace as the natural | state of affairs.) Muller early in the Elemente der i | Staatskunst (1809) presents his position* im Sturm, in der Bewegung ftihlen sie /govern ment and society^ erst den Werth des Bleiben- den und Dauernden; vieles ehemals GroBgeachte- te verschwindet, vieles ehemals Kleine wird be- deutend. Kurz, das Wesentliche am Staate, Das wovon seine Existenz abhangt, kommt am deut- i lichsten unter Bewegungen und Kriegen zum Vor- | schein. * • (Elemente. 1,7) | t ■Kleist, in words that remind one of Whitman on war, denies the temporal aims of the wars of liberation and insists on ;loftier aims. In Ueber die Rettung von Oesterreich (1809), !he views the war as one 1 1 | fur Gott, Freiheit, Gesetz und Sittlichkeit, : fur die Bbsserung einer hochst gesunkenen und entarteten Generation, kurz fur Guter, die iiber jede Sehatzung erhaben sind, und die urn 1 jeden Preis, gleichviel welchen, gegen den I Feind, der sie angreift, verteidigt werden miassen. (Werke. II, 381) 1 Was gilt es in diesem Kriege? takes up the same argument, • Essentially, the romantic state envisioned by the po litically conservative romantic authors is organic.The, 1 | ' references to a continuity between generations partakes of I | , this new organicism, which opposes itself to eighteenth- i ;century conceptions of the state as mechanistic and arti- J t ! ficial (the contract theory). While this notion of an ! 1 I 1 ^^See Karl Mannheim’s "The History of the Concept of | [the State as an Organism: A Sociological Analysis," in Es says on Sociology and Social Psychology, ed. Paul Kecskeme- ;ti (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1953)1 PP» 165-82, and ; F. W. Coker's Organismic Theories of the State: Nineteenth ;Century Interpretations of the State as Organism or as Per- ! son. Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, Vol. 38, jNo. 2 (1910i rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1967). organic state is implicit in the political thought of Nova- ; lis and Muller, it was left to Schelling to make the first i ! actual application of the term to the state. j j Novalis makes extensive use of organic imagery, from jviewing the state as a marriage (Schriften. Ill, ^70) to | his definition of the state in a fragment of.1798-99* Der Staat ist immer instinktmaBig nach der re- lativen Einsicht und KenntniB der menschlichen Natur eingetheilt worden— der Staat ist immer ein Macroandropos gewesen— die Ziinfte = die GCLieder und einzelnen Krafte--die Stande = die Vermbgen. Der Adel war das Sittliche Vermbgen — die Priester das religiose Vermbgen— die Ge- lehrten die Intelligenz, der Konig der Wille. (Schriften. Ill, 286-87) Rarely is the organic analogy carried to such extremes, and one can doubt whether this analogy should be taken with i great and solemn seriousness. Still, here we see the new t 'romantic view of the state in its starkest outline* medie- | jval, corporate, organic, pervasive. This new conception regards the state as the supreme individual with all the ! I capacities of any individual. Schmitt-Dorotic contends I i | |that, while the organic concept itself is far from new, the1 i j ascription of moral and emotional values to the state does i i represent an original contribution.As befits his at- 'titude toward political romanticism, he deems the develop- t i ment pernicious. ; 10?Kluckhohn, p. 58. | ^^"Theorie,M p. 391* ! 90 Adam Muller's definition of the organic state deliber ately reacts against the conception of the preceding centu ry and represents a more down-to-earth one than Novalis'i der Staat ist nicht eine blofie Manufactur, Mei- erei, Assecuranz-Anstalt, oder mercantilische Societats er ist die innige Verbindung der ge- sammten nhysischen und geistigen Bedurfnisse. des gesammten nhysischen und geistigen Reich- thums. des gesammten inneren und aufieren Lebens I einer Nation, zu einem groflen energischen. un- i endlich bewegten und lebendigen Ganzern (Ele- | mente. I, 37) INovalis' definition, despite its imagery, still compartmen- , jtalizes and divides man from the state. The state exists j entirely of its own, while man participates uniquely as a I part of a group, not as an individual. Unlike Novalis i i Jagain, Muller lays the stress where it should be in an or- i :ganic theory of the states on life, on dynamism, on move- j 'ment. ! } | ; Louis de Bonald in 1796 uses precisely this equation j of the state with individual life (strange how death of the j i jstate did not figure into the analogy) to justify conserva-j | , i jtism as the mainstay of societys "La soci£t§ est un Stres ; \ j c a r , si elle n'^tait pas un §tre. elle n'existerait pas. I |Tout §tre a une fin, qui est la production ou la conserva tion des £tres.,,1Q9 The imagery is admittedly a bit mud dled, but the intent comes through. Maistre, also in 1796, | ^Q^Oeuvres completes, ed. Abb6 Migne (Parisi Migne, |1859)» I* 1^5. Hereafter cited in the text as Oeuvres. accepts the organic analogy axiomaticallyj MLa vie d'un gouvernement est quelque chose d'aussi reel que la vie d’un homme. . (Considerations. p. 97)• j What necessarily follows from the conception of the i i state as organism is a realization that the state, far from being the guarantor of individual rights, assumes all |rights to itself, since there exists an identity between I the members and the whole. It assumes the right to make I i !demands of its constituent parts, including the demand for perpetual support and subordination. This new realization i I will color the relationship of the individual to the state las perceived by the conservative romantic. | Before examining that relationship, let us turn quick-j |ly to one concomitant of the organic analogy, that of his- j ; toricism.-^G As in nationalism, Herder stands as a fore- ! j !runner to the historical approach of the romantic authors. |Clearly, if the state is an organism, then it is a being jwith a past and with a present which is a product of long J i .growth, Historicism seeks to emphasize that,a state, when i |viewed organically, cannot be established, or altered in ■ jits forms, by an act of man's will. Savigny's historical i | i;* - GSee Friedrich Meinecke, Die Entstehung des Histo- irismus. ed. Carl Hinrichs, Vol. 3 of Werke. eds. Hans Herz- feld, Carl Hinrichs, and Walther Hofer (Munchen; Olden- bourg, 1959)* for a full discussion through Herder. For later developments in France see B. G. Reizov, Frantsuzska- j.va romanticheska.va istoriografi.va (1816-1830) (Leningrad; IIzdatel*stvo Leningradskogo Universiteta, 1956). i i , I ____________________________________________________92j school of law, the basis for which finds its expression in his 181^ Voro Beruf unsrer Zeit fUr Gesetzgebung und Rechts- wissenschaft. notes that laws and constitutions cannot be fashioned deliberately in the present. Maistre, much ear lier, makes the same assertions Qu'est-ce qu’une constitution? n'est-ce pas la solution du problfeme suivant? Etant donn§es la •population, les moeurs. la religion, la situa tion ggpgraohique. les relations politiques. les richesses. les bonnes et les mauvaises qua- litgs d'une certaine nation, trouver les lois qui lui conviennent. (Considerations, p. 897 j Like Maistre and Savigny, Bonald insists that a constitu- | ' tion can be none other than the product of long historical ' growth; "l'homme ne peut pas plus donner une constitution j i & la societS religieuse ou politique, qu'il ne peut donner i | la pesanteur aux corps ou l'etendue § . la matiere. . .H i 1 : (Oeuvres. I, 121). Coleridge, in The Statesman* s Manual i I (1816), echoes Burke's contention that the French Revolu- 1 tion incarnates evil because of its neglect of tradition 1 I I and "the lights of specific experience."HI Adam Muller j | uses the same argument in his Zweite Yorlesung of the file- ! i mente. Even the Soci6t6 des Bonnes Lettres included the j I 1 j ^■^In White, p. 33* Full-length analyses of Cole- j ridge's politics can be found in David P. Calleo, Coleridge j and the Idea of the Modern State. Yale Studies in Political Science, No. 18 (New Haven and London: Yale University I Press, 1966)5 John Colmer, Coleridge. Critic of Society j (Oxfordt Clarendon Press, 1959); and Carl R. Woodring, ! Politics in the Poetry of Coleridge (Madison; University 5«pf Wisconsin Press, 1961). All are widely acclaimed. historicist attitude as part of its credoi "'II est n€ces- saire d'apprendre a ceux qui ne l'ont jamais su . . . et a ceux qui l'ont oubli§, les rapports qu'il y a entre les in- | stitutions prSsentes et les institutions anciennes,'"H2 i Karamzin's Zaoiska o drevnei i novoi Rossii (1811) revolves |around the same point. Coupled with organicism, this his- i toricist approach to the state gives to that body (to use * | the theory's terminology) unbound legitimacy and unlimited I 'power over the individual. | This power manifests itself when the conservative ro mantic comes to speak of the relationship of the individual I ' ’ I to the state. With the organic analogy and the historicist |attitude, which is born of that analogy, the rejection of ithe contract theory, still present in Burke, occurs implic- J itly. Coleridge stands here as an exception in that he ad-j 'heres to the utilitarian conception of the state, viewing j jit as late as 1817 in-A La.v Sermon as having these "posi- ! j j ,tive ends": j l j j 1. To make the means of subsistence more easy j j to each individual. 2. To secure to each of : ; its members the hope of bettering his own con- I dition or that of his children. 3. The devel- j | opment of those faculties which are essential to his humanity, i.e. to his rational and moral being, -*-13 i i I The thoughts belong to the eighteenth century. I j 112Quoted in Bray, p. 59. j 113in White, pp. 108-09. j _____________________________ 94 For the majority of romantic authors who express con servative thought, the state no longer exists as the man- made institution designed to protect and serve the individ ual, but as the sole source of right and liberty. Rights are no longer individual-oriented, but state^oriented. ! Without the state, the individual cannot exist, as Muller i 'insists* wder Mensch ist nicht zu denken auBerhalb des i I Staates" (Elemente. I, 29). This attitude may seem ex- 'treme, and Muller means it to be very extreme, especially | I : when placed up against the eighteenth-century toleration of i jthe state as necessary evil, but it results necessarily I jfrom the organic viewpoint. If the state is life, then what is not of the state has no life. The argument is sim- j jpie enough, but harsh in its implications for such ideals las those proposed in the days of democratic revolutions. 'Novalis follows his acceptance of the organic theory j jthrough to the same conclusion* in yet another fragment in I | iDas allgemeine Brouillon we learn that MDer vollk/omne7 ' I Btirger lebt ganz im Staate— er hat kein Eigenthum aufier dem| jstaate" (Schriften. Ill, 273). Individual liberty measures! ! ! I itself by inclusion within the collective. Kleist's Prinz ! Friedrich von Hornburg (1811) teaches this subordination of ! ithe individual to the whole. In like manner, August Wil helm Schlegel insists on the precedence which national lib- |erty takes over individual liberty* "De tout terns l'on javoit confondu en Allemagne 1'ind§pendance individuelle avec une veritable liberty nationale qui impose de grands devoirs, mais qui assure de grands droits.Karamzin saw the degree of individual liberty as a function of the stability of the state, a stability only possible through 'an authoritarian form.^^ For Bonald, the collective rep- I resents the sole means to individual identity: "L'homme n'existe que pour la socidt§, et la socidt§ ne le forme que ipour elle" (Oeuvres. I, 123). From the earlier view that ■ the government exists solely at the whim and for the bene- i I fit of the individual to this statement by Bonald consti- | l I tutes quite a leap (into the abyss no doubt). I ! The ideal, as Kluckhohn shows admirably in his Persbn- i ! lichkeit und Gemeinschaft. is a union, beneficial to both, I • l" ™ ,T I- 1 1 " 1 { of the collective and the individual, Gorres makes fre- I I quent reference to a search for this median in which nei- • ther the collective nor the individual is crushed. The I ideals of the French Revolution were maintained in this ! . | ; context onlv in the form of liberty and fraternitS, since ( I these needs can be provided for in the collective. Egalitgj i j stands for the conservative writer of romanticism in direct ' opposition to individual liberty. The unlimited growth of ' the individual to his highest potential (liberty) will i | > H^King, p. 16. ! •^-’ Richard Pipes, "Karamzin's Conception of the Monar- j chy," in Russian Thought and Politics, eds. Hugh McLean,, Martin E. Malia, and George Fischer, Harvard Slavic Stud- ! ies, Vol. b (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1957)» ip, 39. Hereafter cited as Pipes, "Monarchy." necessarily result in inequality, since potential belongs to the individual and not equally to each. Such inequality [then equals freedom to someone like Muller who sees growth j as the raison d’etre of the individual as well as of the iwhole. The function of the state vis-a-vis the individual |rests finally on the fact that life and liberty can only he I :pursued within its confines. Without the state, no growth I !can occur. Novalis views the outsider from such a perspee- i 'tives *'Um Mensch zu werden und zu bleiben, bedarf er eines t ~ Staats. . . . Ein Mensch, ohne Staat ist ein Wilder. Alle Kultur entspringt aus den Verhaltnissen eines Menschen mit i dem Staate" (Schriften. Ill, 313). With similar thoughts 1 in mind, Wordsworth, much later, in the ninth sonnet of the- I iSonnets upon the Punishment of Death (1839), emphasizes thej state in the role of moral guide to the individuals ! Speaking through Law’s dispassionate voice, I the State 1 ; Endues her conscience with external life And being, to preclude or quell the strife ! Of individual will, to elevate i ; The grovelling mind, the erring to recal, j And fortify the moral sense of all. ; ; (Poetical Works. VIII, 98) I !Likewise, Fichte's state assumes a primarily enculturating ,function (Reden. p. 135)* providing for the moral growth of! ! ;the individual. The ideas are similar in Schiller, al- jthough for him the state is meant to be superseded in the Proceeding from these generalized concerns on the na ture of the state and its relationship to the individual, the conservative romantic author moves toward a considera- jtion of specific practical forms, which will embody his i i theoretical conceptions, A process of politicization is at | work here. Above all, and for all, the monarchy was the | accepted ideal, | For the emerging French romantics, monarchism seemed I natural. Lamartine writes his "Ode sur la naissance du due de Bordeaux" (1822) with its shout of joy, "II est n6 l'en- ! fant du miracle" and its respectful mourning of the due de I I Berry (Oeuvres, p. 4-2). The royalist press greeted Lamar- i tine*s Meditations with generous acclaim. Hugo likewise ; 1 . grieved in "La Mort du due de Berry" and exalted "La Ven- j ; dde" for its anti-revolutionary, pro-monarchist activity. I ' i i In Germany, the conservative romantic authors fash- i ■ ioned monarchy along the more specific lines of the medie- ival monarchy based on a corporate society (the Standestaat) ! I headed by a single powerful figure. Friedrich Schlegel, | ; Josef Gorres, Ernst Moritz Arndt, and Adam Muller all de- : [ . veloped detailed systems for the application of the corpo- : j | I rate state to contemporary society. Schlegel believed such; i a state to embody the closest approximation of the institu- •j -j £ tions -primitives he felt it necessary to approximate. x ^^Droz, Romantisme. p. 59. 98 Gorres saw in the revival of the corporate state a similar return to times of harmonys the nobility, the clergy, and the bourgeoisie formed the three estates of the Wehrstand. Lehrstand. and the Nahrstand.^? Muller*s and Arndt*s eon- |ceptions moved along the same lines. This attempt at the j re-introduction of the Standestaat as the form of govem- !ment, though oriented to the present, takes little account I of the growth of political institutions since the time pri- i !or to the Reformation. Friedrich Wilhelm IV, in 18^7* |would go so far as to propose to the Prussian assembly this ivery re-institution of the medieval Standestaat. The as- i !sembly rejected the idea, needless to say. This failure on Jthe part of the conservative romantics to recognize the I growth of political institutions beyond the Standestaat j ;represents a certain neglect of the historicist approach to' i i iwhich the conservatives had committed themselves. The im- | j ! pact of the Revolution could not be ignored, and most of ; . • ,the romantics who spoke up for the monarchy as the ideal j i form did so with a look toward the revived concept of re- ! \ jpublicanism and its promotion of popular participation in i jthe governmental process. I ! i The nature of the ruler, as described by the conserva tive romantics, partakes of this new.communion between the people and the state. Novalis and F. Schlegel thus view - ithe king more as a symbol of this unity and less as an i 1 ^'’ Aris, History, p. 33^. actual ruler. Adam Muller in the 1806 Vorlesungen liber die deutsche Wissenschaft und Literatur seconds the point with emphasis on the king*s function as intermediary through history. "Der wahre Souveran . . . ist lenksames Kind des- i sen was gewesenj schiitzender, sorgender, schaffender Ge- Imahl dessen, was ist? Vater des noch Ungeborenen selbst, ‘ was sein wird."!-1 -® Much later, in 1843, Bettina von Arnim i ! would write to Friedrich Wilhelm IV that MDem Volk Genius ! sein, es umfassend starken und erleuchten zur kiihnen Tat, j ! ' i I das ist des Konigs Beruf. . . .”119 in this passage, she i 1 essentially echoes her predecessors in romantic political ; ' i i | thought. | What remains significant is that the romantics did i | draw from the revolutionary experience this new feeling i for the active role of the individual in the state. Here j I must except the Ghateaubraind of De Buonaparte et des ! Bourbons (1814), who, as yet, has learned nothing! the ! ' ’ ! i Revolution remains evil, Bonaparte especially satanic, and,! i : | for the time, Mle gouvernement monarchique le seul qui pfit ! | j | 11®Adam Muller, Kritische/asthetische und ohilosophi- j * sche Schriften. eds. Walter Sehroeder and Werner Siebert i I (Neuwied and Berlin! Luchterhand, 196?)* I» 101. Among j ; the numerous studies on MUller*s politics, see especially I l Reinhold Aris, Die Staatslehre Adam Mullers in ihrem Ver- | ; haltnis zur deutschen Romantik (Tubingen! Mohr, 1929K j and Jakob Baxa, Adam Miiller. ein Lebensbild aus den Be- freiungskriegen und der deutschen Restauration (Jena! ! Fischer, 1930). j | ^ ^ Werke und Briefe. ed. Joachim Muller (Frechem ! Bartmann, 19^1)» V, 339. I loo! TOO convenir & notre patrie." Others were to join Chateau- 'briand in unilateral condemnation of republicanism. Burke | (Reflections, p. 11*0 notes that democracy can just as easily lead to tyranny by the people as one-man rule can 'lead to despotism, a point Benjamin Constant would reiter- i I ate several years later. Maistre insists that there are I 'less rights for the individual in a republic than in a I imonarchy (Considerations. p. 155) and that monarchy stands I for order in contrast to the disintegrative nature of re publicanism (Considerations. p. 163). This disintegration j t j was also feared by Novalis in his view of the French Revo- t !lution as a direct result of the Reformation. With the 1 1 1 same fears that revolution undermined liberty, Pushkin i |would portray in Boris Godunov the inherent trend toward j tyranny in revolutionary activity. And Pushkin’s state- !ment comes at a time (1825) when his association with the | ! Decembrists was close. ^ | ; This rejection of the ideals of the French Revolution jdoes not represent the fundamental position of the conser- ' j vative romantic on the relationship between the monarchy ' !and republicanism. Kluckhohn points out that even in the : I f S turn to the Middle Ages the romantic found confirmation of I ;a unity between the two forms: I • L20Mglanges politiaues— poMmiaue. Vol. 7 of Oeuvres I completes de Chateaubriand. 2nd ed., rev. (Paris: Garnier, n, d.), p. 10. Hereafter cited in the text as Melanges. Und sie fanden auch sehon in seiner / t h e Middle Agesl7 monarchischen Verfassung einen gewissen republikanischen Charakter verwirklicht, wie August Wilhelm Schlegel in seinen Vorlesungen Uber die Enzyklopadie der Wissenschaften aus- ftthrte, eine Verbindung von Subordination und Koordination und eine Durchdringung des monar chischen und des demokratischen Prinzips, wie Gbrres sagte, nach welchem schon Dante die Mo- narchie als 'eine freie Genossenschaft der _ Volker unter einem Oberhaupt* dargestellt habe. 1 j What is important is that the romantics retained the ideas j behind republicanism, while they rejected for the most part ! the institutions associated with the France of the revolu tionary period. Thus, Wordsworth can call the Napoleonic ,regime "a child of noble parents— Liberty and Philanthropic Love” (note that equality has been dropped). Popular par- | i iticipation has for Wordsworth become a fact of political I 1 ' i life, and, for that reason, he can advocate the new feelingj ;for nationality. The monarchy already had a republican j side to it in England, so that the efforts of the German | ! romantics to unite monarchy with the new reality of repub- j ;licanism would seem forced in the mouth of Wordsworth or i i j Coleridge. i j Karamzin held over from the Revolution and especially j 1 | I from Montesquieu a belief that law, and not arbitrary au- I thority, must characterize the autocratic state. Thus, Karamzin, like Novalis, could call himself a republican, while he maintained his objection to republican forms of 121Kluckhohn, p. 93. government, "Being a republican involved a belief,in the worth of virtue, justice, progress— objects which, in Ka ramzin's view, could be attained least of all by the re publican system."-*;22 I I Novalis put great stress on separating his notion of republicanism as achte Harmonie (Schriften. Ill, 284) from so-called "republican" institutions, Glauben und Liebe. with its subtitle, Der Konig und die Konigin. and with its |occasion being the new reign of Friedrich Wilhelm III and Queen Luise, grapples with the problems of the role of the | l i 1 1 monarchy in the immediate post-revolutionary period. In 1 |the twenty-third aphorism, only "armselige Philister" wouldj * ! ■ contend that republicanism exists solely "wo es Primair- J i i jund Wahlversammlungen, Direktorium und Rathe, Munizipalita-i i ten und Freiheitsbaume gabe" (Schriften. II, 490). Aetual- jly, Novalis offers no satisfactory definition of republi canism* here it is achte Harmonie in all its delightful !vagueness, there "achte Demokratie ist Protestantismus— I I i politischer Naturstand" (Schriften. II, 468). At any rate,i ! I jNovalis requires as the ideal form a union of this repub- ; i Ilicanism with the traditional monarchy. Again in Glauben i i 1und Liebe the vision of the ideal state appears synthetic* "Es wird eine Zeit kommen und das bald, wo man allgemein uberzeugt seyn wird, daG kein Konig ohne Republik, und i i j 122pipeSf “Monarchy," p. 42, keine Republik ohne Konig bestehen konne, dafi beide so un- itheilbar sind, wie Korper und Seele. . .” (Schriften. II, j490). When one considers that the king represents the j ■ life-giving element in the state (Schriften. II, 488) and J that the republic thus stands for that to which the king gives life, then the rather mystical union of the monarch ;with the republic (Novalis likes the marriage metaphor) j ■assumes its place within the organic concept of the state. | \Friedrich Schlegel in the Athenaeum (I, No. 2, 55) and I j jJosef Gorres in Teutschland und die Revolution (1819) refer i l a s well to the balance between the monarchical and the re- i ! i publican. i ' To summarize briefly, the conservative political I thought of the romantic authors moved from early cosmopoli-i }tanism to cultural nationalism. This cultural nationalism J i I !underwent politicization at the time of the revolutionary i ;and Napoleonic wars. Through this politicization, a new i !sense of national identity arose, which showed itself in ; literature as patriotic verse, in a sympathy for emerging j jnations, and in a transfer to the nation of a millennial i | Ihope. The nation of the conservative romantics was organ- i ,ic, the product of long historical growth. Within the I I state, which was generally monarchic and specifically hi erarchic (with the medieval Standestaat as the usual exam ple), the individual was subsumed in the collective. I ;Liberty thus came to be defined as a measure of the degree i 104 ! to which the needs of the individual and of the state co incided. Reactionary Romanticism i | Conservative romanticism posited a political doctrine jwhich held the state to be based on collectivism, legitima- i ! cy born of tradition, and hierarchy. The state’s authority | derived from that basisj its mission emerged as a messianic i ]one destined to resurrect the nation and, through it, all jof Europe. Reactionary romanticism adopts the teachings of! i ' I I ; I conservative romanticism, but proposes established religion | las the surest means of attaining the ideal state of the ^earlier phase. Clearly, in collectivism, in hierarchy, in ' I i jauthoritarianism, the reactionary romantics saw the Church '(generally, the Catholic Church) as the primary model and i |as the agent with the power needed to implement the goals :of the conservatives. There is in the turn to the Church I \a. recognition that the nationalism held supreme in conser- | vative romanticism spelled disaster for the aims of a I i I hierarchically-ordered society bent on preserving the po- ! j isition of the classes. Realizing that the new nation-con- j Icept undermined centralized authority, the reactionary ro- jmantics rejected what was to prove progressive in conser vative political romanticism. The reactionaries shifted in | ja sense to a renewed call for cosmopolitanism, but it was a Jbackward-looking cosmopolitanism based on religion as the unifying factor among nations. With characteristic aloof ness from political and religious reality, which had re defined the relationship between Church and state and had established subordination of the spiritual to the temporal, reactionary romanticism attempts to re-institute the sup posed harmony already spoken of in Novalis* Christenheit | oder Eurooa (1799)* This harmony was born of a society. ! dictated to by one religion with a desperate stake in pre- I serving its dominion. Curiously, it is at this very point where a gap exists between theory and reality that romanti- ! cism accelerates its politicization anew as several erst while conservatives, like Friedrich Schlegel and Adam Mul- i ! ! ler, mpve into practical politics and ally themselves with I j the authoritarianism of the Metternich regime to be used as i I propagandists against liberalism,^23 j i From conservative romanticism to reactionary romanti cism proved no difficult step. All that was needed was .a j belief that the attainment of a collective, hierarqhical, j i legitimate, and authoritarian ruling body could be ,brought j ! about only through the power and world-wide network of es- ' 1 1 f > ' tablished religion and its principles of authority and sub-; ! i i I ordination. The Church takes over the messianic role once j I T I attributed to the nation. Novalis, at the close of his 123see Robert Leon Jamison, "Friedrich Schlegel and Metternich (18G9-I8l9)i A Study in Political Romanticism," [ Dissertation Abstracts International. 30 (1970), ^988A j (Washington). Christenheit oder Eurona had suggested, after all, thattthe i salvation of Europe was only possible through a re-awaken ing of religion. In 1817 Lamennais had insisted in his Essai sur I1in difference that authority resting on premises drawn from | medieval times must be re-established as the primary polit- i j ical principle. Similarly, Maistre argued that, since au- j thority is divine, the Church stands as the closest approx- I imation of true authority. Franz von Baader in an t l823 s | aphorism contends that without a recognition of divine au- j thority a society cannot be constituted. Furthermore, ! ; Baader sees this subordination to authority as the ,only | means to individual freedom.12^ This statement is ,in tune J i I ! with the conservative romantics, although the authority ! i : they demanded of the state was not necessarily of divine ■ | ; origin. Bonald and Maistre had long emphasized the Church j as being a ready-made vehicle for the embodiment of the l i I conservative romantic ideals of collectivism and authori- j tarianism. Muller became familiar with Bonald's writings j | as early as 1810. Muller himself remarked on the affinity j i 1 between the 1809 Elemente der Staatskunst and Bonald's L§- ! gislation primitive (1802), indicating a move on his part t i i toward theocracy even before the contact with the French l^Franz von Baader, Yom Sinn der Gesellschaft» i Schriften zur Sozial-Philosophie. ed. Hans A. Fischer- j Barnicol (Kolni Hegner, 19^6), p. 200. Hereafter cited I in the text as Schriften. writer.•J - 2^ Likewise, the theocratic writings of Maistre, especially Du rape (1819), were coming to the attention of •I the emerging German reactionary authors. While conser- j vative romanticism still clung to the early romantic priz- I j ing of the individual (in the collective state the individ ual was to reach his highest potential), reactionary roman- 1 I |ticism has dropped all pretense that collective-authoritar- i ian rule can be a means to individuation. Subordination, I ! lack of personal identity, rigidified and dictated behavior; j j l | j patterns now.characterize the relationship of the individu-j i ; ial to those in power. | ! 1 This re-definition of the relationship between the i i I J governed and the governing emerges from a similar re-defi- j t i ;nition of the basis of society. No longer, as was common j ! in the aftermath of the French Revolution, could the reac- !tionary romantics tolerate the notion that society is a I purely secular entity. Society and its polities now re- i j ;assume the religious basis of the time before the emergence^ ’ I :of industrialism, often of the Middle Ages. In Ueber das j j durch die franzbsische Revolution herbeigeftihrte Bedflrfnis ! 1 t !einer neuen und innigeren Verbindung der Religion mit der j i i Politik (1815), Baader assails the anti-religious impact of !the French Revolution. He terms the Revolution the 1 12f>Kluckhohn, pp, 79-80, ! ^-2%ee Droz, Romantisme. p. 279, for information on lthe intermediaries between Maistre and the German authors. deceptive "Schimmer der Morgenrote der Holle" (Schriften. p. 106). This false dawn of liberty bewildered the na tions. Baader urges a cathartic counter-revolution, and by •'counter-revolution" he specifically means the re-introduc- !tion into political life of religion. This counter-revolu- j tion will lead to the political ideal of "wahre Theokra- ;tie." as opposed to the French "Damonokratie" (Schriften. I | p. 111). In an aphorism of 1823 we are provided with Baa- !der*s definition of Theokratie and of its relationship to |societal developmentj Man kann . . . drei Stadien der Gesellschaft unterscheiden, deren erstes die naturliche Ge sellschaft bezeichnet, in der nur die Liebe herirscht (Theokratie im engeren Sinne)s sowie aber die Liebe verletzt wird oder mangelt und das Gesetz spricht, gestaltet sich die Gesell schaft zur Zivilgesellschaft (das Regiment der Richter bei den Juden, endlich wenn auch das Gesetz ubertreten wird, tritt die Autorit'at als Macht und zwar geschieden hervor, und die Gesellschaft nimmt hiermit die Form der poli- tischen im engeren Sinne des Wortes an (Regi ment der Konige bei den Juden). (Schriften. p. 197) iAn affinity with Rousseau and with the utilitarians eroer- i i ges, which alienates Baader somewhat from the reactionar- j jies. His social concerns will do the same. In the picture! of a pre-lapsarian state of society, theocracy is seen as I i t less of a governmental form, which is associated with sin, ithan as the direct manifestation of divine love. This love i ;orders society so as to preclude the necessity of political institutions. Accordingly, there is no mixing of the tem poral and the spiritual, but no real separation eitheri the division is not manifest. Through this thinking, Baa der was led to support Lamannais' L* Avenir in its troubles with the Church hierarchy. ! Without Baader*s philosophical depth, Bonald could | speak as well of the identity of trdne et autel.^? His ;major work calls itself Th6orie du oouvolr politique et re- Iligieux (1796), thus emphasizing the foundation of society 'as being at once secular and spiritual. In the work, Bo- ; 1 nald expresses the conviction explicitly s **il existe une j 1 I let une seule constitution de soci§t§ politique, une et une | 'seule constitution de socigt§ religieuses la r§union de ! ■ ” 111 ' " I 1ces deux constitutions et de ces deux soci€t€s constitue ;la socidtg civile. . ." (Oeuvres. I. 121). The notion of ! ! I I * religion as the basis for society moves in a direct line j ■ ■ ■ ! from Burke to the statements of Bonald. Already in the Re- i | ;flections on the Revolution in France (1790), Burke had ! ;spent pages demonstrating how the average Englishman con- j | |siders the established church to be the corner-stone of 1 \ I state and society. Lest we be overly impressed, Cobban j jwarns that for Burke "the political benefits conferred by !religious organizations, in particular by the Church of | j ^ 7 Jacques Droz, Histoire des doctrines nolitiques en ;France. ^th ed., Que sais-je?, No. 304 (Parisj Presses lUniversitaires de France«, .1963), p. 67. Hereafter cited as iDroz, Histoire. England, tend in his mind, as in the minds of most of his contemporaries, to outweigh spiritual values.*128 Words worth, in Book VI of The Excursion (1814), salutes the mon archy and the Church of England as mutually supporting ele ments in the political stability of England (Poetical | Works. V, 235-36). The later Ecclesiastical Sonnets (1821) i jlikewise bring together the religious and the political. ! Insofar as this coupling of religion and politics re- 'acts against the French Revolution’s anti-religious stance, i i ! 1 we remain on the bridge to conservative romanticism. The j \ j 1 germs of reactionary romanticism were born of the same turn! j 1 ;against 1789. The acceptance of the Church as the primary jagent for the implementation of conservative romanticism's | | I |ideals necessarily grew out' of that phase's looking toward I the Catholic Middle Ages and its prizing of hierarchy and i jan all-encompassing collective. Importantly, however, the jconservative romantics, even in their denunciation of the ^ j |anti-religious efforts of the revolutionaries, did not looki 1 I iforward to the re-establishment of the Church as temporal j ! j I power. The reactionaries took it upon themselves to seek I I this re-establishment. Maistre, in the Considerations j |(1796), termed religion and politics identical in concep- |tiom "La politique et la religion se fondent ensemble* on distingue k peine le legislateur du pr^trej et ses 12®Cobban, pp. 239-40, institutions publiques consistent principalement en c6r6- monies et vacations religieuses” (Considerations, p. 8^). In like manner, Baader would contend Mes ist . . . absurd, das Problem der burgerlichen Gesellschaft (freie Verbindung |der Menschen) ohne den Geist der Religion losen zu wollen" |(Schriften. p. 102). | No longer will it suffice for the political activist I to neglect the spiritual. Marx would recognize as much iabout the power of religion. Long before Marx would exert i |his influence, Saint-Simon, as a result of the same recog- I j inition. would write his Nouveau Christianisme. Baader. of i i I !course, referred to established religion, specifically to !the Catholic Church. Maistre proposes, as did Burke, that i i !permanence in political institutions results solely from a foundation in religion.As for Bonald and Maistre, so i !too for the reactionary Adam Muller, in his Von der Notwen- digkeit einer theologischen Grundlage der gesamten Staats- ; i 'wissenschaften (1819), all political society rested on a ! ; I I religious foundation. "L'Etat est d1essence religieusej il i ja besoin de la. religion pour subsister,"130 When Coleridge( | ! I refers in the Statesman*s Manual to the Bible as the best j 1 1 I i 129 ; 7Des Constitutions politiques et des autres insti tutions humaines. ed. Robert Triomphe, Publications de la !Faculty des Lettres de l'Universit§ de Strasbourg, S§rie |Art et Litt§rature, Vol. 21 (Parisj Belles-Lettres, 1959)» jp. 85. The same notion expresses itself in the Cpnsidjra- Itions. p. 67. i ! ; ^-^°Droz, Romantisme. p. 76. guide for statesmanship, the meaning remains substantially the same as in Muller, although in the continental reac tionaries more emphasis is placed on an established church i than on the Bible, The difference is obviously rooted in the differences in the Catholic and Protestant traditions. As in Christenheit oder Eurona. Coleridge in A Lav Sermon sees the remedy for a society losing its grip on the past ! in a re-awakened Christianity. "Coleridge is plainly . thinking of the medieval rather than of the modern Church | i j when he says its function is to mediate between the rich j | and the poor, between the Government and the people."^^ j | i Novalis accepts the same role for the Church. The States- | ; man * s Manual builds itself around the notion that the prin ciples of government are to be derived from religion quite j literally. ; I | This basing of politics on religion constituted no j A1 | mere flight of the imagination into theory* here the re- 1 actionary romantics also went beyond the vague link between! 1 * I ; the political and the religious to the point of writing ' | j about new political institutions to be molded on the re- j j constructed religious backdrop. Friedrich Schlegel in the j j thirteenth Vorlesung of Philosophie des Lebens (1828) at- J * I i tempts to establish a division of powers within a theocrat- i ! ic state. He, unlike Baader and Lamennais, assumes that I i i | ^-^Cobban, p. 2^2. the temporal and the spiritual are at odds. Both king and priest are representatives of divine authority, but that authority is fractured. Where mixing of the temporal and the spiritual or subordination of either occurs, despotism results. "So ist es auch von wesentlicher Wichtigkeit fur j diesen /the state/, die Grenzlinien zwisehen dem einen j J/temporal/ und dem andern /spiritual/ Gebiet sorgsam zu ,beachten."132 j^g eariy Lamennais certainly had a real I | day-to-day government in mind when he spoke of the theo- j eratic state: it would have the concrete purpose of re- ! ! storing order, of subordinating the temporal to the Church, | and of setting up the Pope as the temporal, as well as the 'spiritual, leader with power beyond that of purely admin- j ! ’ i | istrative national leaders.-*-33 Gorres, probably influenced Jby the new theocratic stance of Friedrich Schlegel and Adam | Muller, viewed the Church as the sole means of restoring ; the values lost during the revolutionary period. The group i I I i gathered around Gorres in Munich after 1825 and its jour- j •nal, Eos, all intended to promote Catholic restoration,-^** j ' j ! which seemed to the reactionary the surest way to implement, j j j ^-^Friedrich Schlegel, Philosophie des Lebens: Philo- | ; sophische Vorlesungen. insbesondere Uber Philosophie der ! Sprache und des Wortes. ed. Ernst Behler, Vol. 10 of Kri- I I tische Friedrich-Schleeel-Ausgabe. eds. Ernst Behler, Jean- 1 Jacques Anstett, and Hans Eichner (Wien: Schoningh, 1969)* j p. 268. I i j 133Droz, Histoire. p. 68. 1 13** ✓ Droz, Romantisme. p. 276. i i i * * ! the ideals of a hierarchically-ordered and authoritarian state formulated when Gorres, Schlegel, and Muller were still conservative romantics. Friedrich Schlegel believed as well that the restoration of the Church to temporal pow- :er served the larger cause of conservative political roman-! ticism.^-^ | As did Maistre, F. Schlegel and MQller looked upon a i 'powerful Papacy as the instrument most able to manage the I re-institution of the desired feudal Standestaat . Eiehen- i idorff, indebted to F. Schlegel and Muller,’ .adds his voice ! i | to those who call on the Pope as a temporal leader. The j I ! |Pope, in Eichendorff1s view, can provide supranational uni-j ty without requiring the sacrifice of national identity.^36 j ! ’ -j i In real political terms, the Holy Alliance signed in 1 1815 hy Tsar Alexander, Franz I of Austria, and Friedrich jWilhelm III (soon joined by France) expressed the aims of ireactionary romanticism: a new supranational community of i .Christian peoples was to be established for the preserva- j . 1 ition of order and existing political institutions. Muller i and Schlegel supported the Alliance: alone Gorres remained .opposed— he considered it reactionary.-^37 Nonetheless, in i j ^^Droz, Romantisme. p. 265. j i o/C . D Peter Kruger, "Eichendorffs politisches Denken," lAurora. 29 (1969), 62. ! 1 3 7 | J Herbert R. Liedke, "The German Romanticists and Karl Ludwig von Haller’s Doctrines of European Restora tion," JEGP, 57 (1958), 388. I838 Gorres would found the Historisch-politische Blatter fur das katholische Deutschland for which Metternich*s chief propagandist, Karl Ludwig von Haller, would serve as j the main contributor and theoretician."^® ! | Authority was the dominant political virtue for which the reactionary romantic authors searched. The Church, in ! their eyes, seemed to offer the potential for the large- !scale and benevolent exercise of authority needed. Again, jthe millennium was at hand. The French Revolution had ! failed, nationalism had failed* the Church held new hope, j 'while the reactionaries awaited the re-establishment of the! i l I I ;Church as temporal power, they contented themselves with J !service to authoritarianism in government. | ! ! i The reactionaries blindly considered established re- |ligion as the messianic agent* all political problems— ithe disorder born of the revolutions in France and indus- jtry, the lack of aristocratic leadership, the rising prob- llems of the poor— eould be solved if only man, both as a j i 1 i political and as a religious animal, would just submit to the Pope as leader. Rose-colored and naive, the proposals of the reactionary romantics nonetheless could work effec- | {tively in the real world, but only so long as they were ad- I I ministered and distorted by the procrustean measures of a jMetternich. Their whole thought belonged to the past. As I soon as the middle classes of Europe had the political I | 1^^Liedke, p. 391. I _________________ 116 , clout to match Metternich's force with force and to smash the fogged-up windows through which Louis-Philippe and Friedrich Wilhelm IV saw the world, reactionary romanticism iremained but a curious blot on the growth of political ro- ‘manticism toward an awareness that literature must make of itself a vehicle for reform of the conditions brought on by J economic hardship, i I Liberalism, or the Bridge to Social Romanticism While the authors on the bridge from the revolutionary i prelude to conservative romanticism had turned against the j !French Revolution, the bridge from the conservative thought |of the romantic authors to social romanticism is formed by a positive re-evaluation of the Revolution and Napoleon. j i ; The authors on this bridge--the authors of liberal romanti- i J cism— nonetheless look askance at wholesale importation of jdemocratic institutions, and they will settle comfortably i on constitutional monarchy as an acceptable governmental j |form. In this form the liberal romantic authors uphold the! i revolutionary prelude's prizing of individual rights and also adopt from conservative romanticism a desire to chan- i |nel the expression of the popular voice into institutions, ;like the monarchy, which guard against the tyranny associ- l jated at once with popular sovereignty and with aristocracy. i i I find it curious to note in the critical literature a I ] I persistent placing in opposition of romanticism and liberalism. For instance, Droz speaks of Stein's politics as embodying a "combinaison d*Elements romantiques et d'Elements lib§raux. ” ^ 3 9 similarly, Moise Le Yaouanc can !only describe BAranger's romanticism as "original," since, as the argument runs, liberalism and romanticism ordinarily do not mix.1* * -0 Such statements have led to my attempt at re-definition of political romanticism. No one ideology I I I encompasses the political thought of the romantic writers. j !An expression of liberal thought stands as but one addi tional phase in the development of the phenomenon. i When, in 1810, the Cortes in CAdiz split between Ser- ! i viles and Liberales. the split between the conservative ro- jmantics and the liberal romantics came into focus. Its ac-l !tual manifestation in literature would come somewhat later, ' i Nonetheless, the basic confrontation between the supporters! jof an absolute monarchy and the proponents of constitution-I jal monarchy emerged intact in literature.1^ Pushkin would' isupport the Decembrist call for a constitution in 1825* In' "Arion" (1828), he sees himself as the sole survivor of thej I I | 1^^Romantisme. pp. 179-80. ; j l^°HLe Romantisme du liberal B6ranger," in Romantisme et politique 1815-1851: Collogue de l'Ecole Normale Suo§- irieure de Saint-Cloud (1966). No ed. (Paris: Colin, 19&9), jp. 71. I -] kn | AFor further details on liberalism in literature, ! see Dominique Bagge, Les Id§es oolitiques en France sous la Restauration (Paris: Presses Universitaires de la France, 1952), and Franz Koch, "Der VorstoB des Liberalismus," in Idee und Wirklichkeiti Deutsche Dichtung zwischen Romantik i und Naturallsmus (Dusseldorft Ehlermann, 1956), I, I-96. I 1 I 118 j I tempest, who, albeit in isolation, maintains alive the ,song 14-2 I of former times. He himself would turn shortly against | his own liberalism. Hugo, likewise, sees poetry as tending to promote freedom from restraint. In the 1828 Preface to the Odes, he states the hope "qu'un jour le dix-neuvi&me !si§cle, politique et litteraire, pourra etre r§sum£ d*un i ;moti la liberty dans l*ordre, la liberte dans l*artM (Qeu- ■vres. p. 9)* The aims of literature and politics merge and 1 become mutually supportive. In examining those aims, I shall look at four specific areas; 1) the re-evaluation of the French Revolution, 2) the re-evaluation of Napoleon, ! !3) the belief that governmental institutions, whether aris-j Itocratic or democratic, tend in the main to foster tyranny,! ! t I I |and k ) the acceptance of constitutional monarchy. | The conservative romantic authors begrudgingly ac knowledged the historical importance of the French Revolu tion. The liberal romantic authors inflate this importance! land undertake a re-examination of the revolutionary period.! i ) i I In this re-examination, they arrive at a positive assess- j Iment of the ideals and the institutions. The notion of in-! ! ' I (dividual political liberty is henceforth the foundation ; I upon which to build any system. ! t | Leigh Hunt admitted that the French Revolution “had *shaked up and reinvigorated the sources of thought all ! S. Pushkin, Stikhotvoreni.va 1827-1836. Vol. 3 of IPolnoe sobranie sochinenii (Moskva and Leningrad; Izda- tel'stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, 19^9), p. 15* [over Europe.*"1^3 Fichte, in opposition to the conserva tive and the reactionary romantics, did not reject the Ref- i jormation in its capacity as forerunner of the Revolution. i i jNor did he turn toward Catholicism, that is, away from the I anti-Catholic stance of the revolutionaries. Droz has em- Iphasized in this connection Fichte’s republican yearning in • the Redeni i II estime en 1807 que l’Allemagne est destinie & faire triompher les principes democratiques dont une France indigne n*a pas su assurer la ! realisation. Loin de proposer un retour au i passg, comme Schlegel et Adam Muller, il envi sage pour l’Allemagne l'av&nement d'une &re ! nouvelle.1^ i I lit remains true, however, that Fichte did promote a certain 1 'cultural nationalism deriving from the Middle Ages. He did; not join the conservative romantics in their call for the Jre-vitalization of medieval political forms or of the tem poral power of the Church. Arndt, likewise, recognized that reform must respond to the post-revolutionary polit- I i ,ieal situation. In conjunction with Stein’s move toward ; jdomestic reform, Arndt "realised that the challenge of the ' jRevolution must be met by thorough internal reforms." - ^ 5 j 1 1 1^-3 ^ ^ Carl R. Woodring, "Leigh Hunt as Political Essay ist," in Leigh Hunt’s Political and Occasional Essays, eds. Lawrence Huston Houtchens and Carolyn Washburn Houtchens |(New York and London* Columbia University Press, 19&2), jp. Hereafter cited as Woodring, "Leigh Hunt," I ^ ^ Romantisme. p. 116. ! ^^Aris, History, p. 387. These reforms would go only as far as constitutional monar chy and limited individual rights, but not so far as repub lican institutions. Mme de Stael in her Considerations sur ---------------------- i ! la Revolution francaise (1818) dwells on the same points. f - ' The constitution of 1791. which sought to establish a par-- |liamentary monarchy, receives praise. Rejected are the i i ! fall of the monarchy, the Terror, and the never-implemented i constitution of 1793 with its call for universal suffrage. !Mme de Stael steers a course of moderation between absolute' ! monarchy and democracy. Napoleon's role, as yet, had not ! been re-evaluated positively, nor could one honestly ex- | pect of Mme de Stael to participate in the re-habilitation ^ of the reputation of the one for whom her antagonism was I i jwell-known. j | i | Alphonse de Lamartine moves along very similar lines, i !■ i •Already in the Chant du sacre (1825), celebrating the ! i crowning in Reims of Charles X , Lamartine can refer to the 1 |"pacte Aternel" of the Charte as one of the bases upon ! which the monarch rules (Oeuvres, p. 268). Importantly, j ihowever, the other bases mentioned indicate a continued re-j j : jpudiation of the execution of Louis XVI, of the Terror, and; i J of the anti-religious stance of the Revolution, a repudia- l tion which would be carried through the writing of the i j Histoire des Girondins (18^7), A decade after Charles X's i j sacre. Lamartine publishes Jocelyn with its re-evaluation [of the Revolution as a step in a perfecting process. 121; Substantially, the vision of the events of the Revolution remains the same as in the Chant du sacre. although the hints are now explicit and fully developed. Still preva- i lent are the sympathy for the slain king, the sympathy for i i the oroscrits. the condemnation of the Terror, and the joy ! at the fall of Robespierre. Napoleon remains the tyrant he i was for Mme de Stael. Nonetheless, there emerges a belief I in the Revolution as part of a larger plan, which .is at i I | root benevolent. We saw how Maistre argued the same point, | but for Maistre the Revolution proved an aberration, not a j progressive link in the plan. Lamartine views with humili-i I | | ty the transitory forms of government, which man holds so j i crucial. Time, as the agent of history, j i | I [ ! I Chaque siecle, chaque heure, en poussilre il t entraine j ' Ces fragiles abris de la sagesse humaine, ! Empires, lois, autels, dieux, legislations* • • • Bagage qu*en fuyant nous laissons sur nos pas, ; j Que l'avenir mdprise et ne ramasse pas.l^6 I j | , i ; No one political form assumes a transcendent value, al- ! t ■ i i though one may be more appropriate to the state of develop-1 : j j ment in which a society finds itself. The celebrated pas- ! i J j sage on the caravane humaine from Jocelyn summarizes Lamar- j i i tine's new evaluation of the Revolution as a move toward I I ^^Alphonse de Lamartine, Jocelyn, episode? Journal j i trouv§ ’ 'chez un cur£ de village. Vol. 4 of Oeuvres completes! j de Lamartine publiges et inAdites (Paris: Chez 1'Auteur, ; i860), p. 120. Hereafter cited in the text as Jocelyn. progress. In a limited perspective, the Revolution appears to be the product of a "race stupide acharnee k sa perte" (Jocelyn, p. 3^9)• In the perspective of history, the Rev olution proves to be an unconscious drive to bridge the barriers (here, "le fleuve") that separate the old and es tablished forms ("les for§ts"), which harbor decay, from I ! ' the new, open land of promise. "La caravane avait conquis I ;1’autre rivage." The Biblical imagery calls to mind the i : move from the old to the new law, and it is this move that i , ! !Lamartine portrays, j j Even the anti-revolutionary Wordsworth accepts the | 1 notion that progress characterizes history. He too notes ! I that progress is understood only in a perspective which .goes beyond those institutions men hold dear for a time# ; In The Excursion, the Wanderer explains! The vast Frame Of social nature changes evermore Her organs and her members with decay Restless, and restless generation, powers And functions dying and produced at need, — And by this law the mighty whole subsists* With an ascent and progress in the main? Yet, oh! how disproportioned to the hopes And expectations of self-flattering minds! (Poetical Works. V, 32*0 jLamennais, as well, would conclude that revolutions con tribute to progress in spite of the immediate destruction. I In 1831, in France, two parties emerge which provide a | ; counterpoint to what was happening in literature with regard to the French Revolution. One party, the moderates, argued that the aims of the Revolution had been achieved. i The other party, more to the left, saw the Revolution as a j | step, not as an end. Along the way more steps would have i jto be taken, steps which would involve the support of na- | tions fighting wars of independence. The liberal and the ! social romantics would derive from the new positive evalu- | j ation of the Revolution a belief that fighting for Greece ^and Poland was one of the purposes of poetry. Delacroix’s ! I830 Liberty Leading the People partakes of the same new ■ • 1 | sense of mission. Again here, as in each other phase, there exists a strong hope for the millennium. Lamartine’s i |earavane humaine marches on in a renewed conviction that I ■ 1 ; the French,Revolution did signal the start along the road j I to the apocalypse. j 1 1 j In conjunction with the re-examination of the French Revolution, the liberal romantics also undertake a re-eval- ! i 'uation of Napoleon. Opinion is mixed, but in the end fa- ! vorable, often enthusiastic. Lamartine and Mme de Stael , ' I |still view Napoleon as a tyrant opposed to the basically | ! » |positive ideals of the Revolution. In belated reaction to \ j j [Napoleon’s death, Lamartine writes in •'Bonaparte" (1823) of; i , !the Emperor's perversion of the Revolution's idealss j Gloirei honneurt liberte' ces mots que l’homme adore, Retentissaient pour toi comme l'airain sonore Dont un stupide Aeho r§p§te au loin le soni De cette langue en vain ton oreille frapp6e Ne comprit ici-bas que le cri de l*6p§e, Et le mile accord du clairon! (Oeuvres, p. 120) Pushkin’s "Volnost’" (181?) argues anti-Napoleonism out of l j the same sense of republicanism which had characterized jGorres' Resultate meiner Sendung nach Paris (1800). Shel- jley exults at Napoleon’s fall in 1815 in terms which remind us of the ones Lamartine and Mme de Stael would use later. In "Feelings of a Republican on the Fall of Bonaparte" ! (1816), Shelley writes 1 I hated thee, fallen tyrant*. I did groan i To think that a most unambitious slave, j Like thou, shouldst dance and revel on the grave ' Of Liberty. Thou mightst have built thy throne j Where it had stood even nows thou didst prefer ; ; A frail and bloody pomp which time has swept ! In fragments toward oblivion.1^7 I ! | (Like Lamartine and Mme de Stael, Shelley sees Napoleon as i :the pervertor of revolutionary ideals, as the one who re- ; i duced what was political in those ideals into something 1 1 i jpurely military. Moreover, personal vanity rather than j political reform took precedence. Stendhal complains that j j ; Napoleon made the empire resemble a monarchy, but, while he; 1^8 criticizes, he does not condemn. ! 1 I 1 ? ^^Newell F. Ford, ed,, The Poetical Works of Shelley j (Bostons Houghton Mifflin, 1975). p. 35^ • Hereafter cited j in the text as Poetical Works. I 148 I Henri-Frangois Imbert, "Stendhal et Napolion," Eu- |rope. Nos. 480-481 (April-May, 1969). p. 156. This qualified praise of Napoleon (Stendhal goes be yond it in places) brings together several romantic au- ithors. Hunt, who later would condemn Napoleon, found the i |Emperor fascinating, but not altogether positive, Carl R. I Woodring relates the gist of three of Hunt's "Miscellaneous Sketches"» In the first, Napoleon called his cabinet to- i gether to dispose of all the kings and then by. j balloon to take over the universe. In the sec- ! ond, Napoleon had indigestion from devouring : mankind. In another, a visit was made upon Tal- j leyrand and Napoleon by Conscience, but the Em peror ran him through and burned him.1^9 j I i iPushkin came eventually in "Napoleon" to accept Napoleon, ! i |still termed "tiran," as the one who, in spite of himself, |awakened the nations to freedom.^-*® Byron at once sympa- I ithizes with and chastises Napoleon. In The Age of Bronze !(1823), Napoleon is simultaneously the one who challenged the monarchs arid the one who eared little for the human j sacrifice needed to carry out the challenge. ' Yes! where is he, the champion and the child | Of all that's great or little, wise or wild} Whose game was empires, and whose stakes were ! thrones? I Whose table.earth— whose dice were human bones? i (Poetical Works, p. 165) 1 t ! ^^HLeigh Hunt," p. 68. ■ . ^^QStikhotvoreniva 1820-1826. Vol. 2 of Polnoe sobra- I nie sochinenii (Moskva and Leningrad? Izdatel'stvo Aka- jdemii Nauk SSSR, 19^9), p. 60. Here is an early statement in the long debate over the ex traordinary man, which would reach into Crime and Punish ment and into Nietzsche. Must a great man's methods be as lofty and pure as his ideal? Must he be judged by his in- jferiors? Byron grieves for the victimizer turned victim, jbut not without doubt and a good measure of irony. Napo- !leon remains for him a Washington manguj. To put it blunt ly , Napoleon didn't know when to quit, to take up that un- i jimpeachable role of elder statesman. Hugo, in like man- I j n e r , qualified his praise of Napoleon in "L'Expiation" with i |a condemnation of the coup du dix-huit Brumaire. Napoleon I I |had overstepped his bounds. No longer, however, is he the !"despote" endued with an "orgueil fatal," the false god, as i iHugo had portrayed him in 1822 in "Buonaparte" (Oeuvres. jp. 25). Now there is greatness, even though marred by i !crime. In fact, Hugo's Napoleon becomes a deity of sorts, ! 1 ;certainly a historical giant. "Toujours Napoleon, Ablou- issant et sombre, / Sur le seuil du siScle est debout" ! ,(Oeuvres, p. 129) read two lines from "Lui" (1828). And inj j j •"A la colonne" (1830) Hugo writes of Napoleoni "nous it'avons pour dieu sans t*avoir eu pour maitret" (Oeuvres. ! ; | (p. 177). One senses in Hugo a desire to latch on to the i jheroic in Napoleon, which he had failed to glorify at the I iEmperor's death in 1821. In the early 1820's, he still 1 I jwrites in royalist anger at the usurper, while his fellow jpoets begin the positive re-evaluation and the building of the legend. Manzoni writes "II cinque maggio" (1821) and merits the praise of Goethe. Poems begin appearing in Ger many, especially by Heine, which treat Napoleon as the in carnation of liberty.B 6ranger and Stendhal promote the legend which emerges from the 1823 Memorial de Ste-H§lSne. Julien Sorel draws sustenance from the Memorial and joins I |other would-be Napoleons in literature, other would-be ex- ;traordinary men. The sculpture of Frangois Rude insists as well on the idolization of the Emperor and may be seen as ( the culmination of the romantic re-evaluation of Napoleon. In the re-evaluation of the French Revolution and of ! i I Napoleon and in the confrontation with conservative roman- I ■tic thought, the liberal romantic authors came to believe I ! |that both extremes— absolute monarchy and democracy— held ! |forth the prospect of tyranny. Benjamin Constant feared as much from the one as from the other. Stendhal expected as I much from the one as from the other and didn't mind as long !as the governmental machinery proved efficacious in main- j Itaining order. "Sceptique sur la valeur des differences | j qui sgparent les divers regimes politiques, Stendhal les ! [attend & l'oeuvre."^2 Absolute monarchy seemed to all to j I in ■ i I J Theodore Ziolkowski, "Napoleon's Impact on Germany*! |A Rapid Survey," Yale French Studies. 26 (1961), 96. See j also Kenneth Cornell's survey, "May 5, 1821 and the Poets," Yale French Studies. 26 (1961), 50-54. This entire issue I of Yale French Studies is devoted to Napoleon and litera- !ture. I | ^ 2Imbert, p. 157. I ; 128 be rooted in the too-distant and corrupt past. Leigh Hunt ;expresses the feelings "It always seems to me, that Provi dence has placed us in an age of wretched kings in order to ! give a lasting lesson to slavish minds and to shew the j [nothingness of mere royalty” (Essays, p. 88). Much later, |Mickiewicz will trace the lineage of corruption straight to l |monarchy. "But the kings corrupted all" (Books. p. 135)• i ! Democracy figures to be as despotic as monarchy. Ben- j jamin Constant, in the Princioes de politique (1815), ar gues that popular sovereignty can prove tyrannical if not i |checked. I i ! i i j La reconnaissance abstraite de la souverainet§ | du peuple n'augmente en rien la somme de liber- j t£ des individusj et si l'on attribue I t cette i souverainet# une latitude qu*elle ne doit pas j j avoir, la libert§ peut etre perdue malgr6 ce | ; principe, ou mdme par ce principe.153 i i ' i |The idea of a charte octroyge certainly affirms the belief jthat the people are not sovereign, but subordinate to the I 1*& monarch. J For Constant, as for the conservative roman- i ! ,tics, equality, but not liberty, means oppression in that j 1 it enforces conformity. Blake, certainly no conservative | ! ! ‘romantic, believed the same, as noted in the well-known | I I iaphorism, "One Law for the Lion & Ox is Oppression." I -^Oeuvres, ed. Alfred Roulin, Bibliotheque de la Pli- iiade, Vol. 123 (Paris* Gallimard, 1957), p. 1070, I l^See Ruggiero, p. 159. i j i_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 1 2 9 , Chateaubriand, in 1820, argues passionately against the in flux of democratic ideast ”Ceux qui ont assassine Mgr le due de Berry sont ceux qui, depuis quatre ans, §tablissent jdans la monarehie des lois dimocratiques; . . . ceux qui i J ont laiss§ precher dans les journaux la souverainetS du peuple. • . Elsewhere, he will argue that "l'Slec- jtion est de l'enfance de la soci§t§" (Politique, p. 124), i The principle of individual resistance to government seems | utterly incompatible with society (Politique, p. 219)• al though the collective resistance evident in the right to a j I | free press obtains Chateaubriand's approval. i ; ! While there was at once opposition to absolute monar- j i chy and to democracy, it is not enough to say that the lib-i ! ! ! i eral romantics in literature merely sought a .juste milieu, j a Biedermeier ideal transposed to the political world. I i 1 1 grant that Chateaubriand and others continually perceived ; government as walking on a perilous tightrope between tyr- i ■ i j army and anarchy. There was a reluctant acceptance on the j t < ; ; part of the liberals in literature that despotism was prob-j , i ; able in any political institution. Baader, who partici- 1 I ! pates in several phases of political romanticism, gives j ! vent to this acceptance, as he notes that "Despotie" can ! ' assume a "raonarchische, aristokratische oder demokratische ! Dupuis, J. Georgel, and J. Moreau, eds., Poli- i tjque de Chateaubriand (Parisi Colin, 196?), p. 143. J Hereafter cited in the text as Politique. Form" (Schriften. p. 103). Furthermore, the importance of a nation lies not in the particular form its government takes, but in the Gemeingeist. which is religion and with out which all forms prove despotic. In Blake's "Grey Monk," revolutionary activity, once in control of the reins of power, proves as tyrannical as the monarchy it over threw. The same holds true in Pushkin's Boris Godunov. 1Mickiewiez agrees with Baader that institutions are of !secondary importance, but that the vague "spirit" of the I nation is crucial. "Dispute not greatly over the form of | ! I the future government in Poland" (Books. p. 17*0. The new 1 I I law, the New Testament law of self-sacrifice and brotherly I 1 'love, will order the nation, once resurrected. While Mick- s jiewicz is loud on the merits of the new law and quick to !dismiss all traditional governmental forms as belonging to i 1 |the old law, he never proposes in real political terms the 1 I manner in which the new law will come to be implemented. , As a precaution against the tyranny inherent in both ! 1 iabsolute monarchy and democracy, liberalism in literature ! |advocates a constitutional monarchy. Stein and Speranski ! I I |had provided the impetus in the world of practical poli- ' |tics. Stein's reforms from 1806 to 1808 introduced into Prussia several measures of domestic reform, including lo cal self-government. Arndt lent his support to Stein's ef- |forts on behalf of a constitutional monarchy. In 1810 I ISperanski proposed self-government to Alexander I, which i I _______________________y j J Karamzin would oppose, and which would lead quickly (1812) to Speranski's dismissal. Destutt de Tracy published his commentary on Montesquieu in 1811, adding fuel to the fire. And before long, in 181^, Louis XVIII reluctantly granted the Gharte. The literary liberal romantics quickly take up |this support of a constitutional monarchy. In his De la jmonarchie selon la Charte (1816), which echoes in format iand often in thought Constant's Princioes de politique •(1815), Chateaubriand notes with hesitation* "La monarchic irepresentative peut n'etre pas parfaite, mais elle a des j i . ! |avantages incontestables" (Melanges, p. 255)* In league | 1 I I |with the authors of the bridge from the revolutionary prel- ude to conservative romanticism, Chateaubriand rejects what |was circumstantial in the Revolution. In contrast to them, | |he accepts the institutions fostered by 1789. The Charte !is in tune with his— and the liberal's— new positive ac ceptance of the political import of the Revolution. "La |religion, base du nouvel Edifice, la Charte et les honnStes! ' ! gens, les choses politiques de la revolution, et non les | jhommes politiques de la revolution* voilA tout mon sys- 1 1 ;t£me" (Melanges, p. 259). i | This calling upon religion as one guarantor of consti-j itutional monarchy links Chateaubriand to other literary i [proponents of the Charte. Lamartine makes it one of the jbases for the government in his Chant du sacre. Hugo, ;after the July Revolution had imposed a re-invigorated Charte (no longer octro.vee) on Louis-Philippe, can still call upon the Church as a mainstay of the foule turned peuple (see "Diet# apr&s juillet I83O"). Benjamin Con stant, as a practical politician (long-term deputy) and as j a theoretician, defended constitutional monarchy with a dedication unknown to Lamartine or Hugo. For Constant, I the king’s power is neutral, and responsibility ultimately is shared between the ministers and the representatives. ! The whole is intended to promote individual rights and to j 'avoid popular control (that is, control by the masses). j i As for Stein, the English system served as a model. Both ; i :Arndt and Ludwig Uhland supported constitutional monarchy j 1 'out of the recognition made by the conservative romantics, I ! especially Rovalis, that monarchy must be tempered by re- ' publieanism. The liberals politicized Novalis* republican ! spirit into an acceptance of republican institutions. | Basically, the process of politicization at work here j ! :amounts to a realization that the middle class— the one ^ Guizot would call the pays legal, in possession at once of j I a sense of progress and of tradition— would not be denied aj ‘ I I |dominant role in government. Compromising the power of the' !aristocracy and that of the bourgeoisie, the liberal roman- !tics placed hope in constitutional monarchy as an adequate safeguard for individual rights. Social Romanticism Social romanticism emerges with ties to several other phases.-*-56 With the revolutionary prelude and with liber- \ !alism, the social romantic writers hailed the French Revo- I lution and its institutions. With conservative romanti cism, the social romantics shared a sense of the individu- i I jal's subordinate place within the collective. Sigmund Ru- I ;benstein details the affinities between conservative roman- ;ticism and later socialist thought in the realm of econom- j ! 1 | jics, especially with regard to their mutual opposition to | ■ 1 <7 i |Smithian economic liberalism. The social romantics re- j i ’ | i jeeted much from the conservative phase, however. They I ! I ;looked upon political and social freedom as the only basis i ) upon which to build. The political thought of the roman- I |tics has grown toward social romanticism, a growth which ! 1 allowed it to assimilate what was learned in the earlier l |phases. External events certainly move romantic writers | t | along the path to social romanticism, events such as the 1 i i i Again I emphasize that the phases do not follow in j [necessarily strict chronological sequence. Much of the so-j !eial thought of the romantics expressed itself at the same , |time, and often earlier, than, for instance, the reaction- i Iary thought of the romantics. Nor does belonging to one j |phase preclude an author from belonging to another, Baaderj j called for the re-vitalization of medieval institutions un- Ider the aegis of the Catholic Church, while simultaneously I deploring the misery of the workers. ; ~*-5?Romantischer Sozialismus: Ein Versuch uber die 1 Idee der deutschen Revolution (Munchens Drei Masken Ver- :lag, 1921). increasingly dehumanized process of industrialization, the July Revolution, the national uprisings. It is important to recognize, however, that romanticism drew upon its own development when it joined the crusade for social better- Iment. It is precisely this recognition which, for example, jChristophe Campos lacks when he terms the emergence of Le j Globe as a Saint-Simonian organ an external inducement to- I tQ j ward social romanticism. Rather, that emergence is i !symptomatic of the growth inherent in the political thought i !of the romantics. i j With the industrial revolution exerting its impact on jthe Continent and with the July I83O Revolution, there oe- j curs a renewed politicization of literature. Increasingly, I {literature assumes a propagandistic nature, as, for in- j istance, in the novels of Dickens or Balzac with their di- i jrect social messages. Curiously enough, it is at this j ! I point that a reaction against politicized literature sets ; in* l*art pour l'art rejects a social function. This oe- I ; j currence is what Fernand Baldensperger terms "le grand i jschisme de 1830."'*'^ Two lines emerge out of politicized ! | i ! romanticisms one, which continues the politicization on ! I I ! i j J "Social Romanticism," in The Early Nineteenth Cen- j tury. Vol. 4 of French Literature and its Background, ed. |John Cruickshank (London and New Yorks Oxford University {Press, 1969). p. 57. • ^-^"Le Grand Schisme de 1830s ’Romantisme' et 'Jeune lEurope,*" Revue de Littdrature ComnarSe. 10 (1930), 5-16. [ through to naturalism’s agitation for social reform, and j one, which reacts against this politicized literature by i j advocating l’art pour l’art on through to symbolism. Po- | jlitieal romanticism stands thus in opposition to what one j might call ’ ’aesthetic romanticism," for want of a good term to describe the non-political— sometimes anti-political— ! concerns of the romantic authors. Clearly, the mainstream i ! of romanticism recognized, however, that after the French i ! Revolution and especially after the bourgeois revolution in ! 183© that all spheres, as the Preface to Cromwell tells us, i I were now irrevocably bound up with the political, j The political thought of the romantics will culminate, | within the time frame of 1789 to 18^8, in the various Young j Europe movements, especially in Junges Deutschland. Q s - : stensibly, the Young Europe movements opposed romanticism, I ! often with vehemence. Mazzini called for the "’annihila- : • 1 -j ZT T i tion of Romanticism.'" When Ludolf Wienbarg dedicates 1 his Aesthetische Feldzuge (183^) to Junges Deutschland.^2 I 1 ; he does so in direct opposition to all that belongs to ■^GIt is to Dr. Malone that I am indebted for this j i view of Young Europe as the fourth generation of romanti- ! ; cism. i i 1 6 1 ! Thomas Kite Brown, Young Germany’s View of Roman- 1 ticism (Gutzkow. Laube. Mundt. Wienbarg) (New Yorkt New ! York University Press, 19^1), p. 3. I 1 Zo I ^ Aesthetische Feldzuge. dem .iungen Deutschland ge- widmet, 2nd ed. (Hamburg and Berlinj Hoffmann und Campe, 1 1919)» p. v. 136' "das alte Deutschland," specifically romanticism and its turn to the Middle Ages, Heine recognized the literary |merits of romanticism, but denounced his predecessors on j political grounds as retrogrades. i Vor allem . . . waren August Wilhelm und in er- hohtem Mafle Friedrich Schlegel fur ihn zu dich- terischer Sterilitat und zu poetischer Wirkungs- j losigkeit geradezu verurteilt, weil sie im ver- i zauberten Hinstarren auf das Vergangene die Zei- 1 chen der neuen Zeit nicht zu sehen, geschweige j denn zu deuten gewuflt hatten,^°3 |To the Young Germans, romanticism meant primarily something i i jpolitical. It was associated in their minds with support J of the monarchy and of the aristocracy.-*-^ Despite all. [ i Jthis anti-romantic clamor, Young European thought stands ini I I close proximity to the political thought normally associ ated with later romanticism in France and England. Young i I " ' !Germany drew much inspiration from the France of 1830, a J .France dominated culturally by romanticism. There is no real difference between what Th§ophile Gautier calls Jeune - : j I France and what we call "French romanticism." Mazzini’e i jGiovine Italia had the same hopes for national unity as the, 1 Italian romantics, hopes which had been so wounded and j 1 I ;spurred on in 1816 by Mme de Stael’s article, "De 1’esprit l^Helmut Koopmann, Das junge Deutschland: Analyse seines Selbstverstandnisses. Germanistische Abhandlungen, Vol. 33 (Stuttgartt Metzler, 1970), p. 157. ' l^See Wulf Wiilfing, "Schlagworte des Jungen Deutsch- |land," Zeitschrift fur deutsche Sprache. 21 (1965)* 169. des traductions” (Oeuvres. XVII, especially 397-98)* in the Biblioteda italiana. In discussing social romantic thought in literature, I will consider Young Europe as the culmina tion of this thought. ! Five areas of concern will occupy us in this discus- jsion* 1) the literary contacts with non-literary social I theoreticians, 2) the new view of the social function of i j I art, 3) the nature of the state envisioned by the literary |social romantics, the call for political reform, and | 5) the move from political concerns to social concerns, e s - j j ~ | pecially with social reform. I ! 1 The literature of social romanticism developed con- i !tacts outside of the literary world to a degree which the I writers of the other phases had not. The Saint-Simonian l jgatherings and teachings attracted many a romantic. Mus- I [set's Lorenzaccio may be seen as a response to Saint-Simon ian overtures, Vigny incorporated Saint-Simonian beliefs ! i |on art into Stello and Chatterton. Sainte-Beuve joined ! ! t !other Saint-Simonians on the staff of Le Globe. Lamartine j ! i returned from the Orient with an aroused interest in the I group, George Sand, influenced by Pierre Leroux, began { 1 her social phase. And Heine attended meetings at the house i i jon the rue Taitbout and informed his German readers of the new "religion." i I Different versions of social thought emerge from this I encounter of literature and Saint-Simonianism. Sand would i I I ! 1381 move on to dabble in Fourierism and communism. Le P§eh§ de M. Antoine (18^7) outlines the moves she and others made within the social movements. ^ 5 Essentially, socialism to i Sand and Leroux would mean either Saint-Simonianism or ! j l 6 5 ! ; Fourierism. They do recognize, of course, the differ- t jences between the collective and the associationist ideals, i and they do explore communism (utopian socialism), for 1 ! example, in Sand’s Voyage en Icarie. Heine would not make i the same distinctions within socialist thought. His sym- i apathies were not so strong or so lasting. Thus, in Kommun- i ismus. Philosonhie und Klerisei. an appendix to Lutetia, he, grouped all the movements togethert Fruh oder spat wird die zerstreute Familie Saint-Simons und der ganze Generalstab der Fourieristen zu dem wachsenden Heere des Kom- munismus tibergehen, und, dem rohen Bedurfnisse das gestaltende Wort leihend, gleichsam die Rolle der Kirchenvater ubernehmen.l°7 ! Here we read of the cynicism which marks the political at- ! ! . ! ;titude of those who, along with many liberal romantic writ-i ers, denied any real importance or endurance to political | i i i | ^^David Owen Evans, Le Socialisme romantiquet Pierre' !Leroux et ses contemoorains (Parist Riviere, 1948), p, ; w r , ! ^-^^Evans, p. 128. | j l^^Heinrich Heine, Schriften zu Literatur und Politik j 'Ili Vermischtes. Vol. 4 of Samtliche Werke. eds. Jost Per- , ;fahl, Werner Vordtriede, and Uwe Schweikert (Mlinchen* !Winkler, 1972), p. 383. Hereafter cited in the text as ,Schriften. :--------- i ! 139' institutions and expected little but tyranny and corruption from the political process. Stendhal is, in this respect, very close to Heine. Vigny's association with Saint-Simon- !ianism colored his thought, to be sure, but there remains i j in him an elitist strain. This strain, of course, ties him to Saint-Simon's own view of the high educative function of poets. Nonetheless, it is an elitism tinged with aristo- ! |cratic superiority and fundamentally alien to social roman- !tic thought. Pierre Flottes summarizes the problemi Si Vigny a paru suivre, avec une certaine doci lity, les donn§es sociales de son temps, on se tromperait k le croire asservi par elles. Qu'il plaide pour Cinq-Mars, pour Chatterton ou pour Eva, il plaide pour l'eternelle Elite— changeante settlement dans ses formes— aux prises avec l'Ster- nelle Multitude.l°° :And, as we see in Chatterton. that multitude represents es- 1 jsentially a vulgar, ignorant, and torturing antagonist to ;the elite (here, the poet). Lamartine, as well, emerged ! ■ ! from contact with the socialist currents with his own brand I of social thought. Clinging to private property, as Lamen-i Inais did, Lamartine could not participate in socialist ‘ I |calls for collective ownership. And yet, as a deputy to 1 ( !the Assembly, Lamartine devoted unlimited attention to the I I jproblems of industrialization and to the increasing misery 1 i La Pens£e politique et sociale d'Alfred de Vigny. ]Publications de la Faculty des Lettres de 1*University de I jStrasbourg, Fascicule 3? (Paris* Belles-Lettres, 192?), .'p. 326. I 1*0| of the workers in a system which denied them a just share of the benefits. Still, Lamartine remains far from the Saint-Simonian doctrine, "3. chacun selon sa capacity, § . jchaque capacity selon ses oeuvres." He would, however, !subscribe in word and action to the first doctrine of Le Globe 8 "Toutes les institutions sociales doivent avoir pour but l'amilioration du sort moral, physique et intel- lectuel de la elasse 1a. plus nombreuse et la plus pau- vre.,,l69 fhe social romantics and the Saint-Simonians developed similar ideas on literature's function in this program of 1 amelioration, and, indeed, one may say without hesitation j i j 'that the romantics drew upon the Saint-Simonian conception. i ! ! j jGautier, in Les Jeunes France, ridicules romantic art of a \ ! i non-political nature. Ferdinand de C***, the Jeune-France i I idandy, thus instructs Daniel Jovard in the ways of writingi! | "II lui apprit & faire du rSveur, de l'intime, de l*ar- I . tiste, du dantesque, du fatal, et tout cela dans la m§me matinSe."^Q These cliches represent the superficial modes; ; I jof romantic writing, but neglect the social import. Daniel I ;becomes a Jeune-Francei he burns his Boileauj he writes his! epigraphs and takes a pseudonym. Nowhere, however, does he t I 169 | 'S§bastien Charl6ty, Histoire du saint-simonisme (1826-1864) (Parist Gonthier, 1931). P» 85. l?°Theophile Gautier, Les Jeunes Francei Romans go- guenards. ed. RenS Jasinski (Paris 1 Flammarion, 197^)» p. 103. l4l develop a political conscience. For the Saint-Simonians, art held a powerful position, hut it is a position which subordinates art to a prescribed thought, much as social I realism attempts to do. In the Exposition de la doctrine I j saint-simonienne. premiere annee (1828-39), art's function las propaganda emerges. Art must benefit the collective, j must guide the individual to the collective, must give ex amples of acceptable behavior. It is through the arts !"que 1'homme est determine aux actes sociaux, qu'il est en- * i I I |trains § . voir son int6r£t priv§ dans l'int§r§t genSral. . j j^ <m171 Theodor Mundt recognizes the political power which' I | . i |literature can have in this Saint-Simonian sense. He, j i I !therefore, deplores in his Dramaturgie (1848) the lack of a jpoliticized drama in Germany, such as he believes already |in use in France. Drama in Germany, as he sees it, remains I ;a social pastime. Accordingly, he urges the development on I ■the part of writers of an awareness of the stage as a po- ' • • 172 i jlitical forum, Lamartine saw both his Histoire des Gi- j ; rondins (184?) and his Cours familier de literature as po-| jlitical instruments, the first being especially effective j i ; jin inculcating in the popular mind an acceptance of revolu-! jtion and republicanism in preparation for 1848. In line j I 171 i Doctrine saint-simonienne* Exposition (Paris* Li- jbrairie Nouvelle, 1854),pp. 58-59* Hereafter cited in the 'text as Doctrine. i -^^Theodor Mundt, Dramaturgie. oder Theorie und Ge- ; schichte der dramatischen Kunst (Berlin* M. Simion, 1848), with Saint-Simonianism, Lamartine had insisted, in 183^# in Des destinees de la oogsie. that poetry's new mission was jone of social levelling: "elle doit se faire peuple, et I jdevenir populaire comme la religion, la raison et la philo- isophie.This anti-elitist view of literature led to the wide acclaim of worker poetry, to Sand's source for the jCompagnon du Tour de France, to literature as primarily l message and only secondarily as art. It is to this demo- |cratization of literature which Heine objects: it may be !fashionable, but it makes for bad poetry, including that ofj i i 1Junges Deutschland. "Sowie die Demokratie zur Herrschaft j i wirklich gelangt, hat alle Poesie ein Ende— der Uebergang i zu diesem Ende ist die Tendenzpoesie. . ." (Schriften. j p. 7^). Pifece a these. Tendenzdichtung. or whatever name f | •one gives it, literature which seeks to convert to one spe-l ■ I icific viewpoint somehow has abandoned the Muses. Lamar- J itine, in self-contradictory fashion, seems to agree with I |Heine. Separating poetry and politics into id§e and fait, j. ;Lamartine only manages to accept a political role for lit- t |erature because of the times. The poet finds himself in a j"critical" period, as opposed to an "organic" period, to j | i ;use terms from Saint-Simonian historical periodicity. Here i I |at a time when the forces of decay and disorder dominate, I I 173 I Premieres et Nouvelles Meditations ppgtiques (Pa- iris: Flammarion, 193^)» P^ Des destinies is the sec- jond preface to the collected Meditations. Hereafter cited |in the text as Destinies. __________________ lkj\ poetry and polities must join hands to raise the conscious ness of the public in order to bring about the epoch "de reconstruction, de renovation sociale" (Destinies, p. ^7). |This attitude grew out of the same tradition which gave |rise to Sainte-Beuve's view of art as marching "eSte I . c6te | Javec l'infatigable humanitS" (Lundis, p. 377). Art must jreflect Men mille couleurs le sentiment de l'humanit§ pro- i jgressive. . ." (Lundis. p. 377)# Poetry becomes the mouth- !piece for reform. I I Keats and Vigny never reconcile completely politics ! and poetry. The dreamer of The Fall of Hyperion never i ;quite manages to become the doer. Chatterton and the soei- i !ety which drives him to suicide never aim at the same goal. j One is reminded of the tragedy effected by this conflict J ! i (between the political and the literary in Goethe's Torqua- i I to Tasso. Tasso barely achieves a modus vivendi with the i political world. It is difficult to say whether or not art! i ’ I ever reached the degree of efficacy intended for it by the j jSaint-Simonians, or, indeed, if it can do so without fail- ! ; i ,ing to be art. At any rate, the fear that it might achievej ! | leffieaey was strong enough to lead Metternich to obtain thej i i (passage of a resolution banning Young German literature in { j1835# I This new literature with a social function delved into | [the nature of the state with less enthusiasm than its counterparts in conservatism and liberalism had. The interests of the social romantics were directed more fre quently toward social reform. Nonetheless, sufficient con cern for the nature of the state revealed that the social i romantics were anti-monarchic, republican, cosmopolitan, and utopian. Thus, they stand in opposition to liberalism and its advocacy of constitutional monarchy, although they I share with the liberal romantic writers a belief in the | | transitoriness of political institutions, f ! Anti-monarchism characterizes the group generally, al- ! though Heine proves the exception. Monarchy and republic ! i I remain irreconcilable. There is no belief, as in Novalis, j ! that "Der achte Konig wird Republik, die achte Republik j ( j ! Konig seyn” (Schriften. II, ^90). Indeed, the poeticiza- j j tion of politics which permitted this mingling of the mon- i i ! archy and the republic no longer appeals to the latter-day | I romantics whose capacity for mythologizing has been dulled j ; by repeated contact with practical politics. For Shelley, ! as for Mickiewicz, the king has become the oppressor. Mon- i archy preys on the poor. War is the monarch’s primary tool| I in the economic warfare against the people. "Kings and ! their ministers have in every age been distinguished from j j other men by a thirst for expenditure and bloodshed."17^ j ' Queen Mab (1811) uses stronger language to trace the ^^David Lee Clark, ed., Shelley’s Prose, or the Trum pet of a Prophecy (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico [Press, 195^), p. 166. Hereafter cited in the text as Prose. lineage of kings to crimes Whence, thinkst thou, kings and parasites arose? Whence that unnatural line of drones who heap Toil and unvanquishable penury j On those who build their palaces and bring I Their daily bread? — From vice, black loathsome j vice. . . . (Poetical Works, p. 10) :Again Shelley pits the oppressors against the oppressed, land again the instrument of oppression is economic. There ,is already a realization of the Marxian sense of capital as the money used to purchase labor. As yet, no class war is j |proclaimed, but the seeds are planted. Monarchy is equated; ;with the entry of evil, of sin, of political self-aware- ! ! ' | |ness, and thus of egotism, inequality, and a profit motive,! j into the pre-lapsarian world of harmony Shelley posits. In j |the "Ode to Liberty" monarchy is directly linked to the ;serpent (Poetical Works, p. 395). Eliminating monarchy i : from the world is the first step back to the original order ! ‘of fraternity. Mazzini’s Young Italy likewise denounced i : ! monarchy as contrary to the move toward unity. ! i i Republicanism stands in contrast to monarchism as the i | true means to re-establish the utopia known to man before I 'the fall, Shelley, however, in A Philosophical View of Re- I form, would urge moderation in the move from monarchism to t republicanism. Byron, as well as Lamartine, would know I also that the move must be gradual, and that the introduc- I 'tion of universal suffrage must be preceded by a development in the public of a consciousness of its role in the machinery of government. These strivings for republicanism are not limited to j one nation. Social romantic writers return to the revolu- ! Itionary prelude’s cosmopolitanism. While Mazzini cries out i i |for Italian unity based on a republican system, he does so ! |in the belief that one can only participate in humanity through the nation. To the Saint-Simonians, patriotism i !seemed little more than national egotism, although they recognized its historical value. That value must now be ;surpassed by Mun sentiment plus pur, plus grand, plus f£- I leond, 1*amour de la famille universelle des hommes1 1 (Doc- ! j i ■ trine, p. 67). This new family will eventually live in the! J 0 I ! 1 jutopia which will evolve out of the republic, ! i This yearning after a utopia is the same we found at !the opening of Ghristenheit oder Eurooa. only now it no i longer calls upon Christianity as its unifying agent, The ; ! 1 goodwill of men alone reigns in Prometheus Unbound! j i i . . . thrones were kingless, and men walked | I One with the other even as spirits do— ; : None fawned, none trampled; hate, disdain, or fear, 1 : Self-love or self-contempt, on human brows | No more inscribed, . . . (Poetical Works, p. 196) ! 1 ! 1 ; i !Such is the vision of the Spirit of the Hour. Emotions no more divide men, but bring them together in harmony. Once Jagain, as in each of the other phases, the millennium looms Jin the near future. The Revolution gives way to the republic; the second step is taken. Once again, disap pointment will result. Reform of the political system is needed before the republic becomes reality. The romantics urged republican ism in various statements for universal suffrage, for equality, and against the monarchy and aristocracy. Free- !dom of expression (speech, press, assembly) was the fore- !most measure needed to secure reform. As for method, the |social romantic writers would advocate gradual change, but ^not without some notable dissension. Bettina von Arnim, ] |for instance, supported the revolutionaries in 1848 in her i i !pleas to Friedrich Wilhelm IV. In terms of real effect on | i i I I the political situation, the efforts of the romantic au- i !thors fade in significance in the face of the agitation of i j the nuermous republican societies which arise after the i j |1830 Revolution.The romantic writers are at this point) ‘ j ! only on the fringes of republican agitation. Thus, Shelley I ;would call for universal suffrage only after gradual move ment toward republicanism. As did Lamartine, Shelley holds) ; ! I to private property as an indication of a citizen's polit- j ! i !ical responsibility. j | ■*-^^See John Plamenatz, The Revolutionary Movement in I France (1815-71) (London* Longmans, Green, and Co., 1952), for details. I am indebted also to Bernard H. Moss, "Pa risian Workers and the Origins of Republican Socialism j (I830-1833)," in press, for my,understanding of the repub lican societies. With respect to universal suffrage, I confess I consider its adoption in the present unpre pared state of public knowledge and feeling a measure fraught with peril, I think that none but those who register their names as paying a certain small sum in direct taxes ought, at present, to send members to Parliament. (Prose, p. l6l) jNevertheless, there is here an acceptance anew of equality i on the part of the social romantics. They thereby reject 1 conservative romanticism's hierarchic order. Uhland mocks j Christian teachings of equality in a time when political 1 jreality still asserts unequal relationships! Ich ging zur Tempelhalle, Da hbrt' ich christlich Rechti Hier innen Bruder alle, ✓ Da draufien Herr und Knecht. ' iIt is primarily the old orders of the Church and the aris- ; i I 1 j-toeraey which encourage political inequality, and which, as 1 ;in Blake, use economic measures to uphold their superiority 'in society. Uhland, in his 181? pamphlet Keine Adelskam- .......... 1 1 I imer. wonders at the strength of the aristocracy, a strength' i jwhich has weathered years of revolutionary activity. ' 1 1 I ! I DreiBig Jahre lang hat die Welt gerungen und ! geblutet. Menschenrecht sollte hergestellt, j j der entwurdigende Aristokratismus ausgeworfen j ! werdenj davon ist der Kampf ausgegangen. Und I i | ^ ^Ludwig Frankel, ed,, Uhlands Werke (Leipzig and jWieni Bibliographisches Institut, 1893). I» Hereafter I citations from this edition in two volumes will be given in jthe text as Werke by volume number. jetzt, nach all dem langen, blutigen Kampfe, soil eben dieser Aristokratismus durch neue Staatsvertrage geheiligt werden? (Werke. II, 318) The same sense of the futility of revolutionary activity ]characterizes Blake. | Mazzini directly attacks conservative romantic thought j as he denounces aristocracy. In the General Instructions !for the Members of Young Italy, Mazzini lists his reasons j for anti-monarchism. One readss Because the monarchical element being incapable of sustaining itself alone by the side of the popular element, it necessarily involves the existence of the intermediate element of an ar istocracy— the source of inequality and corrup tion to the whole nation.177 ; Adam Muller had noted with special praise the intermediary ; ! i I jrole of the aristocracy. Mazzini debunks that position [ .with harsh words. And Mazzini does not stop with words. | To accomplish the aims of Young Italy— republicanism and unity— two methods are acceptable. One is education, with j j the journal of Young Italy as an instrument} the other is j 1 insurrection. Insurrection, at its best, should be a j ' ' . 1 method of education. The primary aim is revolution, the i i I ; first goal along the path to the republic. Between the I j victory by the insurrection and the establishment of the i 1 7 7 : Joseph Mazzini, Autobiographical and Political. | Vol. 1 of Life and Writings, no trans. (Londont Smith, | Elder & Co. , 1891), p. 100. ! — ~ — ■ revolution, Mazzini accepts in the model of the French Rev olution a period of dictatorship and lack of individual po- i litical liberty. In so accepting, Mazzini goes against what romanticism had learned from the revolutionary experi- ! jence. Even liberalism’s re-evaluation of the Revolution [had stopped short of admitting good in the Terror and the i :Directory, i Shelley repeatedly denounces violence as a means to i political reform. Indeed, the very fault of the French ■Revolution had been its adoption of violence. As early as j jthe Address to the Irish People. Shelley had decried mob | 1 ! :action (Prose, p. 46). "Never do evil that good may come j i ! '• • •" (P^ose. P» 47). Tyranny follows tyranny. In The | Revolt of Islam, a new Eden is created out of the rubble of| .tyranny, but it lasts a mere day. The Moses story is I t t . 'turned on ends the plagues are sent against the tyranni cal, but they ultimately benefit tyranny. Moses— or Laon, i :the leader of the enslaved people— enters the promised | ! j |land, but the people remain behind. Association for peace-1 i I i |ful change proves to be the ideal method of carrying | j | j through reform s | i . . . if a number of human beings, after think ing of their own interests, meet together for ! any conversation on them and employ resistance | of the mind, not resistance of the body, these ! people are going the right way to work. (Prose. | p. 46) Lamennais seconds the view much later in L*Avenir with his call for freedom of association. I | With the failure of the political hopes placed in the | 1830 Revolution, the social romantics turned their atten- ! tion away from political reform to social reform. Liberal- ! ism had proclaimed the inherent tyranny in all governmental i j forms, but had shied away from implementing its prizing of the republican form as the least tyrannical. Social ro- I ! mantieism finds its function best served in looking for so- | " 1 nfi cial remedies, not political ones. Heine unites the po- 1 I j litical and the social cause in a way which indicates that ! j the two have become ones "Traum Metternichss er sieht I sich im Sarg mit einer roten Jakobinermutze, Traum Roth- 1 j j schilds— -er traumt er habe 100 000 Francs den Armen ge- j J schenkt und wird krank davon" (Schriften. p. 716). Thus, J the cause takes up the banner of the Revolution, but with ; a greater awareness that the solutions are not merely po- I j i litical. ! i 1 j Despite strong ties to the revolutionary prelude and J ! j to liberal romantic thought, the social romantic writers ; t emerge as well with definite traits which continue conser- ; I : vative romantic thinking. The collective ideal belongs to I I | both, only the political means to bring about that ideal 1 I I 178 | I draw here upon D. Malone, "Young Europe j Vu," in Actes du Vie Congr5s de 1 Association Internati- ! onale de Littgrature Comuaree. in press, p. 212. differs. Several conservative romantics are in the fore front of those crusading for social reform. Wordsworth and iColeridge attack the system which breeds poverty. Southey * recognizes a kinship between Pantisocracy and the associa- : tionist ideal of Robert Owen.^^ | Basically, the social romantics attack two areas as jbeing in need of reform: l) the capitalist system (indus trial change, working conditions, and the oppression of the i !worker), and 2) bondage in general, but specifically that !of women. | i | Fichte, in Der geschlossene Handelstaat (1800) and in j * i Jlater works, provides his model of freeing the worker in a j | * 1 Q A j "socialist utopia." Government has an obligation to ' 1 • * I |provide work, and, more importantly, it must ensure that | ;the worker can live by his work. But the workers here do j inot control the economic machinery; it remains in the hands iof the state. One must assume, as Fichte did, that the j i j jstate is benevolent and that the needs of the worker coin- | j ! .cide with those of the state, Novalis made this assumption! ! i las well, Shelley attacks the inequality between labor and | i ;gain in An Address to the People on the Death of Princess j ;Charlotte (1817): • _ l _ ' 1 ' r “ , t t | 1 "^Cobban, p. 221. I S. Reiss, "Introduction," in The Political 'Thought of the German Romantics 1793-1815. ed. H, S. Reiss ;(Oxford: Blackwell, 1955), P* 16. Many and various are the mischiefs flowing from oppression, but this is the representative of them allj namely, that one man is forced to la bor for another in a degree not only not neces sary to the support of the subsisting distinc tions among mankind but so as by the excess of the injustice to endanger the very foundations of all that is valuable in social order and to provoke that anarchy which is at once the enemy of freedom and the child and the chastiser of misrule. (Prose. p. 167) |This fear of- social upheaval, which anticipates the Marxian ! i class struggle, motivates many a social romantic. Lamar- j tine draws upon this inspiration in his concern for the I 181 'proletariat. Compassion motivates primarily. Baader's !concern for the misery of the workers comes out of a com- j 'passionate stance. Hugo*s Les Misgrables stands at the 1 " ,point of culmination. This compassionate stance knows no ideological boundaries. Coleridge lobbied for the Factory 1 | Bill of 1818j Southey proposed numerous reforms in working j ! i o j > j conditions. ± c Blake's "Chimney Sweeper" argues on behalf | , l83 ! ;of the laws against child labor. J In Wovzeck. Buchner ! ,cries out for the treatment of the poor as humans and not ] ;as objects. Wordsworth denounces the new capitalist gods. I In The Excursion, he writes of the factories! Men, maidens, youths, Mothers and little children, boys and girls, •^■kjuillemin, p, 201. l®2Cobban, pp. 21^-16, "^^See Erdman, p. 132, for the historical background. Enter, and each the wonted task resumes Within this temple, where is offered up To Gain, the master idol of the realm, Perpetual sacrifice. (Poetical Works. V, 33*0 |A dehumanized, mechanistic religion looks to man for its jvictims. What was free has been defiled by the ascription I |of an external value. Novalis proclaimed as much in Hein- |rich von Ofterdineen. Once the gold the miners take from ;the earth becomes a possession and a thing of usefulness toj -l o k | the individual, it assumes the role of victimizer. Only! f I Jwhen the gold belongs to the whole can it be productive of i ! [harmony once again. I Economic slavery was one of the social problems often j |decried in literature. Equally vocal were the advocates j for a release of women from traditional roles. As a corol-j | J jlary to this■feminism, the social romantics also call for j [sexual liberation. Friedrich Schlegel's Lucinde had pre pared the way. Blake’s Visions of the Daughters of Albion , ! 1 i [pleads for freedom from restrictive sexual relationships, j Restricted by religion and by the custom it imposes. The j I 'priest in Blake is the agent of hate, as here in the j i I owe to Dr. Schnauber my understanding of this | ipassage in Novalis and its relationship to Marx. For both 1 ;Novalis and Marx a dialectical process occurs. The rela tionship of man to the gold moves from the original state I of uselessness (the gold in the earth, unmined) through a period of capitalist usefulness until the attainment of a ;synthesis in which the gold is re-distributed (Gesamtver- 'teilung). The synthesis brings together the original har- [mony and the later usefulness. closing lines of The Marriage of Heaven and Hell; Let the Priests of the Raven of dawn no longer, in deadly black, with hoarse note curse the sons j of joy. Nor his accepted brethren— whom, tyrant, ! he calls free— lay the bound or build the roof, i Nbr pale religious letchery call that virginity | that wishes but acts not I For every thing that | lives is Holy. (Poetry, p. 203) I (Kleist's Erdbeben in Chili likewise accuses the religious j .T..., rT I hierarchy which condemns a love not restricted by its sanc- i jtions. Shelley's Revolt of Islam furthers the tradition ■ with the oft-quoted "Can man be free if woman be a slave?" J (Poetical Works, p. 67) and with the look toward woman as !the agent of salvation. Social romantic feminism culmi- j t , jnates, of course, in Young Germany's portrayal of the free | (woman, a portrayal drawn largely from the Saint-Simonian j i !conception. It joins as well with the larger issue of I i !sexual freedom in its widespread adoption of the Saint-Si- monian call for the "rehabilitation of the flesh." I ' i i Social romanticism, in summary, believes in the social! 1 function of art. Art serves the cause, often in what j jamounts to propaganda. The Saint-Simonian conception of J ithe artist elevates his message at the expense of his art. ! iFor the social romantic, the state must be republican, al- j I though this state is seen to give way to a classless and |stateless utopian Political reform calls for universal I suffrage and equality, and social reform cries out on be- ( |half of a romanticized proletariat and for freedom from bondage, economic and sexual. The millennium seems farther away than earlier, but the concrete measures for attaining it are being taken. The social romantics would see in the ! I I revolutions in 18*4-8 the culmination of their thought and the accomplishment of the first moves toward utopia. That vision proved to be a deception as well. CHAPTER III CONCLUSION ! What is political romanticism in European literature? To bring all the material of the foregoing chapter into a ,readable one-sentence definition would be as pointless as 'it would be impractical. Nonetheless, a little summing up is in order. I have used the term "romanticism" in its ! j I jgenerally accepted usage as the literary period which fallsj jbetween classicism and realism. Oversimplified, but es- j isentially, "political romanticism" refers to the political j I i ;thought of the European writers whose work was written be- i itween 1789 and 1848, It is bound at both ends by revolu- | i I tions, one which provided its impetus and one in which it j jculminated. There are six phases between the impetus and : the culmination! 1) the revolutionary prelude, 2) the ! | I bridge to conservative romanticism, 3) conservative roman- ' I Iticism, 4) reactionary romanticism, 5) liberal romanticism,! |or the bridge to soeial romanticism, and 6) social roroan- jtieism. These phases generally follow each other chrono- j !logically, but much overlapping in time occurs. The move from one phase to the next is not merely a function of Jchronology, that is, of external events. The six phases I --------- “ ------------------ ----- -------------- ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- - jare organically linked, one building on the preceding, iThus, social romanticism brings together the revolutionary prelude's prizing of the ideals of the French Revolution, |conservative romanticism's collective ideal, and liberal ism's re-evaluation of the Revolution as well as its belief I in the inherent despotism of all political forms# Through- 1 out the six phases, one strand emerges clearly* the search i ifor the messianic agent. The revolutionary prelude and ;liberalism looked to the French Revolution as the first i I step toward the millennium} conservative romanticism saw j ‘ ' 1 'the agent in the nation; reactionary romanticism hailed es-1 I j 1tablished religion as the way to the messianic age; social i !romanticism looked to the republic. For all, the milleh- j Inium stood as a time when the pre-lapsarian world of har- i jmony would be re-established on earth. Another indication l I of the organic links between the phases is the fact that 'several romantic authors participate in two or more phases.: ] > Novalis belongs to all phases. B&ader is at once a reac- I :tionary and a social romantic. Wordsworth and Coleridge . j Imove from the prelude to conservative romanticism, but join: ■ ! !in with social romanticism's call for freedom of the worker! ! i |from economic bondage. Hugo details in the 1853 Preface toj jthe Odes his move from royalist to democrat. Pushkin actu- I ally goes against the general trend, as he moves from lib eralism to conservative thought. Since there exist such I strong ties between the movements, ties which have been alluded to throughout the discussion in Chapter Two, one author can belong to different phases without incurring charges of hypocrisy or contradiction. The organic growth !of political romanticism occurs in consequence of two lines I jwhich lead out from the revolutionary prelude. One line, by denying the revolutionary enthusiasm, will move on to become conservative and reactionary romanticism. The oth- j ! 'er, by affirming the ideals and the implementation in the l !French Revolution of those ideals, will lead to liberal and i !social romanticism. These two lines, which meet at several 'points, define the development of the six phases of politi- I leal romanticism. 1 Much remains to be said and to be done. A line has to jbe drawn somewhere. At this point, I have moved but a very short distance along the way toward a comparative history ; j lof political romanticism. This history must incorporate a | I realization that political romanticism cannot be described ! as the manifestation of any one ideological label. It must I also incorporate the notion that political romanticism’s I different phases were the result of growth and not of | ;abrupt change, of national difference, or of lack of con- | I ! jsistent political commitment on the part of the romantic jwriters. The picture is necessarily incomplete. In the jwords of Whitman, "I myself but write one or two indicative t words for the future, / I but advance a moment only to J wheel and hurry back in the darkness." Future work must reoncentrate on a comparative study of Young Europe, compar- !ative not only in its cross-national concerns, but also in !its bringing together of the political and the literary. ;The political thought of Goethe and Schiller must be I |brought to bear on romantic thought. And the paths which lead out from political romanticism to Marxism, to realism, iand to naturalism must be followed. I I BIBLIOGRAPHY 162 [Abrams, M, H, Natural Supernaturalism8 Tradition and Rev- j olution in Romantic Literature. 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Creator Padgett, Jacqueline Olson (author)

Core Title Political romanticism in European literature

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

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