An ethical analysis of multiethnic congregations in Los Angeles

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AN ETHICAL ANALYSIS OF MULTIETHNIC CONGREGATIONS
IN LOS ANGELES
by
Terry Allen Samples
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(Religion)
MAY 1997
©1997 Terry Allen Samples
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 90007
This dissertation, written by
under the direction of k.J$. Dissertation
Committee, and approved by all its members,
has been presented to and accepted by The
Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of re
quirements for the degree of
TERRY A. SAMPLES
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Pnn.l o f finwhfflTi Studies
Date ..A R E A .L
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
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CONTENTS
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS......................................................................................... iv
LIST OF TA BLES.......................................................................................................... v
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION........................................................................................ 1
A Theoretical Overview
History of the Wilshire District
Wilshire District Church Demographics
2. SAINT BASIL'S........................................................................................ 67
History
Building and Rituals
Demographics
Organizational Structure
Leadership
People
3 CHRISTCHURCH..................................................................................... 115
History
Building
Demographics
Organizational Structure
Leadership
ii
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Philosophy
Foundational Ideologies
People
4. FIRST CHURCH OF THE NAZARENE.................................................. 180
History
Building
Demographics
Multi-congregational Council
Social Programs
Liturgy
Leadership
Philosophy
People
5. FIRST BAPTIST........................................................................................ 230
History'
Building
Demographics
Organizational Structure
Liturgy
Leadership
Philosophy
People
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6. CONCLUSIONS ........................................................................................ 321
7. WORKS CITED ........................................................................................ 368
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ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Page
1. Saint Basil's Community Ethnic Breakdown......................................................... 89
2. Christ Church Community and Church Ethnic Breakdow n................................ 147
3. First Nazarene Community Ethnic Breakdown................................................. 191
4. First Nazarene Church Ethnic Breakdown........................................................... 191
5. First Nazarene Organizational C hart.................................................................... 195
6. First Nazarene Bresee Foundation Organizational C h art.......................................196
7. First Baptist Community and Church Ethnic Breakdow n....................................256
v
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TABLES
Table Page
1. Founding Dates and Ethnicity o f Churches.......................................................... 35
2. List of Denominations............................................................................................ 42
3. Number of Ethnic Churches.................................................................................. 46
4. Building U se........................................................................................................... 49
5. Ethnicity of Congregation Compared to Ethnicity and Education o f ............... 51
Senior Pastor
6. Ethnicity of Assistant Pastors o f Multiethnic Congregations............................ 52
7. Year of Establishment in Wilshire District......................................................... 54
8. Congregational Size o f Ethnic G roups.............................................................. 56
9. Congregational Size o f Ethnic Groups Sharing Buildings.............................. 56
10. Mixed Congregations Ethnic Composition........................................................ 58
11. Breakdown by Age of Ethnic G roups................................................................ 58
12. Family Income of Ethnic G roups......................................................................... 59
13. Social Programs.................................................................................................... 60
14. Involvement in Social Coalitions........................................................................ 61
15. Financial Sources of Social Programs................................................................. 61
16. Saint Basil's Attendance by Service................................................................... 88
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INTRODUCTION
Religion is often assailed as the most segregated arena o f American culture. For
theorists such as H. Richard Niebuhr,1 segregated worship is the result of the moral
compromise o f the church with a cultural caste system. For others, like Donald G.
McGavran,2 homogeneity is the most biblical, and natural line o f human association, and
as such, should be encouraged and even used to accommodate religious expression.
This dissertation is an ethical analysis of multiethnic congregations: congregations
where more than one ethnic enclave worship in the same service; congregations where the
tension of ethnic maintenance, transition and assimilation is lived out in the modem world;
and congregations where the ethics of religion and ethnicity are confronted on a practical
level. The racial and ethnic tensions of the times challenge the church to be a moral
model as it addresses these ethnic issues. The church as a microcosm o f society can lead
the way in creating ethnic harmony and peace in the larger society. The purpose of this
study is to lay before the academic community a social ethical analysis o f multiethnic
churches that will lead toward ethnic harmony.
In this study I will show that there are many diverse factors that lead people of
different cultures and ethnicities to worship in the same service. While most religious
affiliation is through homogeneous associations, many religious organizations have some
expression by which people of differing ethnic groups worship together. This is observed
in Christian churches with multiethnic congregations. I have chosen as my social
laboratory' four multiethnic, Christian churches within the Wilshire corridor of Los
1
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Angeles: the Christian church because it offers examples displayed in the Wilshire district
that reveal both contrast and similarity on ethnic issues; the Wilshire corridor because it
has gone though several waves of social transition due to immigration; and Los Angeles
because it is the port of entry for many millions o f immigrants to the United States and
known for its ethnic diversity and conflict.
In this introduction I will discuss the past and present social theories that reflect
upon current ethic/church relations, lay the basis for evaluating specific churches by
examining the history and demographics o f the Wilshire corridor, and give an overview of
the congregational patterns in the corridor.
The following four sections o f the dissertation will be an in-depth examination of
four very different multiethnic congregations: Saint Basil's Catholic Church, the largest
and the most ethnically-balanced church in the Wilshire district; First Church o f the
Nazarene. the very first church of the conservative Nazarene denomination and its trend-
setting social/ethnic philosophy and church structure; Christ Church, a
charismatic/Pentecostal church, with an experiential-based theology that crosses ethnic
social status; and First Baptist Church o f Los Angeles, which uses "high-tech" methods to
address ethnic language issues. Each of these are different expressions of the Christian
faith. They represent different movements within that faith: Catholic, conservative
Protestant, charismatic, and liberal Protestant.
Similarly, they represent different methods of church structure and different
philosophies in addressing ethnic issues. The results of the study reveal that there are at
least five ways in which religious institutions organize to facilitate ethnic expression. The
o
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"homogeneous" model represents ethnically segregated congregations. The majority o f
the churches in the Wilshire corridor fit into this type. The "universal" model, portrayed
in this paper as Saint Basil's Catholic church, is founded on a philosophy that emphasizes
the universal and all inclusive nature o f the church, which allows for temporary ethnic
independence. The "blended" model. Christ Church, seeks to bring all groups together
into a new unified social order based on a higher Christian world vision, where traditional
ethnic identities are cast off, and are blended into a new social construct. The
"democratic" model is exemplified in First Church o f the Nazarene, a congregation built
on the democratic processes with ethnic participation. They identify themselves as one
church with many ethnic congregations. First Baptist o f Los Angeles, the "integrated"
model is built on a highly evolved organizational structure w'hick seeks to bring all the
groups together in the same worship service. The final chapter of the dissertation will
summarize the controlling factors in forming and maintaining multiethnic congregations
and examine the ethical implications o f the issues raised.
This study took place over a three year period of time, incoperating ethnographic
methods of research. The research began with phone interviews of all the churches in the
Wilshire corridor that could be reached for general information, than focused on the four
specific congregations. The research at the local congregations included formal and
informal interviews, observations of various public meetings offered by the church, and
arhchival research.
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Ethnicity Defined
Words that describe people groups such as “race” and “nation” often symbolize
deep conflicts and bonds experienced at both the personal and social levels. Qualifying
any group of people by the color of their skin, the language they speak or their
geographical ancestral region is rife with complications. This came to my attention in one
interview when I addressed a lady as an African American. She told me that the term
African American was offensive to her and that she would rather be called a black
American. I use the term ethnic and ethnicity mindfUl o f the potential to oversimplify
some groups and undersimplify others.
C. Peter Wagner draws the following differences: (1) An ethnic group is not to
be confused with a nation, "A nation refers to a group of people under a common
government at a particular time and place."3 (2) Ethnicity should not be equated with
race "Race is. . .a group o f people with some common genetics."4 (3) Ethnicity
should not be confused with "tribe." "Tribe and tribalism are hopeless imprecise. They
have been used to describe ethnic groups, nations, districts and many other social
entities."5 (4) Ethnicity is not a social class; most ethnic groups contain a range o f social
class within themselves. (5) An ethnic group is not synonymous with a minority group.
"A minority is a group o f people who, because of their physical or cultural characteristics,
are singled out from the others in the society in which they live for differential and
unequal treatment.” 6
In his study on the Canadian Dutch-Calvinist community, Bradley Beems defines
ethnicity as a cultural construct for the maintenance of social boundaries. Members of an
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ethnic group maintain institutions and boundaries between themselves and others; they
prescribe and proscribe ideas, behavior and practice; they develop criteria by which they
identify, evaluate and judge themselves and others. Members share an aspect of culture, a
presumed origin and world view with one another.7 He states:
Ethnicity is the term I apply to the cultural construct o f descent, the
present and future, which provides a consciousness o f the distinction or
peoplehood of a human group or its members, occurring in a general
society or in contact with other similarly distinct groups. An ethnic group
is a conditioned social group within a larger society whose members
maintain institutions and boundaries between themselves and others,
through which members prescribe some actions, proscribe others and
provide criteria for self and other-identifications, evaluations and judgment.
These members are thought by themselves and others to have a common
origin, to share a common world view and important aspect o f a common
culture.8
Urmila Phadnis addresses the issue of subjectivity versus objectivity in defining
ethnic group and identity. She talks of the strengths and weaknesses of those who define
membership by referring only to cultural markers (such as race, language and descent).
Further, she addresses the subjective approach that emphasizes both the self- and group-
related feeling to identify distinctiveness and recognition by others. She arrives at the
following conclusion:
Thus it is not the preeminence of the subjective over the objective or vice
or versa but the linkage between the two, the complementary of one with
the other that facilitates an understanding of the processes o f the evolution
and growth of an ethnic group, characterized by continuity, adaptation, or
change. . . .Nevertheless, [the ethnic group] is not a monolith. .. .Dialect
can change, boundaries change, the hierarchy of peoples interacting with
each other change.9
J. Milton Yinger reveals the shared or connected aspect in his definition of an
ethnic group. He states:
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In general definition, an ethnic group is a segment o f a larger society whose
members are thought, by themselves or others, to have a common origin
and to share important segments of a common culture who, in addition,
participate in shared activities in which the common origin and culture are
significant ingredients.1 0
His definition suggests three components: (1) the group is perceived by others in
the society to be different in some combination o f the following traits: language, race, and
ancestral homeland (including its related culture); (2) the members also perceive
themselves as different; and (3) they participate in shared activities built around their (real
or mythical) common origin and culture.1 1
I use the words ethnic and ethnicity as terms that speak o f group definition by way
of either nationality (such as Filipino, Korean), language (such as Spanish), or race (such
as black or white). In my analysis it is the term that best speaks of specific group
distinction and does not exclude race, language or nationality distinction Ethnic groups
consist of people who are similar in regard to some set o f circumstances or conditions and
attempt to respond to those circumstances in similar socially agreed upon ways. Ethnicity
cannot be adequately explained by reference to other forms o f distinction, such as class,
sex, religion, but can be accounted for by reference to a common origin or boundaries. As
such, an ethnic group has an element of "kindred feeling" or relatedness and a set of
common understandings. A complex interaction o f social forces influenced by geography,
language, skin color and culture determines ethnicity. The elements that make up one's
ethnicity reveal a subjective belief in the group's origin, in the group's shared meaning,
and in common cultural elements— all o f which serve for objective identification by others.
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A New Theoretical Perspective
This work reveals a new theoretical perspective for ethnic religious studies, one
that is inclusive of the collective and also the individual aspects o f religion, that
recognizes that a religious group is belonging- and meaning-driven, and that recognizes
external and internal social forces o f maintenance and assimilation. The webbing together
of the collective, the individual, the need for belonging and meaning, the factors of
maintenance and assimilation, and the external and internal forces creates a multiethnic
congregation that is like the hub of a bicycle wheel, each factor acting like a spoke that
produces the tension that gives the wheel formation. It is not one or the other but all of
the above that produce a viable multiethnic congregation.
All of these elements are necessary due to the complicated webbing together of the
individual's and the group’s needs. In this paper I will show that individuals and whole
ethnic enclaves have a drive to belong, maintain, assimilate, and search for meaning.
While the terms assimilate and maintain are often viewed as oppositional in social theories
the paper will show that the needs to assimilate and maintain are present in each ethnic
enclave at the same time, but in differing degrees. Sometimes it is the individual's search
for meaning that leads him or her into a multiethnic congregation. In other instances, it
may be the group's drive for belonging that creates the fabric of a multiethnic
congregation. In some cases, such as the Korean Catholic congregation, maintenance is a
form o f assimilation. The autonomy o f the Korean people is driven by the need to recover
lost identity. The autonomy given as a result of adoption of American ideals is the
creative force behind their group maintenance structures. The individual and the group's
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search for meaning may be expressed in group maintenance and homogeneity in worship.
Or the individual and group's search for belonging may lead them to worship in a
multiethnic environment.
In addition, a multiethnic congregation may consist o f groups o f ethnic immigrants
and ethnic individuals who have needs of both maintaining and assimilating. These terms
are not mutually exclusive, but are complicated ideas that involve the process of social
identification, and which, when identified in interplay with each other, reveal the forces
behind religious social construction. One can only understand this complicated social
process through the dynamic interplay between the group and the individual. The church,
as a microcosm o f society, is an ever-changing social organism, which moves by both the
internal and external social pressures that play upon the group and the individual.
It would be foolish to say that changing the organizational structure or theology of
any one congregation would change its ethnic makeup. These internal types o f issues may
be important in an ethnically-diverse population, but they would be superfluous in a
strictly homogeneous culture. It is my thesis that it is the interplay o f social forces that act
upon an ethnically diverse population (external forces) and ethnically-conscious theology,
philosophy, leadership style, and organizational structure (internal) that work to form a
multiethnic congregation. For instance, a strictly homogeneous village could not have a
multiethnic congregation. A town where there are not enough ethnic individuals to have
their own worship services may likewise have ethnic individuals worshiping in the
churches simply because of the lack of sufficient numbers to make up a congregation of
their own. In the diverse neighborhood of the city, however, one may see a homogeneous
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Korean congregation on one comer, and across the street a congregation made up of
Koreans, whites, and Filipinos, revealing that there is more to the ethnic make up than
local demographics. There are both internal forces and external forces affecting the
particular religious expression that must be considered.
This ethnography will examine the individuals and the particular ethnic enclaves
that make up a multiethnic congregation. We will see that there are certain groups and
individuals that are in maintenance or assimilating modes of social interaction. We will see
that the drive for meaning and also belonging take both individual and group expression.
Finally we will see internal factors within the religious institutions and external factors
within society that play an important role in creating and maintaining a multiethnic
congregation.
Collective Expression
Our understanding o f the collective, or group expression o f ethnic religious
participation is grounded in the work of Emile Durkheim. Durkheim's theory reveals the
influence of both society and the group on religion, as well as how religion serves as a
collector and purveyor o f values. For Durkheim, religion is an expression o f the group's
most sacred values and ideals. He states, "Since neither man nor nature have for
themselves a sacred character, they must get it from other sources. Besides the human
individual and the physical world, there should be some other reality, in relation to which
this variety of delirium which all religion is in a sense, has a significance and an objective
value."1 2 By surrounding the totem with myth and legend the society protects its highest
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values and ideals. By identifying its most precious ideals with a god who would judge the
disobedient and bless
the obedient it could sacralize its values. It is through religion that society defines what is
sacred, good, most valuable and idealistic, and profane, bad or common.
Religion is a means of ordering the community. Religion evolved as a product o f
the community to define for itself what its most valued ideals are, for protecting and
maintaining those values, and as a means of passing on those values to others. Religious
beliefs express the nature o f sacred things and human relations with them. Religious rites
establish the proper conduct in the presence of sacred things. Religion is for Durkheim,
"society worshiping its self." He defines religion as:
A unified system o f beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to
say, things set apart and forbidden— beliefs and practices which unite into
one single moral community called a Church, all those who adhere to them.
The second element which thus finds a place in our definition is no less
essential than the first; for by showing that the idea o f religion is
inseparable from that o f the church, it makes it clear that religion should be
eminently collective things.1 3
The really religious beliefs are always common to a determined group,
which makes profession of adhering to them and o f practicing the rites
connected with them. They are not merely received individually by all the
members o f this group; they are something belonging to the group and
make its unity.1 4
Approaching religion as a community construct reveals the immutable or slow
changing core or personality, often involuntarily held and nourished in primary social
groups. The collective expression assumes that the church expresses or represents a social
group. People will be involved to the extent that they are part of the group. Church for
them is a way of belonging, a source of social identity. As such, religion is an expression
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of the ethnic group's identity, a means by which they order their world. Religious
participation is a mechanism by which they pass on the values o f the old world to the next
generation in the new world. Worship is a way of maintaining values in the midst of
anomie. The church is primarily a place o f social support.
External Forces
Some o f the external forces that play upon the religious establishment are revealed
in the work o f Ernst Troeltsch. Troeltsch follows the historical movements o f the church
and traces the social and theological construct to broader geographical, political, and
economic conditions. While aware o f the inward influence of Christianity upon the
individual, and his/her inward motivating forces for religion, he does not feel the inward
forces upon the individual are adequate to create the different religious social
constructions, or adequate to explain their existence. He states, "[i]n the course of such
an investigation, however, it will become evident that great tracts o f social life, like that of
economic social order, throw a great deal of light upon the general fundamental tendency
of Christian sociology'. . ."1 5 From Troeltsch's perspective, one must view the ethnic
religious social structures from the broader social, geographical, economic and political
conditions.
Troeltsch further identifies and defines the religious types by how they relate to
the culture, as either church, sect, or mystic. This trilogy exposes the idea that ethnic
groups may use or relate to religion based on their views o f the larger culture. Therefore
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their particular religious structure and theologies may be as much a product o f society as
they are a response to society.
The view that religion is as much a product of the larger culture, as it is o f its own
tenets and beliefs, raises a critical observation regarding ethnic identity and relationship to
the majority culture. There is a cross-cutting view that decides how an ethnic group
identifies with religion in a multiethnic setting. If an ethnic group perceives itself as
accepted by the majority culture, it will use religion to further assimilate into that culture,
such may be the case o f the Filipino American. In contrast, however, if an ethnic group
perceives a lack o f acceptance or alienation by the majority, it will use religion to secure
and protect its identity in homogeneous religious structures, such may be the case o f the
African American. The African American because of past racial injustices and skin color,
the Hispanic because o f language use and social strata, and the Koreans because of
language and cultural values, tend toward homogeneous situations. Compared to these
the European-American and the Filipino tend to meet in a multiethnic setting . In either
event, a Durkheim/Troeltsch model stating that religion is a product of its culture may
give some understanding of ethnic maintenance versus assimilation. In a city that is open
and used to ethnic interaction, one will find multiethnic religious associations. In a small
town culture that is less accepting of ethnic identities, one is most likely to find
homogeneous religious associations. One wall see this further developed as I examine
specific ethnic groups in subsequent chapters.
An ethical evaluation of this Durkheimian communal construction of religion is
put forward in the writing of H. Richard Niebuhr, in the Social Sources of
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Denominationalism. He shows that the "denominations, churches, sects are sociological
groups whose principle o f differentiation is to be sought in their conformity to the order o f
the social classes and castes."1 6 He does not deny that denominations are religious groups,
but argues that they represent a religion that has accommodated itself to what he terms the
"caste system." Denominational divisions serve to perpetuate and accentuate the racial
and class injustices so evident in American Society. Denominationalism thus represents
the moral failure of Christianity. Unless the ethics o f brotherhood can gain the victory
over this divisiveness within the body of Christ it is useless to expect the ethics of
brotherhood to be victorious in the world.
It is his view that separations of denominations by class, and race are a
magnification of natural, organic, social, economic and political processes. He asserts,
”[t]he church as an inclusive social group is closely allied with national, economic, and
cultural interests; by the very nature of its constitution it is committed to the
accommodation of its ethics to the ethics o f civilization."1 7
The problem for Niebuhr is not that the social separation takes place, and is
motivated by anthropological forces, but that the church has accommodated itself to those
evil forces, while at the same time representing the gospel o f unity. For Niebuhr, the very'
essence of Christianity lies in the tension between nature and spirit, and in the resolution o f
that conflict by means o f justifying faith. That the separations o f churches by
denominations are in reality founded upon political, economic, and geographical reasons
represents hypocrisy and compromise, the moral failure o f Christianity.
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When addressing specific ethnic separation, Niebuhr argues that since genes alone
cannot pass on social structure, the divided religious structures are the results of the
social attitudes and customs of behavior and thought passed on through the institutions of
civilizations. He states, "ethnic heredity alone is insufficient to explain the nature of any
aspect of a culture— its politics, its art, its economic life or its philosophy; the religion
which is intimately interwoven with these other contents of the social mind can scarcely be
explained by reference to that factor alone."1 8 He goes on to argue nationalism (i.e.
politics, historical schisms, differences of language and habitual modes o f thought), is the
source of separation among ethnic religious institutions. In the opening paragraph of the
chapter entitled “Denominationalism and the Color Line,” Niebuhr reveals what he
believes is an "anthropological" basis for the racially separated church:
The social causes o f schism have been obscured so frequently by
technological rationalization that the frankness with which the color line
has been drawn in the church is unusual. No partisan maintains that the
Colored Methodist Episcopal Church and the Methodists Episcopal
Church, South, were divided from each other by heresy or that the
separation of the colored from the white Baptists was occasioned by
doctrinal disputes. In view of the similarity of the theology, ritual and
organization of the separation of groups any attempt at theological
rationalization of the differences between them would probably have been
vain. The lack of theological speculation among the Negroes may also
have been responsible for the absence of efforts to interpret schism in
religious terms. But, on the whole, the sufficient reason for the frankness
with which the color line has been drawn in the church is the fact that race
discrimination is so respectable an attitude in America that it could be
accepted by the church without subterfuge of any so rt.. . Rationalization
has been used to defend discrimination rather than to obscure it. The
dogma which divides the racial churches is anthropological, not
theological, in content.1 9
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In Niebuhr’s historical analysis of the American black's involvements within the
Christian church, he points to the beginning where blacks and whites worshiped together.
Even this apparent unity was dominated by the need to subjugate the black to the white
man's needs. The white man's fear o f the black's independence was as important a factor
in the matter as the white man's concern for the black man’ s soul. In the end, with the
abolishment o f slavery, it was the inequality within the church that drove the blacks to
form their own worship centers and denominations that exist separated to this day.
Niebuhr's analysis reveals several aspects that I believe need further evaluation.
With the emancipation of the slaves at the end of the American Revolution the segregated
black churches formed and prospered. This was due to two factors: first, black
preachers were more effective at reaching their own; second, the segregation o f the races
into distinct churches represented a step forward from an association without equality,
toward the segregated fellowship of equals. Niebuhr's analysis rests on the belief that if
there had not been inequality in the church, segregation o f churches would never have
taken place. The assumption is that where there is equality, ethnic separation will not
take place. In my analysis, Niebuhr fails to give adequate weight to other forces of equal
power. For instance, for the American black, a drive toward autonomy may be as
important as the drive away from inequality. Their motivation may not have been the
inequality in the church, but a desire to worship in their own cultural expression. Niebuhr
seems to place unity, especially in the religious expressions, above all other values or
ideals. Yet, particularly in the American moral scheme, self determination may be of
equal or even greater value.
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Niebuhr does recognize that there have been attempts at complete fellowship,
without racial discrimination in American churches. He points to three situations in which
mixed congregations have existed: 1) where the number of blacks was exceptionally small
compared to the total membership, 2) where the cultural status of the racial groups was
similar, and 3) where, as among the Quakers, racism was consciously overcome. These
three factors, the church population, the cultural status, and the ethnic consciousness are
examined individually in much detail in the following chapters o f this work.
Belonging and Assimilating
The social theories of belonging and assimilating are put forward in the writings of
Will Herberg, who makes several claims about the effect of entering immigrants on the
communities they entered. As each new immigrant group came, he argued, it pushed the
level of its predecessors upward, and was in turn pushed upward by its successors. In
addition, a new unity emerged, one based not on home locations but on language, and the
immigrant church was the primary expression of this unity. This emphasis on the church
suggests that the way in which one identifies and locates oneself is closely related to how-
one is identified and located in the larger community. Normally, group identity and
location reflect, sustain, and illuminate each other; only in abnormal situations do they
diverge and conflict. To live an immigrant must belong. To belong, an immigrant must be
able to locate him/herself in the larger social whole, to identify him/herself to him/herself
and to others. There is nothing deliberate or conscious about this; the process of self
location and identification is normally a hidden social process o f which the
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individual is little aware; only at moments of disintegration and crisis does it merge to the
level o f consciousness and require some measure o f deliberate decision2 0
For Herberg, the religious community is the overall medium in terms of which
ethnic concerns are preserved, redefined and given appropriate expression.2 1 Therefore
religion became the principle by which people identify themselves and are identified and
located by others. For Herberg, religion is the only kind o f separateness or diversity that
America recognizes as permanent, and yet also as involving no status of inferiority.
Hence, once in this country, immigrants identify themselves as Catholic, Protestant, or
Jew, the three accepted forms o f religious expressions, which have themselves
accommodated to the American ideals. An increase in religious participation reflects an
increase in the social necessity o f identification, affiliation and belonging. For the ethnic
individual, church participation fulfills the need of identification and belonging. For the
immigrant seeking to assimilate into the American culture, religion serves as a primary
venue.
Herberg further argues that the "pluralist" and the "melting pot" theories of ethnic
identity are mistaken. The realities of pluralism are confronted by the fact of assimilation.
He refers to the "pluralists" as backward-looking romantics. The "melting pot" concept
is also confronted in that the ethnic immigrants ideals are the Anglo-American ideals.
Those ideals formed the beginning o f our existence, and still permeate our society today.
Herberg believes that our cultural assimilation has taken place not in a melting pot, but in
a "transmuting pot" in which all ingredients are transformed and assimilated to an idealized
"Anglo-Saxon" model.2 2
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The Durkheimian collective expression serves as a foundational theory for one of
modem Christianity's most hotly-contested debates, that of the church growth movement's
"Homogeneous Unit Principle." While H. Richard Niebuhr decries religious separation
along racial and class lines as one of the great evils o f the present day, others, such as
Donald McGavran, view this separation as social and economic reality that the church
should use and understand in communicating the gospel. McGavran wrote, M [t]he normal
man is not an isolated unity, but part of a whole which makes him what he is. . . .Society
either determines or strongly influences every aspect of what he says, thinks, and does.
Consequently when we comprehend the social structure of a particular segment of the
total population, we know better how churches are likely to increase and ramify
through it."2 3
Sociologist Alfred Schultz defines the Homogeneous Unit Principle as portraying
an institution in which "the individual members are at home, that is they find their bearings
without difficulty in the common surroundings, guided by a set of recipes o f more or less
institutionalized habits, mores, folkways, etc., that help them to come to terms with beings
and fellow-men, who belong to the same situations."2 4 This principle was further
formulated and advanced by McGavran during missiological research in India from 1936-
1955, and is reported in his three foundational works: The Bridges of God. 1955, Church
Growth and Group Conversion. 1962, and Understanding Church Growth. 1970.
McGavran defines a homogeneous unit as "simply a section of society in which all the
members have some characteristic in common."2 5 A homogeneous unit may be a political
unit or subunit. The characteristic in common may be that all members live within certain
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geographical confines, or that all share a common characteristic such as a culture or
language, a tribe or caste, or even a lineage group or clan. The concept was propagated by
McGavran as he founded and led the Fuller Theological Seminary School of World
Mission and Institute o f Church Growth in Pasadena, California. His theory is rooted in,
and motivated by the evangelical motive of trying to convert more people to Christian
faith. The theory has spread widely, enhanced by McGavran's students and fellow
academics, the rapid growth of the evangelical church, and the theory’s emphasis on
church growth.
McGavran's study o f church growth patterns in India began with the stated
evangelical basis that the purpose of the church is to make disciples of all nations. His
sociological evaluation was an attempt to diagnose growth patterns of the differing ethnic
groups (tribes and castes) in India, in order to facilitate numerical growth. In his view,
churches in every country can be described in terms of the socioeconomic realities in
which they are immersed and of which they are part. He coined the term
"contextualization" as that which has to do with the new Christian's relationship to his
people, his tribe, his caste, and his ethnicity. The society forms around the individual and
gives him/her the language he/she speaks and the value system he/she holds, and the
customs which feel good to him/her. McGavran believes that Christians should not betray
and abandon their ethnic units in becoming Christian. Contextualization means that
Christians continue to be part of their social context, while simultaneously being part of
the "New Creation."
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McGavran found that people come into the church by one o f two ways: as
individuals leaving their social context to join multiethnic churches, or as "people
movements," where large groups o f people from the same caste, tribe or social status see
the benefits o f Christianity simultaneously and become converts. For these people,
Christianity does not divide its members into high and low castes, but accepts them where
they are. While the existing mission's strategy has been one o f encouraging individual
converts, he calls for a new strategy that accepts, understands and nurtures the people
movements. He predicts that nine-tenths o f all future conversion growth of the church in
India would come by people movements; but since the congregations and denominations
o f most Indian church are conglomerate and not people movement by nature, there leaders
neither know nor teach the monoethnic way of becoming Christian.
McGavran's study divides churches into two types, "conglomerate" (multiethnic)
and monoethnic. The conglomerate congregations are composed o f Christians from many
different castes and tribes. Each convert has come alone, out of the caste in which he or
she was bom, to form a congregation of individuals. The term conglomerate comes from
geology and describes a kind of rock made up of pebbles or other rock fragments washed
into one place, which are finally held together by a strong cement o f hardened clay or
other binding material from the water that flows over them. The multiethnic congregation
is bonded through precisely such a process. Its members have come from many different
castes, some high, some low, and each is part of the matrix of living rock. Each
multiethnic congregation is necessarily surrounded by vast unproselytized populations that
the multiethnic congregation is not touching, and does not particularly want to touch— the
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caste is not their "kind of people." The conglomerate congregation is not through a
natural process. It is a different type o f social organism. In essence it invites individuals
to leave their caste and join its community. In McGavran’s view, multiethnic
congregations appeal to the social minority and those of mixed ethnic backgrounds.
McGavran says that the multiethnic congregation can accomodate three types of
people: 1) those unaffiliated individuals who live outside or are loosely connected to their
caste. 2) members o f ethnic groups where considerable numbers have already become
Christian, and 3) those who have recently moved to a big city and are at loose ends there.
Historically, most great people movements have risen as existing Christians of
conglomerate congregations have made converts o f ethnic individuals, and the ethnic
converts have then converted their own people.
McGavran's observations lead to the conclusion that the most natural way men and
women raised in castes become Christian is in the monoethnic church. In this scenario, the
decision to become a Christian is mainly a religious one. The issues o f the castes are not
involved To become a Christian in a conglomerate is largely a social decision. Simply
stated, churches function better along lines o f commonality. The fewer social bridges
such as race, culture, education and economics a person has to cross, the more the church
can evangelize and disciple.
The limitations of a monoethnic congregation are many. It can quickly close itself
off from society, because it does not attract converts of other castes and can suffer from
limited vision. The monoethnic congregation also does not feel a part of or responsible
for the Christianization of other tribes. While its people are intensely interested in
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evangelizing their own tribe, they are somewhat indifferent to evangelizing others. A
multiethnic congregation, as examined in this paper, confronts this theory by studying
vibrant churches where many groups and individuals cross ethnic and cultural lines to
worship together.
The homogeneous principle fits well into religious social theory especially
expounded by Durkheim. For Durkheim, religious rituals and symbols are root
representations of the social group. "These collective representations are the ways by
which the group expresses something important about itself to its own members. Thus by
participating in group rituals, individual members renew their link with the group and they
learn and reaffirm shared meanings."2 6 As such, the worship experience maintains group
identity and values. The homogeneous church maintains the individual's culture and
identity.
Peter Berger offers other aspects that support the homogeneous church. He
writes, "all religious traditions require specific communities of believers for their
continuing plausibility A sound plausibility structure allows the meaning system to be
held as a common, taken-for-granted entity. Similarly, it strengthens the ability of
individuals to believe, for the group gives them social support and reinforcement in their
world view ”2 7 In this sense, the homogeneous group provides a stable sense of
belonging— a "sacred canopy," if you will.
The church growth movement and the homogeneous unit are not without their
detractors, and most of the opposition is found along theological, cultural, and
sociological lines. For theologians, both liberal and conservative, the homogeneous unit
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challenges a view of scripture that calls people to unity, rather than diversity. This is
where Niebuhr would cross swords with McGavran. For Niebuhr, the essence o f the
gospel is the unified brotherhood of humanity. For McGavran, the gospel is the particular
tenet of the Evangelical faith. Robert Plaisted states, that "[t]hey [homogeneous church
growth adherents] believe spontaneous homogeneous grouping may be a fact in the
church, but it ought not be! Because we are followers of Jesus Christ, they argue, long
ago we should have risen above cultural division and separateness, for the New Testament
teaches that, 'there is neither Jew nor Greek, slave nor free, male nor female for you are all
one in Christ Jesus' (Gal. 3:28).1 ,2 8
Jurgen Moltmann contends that ethnic separation surrounded by religion is an evil
of the past and must eventually pass away. In 1968, Moltman stated "that all separate
national, cultural and religious histories belong to a past contained in the present, but none
of them can survive unless all choose to participate in a new community with a new 'world
history' In 1970, preaching to the Nairobi Conference of the Reformed World
Confederation, he declared that "the Christian community must go beyond the
homogeneity o f Aristotle's proverb, 'Birds o f a feather flock together.' Both Gal 3:28. and
Eph. 2:14, demand a new kind of community."3 0
Victor Hayward wrote to McGavran reflecting the same thought: "I have been
dismayed to find Christian Churches denying the gospel by making it evident that racial
and provincial loyalties count for more than loyalty to Christ. Heaven preserve us from
growth at that demonic cost!"3 1
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From the Evangelical comer as well there is opposition. Rene Padilla labels this
homogeneous principle "cultural Christianity," when Christianity becomes identified with
a particular cultural expression. He condemns homogeneous unit churches as segregated
churches, contending that, "no amount of exegetical maneuvering can ever reconcile the
explicit teaching o f the New Testament with a strategy of planting segregated churches
simply because they may grow faster, or because people like to be with those o f their own
race and class."3 2 In his argument the root o f the debate is not theological but cultural.
The question turns on whether people attribute positive or negative value to cultural
diversity, or if their world view acknowledges the significance o f the matter. Biblical
arguments often buttress prior cultural attitudes.
Further, from Padilla's perspective, the homogeneous unit debate centers on the
"fact" of cultural diversity rather than the value assigned to it . 3 3 C. Peter Wagner, one o f
McGavran's leading supporters, points out that the homogeneous unit principle never
suggested that people ought to act that way, simply that they do. Wagner then poses the
critical question:
However, while it might be easier, and while people might feel more
comfortable in such churches, larger questions need to be raised: Is it right
and good for Christians intentionally to group themselves into
congregations that generally reflect the culture and life-style of just one
kind of people? Can a culturally homogeneous church be justified in a
pluralistic society?3 4
Wagner goes on to affirm the homogeneous church. He bases this on what he believes
are Biblical examples which reflect homogeneity in the New Testament Church. Further,
he believes that diversity is part of God's creative plan, and should be respected. And
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finally, he asserts that homogeneity is the most efficient means o f evangelizing and
disciplining converts.
Wayne McClintock, a New Zealand sociologist, confronts the homogeneous unit
principle from a sociological perspective. In his view, the homogeneous unit, as defined
by McGavran, is too broad and vague a concept. The vagueness o f his definition as
"simply a section of society in which all members have some characteristic in common" is
o f little practical assistance to anyone wishing to identify particular homogeneous unities.
At some point, McClintock remarks, all people have some element in common, the most
basic o f which is their humanity. There is no objective criterion o f determining what
separates their members from their nonmembers. There is a vagueness about the concept
of boundaries around the social system that neglects the wider social and economic
context. The theory, McClintock charges, simply lumps people into "caste" structures
without a careful class analysis. McGavran's concept neglects the complex web of
interaction with other groups o f people within the larger society and reveals, also, a static
view of history that disregards the process of social change.3 5
Individual Expression
The other contrasting approach to ethnicity and religion is repealed in the
Weberian individual expression. Using this simplistic typing o f Max Weber one can trace
a move away from the community as the source of religion to the individual, and find the
foundation o f religion in the quest for meaning. The ultimate unit o f analysis for Weber is
the understandable motivations o f the single individual. He traces the beginning of
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religious movements to people, individuals, who have been alienated from the power
structures o f society. This is a process whereby individuals who are marginalized and
alienated from societies’ power structures come upon a "charismatic" leader, who, by
redefining the values of life in juxtaposition to the majorities’ values, instills his/her
followers with a new sense o f identity, importance, and mission. Religion, then, gives
meaning to the alienated individuals. He states:
Religion claims to offer an ultimate stand toward the world by virtue o f a
direct grasp o f the world's meaning. It does not claim to offer intellectual
knowledge concerning what is or what should be. It claims to unlock the
meaning of the world not by means of the intellect but by virtue o f a
charisma of illumination.3 6
The individual, then, in his/her search for meaning, in interplay with economical,
political and religious social structures serves as the foundation for religion, and for new
religious movements. It is in the individual’s movement from the status quo, to the
margins, to routinization, back to the status quo, that one sees the process of social
change. 3 7 Addressing ethnicity specifically , Weber wrote, "the ethnic community itself is
not a community; it only facilitates communal relationships. It facilitates and promotes all
types of communal relationships, particularly in the political sphere. In this sense,
community exists to facilitate the individual's needs, not vice versa, for relationships."3 *
The individual expression model of ethnic religious development is most fully
explained by Philip Hammond. He makes the distinction between people's perception of
the church as a "collective-expression" versus the "individual expression." The identities
o f both types may be informed by religion, but they will be differently formed, as the two
concepts of identity suggest. The "collective" suggests a way o f looking at identity from
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an immutable or at least a slowly changing core of personality that shows up in all of a
person's encounters. The "individual" suggests the transient and changeable self people
inhabit as they move from one social encounter to another, offering a somewhat different
identity, as it were, in each place. The first notion of identity suggests that it is
involuntarily held, the second that it can be put on and off. The first is nourished in
primary groups, probably early in life; the second exists precisely because much of life is
lived in areas outside of primary groups. Hammond identifies the collective expression as
Durkheimian. It assumes that the church expresses or represents a social group. People
will therefore be involved to the extent that they are part of the group. The church for
them is a way of belonging, an agency o f their social identity.
For Hammond, the individual expression is Weberian. This source he refers to as
the "meaning" source, in that it assumes that the church is one way by which people may
try to make sense out of life. People will be involved to the extent that their church's
viewpoint makes meaningful their own. The church for these people serves a primary
purpose. For some people, the church may be a source of both meaning and belonging.
For some ethnic groups the badge of membership is clearly marked by such
visible characteristics as skin color, hair style, and shape of eyes. Persons possessing
these markers will identify themselves as belonging to one or another ethnic group. For
them ethnicity is likely to provide a primary identity, and they will see themselves as
belonging to or representatives o f an ethnic collective. For others the visible marks are
less pronounced, being perhaps a foreign name, accented speech, or residence in an ethnic
neighborhood. In these cases the chances that ethnicity will provide a primary identity are
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diminished, partly because some social encounters do not require name, speech, or
knowledge of residence. In these cases, whether persons are expressing membership in an
ethnic community or instead are expressing their individual selves is dictated by social
context.
There are others, Hammond observes, for whom ethnicity is entirely voluntarily.
Whether ethnic identity even enters the exchange will depend upon the wishes of the
individuals involved. Under these circumstances ethnic identity automatically becomes
individual-expressive, and chances are great that such identity will be secondary rather
than primary Hammond quotes Mary Waters:
Ethnicity is increasingly a personal choice of whether to be ethnic at all,
and for an increasing majority of people, of which ethnicity to be. An
ethnic identity is something that does not affect much in everyday life. It
does not for the most part, limit choice or marriage partner. It does not
determine where you will live, who your friends will be, what joy you will
have, or whether you will be subject to discrimination. It matters only in
voluntary ways3 0
Hammond further argues that the religious community is facing a time of
disestablishment, a collapse o f traditional religious authority, and plays a new role in the
individual's life This disestablishment is caused by the contemporary emphasis on
personal autonomy. The situation, with respect to the cultural role o f churches, whether
collective-expressive or individual-expressive, whether providing primary identity or
secondary, is similar. In this sense religion resembles ethnicity. The changing role played
by the middle-class, is one in which an ethnic identity inhibits one kind of identification
but may actually facilitate another, voluntary kind of ethnic identity. This also must be
understood as a change in the meaning the church has in people's lives, a change from
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collective to individual view. Hammond concludes that common sense would suggest a
dialectic process whereby an increase in personal autonomy erodes personal ties to the
church, and this erosion to the church further increases personal autonomy. The rise of
personal autonomy reflects both the freedom from church -going obligations and the
freedom to choose whether and how to be religious.4 0
While Hammond views the rise o f autonomy as the source o f the demise of
religion and ethnicity, a desire for autonomy may be the very factor that creates the
multiethnic congregation. As ethnic individuals break from the collective ideals and begin
to pursue their individual ideals they look for religious expression that is more suitable to
their individual needs, needs that are reflective of a changing, multiethnic society.
Hence, the multiethnic congregation is an expression of religion that is more in tune with
the changing ethnic culture and needs o f autonomy of the ethnic individual. Further.
Hammond’ s theory that the rise in autonomy will bring demise to both religion and
ethnicity falls short in two areas. First, he underestimates the internal drive o f a person,
what William James calls "instinct,” to worship.4 1 It is my view that the drive to worship
is so much a part of humanity, that people will ways have a need, and find a way to
express it Second, Hammond fails to foresee the flexibility o f the American church to
meet the ever-changing needs o f its society and the individual. It is the ability to change,
and meet these needs, that has allowed the church to flourish in America. In the
American context, the ethnic groups that need homogeneity are encouraged to do so,
while at the same time, those groups and individuals who are in need of a more pluralistic
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form of expression can find that, too. The respect for autonomy has not only allowed, but
empowered religious ethnic expression in America.
The benefits of autonomy are revealed in the different roles o f the individual in
ethnic/religious formation. In an article entitled, "Migrants and Cultural Diversity: On
Ethnicity and Religion in Society," Harold Abramson first recognizes the collective nature
o f religion, then goes on to show that to fully understand ethnicity and religion one must
understand the ethnic individual’s religious expression as an immigrant. He identifies four
types of ethnic individualistic expression: the migrant as sociocultural traditionalist, the
migrant as sociocultural convert, the migrant as sociocultural exile, and the migrant as
sociocultural isolate. The most frequent and most familiar is the traditionalist. This is
the classic role of the individual migrant who remains attached to his former way o f life in
some manner, thus representing a culture and structure, an ethnicity, which is visibly
distinctive from the mode o f life that prevails in the host society. This individual will
attach to. or create for himself, the religion of his homeland. The marginality of the
traditionalist in a world where another tradition is predominant is the description of the
minority group. The migrant remains attached to a past existence. The migrant
community functions in the resettling o f the ethnic individual. As for religious expression,
the migrant will seek out others to maintain the religious traditions o f the homeland. This
type of person is the most likely to be found in a homogeneous worship experience4 2
The migrant as a sociocultural convert represents a certain ethnic relationship and
structure, but an inconsistency of ethnic symbols and culture. The individual has
assimilated and has been received into another group, but a group that is different from the
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ethnicity and cultural background o f her past origins. Conversion is where the individual
derives a sense of ethnic belonging primarily from the networks and bonds o f the people
she has joined. The migrant seeks out and joins the religious establishments o f the
majority. This can be considered assimilation, whereby the individual’s culture and social
structure take on another’s at the primary level. This conversion means not only a change
in religious beliefs, but the more fundamental disconnection of personal and primary
relationships. The change in beliefs is ongoing and continual. This migrant will assimilate
most to the host country’s religion and may often be found in a multiethnic congregation.4 3
The migrant as a sociocultural exile is the individual who sustains a memory of
belonging to an ethnic culture while quite alone in terms o f ethnic relationships. The
individual finds a sense of belonging in an ethnic structure, but experiences a kind of
marginality with respect to any ethnic culture. The marginality is not cultural but
structural isolation. There is no community of which the individual is presently a member,
by virtue o f primary sentiment and close relationships. As such the immigrant will cam-
out the traditional religious practices alone, in the privacy of his personal life. This
individual, if possible, would attend a homogeneous congregation.4 4
The fourth type is the most marginal of all with regard to the individual and
religion. The sociocultural isolate lacks both historical symbols and primary relationships.
That which typically provides one with some kind of group identity in the culturally-
diverse society is missing or deficient. She is bereft of any cultural and structural place in
society and lacks any kind o f sustained group identity. There are no feelings o f a group
history and there are no ongoing personal ethnic relationships. As such , the individual has
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given up all past religious traditions and makes no attempt to adopt the host religion. She
remains unreligious and "unconverted."4 5
While a traditional approach to ethnicity and religion classifies the sociocultural
convert as the type o f individuals found in multiethnic congregations, this study reveals
individuals as well as groups expressing at least two of the other social types in the
multiethnic congregations. The sociocultural traditionalist can be seen in the ethnic group
or individual who attend the multiethnic church to maintain the denomination or belief
system of their home land, i.e. if they were Catholic or Baptist in their native land, they
look for Catholic or Baptist affiliation here. The social cultural exile may be found to
some degree in the multiethnic congregations among ethnic individuals who have not
found a homogeneous group of their kind to worship with. They do sense a degree of
alienation from their own culture because o f geographical isolation, yet their commitment
to worship drives them to attend a multiethnic congregation, simply because they have no
other options.
History o f Wilshire District
The Wilshire corridor was founded and designed by Gaylord Wilshire in the early
1900s. As the Los Angeles city center expanded west, Wilshire, a wealthy entrepreneurial
business man and land developer, bought a barley field in 1896 for $40,000. He dredged
Westlake Park (now MacArthur Park), widened the boulevard to 120 feet and named it
for himself. His vision was to build a futuristic boulevard, similar to other great European
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streets, that could accommodate the emerging use o f the automobile. He later subdivided
the four-block section west o f MacArthur Park for residences.
The Boulevard's first major structure, the Ambassador, opened on the site o f a
dairy farm in 1921. The Ambassador Hotel served as a gathering place of the early
Hollywood Stars, and was where much of Los Angeles' image, and show style evolved in
the 1920's and 1930's. At the time, it was one o f most prestigious entertainment
establishments in the world.
The "roaring 20's" saw the founding o f Los Angeles as an entertainment and
economic base, caused by oil discoveries, Asian imports, agriculture and industrialization.
As Los Angelenos and their money expanded westward from the city center, the Wilshire
region became known as the financial and social center. It was here that the "tower"
designs of the city's best art deco buildings were constructed as "beacons" for passing
motorists. Along Wilshire sprang up the finest stores, with large window displays so
drivers could see the merchandise, and main entrances in back, where there was parking .
It was during these years that many religious institutions followed the economic
and social movement westward, and located along the prestigious Wilshire Boulevard.
The economic and religious boom at this time produced some o f the biggest and grandest
churches in the world, supported by world renowned socialites, financial tycoons, and
entertainment executives. At this time, the Wilshire corridor became home to First
Church of Religious Science, and their international headquarters. The First
Congregational church, known at the time for its political conservatism, was where
Winston Churchill spoke when in Los Angeles. The Wilshire Temple, the first and largest
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Jewish Temple in Los Angeles, located here following the economic migration westward
from downtown. Immanuel Presbyterian was at the time one o f the largest and most
influential Presbyterian churches in the world. A little later, the First Church o f the
Nazarene, the founding congregation of the Nazarene denomination relocated to the
Wilshire District for its economic prestige and central location.
These churches, and many others (see Table 1-1) that located in the Wilshire area
during the first three decades of the 1900's, all reflect the economic prosperity of the
times in their grand and ornate architecture. For instance, in a Los Angeles Times article
about the Wilshire Temple, the oldest and largest synagogue in Los Angeles, the author
states.
Founded by well-to-do downtown merchants of German and Polish
ancestry, the congregation met in members’ homes for 11 years. It erected
its first building on what is now Broadway between Second and Third
streets in 1873 and laid the cornerstone for a larger building at Ninth and
Hope streets in 1886. That was where the congregation worshiped when
Rabbi Magnin joined it. As membership grew' after World War I, the young
rabbi foresaw the city's westward movement. He persuaded the
congregation to buy land on Wilshire Blvd. between Harvard and Hobart.
He also decided that the new building should be an architectural monument
among synagogues. Congregants such as the Warner brothers, Louis B.
Mayer, Irving Thalberg and wife Norma Shearer and Universal Studio
owner Carl Laemmel liked this thinking and contributed major gifts to
make Magnin's vision reality. Studio moguls and such Hollywood stars as
Jack Benny, Eddie Cantor and A 1 Jolson continued to join the temple
during the early years. In 1931 during a brief stay in Southern California, a
celebrity of another kind, Albert Einstein, took long, discussion filled
bicycle rides with the rabbi. At the time o f his death, the rabbi had counted
at least four Presidents, four California governors and four Los Angeles
mayors his friends. ( Los Angeles Times. 17 December 1987)
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TABLE 1
FOUNDING DATES IN WILSHIRE AND ETHNICITY OF CHURCHES
Date Name Present Founding
_________________________________________ Ethnicity__________ Ethnicity
1912 Wilshire Presbyterian Church Mixed Caucasian
1915 St. Mary's Episcopal Church Japanese Japanese
1919 St. Basil's Catholic Church Mixed Caucasian
1920 Founders' Church of Religious Science Mixed Caucasian
1920 St. James Episcopal Mixed Caucasian
1924 Ninth Church of Christ, Scientist Caucasian Caucasian
1925 Precious Blood Catholic Church Mixed Caucasian
1926 First Baptist of Los Angeles Mixed Caucasian
1927 First Unitarian Church of Los Angeles Mixed Caucasian
1929 St. Brendon's Catholic Church Filipino Caucasian
1929 Wilshire Temple Jewish Jewish
1930 Immanuel Presbyterian Mixed Caucasian
1933 First Congregational Church of Los Angeles Caucasian Caucasian
1940 Wilshire Christian Church Caucasian Caucasian
1940 First Church of the Nazarene Mixed Caucasian
1940 First Lutheran of Los Angeles Caucasian Caucasian
1941 Christ Church Mixed Caucasian
1955 Our Savior's Lutheran Caucasian Caucasian
1963 Trinity- Lutheran black Caucasian
1967 Jorci Fellowship Mixed Japanese
1970 Zen Center of Los Angeles Caucasian Caucasian
1974 The World Mission Church Korean Korean
1975 Hosanna Presbyterian Church Korean Korean
1975 Vietnamese Buddhist Temple Vietnamese Vietnamese
1976 International Buddhist Meditation Center Caucasian Korean
1977 Bcrcndo Street Baptist Korean Korean
1977 Korean Philadelphia Presbyterian Church Korean Korean
1980 Tah Mah Sau Buddhist Temple Korean Korean
1983 Peach Mission Church Korean Korean
1991 Society of the Infinite God and Mother Filipino Filipino
1992 Seoul Presbyterian Church Korean Korean
1992 Los Angeles Church of Christ Mixed Mixed
1992 Mijoo Yangkob Mission Center Korean Korean
1992 Ecclcsia Christian Koinonia Hispanic Hispanic
1992 Morning Star Church Korean Korean
1992 Church of Love CRC Korean Korean
1993 Los Angeles Korean Salvation Army Korean Korean
1993 New Hope Community Church Korean Korean
1994 Yul Lin Mon Presbyterian Korean Korean
1994 Town Church Korean Korean
1994 Peace Church Korean Korean
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The sanctuary was constructed by the finest o f European craftsman. It's
worshipers sat in long, hand carved pews under an ornamental, sculptured 100-foot
Byzantine dome. Muted lighting flowed from fixtures designed to resemble spice boxes
which symbolize the joy of the Sabbath; brightly colored murals surrounding the sanctuary
depict key moments in Jewish history. A booming pipe organ accompanies the choir. The
Torah is housed in an ark surrounded by carved, inlaid mahogany and walnut, all in a
frame o f marble and mosaic.
The growth o f the Wilshire corridor persisted into the 1950’ s as Los Angeles
continued to push westward. The expansion o f Wilshire Boulevard along its 14-mile
path to the Pacific served as the transportation life line for the growth o f similar
financially prosperous areas, such as the Wilshire mile, Westwood, Beverly Hills,
Bentwood, and even as far as the city o f Santa Monica.
During the 1960's the Wilshire district faced economic decline. The increasing
prestige of West Los Angeles and the surrounding cities drew business and retail stores
west, leaving Wilshire dormant. The car that had spurred its growth, was also partly
responsible for its demise, as commuters located farther and farther west. In the
economic/social transition, the occupancy of the neighborhood apartments became
increasingly elderly, so that when the people passed away or moved, the housing stock
became older, and new emigrants came in. The classic old, rambling homes were tom
down or divided into multi-family apartments. By the 1970’ s the neighborhood had
changed. Between 1970 and 1980, according to city figures, the number o f Latinos in the
area increased from just a few to 37% o f the population, and Asians, including a growing
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Korean community, climbed from 0 to 22%. The white population declined, the median
family income fell from $20,343 to $10,588, and unemployment jumped from 3% to 16%.
(Los Angeles Times. 17 December 1987)
From observing the churches’ founding dates in Table 1-1, one can also trace the
social and ethnic change of the community. In the first three decades of the 1900's, there
were 13 congregations started there, all but two of which, one Japanese and one Jewish
congregation, were European-American congregations. During the 1940's, 1950's and the
1960’ s there were 7 congregations started, again all except one, a mixed congregation,
were European-American. Since 1970 there have been 21 congregations started (12 since
1990 alone). All, with the exception o f two Caucasian Buddhist congregations, were
ethnic homogenous congregations, and an overwhelming number were Korean.
The first three decades of the 1900's saw a surge in European-American churches,
the next three reflected the slowing down of population growth, and the last three reflect
the tremendous ethnic influx and growth in the Wilshire region. There have been more
churches started in the Wilshire corridor in just the five years o f the 1990's than the
previous four decades combined, all ethnic immigrant churches with the exception of one
mixed congregation.
It was during the 1930's-1940's that the main-line churches reached their highest
numerical peaks and greatest influence. By the 1970's the churches were having to deal
with the ethnically/economically transitioning neighborhood, commuter congregations and
maintaining these huge expensive edifices, a social and economic transition from which
many to this day have not recovered.
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Church Demographics
This study is based on churches located in the Wilshire District o f Los Angeles.
While there are no formally identified boundaries by the City o f Los Angeles, the Wilshire
District Chamber o f Commerce, the primary business association in the area, considers its
boundaries to be two blocks north and south of Wilshire from Vermont to Western. The
primary religious association in the area the Wilshire Parish, is comprised o f 14 churches
and synagogues. Their primary purpose for meeting jointly is to provide social ministries
such as health-care and educational opportunities for the region.
For the purpose of this study I am using the geographical area that is outlined by
churches that make up the Parish, with the exclusion o f Wilshire United Methodist, and
Saint Sophia's Greek Orthodox Cathedral. Wilshire Methodist and Saint Sophia’ s are
technically located out of the Wilshire District proper. Hence the boundaries of this study
include the churches, synagogues and temples on or between Third Street on the North,
Hoover on the East, Wilton on the West, and Olympic on the South. The area
encompasses approximately a 2 by 1 1/2 square mile area.
1 began my research by doing a phone inventory of the churches within this
geographical area The purpose of the survey was to get a macro view o f the religious
demographics o f the area, to determine common issues among the religious groups, and to
locate multiethnic congregations. The churches were located by four methods: the
Pacific Bell phone book yellow pages, a reverse telephone directory that listed names and
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phone numbers by the address, driving every street in the geographical area visually
looking for signs and church-type structures, and referral by other churches in the area.
The first difficulty I faced doing the telephone inventory was getting someone
knowledgeable o f the church to talk to me. Four of the congregations did not have
telephones. I could get no one to answer the telephone at five o f the congregations after
numerous attempts. Three would not talk on the phone because of the time involved, and
two had no one who could speak English.
The reliability of this type of informal survey, specifically where percentages,
dates and numbers are involved is questionable. This is attributed to several factors. First
not everyone I was allowed to talk to had the knowledge of or access to the church
statistical information. Second, many of the congregations do not keep the kind of
statistics I was asking for. The interviewee's answers were often personal estimates, not
based on factual, quantitative data gathering. Giving out information over the phone was
especially difficult for the Koreans. Some would relay the questions over the phone to a
superior to get approval for the answers. This lack o f trust could be rooted in several
reasons: a lack of understanding and comfort with the English language, a predisposed
insecurity toward outsiders asking questions, possibly rooted in historical social/political
situations, and ethnic insecurity due to immigration issues.
Church List
In the Wilshire District boundaries that I have discussed above I have located 74
congregations in these 203 blocks, or approximately one church for every two and one-
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half blocks. These churches represent 28 denominations and many independent
congregations. There is the possibility that there may be other congregations in the area
that I was not able to locate. Due to the high density o f the population, and the many
languages used, it is quite possible that there are more churches whose names are not in
English and who meet in a building not immediately identifiable as a church. There may be
some who meet in commercial or office complexes, or that share facilities with churches
that I was not able to inventory, that have no external signs posted or are not registered in
the telephone directory.
Classifying an individual congregation was also difficult. Particularly in churches
with a multi-congregational structure, it is hard to tell if each group is an independent
congregation or an ethnic ministry of that congregation. Further, there are many para-
church ministries meeting in the Wilshire district who conduct themselves like an
independent church, have their own structure and Internal Revenue Tax exempt number,
but do not consider themselves a separate congregation. For instance, there is the Society
of the Infinite God and Mother, a group of Filipinos who still consider themselves Catholic
and attend several Catholic churches in Los Angeles, but come together during the week
for their own services and mission projects. Further, religious groups are so different in
structures and worship practices, that even using the word congregation, as in to
congregate, does not adequately fit their practice. For instance, the Buddhists do not have
a weekly meeting where all o f their people come together, but rather they come as
individuals to the center at various times during the week to meditate or attend classes.
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For the purpose of this paper a group is identified as a congregation if they advertise or
describe themselves as such, or if they have their own building for meetings.
List o f Denominations
When one looks at the list of denominations, several peculiarities arise. First, the
lack of Pentecostal churches in the area is noticeable. While there are some, they are few
and small compared to the relative growth of the Pentecostal movement in this country,
and its growth in Korea and Latin American countries. This may be influenced by the lack
o f traditional Pentecostal churches established in the area in the growth period of the
1920's through the 1940's, and due to the high commercial rents in the area.
One may also notice the lack o f Buddhist temples in the area, which is a paradox
considering the high Asian population. There are five Buddhist congregations, two
dominated by European-Americans, two Korean, and one Vietnamese. They are all
relatively small, with participant size between 40-60 adults. This raises some intriguing
questions; why are the Korean Buddhists not strong here, and why are two o f these
dominated by Caucasians and located here? The Korean Buddhist lack o f involvement
may reflect the low number o f Buddhists immigrating to this country. While Buddhism is
rooted more deeply in the history and traditions of Korea, Korean Buddhist may be more
nationalistic. The Korean Christian would be more apt to immigrate due to the
commonality and popularity o f their faith in this country. In addition, their Christian faith
may represent other social and economic ideals common wnth American Christianity which
encourage and facilitate the immigration process.
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TABLE 2
LIST OF DENOMINATIONS
Assembly of God 2
Baptist 6
Southern 2
American 2
Independent 2
Buddhist 5
Catholic 3
Christian, Disciples o f Christ 3
Christian Reform 2
Christian Science 1
Church of Christ 1
Church of World Messianitv 1
Congregational 2
Episcopal 2
Foursquare 1
Independent 8
Pentecostal 4
Other 4
Jewish (Reformed) 1
Lutheran 5
Methodist 1
Missionary 1
Moslem 1
Nazarene 4
Presbyterian 14
Religious Science 1
Salvation Army 1
Seventh Day Adventist 1
Spiritualist 1
Unitarian 2
Unknown 5
Yangkis Church 1
___________________ TOTAL 74
Complete Inventories 39
Partial Inventories 17
Unable to reach* 18
*1 was not able to contact these churches because they had no phone, did not speak
English, did not answer the phone, or did not want to talk on the phone.
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Further, the immigrant seeking the American dream, with its social, economic, and
religious intertwining, would be more open to religious accommodations and conversion.
Hence, the Buddhists once here, may find themselves worshiping in Christian churches.
The two Buddhist congregations dominated by Caucasians were founded before
the Asian immigration to the Wilshire area at a time when the Wilshire corridor was
largely populated by a more liberal, educated, upper class of people. Hence these two
congregations were fruit o f the religious experimentation of the time period, when many
turned from traditional main-line Christianity to other, less authoritarian types of
religious expressions, such as Unitarianism, Unity, Christian Science, and Science o f the
Mind, all of which had major congregations in the Wilshire corridor.
A most striking aspect of the survey is the size and number of the Korean
Presbyterian congregations and their lack of involvement with other congregations. The
inventory revealed 14 Presbyterian congregations in this 1 1/2 by 2 1/2 square-mile area,
with 12 o f these being homogeneous Korean congregations and 2 being multiethnic
congregations. The 2 multiethnic congregations were both founded as Caucasian
congregations in the prosperous days o f the Wilshire district, and became multiethnic due
to the ethnic transitions of the neighborhoods. The high number of Korean Presbyterian
churches is attributed to the popularity o f the Presbyterian Church in Korea. I was told
there are over 100 different Presbyterian denominations in Korea. This reflects the
Koreans’ fierce desire for autonomy and independence, and the theological diversity in
the Korean Presbyterians, which might be classified as conservative, almost
fundamentalist, versus the American, more liberal Presbyterian church of the United
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States. The large number of churches also reflects the cultural and social tension among
the Koreans themselves, as many were started as splits from other local Korean Churches.
The two largest Korean Presbyterian Churches in the Wilshire District are the product o f a
single church that split.
Other Religious Institutions
In the Wilshire district I located 4 colleges and/or seminaries, 2 district or national
denominational offices, 2 para-church organizations, and 3 religious book stores. These
are all identified as such, separate from the advertising o f the local churches. There may
be more which are housed by, and supported by the local churches, which have no outside
advertising. It would be an interesting study to determine how these religious institutions
affect ethnic congregational life in the area. Are the colleges and bookstores the result of
growing congregational life, or do they cause ethnic growth0 Further, what part do the
denominational offices and para-church organizations play in assimilation/maintenance
tension?
Ethnicity of Churches
When categorizing churches by ethnicity, one must first define the criteria. This is
complicated by the inconsistent public use of the term ethnicity, as well as the practical
difficulties of categorizing people into groups. As discussed earlier, an ethnic group may
be what is popularly referred to as a race of people such as Asian or black, or ethnicity
may be define as a more specific group which reflects their nationality such as Filipino.
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Such a vague definition of ethnicity further complicates the definition of a
multiethnic, integrated, or mixed congregation. A multiethnic congregation could also be
defined either by the numerical balance in attendance, or by the underlying philosophy.
During this study I consistently came upon pastors who did not statistically have
multiethnic congregations but who considered their congregations as such because of
their outlook and philosophy of ministry. Defining multiethnic congregations is further
complicated by the lack of research and writing in this area. To my knowledge, this is the
first social science ethnographic project to specifically study the attributes o f multiethnic
congregations. Because o f the ethnic diversity of the geography as a whole, virtually
every congregation, including the Vietnamese Buddhists, have some other ethnic
individuals represented in their midst. Most o f the time these were the result of mixed
marriages For the purpose of this study, to be a mixed congregation, a congregation
must not have more than 60% of one ethnicity. While 60% does allow for one group to
have a majority, it does reflect a strong multiethnic involvement in the congregation that
is not limited to a few isolated individuals. This may be an arbitrary number, but it is a
place to begin, from which further research may expand.
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TABLE 3
NUMBER OF ETHNIC CHURCHES
African American
European- American
Ethiopian
2
5
Filipino
Finnish
Hispanic
Japanese
Jewish
Korean
Mixed*
35
15
2
3
8
Unknown
Vietnamese 1
* Comprised of not more than 60% o f one ethnic group.
The specific ethnic make-up of the churches in the area reflects the large Korean
population in the area, as well as the numerous other ethnic peoples that live there. Both
the ethnic make-up and the size of the mixed or multiethnic congregations reflect the
ethnic transition of the neighborhood. Further investigation may reveal the differences and
similarities between the Wilshire district and other like communities. I strongly suspect
that the historic wealthy economic base o f the area, reflected in the churches, has an
influence on the shaping of multiethnic congregations. The multiethnic congregations,
which typically were large white wealthy congregations in the 1930's - 1960's, had more
financially invested, and more financial reserves, were more motivated and capable to keep
the doors open in the midst of community transition. All but one o f the multiethnic
congregations are in large, old church structures. The leadership are the most educated
pastors in the area, tend to be more liberal theologically, and are the most active in social
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issues. Hence, their large buildings combined with a more liberal social philosophy were
natural nesting places for the new ethnic religious community.
When one looks at the two African American congregations in the district in more
detail, there is a clear absence of the traditional African American type church. O f the two
classified as such, one could probably be defined as a para-church group. It is a
charismatic meeting on Friday evenings that rents space from one of the Presbyterian
churches. The other is a declining mainline denominational church that is made up of just
a few families, the majority of which happen to be African American. The blacks,
approximately 9.5% of population of the area, must either not go to church, go to the
mixed churches, or go to churches outside of the area. I suspect that a more complete
study would reveal that the majority of the blacks in the area who attend church go to
churches outside of the area. This is precipitated by the large black population that
borders the southern boundary of the Wilshire district.
The five European-American churches in the survey have a number of features in
common. They all have their own buildings, purchased between the 1920's and 1950’s,
and are all barely surviving. Their membership is mostly made up of the elderly, and many
commute from other parts of Los Angeles. A thorough study of these congregations may
reveal the factors that keep multiethnic congregations from existing. What has kept them
from changing with their neighborhoods, and what are the social mechanisms for coping
with an ethnically-changing population?
The Filipino congregations that are represented in the inventory reflect a strong
Filipino tie to mainstream America, and American denominations. Of the three, one is a
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Catholic church with an Irish priest. Another is a Catholic para-church group with its
own organization and tax identification number, still loyal to the denomination, although
not recognized by the Catholic church; the third is in a multi-congregational structure,
hosted by a multiethnic congregation. As such, they are all tied tightly to European-
American controlled religious institutions, reflecting what I believe is an acceptance of and
a desire for assimilation into the American culture.
The Hispanics are the most under represented ethnic group, according to the
region’s population, which is approximately 50.3% of Spanish origin. There are eight
Hispanic churches. All either rent storefront space, space from other churches, or are
part of a multi-congregational structure. None own their own building. This reflects their
lower educational and financial status. Even though the majority of the population is
Hispanic, the Hispanic culture is not the dominant culture of the area. This lack o f
dominance is caused by their low financial status. The church attendance disparity may be
explained by the numbers that attend the multiethnic congregations, especially the three
Catholic churches in the area, but I believe there are not sufficient numbers attending to
account for the regional population o f approximately 24,000 of Spanish origin. My
speculation would be that most Hispanics in the area are new immigrants and do not
attend church. The ones that do attend probably attend churches in Hispanic culturally-
dominated neighborhoods.
Building
The inventory reveals great diversity in building use. The Koreans, with a drive
toward independence, seek their own buildings exclusively. Not one Korean group who
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has primary care of a building shares it with others. Filipinos seem to desire to worship in
existing congregational structures. Further, it is the older congregations, with buildings
built in the first half of this century, that have opened their buildings to other ethnic
congregations, as well as their congregations to other ethnic enclaves. As these older,
mainline congregations sought to maintain these large, aging, deteriorating facilities, they
were forced to open the doors to others simply to pay the bills. It appears that the more a
congregation was able to withstand the financial pressures caused by the suburban flight o f
their white congregation, the less open they were to ethnic groups assimilating into their
midst.
TABLE 4
BUILDING USE
Meet in own church building 25
Meet in house or apartment 6
Meet in commercial office building 7
Meet in storefront* 0
Share or rent space in church building 18
owned by another
Rent different building each week 1
Unknown 17
* There are some Hispanic storefront churches, but I was not able to reach them for the
inventory.
While economic survival may be a factor in creating both a multiethnic
congregation and a multi-congregational structure, it is only one factor. As pastors and
congregations seek to fulfill their commission, to find their place of meaning and to build
the congregation, they respond to the sociological factors at hand, and choose either to
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embrace and refocus their vision and plan for ministry or stand against the flooding tide of
ethnic immigration. A multiethnic congregation may be the result of economic
determinism, a need to pay the bills, as much as theological determinism, a need to fulfill
the great commission.
Education of Senior Pastor
Getting accurate information on the education level o f the senior pastor was
another challenge. Most of the phone interview's were not held with the senior pastors, and
many of the degrees that they possess represent different amounts and qualities of
education. For instance, some hold academic degrees, while others hold theological
degrees, and the amount of education and title vary from country to country, from
religious body to religious body. The degree represents different qualifications for each
ethnic group. Two trends are observable however. The Koreans place a great value on
titles, and education, as virtually every senior pastor of a Korean congregation has some
form of advanced education, with equivalent title. Second, the senior pastors of the
multiethnic congregations are the highest educated. Their higher education may reflect
their involvement in more liberal, mainline denominations, as well as their positions in the
older, more established, wealthier congregations.
Ethnicity of Congregations vs Ethnicity o f Pastors
While ethnic congregations with a pastor who is of the same ethnicity seem most
natural, it is the mixed congregations and the ethnic congregations where the pastor is of a
differing ethnicity that are the subject of this investigation. The vast majority o f the mixed
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TABLE 5
ETHNICITY OF THE CONGREGATION COMPARED TO THE ETHNICITY
AND EDUCATIONAL LEVEL OF THE SENIOR PASTOR
CONGREGATION SR. PASTOR NUMBER OF EDUCA TION OF SR PASTOR
ETHNICITY ETHNICITY CONGREGATIONS
BA M D IV DMIN PhD
Euro-American Euro-American 3 1 1
Mixed Euro-American 11 1 4
Mixed Afro-American
2
1 1
Afro-American Euro-American 1 1
Korean Korean 16 7 1 3
Filipino Filipino 1 1
Filipino Euro-American I 1
Mixed Filipino 1 1
Vietnamese Vietnamese 1 1
Japanese Euro-American 1 1 1
Mixed Japanese 1
Hispanic Hispanic 1 1
Jewish Jewish 1 1
* These reflect the highest degree earned.
congregations are pastored by European-Americans. This may be influenced by several
factors. First, the mixed congregations are all hosted by congregations which are
traditionally mainline denominations, all overwhelmingly controlled by European-
American descendants. Second, the congregations were all founded by Caucasians, a
remnant of whom still control the life o f the church. Third, because of the grand history'
and large financial assets o f each of these churches, they still may be viewed as "plum"
appointments, given to the best of the Caucasian-dominated denominations. Fourth, the
white pastor may be in a place to be the best liaison between the differing ethnic groups.
All ethnic groups recognize the white majority in this country, and may be more
comfortable or at least familiar with white leadership than differing ethnic leadership.
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Last, the white pastor may view him/her self in the philosophical mode as "host" with the
obligation to reach out to the ethnic "guest," whereas the ethnic churches may view
themselves as the minority, and not feel the obligation to reach past their own kind. An
ethical analysis of the ethnicity of leadership is reviewed in the closing chapter.
Ethnic congregations that are pastored by persons o f differing ethnicity are the
result of a number o f processes. Some were founded as missions to that particular ethnic
enclave. The pastors were viewed as missionaries who reach out to the specific ethnic
group; such is the case o f the one Japanese congregation that is pastored by a European-
American The other congregations are in highly authoritative denominations, such as the
Catholic church, where there is a great ethnic diversity among the clergy as well as the
congregation. The appointment of these pastors is made by an authoritarian structure
outside of the local congregation, often for the purpose of giving the local congregation a
broader ministry.
TABLE 6
ETHNICITY OF FULL-TIME ASSISTANT PASTORS
OF MIXED CONGREGATIONS
Church Name = and Ethnicity o f /f ss. Pastors
St. Basils Catholic
Jorei Fellowship
St. James Episcopal
Religious Science
Los Angeles Church o f Christ
Christian Science
First Congregational
First Nazarene
Immanuel Presbyterian
First Baptist
Christ Church
1 Korean, 1 Filipino
1 Brazilian
1 Korean, 1 Euro-American
2 Euro-American
6 Euro-American, 1 Chinese, 2 Korean, 1 Filipino
2 Euro-American
3 Euro-American
1 African, 1 Afro-American, lHispanic,4 Euro-Ame.
1 Euro-American
1 Hispanic, 1 Korean, 1 Filipino
1 Euro-American
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Ethnicity of Staff
One of the features of a multiethnic church, in most cases, is their incorporation of
staff who are multiethnic. This has been approached in two ways. Some have hired staff in
order to target a specific ethnic group that resides in the community but not in the church.
Others have hired staff to minister to an existing ethnic group within their congregation.
The specific congregational studies in this paper will reveal the importance o f each ethnic
group having someone in leadership who they can relate to, someone who speaks their
language and understands their culture. How staff are recruited and used are some o f the
most important aspects o f creating and maintaining a multiethnic congregation. This
study reveals the success and failures of staffing strategies. The specific ethical issues
relating to multiethnic staffing are treated in the conclusion o f the paper
Year of Establishment in Wilshire District
There is a great difference between the founding years o f the multiethnic
congregations and the different ethnic congregations. Fourteen of the fifteen mixed
churches were established before 1970. Nineteen of the twenty-seven ethnic churches,
over 70%, were started after 1970. This difference may be explained by the ethnicity of
the community at the time o f founding. All of the churches, the ones before and after
1970, with the exception o f The Los Angeles Church of Christ, were founded as
homogeneous congregations. The multiethnic congregations were established as white
congregations in a predominately white neighborhood to reach their kind. They
intentionally relocated here, driven by socio-economic flight from the inner city.
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Beginning in the 1950's the same socio-economic forces that caused them to move from
the inner city came to bear upon the Wilshire area; their white clientele moved out and the
churches had to adapt to facilitate the ethnically-changing neighborhood.
TABLE 7
YEAR OF ESTABLISHMENT IN WILSHIRE DISTRICT
YEARS MIXED ETHNIC
1910-20 1
1920-30 6
1930-40
2
1940-50 1 2
1950-60 1
1960-70
•>
j 3
1970-80 5
1980-90
1990-94 1 1 1
One would think this multiethnic neighborhood would warrant churches starting
with a multiethnic philosophy. Why this area is not targeted for new multiethnic churches,
and why the new churches do not intentionally program to build multiethnic
congregations raises many ethical questions. This lack of apparent concern may be
attributed to several factors. The new congregations that were founded since the 1970s
are smaller, and do not provide the social opportunities for the immigrant that a larger
congregation does Also, because o f their smallness they do not have the resources,
either building or personnel, to target more than one ethnic group. In addition, all of the
churches planted in the area in the last decade were ethnic churches that philosophically
may be in the "guest" mode.
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Only one church of all the churches interviewed actually began in the Wilshire area
with the intent of reaching a multiethnic congregation. That church is The Los Angeles
Church o f Christ. Its multiethnic congregation and strategy can be attributed to two
features. In organizational structure, it is a regional church, which meets in a different
location in Los Angeles each week. The Sunday it meets in the Wilshire area, it draws
people from all the western regions o f Los Angeles. It has a philosophy/theology much
like the Jehovah Witnesses, and early Quakers that attempt to build a replica o f God's
Kingdom on earth, a kingdom without racial division. It sees itself as an adversary to the
world, and the other churches in the world.
Sanctuary Size and Attendance
When one compares the sanctuary size by seating capacity, the 12 mixed
congregations that I had information on revealed their total seating capacity to be 11,185,
for an average of 932 per church. The 22 ethnic churches that I was able to get statistics
on revealed a total seating capacity o f 9,485, for a 447 average. At their primary service,
the mixed congregations show a total attendance of 3042, with a 253 average. The ethnic
churches show a total attendance o f 5,890, with an average o f 267.
When one compares the sanctuary size and attendance o f the mixed congregations
versus the ethnic congregations, one will notice that the mixed congregations have almost
double the space, with less attendance. This may have to do with the cost of the land at
the time o f founding. The multiethnic congregations were churches that relocated here
from other locations and had accumulated financial resources. The multiethnic church's
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initial clientele was the upper middle class that made up the neighborhoods around the
Wilshire corridor. Hence, they could afford bigger and better property to build their
church structures. The ethnic congregations were church plants, not churches relocating,
and their target community was the ethnic immigrant. Hence, their starting resources
were considerably lower than the mixed congregations.
TABLE 8
CONGREGATION SIZE OF ETHNIC GROUPS
BY PRIMARY SERVICE ATTENDANCE
Ethnicity - o f Congregations Total Average
Euro-American 3 162 54
Korean 12 3098 258
Jewish 1 500 500
Hispanic 1 250 250
Japanese 1 125 125
Filipino
2
1247 623
Afro-American 1 37 37
TABLE 9
CONGREGATIONAL SIZE OF ETHNIC GROUPS
WHO SHARE CHURCH BUILDING
Ethnicity - o f Congregations Total Average
Korean 9 1150 128
Hispanic 5 422 84
Ethiopian 1 75 75
Finnish 1 50 50
Filipino 1 51 51
Afro-American 1 90 90
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The difference in building size may explain the reason the mixed congregations are
the ones with multi-congregational structures: simply because they have more room. The
sanctuary size versus actual attendance may reflect the attendance patterns o f the more
liberal churches nationwide, which the ethnically-mixed churches in the Wilshire district
tend to be. The survey also reveals a decline in attendance over the last decade among the
mixed congregations as well as the homogeneous European-American congregations, with
the European-American being the most dramatic. This shift does make a statement about
the church's health and ability to survive when they open their doors to ethnic ministry.
Those that have greater numbers, have opened their doors to ethnic ministries.
Ethnic Composition o f Multiethnic Congregations
The inventory of the ethnic composition o f the multi-congregations reveals several
relevant facts. First, in terms of percentages, there are few Koreans attending mixed
congregations. This is a result of their determined drive toward autonomy, which is
discussed in much detail in the study o f St. Basil’s. Further, while there is an equal
representation between blacks and Hispanics in the mixed congregations, their numbers
are disproportionate for the community in which there are few blacks, and a majority of
Hispanics. This raises the question o f why certain ethnic groups are attracted to a mixed
congregation. Each of these specific ethnic groups are discussed in great detail in the
following chapters on each congregation.
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Age Breakdown
The age breakdown o f mixed congregations is similar to European-American
congregations. The mixed congregations have 38% over 60 years of age, with 12% ages
1-20. while the Korean congregations have 13% over 60 years of age, and 30% ages 1-
20. The rest o f the ethnic groups are 20-25% over 60 years o f age, and 24-27% between
ages 1-20. This surprisingly young population in the ethnic churches has to do with the
groups’ recent immigration to this country, and with the socio-economic factors that draw
the new immigrant to the Wilshire district.
TABLE 10
MIXED CONGREGATIONS’ ETHNIC COMPOSITION
European-American 612 Total, 43%
Black 197 Total, 14%
Hispanic 213 Total, 15%
Korean 53 Total, 5%
___________________Other*_____________ 335 Total, 23%_________
*These Include Filipino, Indonesian, African, Jewish, Japanese, Chinese.
TABLE 11
BREAKDOWN BY AGE OF ETHNIC GROUPS
ETHNICITY 0-13 13-20 20-30 30-60 60 -
Mixed 7% 5% 14% 35% 38%
Korean 19% 11% 16% 43% 13%
Euro-American 4% 2% 13% 40% 39%
Filipino 0% 0% 20% 60% 20%
Afro-American 15% 12% 24% 24% 20%
Japanese 12% 12% 25% 25% 25%
Hispanic 15% 10% 65% 10% 1%
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Family Income
The inventory revealed a much lower income o f those in the Hispanic
congregations, while the Korean, European-American and mixed were all in the same
economic bracket. The low Hispanic income may be a primary reason that the Hispanic
churches do not own property in the Wilshire area. The fact that the European-American
and the mixed congregations have similar family income probably reflects the financial
influence the European-Americans have in a mixed congregation. In all of the mixed
congregations, the European-Americans were still the primary financial support. The
average family financial bracket of the Korean congregations reflects the more general
economic status of the migrant group. Many Koreans came to this country with money,
and have succeeded in achieving or maintaining a high economic status while here,
primarily though having professional occupations or owning their businesses. The direct
influence of their economic status is reflected in their having their own places of
worship, including many who own their own buildings.
TABLE 12
FAMILY INCOME
ETHNICITY 100,000- 100-60,000 60-40,000 40-20,000 20,000-
Mixed 8% 9% 28% 31% 19%
Korean* 8% 17% 28% 27% 20%
Euro-American 8% 14% 25% 31% 26%
Hispanic 0 0 0 35% 65%
Japanese 10% 20% 50% 20% 1%
Filipino 0 0 25% 25% 50%
A f r n - A m p r ir a n n
25% ____ .10% . . 20% . . 20% . .
*The Koreans had a hard time understanding this question; they also were the least likely
to know'.
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Social Programs
The vast majority of social programs are hosted by mixed congregations. While
the ethnic groups tend to provide services for their own (both in terms o f church members,
and members o f their ethnic community), the mixed congregations tend to provide for
those outside their congregation and outside their ethnic history. The amount of social
action may reflect the latter’s more liberal theological bases, as opposed to the more
conservative stance of the homogeneous ethnic congregations. As one can observe from
Table 1-13, with the exception of the synagogue not one of the ethnic congregations is
involved in any o f the social coalitions that are represented in the Wilshire district. This
reflects the lack of financial and building resources of the ethnic groups, the intense
autonomy o f the Korean congregations and a "guest mentality" that exists among ethnic
churches. The funding of the social programs reflects the mixed congregations’ ability
and need to access outside financial resources.
TABLE 13
NUMBER AND TYPE OF SOCIAL PROGRAMS PROVIDED*
PROGRAM MIXED KOREAN FILIPINO JEWISH
Food 5 2 1
Legal Aid 1
Clothing j 1
Money
2
Health Care 1
Drug Rehab 1
Education 1 1
Youth 2
Seniors 1 1 1
Alcoholics Anonymous 1
* The questions regarding social programs were not asked in the first 16 inventories.
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TABLE 14
INVOLVEMENT IN SOCIAL COALITIONS
PROGRAM MIXED JEWISH
Hope Net 6 1
Bresee 2
St. Vincent 2
Center of L.A. 1
Cry stas 1
*Not one ethnic homogeneous congregation with the exception of Jewish, was involved
in a social coalition.
TABLE 15
FINANCIAL SOURCES OF SOCIAL PROGRAMS
METHOD MIXED JEWISH
Congregation 4 1
Non-Profit Corp 3 I
Gov. Agencies 4 1
Denomination 1
Shared Facility Questions
Of the 58 congregations, on which I was able to obtain this information: 9
congregations rent to or subsidize other congregations on their site, 19 congregations rent
or are subsidized, and 30 congregations do not share. The congregations that host other
congregations and the number they host are: Our Savior's Lutheran - 2, Unitarian - 4. First
Congregational - 2, First Christian - 2, Trinity Lutheran - 2, First Nazarene - 3, Immanuel
Presbyterian - 2, Wilshire Presbyterian - 1, and Christ Church - 1. Of the 9 host
congregations, 7 are ethnically mixed. O f the 19 renting or subsidized congregations: 13
are strictly in a rental relationship, 6 either pay no rent or are in some way organizationally
affiliated with the local congregation, 10 rent or are subsidized by a host congregation of
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the same denomination and 9 have no denominational affiliation with the host
congregation. It is only the older, more liberal, mixed congregations that are willing to
host other congregations. The mixed congregations’ openness to have ethnically,
denominationally, and theologically differing ethnic groups in their services reflects their
openness to have other congregations meeting in their buildings.
Ministries Targeted Toward Ethnic Enclave
Of the mixed congregations, one congregation provides reading material in
different languages. Two congregations intentionally hire ethnic assistant pastors. Three
congregations host a prayer group or Bible study for different ethnic groups. Two have
ethnic laity organize their own holiday celebrations within the church. Three intentionally
allow outside ethnic groups to use their building. Two host a community fair with the
different ethnic foods. One has an ethnic Sunday School class. Two host language classes
to teach English as a second language. Two translate services into different languages.
Two sing hymns in different languages as part of worship at their primary' service. And
two host joint worship services with ethnic congregations. O f the ethnic homogeneous
congregations, one congregation supports denominational missions, one hosts an interfaith
dialogue, one occasionally shares its facility, one provides literature in a different
language, one hosts a multiethnic preschool, and one has tried to hold meetings with other
ethnic pastors.
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Conclusion
The rich religious history of the Wilshire corridor, coupled with the dramatic shift
in ethnicity of its neighborhoods make this an ideal arena to study the theories expounded
upon in this paper. Again, it is my thesis that it is the interplay of social forces that act
upon an ethnically diverse population (external forces) and ethnically-conscious theology,
philosophy, leadership style, and organizational structure (internal) that work to form a
multiethnic congregation. This study affirms the following propositions. 1) The
multiethnic congregation plays a primary and important role in the religious and social
assimilation of the modem immigrant; 2) The leadership and organizational structures of
multiethnic congregations are most effective when using democratic participative
processes; 3) The traditional either/or thesis of maintenance versus assimilation is too
simplistic in describing ethnic interaction; in actuality, both are in constant interplay in
ethnic individuals and groups; 4) In a multiethnic congregation the ethnic enclave's ability
to determine its own religious practices is crucial to cultivating and maintaining ethnic
participation; 5) When the church's doors are open to the ethnic enclaves, the church as a
whole benefits. It has more people, more finances, and more avenues of ministry. With
the Wilshire corridor as a backdrop, the four congregational studies produce living test of
the theories and working models from which one may derive practical ethical analysis.
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NOTES
1. H. Richard Niebuhr, The Social Sources o f Denominationalism (Cleveland:
The Word Publishing Co., 1970)
2. Donald A. McGavran, Ethnic Realities (Pasadena: William Carey Library
Publishers, 1979)
3. C. Peter Wagner, "Culturally Homogeneous Churches and American Social
Pluralism: Some Religious and Ethical Implications" (Ph.D. Diss., University of Southern
California, 1977), 68-69.
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid.
6 Ibid.
7. Bradley Gene Breems, "I Tell Them We Are A Blessed People; An Analysis o f
Ethnicity By Way o f A Canadian Dutch-Calvinist Community," (Ph. D. Diss., University
of British Colombia, 1991), ii.
8 Ibid., 52
9 Urmila Phadnis. Ethnicity and Nation-building in South Asia (Newbury Park:
Sage Publications, 1990), 14.
10 J. Milton Yinger, Ethnicity: Source o f Strength*7 Source of Conflict0 (New
York: University o f New York Press, 1994), 3.
1 1 Ibid., 4.
12. Emile Durkheim. The Elementary Forms o f the Religious Life (New York:
The Free Press, 1965 edt.), 107.
13. Ibid., 53.
14. Ibid., 56.
15. Ernst Troeltsch, The Social Teachings o f the Christian Church (New York:
The Macmillian Co., 1950), 30-31.
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16. H Richard Niebuhr. The Social Sources of Denominationalism (Cleveland:
The Word Publishing Co, 1970), 18.
17. Ibid.
18. Ibid., 110.
19. Ibid., 236.
20. Will Herberg, Catholic. Protestant. Jew (New York: Doubleday & Co.,
1955), 15.
21. Ibid., 24-25.
22. Ibid.. 34.
23 Donald A. McGavran. Ethic Realities (Pasadena: William Carey Library
Publishers, 1979), title page.
24 Aflred Schultz, quoted by Donald A. McGavran, Understanding Church
Growth (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1970), 95.
25. Ibid.. 85.
26. Meredith B. Mcguire, Religion: The Social Context. Belmont (Belmont
California: Wadsworth Publishing, 1992). 36-37.
27. Ibid., 37.
28. Robert L. Plaisted, "The Homogeneous Unit Debate: Its Value Orientations
and Changes," Evangelical Quarterly Vol LIX (July. 1981): 217.
29. Jurgen Moltman, Religion. Revolution, and the Future
(New York: 1969), 27.
30. Ibid., 218.
31. Victor Hayward and D. McGavran. "Without Crossing Barriers? One in Christ
vs. Discipling Diverse Cultures." Missiologv 2 (April, 1974), 204-205.
32. Rene Padilla, "Evangelism and the World." Let The Earth Hear His Voice.
(Minneapolis: J.D. Douglas Ed., 1975). 125.
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33. Ibid.
34. C. Peter Wagner. Our Kind o f People (Atlanta: John Knox Publishing,
1979), 59.
35. Wayne McClintock. "Sociological Critique of the Homogeneous Unit
Principle." International Review of Missions. LHVII #305 (Jan, 1988), 112.
36. Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1946), 351-352.
37. Ibid., 352-353.
38. Ibid.. 296-297.
39. Philip Hammond, Religion and Personal Autonomy (Columbia: University o f
South Carolina Press, 1992).
40. Ibid.
41 William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience (New York: The New
American Library of World Literature Inc., 1966), 73.
42. Harold Abramson, "Migrants and Cultural Diversity: On Ethnicity and
Religion in Society". Social Comparisons Vol. XXVI. (1979). 16-17.
43. Ibid., 19-21.
44. Ibid., 22-23.
45. Ibid., 25.
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ST. BASIL'S
"Universal"
St. Basil's Catholic Church is located approximately three miles from downtown
Los Angeles, and approximately two miles from the Los Angeles Archdiocese
headquarters, near the center of Los Angeles, and the center of the Los Angeles Catholic
community. According to my oral survey of the churches in the Wilshire district, St.
Basil's is the most ethnically diverse congregation in the Wilshire corridor. The
congregation is made up o f 25% Hispanic, 25% Filipino, 25% Korean, 15% European-
American, 5% black with the remaining 5% being other Asian, European, and native
American. The history, geography, demographics and size all act to influence its ethnic
nature and diversity. Before looking directly at St. Basil's to understand its ethnic
diversity one needs to examine the history of the Catholic Church in Los Angeles and the
Los Angeles Archdiocese philosophy which influences multiethnic church issues.
Los Angeles’ Catholic History
As mentioned earlier, the city of Los Angeles was founded by an ethnically diverse
people sent out by the Catholic Church. The beginnings o f Catholicism in California date
from the explorations of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo in 1542 and Sebastian Vizcaino in 1602.
These were representatives of a Catholic power who were accompanied by priests who
celebrated mass on California shores over three hundred years ago.1 Felipe De Neve,
California's Spanish governor, formally certified the establishment of the town Los
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Angeles on September 4, 1781. The first settlers— eleven families, forty-four in number-
occupied a site on the west bank o f a river, then called the Porciuncula, which had been
chosen by Neve because of the fertile soil, and the abundance o f water for irrigation. He
named the new settlement El Pueblo de la Reina de Los Angeles, The Town of the Queen
o f Angels. The settlers were o f diverse ethnic origin, of Spanish, Indian, and African
descent. Twenty-six of the original settlers were to one degree or another o f black
ancestry. Almost an equal number were o f Indian heritage, while two were of Spanish
origin.2 From its founding, Los Angeles consisted of a multiethnic and multi-cultural
population, a characteristic that remains true throughout its history.
Fray Junipero Serra, the President o f the California Missions, first entered the
pueblo the following year. Los Angeles continued to be a Catholic enclave, with most of
its residents worshiping in the old downtown mission. The Catholic presence continued
to grow during that period as they recorded thousands of baptisms every year. The
mission and Catholic influence declined by 1834 as the herds and lands were exploited by
the church, which they sold or leased to private parties. However, on January 17, 1837, a
city resolution declared that "the Roman Catholic apostolic religion shall prevail
throughout this jurisdiction."3 The Catholic influence in the founding and conditioning of
Los Angeles cannot be overstated, particularly as it relates to the city's attitude toward
ethnicity and religion.
The first established Catholic hierarchy was appointed in California on April 27,
1840, with its boundaries of the Colorado River on the east, the Oregon state line on the
north, the Pacific Ocean on the west and all of Baja California to the south. The next
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change came in 1853, when San Francisco and peninsula California were separated from
what was then called Monterey. The next title change in 1859 further separated the area,
the episcopal seat was moved to Los Angeles, and the city's name was added to the
diocesan title. In 1922 the diocese further divided the 90,000 square mile territory into
the Diocese of Los Angeles-San Diego. The area embraced remaining southland counties
stretching to the Mexican border. The final major alteration in the southland occurred on
July 11, 1936, with the division of San Diego and Los Angeles into two metropolitan
districts.4
A major accomplishment of this period was the provision for the spiritual and
material welfare of the non English-speaking people. For the Spanish-speaking more than
50 parishes and missions were erected. The church continued to grow during the period
between 1948 and 1963, 82 parishes were added and Catholic schools doubled from 141
to 347, about one a month for 15 years. The waves o f immigrants kept coming with the
influx of Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese, Koreans and dozens o f other Asiatic groups.
The Mexican population rose again as did the number of blacks.5
The Los Angeles Archdiocese
In 1991 Archbishop Mahony became the third cardinal and presently oversees an
archdiocese o f Catholics extending from Santa Maria to Orange, covering 8,762 square
miles within Ventura, Santa Barbara and Los Angeles counties and with a total population
of 10,250,012. The Catholic population was 3,559,816 as of January 1994° The
archdiocese is divided into five pastoral regions; Our Lady of the Angels with 79 parishes,
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San Gabriel with 66 parishes, San Fernando with 51 parishes, San Pedro with 65, and
Santa Barbara with 36.7 The leadership includes 1,254 priests and over 2000 women in
284 parishes.8 It contains ten Eastern Rite churches ministering in Armenian, Assyrian-
Chaldeans, Byzantine-Ruthenian, Coptic, Maronite, Melkite Greek, Russian Greek,
Syrian, and Ukrainian-Byzantine.9
The diocese further contains 3 seminaries, 14 Religious Houses of Formation, 4
Universities, 3 Colleges and 1 Jr. College. Other educational and service programs
include many parochial day cares, preschools, elementaries, and high schools; chaplaincy
programs in many county detention programs, hospitals, and retirement facilities; retreat
houses; youth camps; a diverse group of clubs and agencies for social ministry; and a
multitude of religious communities for men and women.1 0
The diocese provides a diversity of services to the people o f the African
American, Native-American, French Canadian and Hispanic communities as well as people
from seventy-four different countries and ethnic groups." These services may include a
separate national or language parish, services spoken in the national language, ethnic
centers within a parish, sub-language and national groups within a parish, classes taught in
the different languages, societies and clubs organized according to ethnicity, and orders of
men and women of differing ethnicity.
The Catholic church in the United States in general and in Los Angeles specifically,
has a long history of dealing with ethnic issues. From the first relations of the Spanish
padres with the Native Americans, to the existing ethnic infusions, the church has been
confronted with many ethnic ethical problems. While the Catholic church began in
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California as a mission to the Native Americans, it quickly became dominated by Latin-
Americans in transition. In the 1800's, when the European-Americans and Chinese moved
west, it began to assimilate these differing cultures. In the 1900's the church has had to
adapt to the great influx o f Asian and continued Hispanic immigration.
According to Philip Gleason:
The fundamental issue in all these nationality disputes was whether
Catholic immigrants and their descendants should be encouraged to adapt
to American ways, or should be encouraged to resist adaptation and to
preserve as long as possible their inherited patterns o f culture and conduct.
In keeping with this generally positive attitude toward the American
future, the liberals pushed adaptation and were adamantly opposed to any
systematic efforts to perpetuate "foreign" languages and cultural forms
beyond the not very long period which they thought appropriate for the
transition to Americanism. For this reason, they looked askance at Catholic
schools where foreign-language instruction functioned to preserve a
transplanted language and culture beyond the span o f time in which it
would otherwise tend to disappear. They also opposed efforts to bind the
American-born offspring o f immigrants to national parishes if these young
people were of age, could understand English, and wished to transfer out
of the national parish.1 2
In the Catholic church the assimilation versus maintenance debate rested upon
nationality and languages issues. One way of dealing with this was the national parish.
According to the provision o f the Council of Trent, all Catholics residing in a given area
were supposed to belong to the territorial parish established for that locality. But in
America, immigrants speaking different languages settled in the same neighborhoods.
They desired churches where they could hear the sermon preached in a language they
understood. Hence, the national parish was one in which membership was defined
according to language or nationality, rather than by place o f residence.
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Theoretically, language, rather than nationality furnished justification for
departure from the norm set up by Trent. But to the immigrants, the desire to have their
own churches went deeper than the mere question o f language. Language, culture and
region were all bound up in an undifferentiated unity.1 3 The first national parish was Holy
Trinity in Philadelphia which was formed in the 1780's by a group of Germans who split
off from St. Mary’s, which had previously served all of the Catholics o f the city, both
English- and German-speaking.1 4
The national parish debate has erupted at different times throughout the centuries:
in the German/Irish debate in the 1890's in New York,1 5 in the black/white debate
following the civil war in Louisiana, and in the Mexican/European-American debate in the
Los Angeles Diocese in the early 1900's.1 6 Even today, each Catholic diocese is allowed
to determine its own philosophy regarding forming national parishes. This reflects the
long history of the homo- versus heterogeneous church debate.
While in the past the Los Angeles diocese has allowed national parishes, presently
it does not. In an interview. Sis. Lucia Tu, the Asian director for the archdiocese
explained the issue in the following way:
Today, we don't have a national parish per se, [each parish has] to serve
other people as well. [National parishes] are discouraged because we
know that they do not work as well. Part of the reason is that we believe
that the parish should consist o f people from all over, and we don't want
them to be separated from the mainstream. In the past we have said that
people should assimilate but we recognize that assimilation takes time and
you just can't expect to force people into it. While [the assimilation
process] takes time we also have to accommodate their specific needs.
We cannot disregard their language problems and by waiting we allow
them to have their own language [mass/community] to support their faith.
We believe that the parish communities do have a duty to adopt these
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people and try to integrate with them so that eventually they will become a
part o f the mainstream too even though they appear separate because of
their language. This kind of [assimilation] takes years to develop. In the
meantime these people who come to this country want to form a
community of their own because they want to hold on to their faith. They
are treasuring their belief and want to pass it on to their children. So we
have a duty and responsibility to help them. The larger community should
have the same understanding and be able to understand that given time
eventually their children would be the part o f mainstream trying to
integrate into the larger [world]. Most o f these people who come here
want to start their own churches they are used to the idea of home. Of
course, it's the dream of all ethnic groups they all want that. Every one of
them wish they had it. I deal with the Chinese people, the Indonesian,
Arab, and Albania, they all want it. The church is not saying you can't, the
church is saying, let's look at it realistically.
The Los Angeles Archdiocese today does not currently allow national parishes. It
encourages existing parishes, which were once o f one language or culture, to
accommodate and embrace other ethnic groups, and new ethnic groups to form under
existing parishes. As mentioned above, this policy is based on the following reasoning.
First, and on the most practical level, each new group cannot afford its own
buildings and priest, and many o f the existing parishes need the people and income that
the new immigrants have to offer. The archdiocese also recognizes that the new
immigrants are in a transitional period. When they first arrive in this country they may-
live in one area, but as they begin to assimilate, they move to other areas, constantly
putting the parish population in transition.
Second, the Catholic archdiocese takes the long view, knowing that the next
generation o f the immigrant family will not live in the area, and not want to attend an
ethnic/language-separated church. The children o f the immigrants may not even be able to
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speak the native language by adulthood. The church recognizes its responsibility to help
the children o f the immigrant to assimilate, to help them integrate into the mainstream.
Third, it opposes ethnically-separate parishes for theological and philosophical
reasons. The Los Angeles archdiocese holds closely to the Catholic view of itself as a
"universal church." It is a church made up o f people from all over the world, whose task
is to minister to the people o f the world. As such, it seeks to reflea that universalism at
the most intimate level— the local parish. During one o f the Advent Masses I attended, the
congregation read the Apostles' Creed as part of the regular Missal reading. As a
profession o f their faith they respond, “We believe in one holy and apostolic church."
Even their name. Catholic, means "Universal in extent, involving all, or interest to all,
pertaining to the whole Christian body o f the church."1 7 The root of multi-culturalism
within the Catholic church is found in the creeds of the church which proclaim it to be
"one church." Further, they see heterogeneous worship as a praaice grounded in the
Bible. As one elderly, black Eucharist minister declared, "After all, Jesus prayed that we
might be one," quoting a passage of scripture from the Gospel of John (17:11).
While the Council of Trent did establish a territorial approach to the parish
structure, today this has little effect upon where many attend. The details of how this all
works is a bit confusing. In general, one is supposed to register within the territorial
parish where one resides, but one may attend anywhere. Some in the church still strongly
support this practice. One Hispanic leader commenting on the Hispanic community said,
"People are here on Sunday usually because they live close by; this is the main factor and
the other one is because they feel like they need to respond to God according to the faith
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from the parish they are involved in." However, many ethnic groups, like the Koreans,
register with the Korean parish council, under the covering of St. Basil's, and their records
are kept by the Korean parish center. In fact, the majority o f the leadership o f St. Basil's
whom I interviewed did not live within the geographical parish boundaries.
While many Catholics may initially attend the church that oversees their
geographical area, Catholics, like Protestants, attend a particular church because of their
individual needs and preferences. At St. Basil's this is especially true, with the white,
Korean, and Filipino communities. Many whites who cross territorial boundaries do so
because of the majestic, high church, solemn atmosphere, and an appreciation of the
intellectual/traditional approach of the senior pastor. Many Koreans, perhaps as many as
50%, drive in from all over Los Angeles, wanting to be part of the thriving, highly-
organized Korean church community.
While it is hard to determine from population statistics how many Filipinos
actually live in the area (in most population statistics they are included among either the
English-speaking or those of Asian ancestry), my perception is that there are many who
commute to St. Basil's from neighboring parishes due to the sizeable Filipino population at
the church, the Cathedral-like traditional approach to mass and because of the Filipino
leadership in the church. It should also be noted that while the parishes bordering St.
Basil's have about the same ethnic make-up in their communities, their church populations
are entirely different. Hence, the territorial approach to parish life may not be any more of
an influence on the ethnic make-up of the congregation than in a Protestant church, which
is typically not organized around geographical boundaries.
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The Los Angeles archdiocese, while discouraging "national parishes," does
recognize the need to accommodate their specific human needs. They realize that a
person’s faith may be tied deeply to their language, customs, and rituals and that many
immigrants leave the Catholic church as they assimilate into the American mainstream.
Acknowledging these influences, they do not discourage specific language and cultural
diversity under the umbrella of the local parish. A good example of this can be seen as
we look at St. Basil's. The Filipino community is represented by a Filipino priest, but has
no separate classes, language services, or social groups. The Hispanic community, made
up of a varied Latin-American population, has a Spanish service and is allowed to embrace
cultural traditions in conducting mass. There are also a separate Spanish Bible study and
evangelical programs to reach out to other Hispanics.
The Korean community has its own mass which they run according to their
custom, with their own priest, whom they brought from Korea. They completely control
their own monies, their own staff, and own their own parish center, which houses many of
their ministries, catechism and classes. One person called this, "a parish within a parish."
This concept will be examined further as we look more closely at the Koreans later in this
chapter.
Building and Rituals
Everyone that I spoke with offered at least one of the physical characteristics o f
location, physical structure, or transportation as important to the ethnic make-up o f the
congregation. Repeatedly I heard such statements as; "The location is good, the church is
beautiful, and the transportation is easy." St. Basil's Catholic Church is located on the
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prestigious Wilshire Boulevard, surrounded by huge multi-million dollar offices, hotels and
other commercial complexes. It has the prestige o f being one of just a handful o f
churches actually existing on Wilshire Blvd. in the Wilshire corridor, and, as several
different people mentioned, is the only Catholic church at that location. Its immediate
neighbor across the street is the world renowned Wilshire Temple, the first Jewish temple
in Los Angeles.
In the early 1900's the population of Los Angeles was growing rapidly and
expanding westward. In 1919, the year after World War I ended, there was a push for a
new parish for Catholics west of downtown Los Angeles. On November 26, 1919, the
Bishop of the Monterey-Los Angeles Diocese created the parish, naming Father William
McDermont Hughes as the pastor. In the words o f Father Meskill the current senior
pastor:
Newspaper accounts touted the new parish as being in a very affluent area,
called Wilshire Heights. When Father [Hughes] got here, he found that
those speculations were overrated. The parish was not in a poor area but
certainly not affluent in any sense of that word. Father didn't seem to care;
he wanted to work. Quickly, he got a house at the comer of 7th and
Catalina (744 So. Catalina) and turned it into his first headquarters. He
mobilized the Catholic people in the new area, held masses and meetings,
organized sectional leaders, and began to make plans for the erection of a
church. In quite an extraordinarily short space o f time, the pastor, on May-
12, 1920, signed a contract.. .to complete a church in 75 working days.
What is even more extraordinary was that it was not only built within the
stipulated time but that miraculously the pastor had pledges from the
parishioners in the amount of $20,120, the cost of the new edifice.1 8
The formal dedication of the newly-erected St. Basil's Church took place on
Sunday, November 21, 1920, six days less than a year from the founding of the parish. In
attendance were the presiding Bishop, a large contingent o f clergy, and civic officials. The
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music was enhanced by a string quartet from the Los Angeles Symphony Orchestra. The
Los Angeles Times reported on the event. In 1922, with the appointment of a new
pastor, the territorial boundaries were realigned. The parish area would from then on be
bordered by Vermont on the east, Third Street on the north, San Marino on the south,
and Western on the west. The parish was then advised to seek a more centrally located
piece o f property for the church. Quickly, they acquired a site on Wilshire and Harvard,
and moved the then new structure to the site. The move itself was such an extraordinary
event that it was covered in the Los Angeles Times.1 9
In the 1940's, the church was renowned in Los Angeles for its music and
Novenas. Its pastor during this period, Fr. Kirk, was a professor of music at the Junior
Seminary and the director o f Catholic radio programs. His "Novena to the Sorrowful
Mother" greatly influenced the growth of the church, so that no less than five celebrations
were conducted every Friday. On October 29, 1943, during his tenure, a fire burned out
most o f the church furnishings. The church services were moved to 3584 Wilshire while
the church was being repaired.
By the tenure of the third pastor, the parish had outgrown the little brown wooden
church on Harvard and the new pastor began to make plans for a bigger and more elegant
sanctuary for worship. Adjacent properties were acquired, and by August 9, 1965, plans
were set for a new 40,000 -square foot church and rectory with the church facing Wilshire
and the rectory directly behind. On January 15, 1965, the church again was destroyed by
fire. This gave the impetus to bring the plans to fruition, while the congregation held
services across the street in the Wilshire Temple. It seems that the then Cardinal
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McIntyre had a desire to build a cathedral-like building in Los Angeles, similar to those
found in New York. His vision and financial contacts merged with the pastor’s, and He
built this building which was dedicated on June 26, 1969, and still houses the church
today. It is interesting to note that because of the church’s importance to the diocese, it
was underwritten at construction, and continued to be underwritten, by the diocese, until
recent years.
The most recent pastor, Rev. M. Francis Meskill, was appointed by the Archbishop
o f Los Angeles, Cardinal Mahoney. Previously Father Meskill had served as Chaplain of
the Clarmont Colleges for 14 years, a consultant to the archdiocese, and principal of a
Catholic High School in Long Beach. In a later section of this chapter I will examine his
contributions more thoroughly.
The 40,000 square foot building is designed after Spanish Renaissance
architecture. Its structure, statues, art work and furniture were designed and crafted by
some of the most internationally recognized artisans of its day. It won an award from the
American Institute of Architecture, and special commendation from New York Times. Its
architecture and beauty stand out among the most beautiful and extraordinary that Los
Angeles and the Wilshire district has to offer. The church was built as twelve concrete
towers symbolic of the twelve apostles and the twelve tribes o f Israel. The towers are
laced together by modem stained glass windows. As Father Meskill states, "the windows
capture, in a symbolic way, our parish, as it is today: many people o f different
nationalities, different cultures, different backgrounds from scores o f countries, so
divergent, so disparate, yet finding a harmony, a convergence within the church through
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the expression o f their one faith"2 0 The grounds are surrounded on the west with a high
stone and hedge wall, on the south by Wilshire Boulevard, on the east by a residential
street and on the north by a large, modem hotel. The grounds are immaculately kept,
decorated with flowers, hedges and trees on the east in a garden-like setting. On the
southwest comer is displayed a large statue o f "Our Lady of the Angels" so inspiring that
it adorns the most recent cover o f the 1995 Los Angeles Catholic Directory.
As you enter from Wilshire you are struck by the grandeur o f the building. It has a
huge vaulted ceiling, possibly 60 feet high. An enormous pipe organ and choir loft
encompass the second floor at the front o f the building. The 1000-seat sanctuary is
arranged with two parallel long rows o f teak pews all squarely facing the altar. As one
faces the platform at the center o f the sanctuary, directly above the altar is the baldachin,
a work o f art executed by a Yugoslavian architect. It is composed o f 45 metal strips or
rods anchored to the rear wall. They are twisted and given different appearances as they
rise to the ceiling and frame a 14th century Tuscan crucifix, which is suspended in the
middle. Again in Fathers Meskill's words. "The baldachins seems to take the shape of a
great angel bearing the crucifix, emblematic of Jesus’ sacrifice on Calvary, and carrying it
to heaven."2 1 The same theme is carried all across the ceiling where the fan-like strips of
various materials protrude from the rear o f the building. The same artist placed two
etched designs in the teak wood panels to flank the altar with one portraying St. Basil
preaching, and the other Mary bearing the infant Jesus. The same artist created the giant
statues o f St. Peter and St Paul, which are placed on each side of the front door in the
narthex Around the inside of the building are the fourteen concrete-molded Stations of
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the Cross. On the east wall of the building is the baptistery, surrounded by a screen of
metal panels, directly beneath a bronze depiction o f the baptism of Jesus. From the
ceiling, a forty- foot chain suspends a chandelier o f welded bronze directly over the hand-
carved granite font. Over the candelabra on the east side is a bronze statue o f Joseph, the
father o f Jesus, and a similar statue of Mary. These works of art were completed and
anointed at a special service on June 26, 1982.
The church building is comprised of two sanctuaries and the rectory. The second
sanctuary is in the basement and seats approximately 750. It is scantily decorated, with no
windows or statues. Only long wooden pews squarely face the front pulpit, with an
occasional banner hanging on the walls. The rectory is separated from the sanctuary
building by an open air walk leading through the north end of the building, which serves as
an entrance to the pulpit area on one side, and on the other to the rectory, which houses
the priest's quarters and church offices. There is a noticeable lack o f educational facilities
and for years there has been on ongoing discussion over the lack of children's educational
facilities in particular. This shortcoming has been defended repeatedly, though, by the
area’s demographics, the close proximity of other parish schools, and the mission o f the
church to be a "regional" church.
The magnificent cathedral-like structure is enhanced by the high church use of
ritual and symbol. The Masses-three each day Monday through Friday, one on Saturday,
and eight on Sunday— are conducted by many different priests of differing ethnicities. On a
typical Sunday, there was a Cuban, four Irish, one Filipino, one Korean priest, and one of
unknown ethnicity. These English-speaking services held upstairs were accompanied by a
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Caucasian male cantor, and the 9:30 service officiated by Father Meskill was enhanced
with a choir singing solemn church music. At the beginning and the close of the services,
Father Meskill enters with an entourage of Eucharist ministers, altar boys, and other
priests, all of differing ethnicities. He wears a richly ornamental robe draped with an
amice in majestic colors. I was told that at High Holiday masses, his attire is complete
with parasol and ornamented headdress.
For the sermon portion of the mass, Father Meskill comes down from behind the
pulpit and addresses the people in a simple, yet intellectual and motivating way. He
intentionally uses illustrations and themes in his sermons that address ethnic issues. For
example, in one sermon, he referred to Jesus as being an Asian, wanting to reaffirm Asia’s
inclusion in Christianity. On one Sunday, about half o f the priests preached the sermon
recommended by church publications, the other half seemed to have written their own, and
addressed issues they felt were timely.
The Spanish mass, held at 1:30 on Sunday afternoon, is led by either a Filipino
Spanish-speaking priest in residence, or by an outside Spanish-speaking priest. They use
Spanish missals and folk-type music, with a small choir of six women who stand on the
platform and are accompanied by electric guitars, electric keyboard, and tambourine.
The Koreans’ mass, held at 11:00 on Sunday, is led by the Korean priest in
residence at St. Basil's. The upper sanctuary is filled to overflowing, with many standing
around the walls and in the narthex. As one observes the service, one is struck by the
order and majesty o f the proceeding. It is accompanied by a choir in the loft and the pipe
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organ. The service and liturgy is designed by and according to the customs of the Korean
people.
The 11:00 A.M. English-speaking service is conducted in the basement, and is
designated as a youth service. The service is conducted by an Irish priest (Father
Meskill's brother) and is accompanied by a children's choir, accompanied by a piano. The
mass is informal, with many families with children.
There are several ways in which the building and rituals may affect the ethnicity o f
the congregation. First, location may have a significant impact. Several interviewees
pointed to the fact that St. Basil's is located on Wilshire Boulevard, with easy access by
public transportation, on a main artery, within walking distance o f thousands of people.
When the head of the Eucharist ministers was asked why St. Basil's reaches so many
different kinds of people, she responded. "It's kind of a simple answer, but it is easy to get
here. We are surrounded by a lot of apartment people and they can walk [here]." In
support of this explanation, Father Meskill noted that attendance declined recently due to
the fact that Wilshire Boulevard is tom up because of construction on the new Los
Angeles subway.
The size of the building may have some effect on the ethnic make-up of the
congregation as well. From a practical perspective, like all but one o f the multiethnic
churches in the Wilshire corridor, it has an extremely large edifice which it must care for.
Reaching out to the different ethnic groups helps to pay the bills. Also, the larger edifices
have unused building space, which makes it more convenient for other groups to hold their
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own services and/or ethnic-specific meetings. However, Father Meskill’s explanation for
the diversity offered more of a psychological perspective:
I think that immigrants gravitate toward a big church because of
anonymity.. . they don't want the controlling group that comes with a small
[church] package... .The small church is small in every way, but a small
group [that] controls the [church] group— that's what they're not wanting.
The big church is expansive. It is not exclusive; it is inclusive so the spacial
dimensions o f the church attracts. They don't feel like they are coming into
somebody's house. It's large, so the space I think makes a big difference.
Further, the building, symbols and statues, even though they reflect particular
cultural designs, are brought together in a modem cement structure which speaks more of
the future than any specific ethnic tradition. In actuality, the art work used, instead of
relating to one specific ethnicity, seems to reflect a coming together o f many strands of
people. While it does not offer any one group of immigrants their specific cultural
symbols, they may feel comfortable with the more universal symbols that are used. Let me
mention here that there are temporary symbols that are brought in for specific ethnic
celebrations. For instance, when the Hispanic community was celebrating "the Virgin of
Guadalupe,” a temporary shrine was brought in for the occasion. But as a rule, the
symbols used emphasize the whole body's unity rather than each group’s distinctions.
The Catholic Church's abundant use of symbols, statues and pictures is one of the
reasons it has been able to reach ethnically diverse communities throughout its existence.
Symbols speak where language cannot. While the Protestant community has relied
heavily upon the spoken word, the Catholic community has relied equally upon symbols,
liturgy, statues, and icons to communicate the doctrine, the history and all that makes up
the narrative o f the religion. One may not understand the spoken sermon o f the death of
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Christ, but the symbol o f the crucifixion on the wall in each Catholic church preaches the
message in a form that all can hear and from which all can learn.
St. Basil's uses a very traditional approach to mass. For many ethnic groups, this
may be attractive. As one of the more articulate male leaders in the church stated:
In the Catholic Church there are a lot o f changes going on. There have
been a lot o f changes in the last twenty-five years since Vatican II, and a lot
of men and women my age are not that close to the church... This church
is more traditional and it's more Catholic. I don't like the way the church at
large is going. I have been in churches where there have been very liberal
interpretations o f doctrine, of Catholic faith, and there are no known
requirements— you don't need to do this. If you don't have enough
structure and enough sensible rules you don't have an organization. [A
pastor should be] aware of this and [be] strict on his faith's requirements,
and [make] that the driving force of the parish. . . . Looking at more social
services or more accommodations to different ethnic enclaves... creates a
certain division by looking at social issues rather than faith issues. I think
you're going to work better when you concentrate more on faith.
Equally, the more traditional, universal form may alienate some from the church.
Many ethnic individuals and groups look to religion to cure the loneliness of being a stranger
in a strange land. In this instance, both individuals and whole groups may actually look for
and need symbols and rituals that represent their particular heritage. An example of this may
be in the Spanish community at St. Basil's. The Spanish mass is the least-attended mass at
St. Basil's. It is declining in attendance in an area where a large portion of the growth o f the
neighborhood is Spanish-speaking. One observer noted that the Spanish community, more
than the rest, may need to feel their culture and history in their worship. They may be going
to another church where the priest speaks not only their language, but from their tradition.
where the mass is offered in all the trappings o f their culture.
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Demographics
Some relevant demographic facts comprised by the 1990 census by the Federal
government of the geographical area in which Saint Basil's parish is located are:
Population Makeup
-the total population o f St. Basil's parish is 47,762
-it is made up o f 52.5% males
-47.5% females
-78 .8% are over 18 years o f age
-21.2% under 18 years o f age
Housing and Income
-average household size is 2.61
-the median age is 29.4
-the median household income is $19,527 yearly
-the median housing value is $320,833
-the median rent paid is $515 per month
-owners occupy 2.8% o f units
-renters occupy 87.1%
-10% of units are vacant
-there is a 10.1% unemployment rate
Ethnic Makeup
-69 7 % of residents are foreign bom
-50.3% are from Spanish origin (Filipinos are included here and under Asian)
-whites make up 27.7% of population
-blacks, 9.5%
-Asian/PI 31.4%
-American Indian 0.5%
-other 31%
Growth and decline
-by 1997 whites are expected to decrease to 19.7 %
-blacks decrease to 8.4%
-Asian/PI increase to 34.9%
-American Indians, the same, 0.5%
-others increase to 36.5%
The church attendance statistics varied as they were obtained from four sources: the
church’s annual report to the Archdiocese, which reported an average weekend attendance
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o f 3,000, an oral interview with the church administrator, which reported 1000 registered
families with between 6000-8000 attending, an oral interview with the senior pastor, which
reported 6425 attending, and my own observations listed by mass in the chart following. The
variations are due to the fact that the church does not have a system in place to count those
attending; as a result, the counts offered by the senior pastor and the Church Administration
are speculations based on personal involvement, a kind of off-the-cuff "guesstimate." The
count given by the Archdiocese is a number on an annual report submitted by the local
church's office. My count was obtained on various visits to the different masses, at which
I counted each person through visual observation. The Saturday night count may be skewed
in that it was New Year's Eve. The Sunday count listed below was obtained by observing
attendance at all 8 Masses on one particular Sunday.
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TABLE 16
STATISTICAL ATTENDANCE BY SERVICE
Service Total Males Females Whites Black Under 18 On Platform
Midweek Services
Th„ Dec. 26, 6:30 AM* 48 10 38
2
4 (2w,2a)
Th., Dec. 29, 8:00 AM** 77 15 62 1 1 4 (2w,2a)
Fr., Jan. 6, 5:00 PM*** 125 39 86 8 1 8 3 (2w ,la)
*over 50% seniors, **vast majority over 50 years old, no under 18, ***approximately 80-90% Filipino
Weekend Services
Sa., Jan. 7, 5:00 PM 201 (6.3%) 12 6 5 6 (5w ,la)
Su„ Jan. 8, 7:00 PM 166(5.2%) 83 83 9 6 5 6 (3w,3a)
Su., Jan. 8, 8:30 PM 330 (10,4%) 58 272 22 12 17 8 (6w,2a)
Su., Jan. 8, 9:45 PM 411 (13%) 152 259 30
2
37 9 (6w,3a)
Su., Jan. 8, 11:00 PM 259 (8.2%) 76 183 1 1 1 1 64 7 (2w,5a)
Su., Jan. 8, 11:00PM* Kor. 931 (29.5%) 157(20.4%) 611 (79.6%) 9(a)
Su , Jan. 8, 12:15 PM 363 (11.5%) 102 261 21 6 9 8 (2w,4a,Ih,lb)
Su., Jan. 8, 1:30 PM Spanish 190 (6%) 54(28.4%) 136(71.6%) 8 ( lw,7h)
Su., Jan. 8, 5:00 PM** 302 (9.5%) 145 157 10 2 33 7 (2w,4a, lb)
TOTALS 3153 (100%) 827 (28.6%) 2062 (71.14%) 115(3.6%) 45(1.4% ) 170(8.3%) 68 (26w,3 la)
(8h„2b}
* There were classes for children during Korean service, they are not included in count, ** This service was 90% Filipino
OO
00
FIGURE 1
COMMUNITY
Ethnic Breakdown 1990
SAINT BASIL'S
Ethnic Breakdown 1990
i K m n 2 0 . S % i
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Organizational Structure
St. Basil's church is organized around what I classify as a church/staff model of
ethnic organization. Emphasized in this model is the "one church" concept. They view
themselves as one church or congregation with many different communities. This model
represents a type of church structure where all congregations look to one person as senior
pastor, and assistant pastors are hired to minister to and represent the diverse ethnic
communities. At St. Basil's, as in most ethnically diverse congregations, the vision,
motivational power and ultimate accountability for the overall congregation is invested in
the senior pastor. This type fits well within the Roman Catholic organizational structure
with its territorial boundaries and hierarchically appointed system of authority. Father
Meskill was appointed by the Cardinal o f the Archdiocese, and all positions, both cleric
and lay are then appointed by Meskill within the local church. There are two associate
pastors, a Filipino, who carries the primary responsibility for the Spanish and much of the
Filipino ministry', and a Korean, who oversees the Korean community. Five non-resident
pastors are also brought in to lead the different masses.
While technically the Korean priest is an assistant to the senior pastor, and is listed
as such on the church bulletin, the practical workings of the Korean community reflect
more autonomy and less accountability to the senior pastor than the title implies. One
leader in the congregation exclaimed that the Koreans "might as well be renting from us."
The Korean community is very autonomous, consulting with Father Meskill only in
questions o f building use and in official business with the Archdiocese. In fact, as
discussed previously they brought their own priest from Korea, bought their own
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community center, administer their own programs and mass and totally control their own
finances. While I am sure that some of these actions, such as hiring the priest and buying
the community center, may have had to have official approval by Father Meskill, the cost,
vision and responsibility are carried by the Korean community. As stated earlier, one
Archdiocese executive labelled this a "parish within a parish." I found the reasons for this
are several. First, they were already existing as a community when they came to St. Basil's
five years ago. Second, a large part of the Korean community, including the Korean
priest, speak limited English, making communication and joint activities difficult. Third,
the Koreans as a people have a great need for independent identity and lay organizational
structure reflecting the church o f their home land. This will be discussed in more detail
later in this chapter Under the Korean assistant pastor there is the Korean Parish Council,
which oversees the Korean community’s finances, personnel and programs; the Korean
mass; the Korean Legion o f Mary; the director of CCD classes (catechism and children's
educational classes); the Genesis Bible Study groups; and the district meetings (the
Koreans have divided themselves in to 37 districts, determined by geographical area,
which hold one meeting a month). While all the priests that minister in the church are
technically under the institutional hierarchy of the senior pastor, the Korean priest speaks
a minimal amount of English, and was brought to Los Angeles by the Korean Parish
Council, which gives him a stronger relationship to the Korean council than to the senior
pastor.
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The Filipino assistant (who speaks Spanish) leads the Spanish mass, the Spanish
Bible study, and Spanish outreach programs. He assists in the English-speaking services
and, in general, aids the senior pastor.
Father Meskill oversees the English-speaking community and facilities. For the
English services, he hires the supply pastors, he appoints the lay director who oversees the
Eucharist ministers, he hires the church administrator who oversees the church facilities
and office staff, he appoints the director o f the CCD program, he hires the church music
director who plays for the services and directs the choirs. On occasion he appoints a
parish council to work on specific short-term projects. The overall church structure (with
the exception of the Korean community) rests heavily upon the senior pastor, the hired
staff, and a few appointed lay leaders. Noticeable is the senior pastors independence and
lack of accountability and the lack of use of the laity in running the ministries of the
church. At St. Basil's this may have to do with a "cathedral" versus small parish mentality,
or perhaps the dynamics of a large "city" church.
The benefits o f this type of structure are that it is efficient and run by a well-
equipped and trained staff o f professionals, most of whom are paid. The ethnic tensions
are carried by seasoned individuals who stand in the gap or bridge between cultural
diversity. The weakness of this structure is that it involves few lay individuals in the
decision-making process of the church. For example, comments regarding the parish
council, which is supposedly made up o f various representatives o f the diverse
communities to give input to the leadership, range from "it does not exist,” to "I am
supposedly a leader of it, but we haven't met for two years," to "it only exists on paper."
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These comments were all made from leaders in the church. While presumeable Pastor
Meskill has trusted advisors from whom he solicits advice, there is no official channel
through which the different ethnic groups can have a voice in the church. For some
ethnic groups this may not be an issue; for instance, the Filipino community are used to
this type o f structure in their homeland, both in the political and religious arena.
The Korean community needs to have not only a voice, but autonomy in making
some of their own decisions. The Korean community elects its parish council from the
congregation, with the President, Vice President, and Secretary being democratically
elected as well.
At St. Basil's the sizeable decline in attendance of the Spanish community may be
due to the fact that they feel they do not have a voice. The sole organizational channel
through which they can speak is the Filipino priest, whom they often cannot understand
because o f his broken Spanish/Filipino dialect. While the common proverb is that without
a vision people perish, in this case it may be that without people, the vision perishes.
Hence, at St. Basil's the vision for the Spanish community is failing due to lack of a leader
commissioned for their cause.
St. Basil's also provides many masses, including nine weekend masses, four daily
masses and special masses added on the holidays. As one interviewer commented,
"People can come and go. They have a lot o f business offices and it is a well-populated
district;. . . they offer noon mass and evening mass which is conducive for people to come
in before or after work." The multitude o f masses makes church convenient for the
business community around the church as well as for the differing schedule needs of the
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ethnic groups. The church, because o f its great size, can provide for the needs o f more
people.
With its multi-community format, the organizational structure o f St. Basil’s offers
diversity, and diversity attracts diversity. Having different-language services attracts not
only the monolingual, but also provides an opportunity for the immigrant to learn English
in a familiar environment. In addition, marriages o f mixed ethnicity find themselves at
home among the ethnically diverse communities o f the church. They can find other mixed
marriages like themselves, or develop personal relationships with people o f their culture
and background while still sharing the worship experience with their spouse. Hence,
diversity breeds diversity. Further, multiethnic diversity speaks of tolerance. When I
asked one of the black female Eucharist ministers (who as a women, a black and a
Catholic is a three-fold minority) why she felt this particular congregation drew so many
different ethnic groups she replied, "their tolerance— there are a lot o f differences around
there." The more diverse the congregation, the more tolerance is needed to balance the
social and spiritual needs o f each group against the needs of the congregation as a whole.
Leadership
At St. Basil's, as in all of the multiethnic congregations I studied, the leadership,
specifically the senior pastor, is o f primary influence to the multiethnic nature and
structure of the church. Father Meskill, like most other pastors of multiethnic
congregations, is highly educated and influenced by his academic background. His
elementary and secondary education occurred in private multi-cultural schools in Ireland,
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he has two master degrees, and a double Ph.D. in English and Education. He served as
teacher and principal of St. Anthony's High School in Long Beach, chaplin at Long Beach
State and Cal Tech, and for fourteen years was chaplin at the Claremont Colleges. In this
last position he was frequently called upon to give input to and arbitrate in difficulties that
the administration had with the diverse ethnic communities. Not having taken any formal
classes on ethnic-related topics, his personal experiences as an Irish immigrant, as a
chaplin and school administrator in ethnically diverse California schools, his professional
experience o f dealing with immigrant issues, and his constant reading serve as his primary-
educational forum on ethnic issues. Father Meskill's academic skills as well as his
charismatic, gifted and seasoned personality are all important to the success and failure of
the ethnic diversity within the parish. He refers to his work as "conducting an orchestra."
Knowing how each instrument, each ethnic group works, he is able to bring them all
together for the whole. Hence, he understands the need of differing ethnic communities
to express their faith within their cultural understanding. At the same time, he maintains a
long-term perspective which focuses on the greater good o f the local church, the ethnic
community, and the history of faith. This attitude is evident in his discussion of the
responsibilities of language use by the priest:
Well I know Spanish, yes. But I think languages are really important. I
think it also can become an exercise of authority and power because.. [if]
the priest is an Anglo, [and] he knows Spanish [he] then becomes the
channel to the power source outside. .. .1 really think it's important that
for. . .upper mobility in America, particularly access to education . .
access to the language of the country is really, really important and I keep
stressing it over and over again. . . It's important in the sense that we gain
control and [are] not even aware o f it. One is never aware o f it, at the time
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you think you are ministering, and yet you are controlling them. You block
the access to the outside world for them.
Father Meskill’s academic achievement is important not only for the knowledge and
broader approach to life that it offers, but also for the respect it earns him from many of
the ethnic groups, specifically the white, Korean, and Filipino.
Father Meskill's charismatic gift also influences the ethnic make-up o f the
congregation. Many people come to the church specifically because o f Father Meskill.
His intellectual, very personal delivery o f the message is important, especially among the
people that make up the leadership of the church. This is brought out in an interview with
one of the few white males in leadership in the church, who stated that "We were
impressed by Father Meskill's sermons and the way he was inspiring in his talk and was
very traditional in his Catholic Doctrine. The aesthetics of the church, with Father
Meskill's sermons and his reliance on traditional Catholic doctrine all came together for
us."
Further, Father Meskill exemplifies other character attributes that are important to
a leader of a multiethnic congregation who must feel a sense o f personal responsibility for,
not only his own ethnic community, but for the community as a whole. As such. Father
Meskill is willing to carry the burden of ethnic conflict, feel deeply ethnic pain, and carry
the burden of social change. A good example o f this is the way Father Meskill responded
to the Los Angeles riots. Several years before the riots the Archdiocese had come to
Father Meskill asking if St. Basil's would be willing to open their doors to a Korean
community, due to the circumstances of the rapid growth in the Korean community in
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other churches, and because St. Basil's is located in the heart o f the major Korean business
community on a major transportation artery, and has two sanctuaries. For the first few
years they held their mass in the lower sanctuary. While they were thankful just to have a
space, meeting in the basement carried with it feeling of being treated as second class.
After the riots, feeling the pain of the Korean people, and knowing that the congregation
was sensitive to their plight, he invited them to have the 11:00 A.M. mass upstairs, and
move the English-speaking mass downstairs. This gave them a sense o f ownership, a
sense of belonging. In Father Meskill's words:
I just announced the following Sunday that these people have suffered
terribly; they are massed in the basement, let's give them the 11:00 mass up
here. We have all the other masses why shouldn’t they have their mass.
And apart from a few little rumblings nobody made much to-do about it. It
has created some difficulties and that sort o f thing but basically it has
worked out quite well. But it also changed [their attitude], I hadn't realized
that being in the basement they felt second-class citizenship. Bringing them
up was a great boost and their relationship with me became deeper and
stronger.
The Korean congregation grew dramatically with the move upstairs and report better
relations between their people and the rest of the congregation.
Further, the leadership of a multiethnic congregation must serve as a bridge,
arbitrator, or mediator between the differing ethnic groups within the congregation. This
may be one reason that all but one of the multiethnic congregations in the Wilshire
corridor are led by white senior pastors. In one interview the comment was made that "at
St. Basil's having whites as leaders can play an important role because they can serve as a
non-threatening or non-political bridge and bring people together," and again, "they are a
minority within a congregation. . . they can be neutral, and not be accused. . .it is better to
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have this person who has no affiliation with any group, [who can be] the neutral [party]."
In this sense the leader of a multiethnic congregation must be politically astute and
culturally knowledgeable, knowing how to motivate, correct and lead people from a
differing cultural paradigm.
The senior leadership must also serve as a bridge between the ethnic church
community and the community at large. Often they will be a spokesperson for the ethnic
community. As such, they will be translators o f the larger culture to the ethnic enclave.
As one Chinese interviewee responded, "the priest opens the door, he works with them, he
visits them, talks to them, and he advocates on their behalf."
One of the senior pastor's greatest attributes in a multiethnic congregation is in
creating a climate where ethnic communities feel embraced and welcomed. Such a skill
requires a great deal o f tolerance for diversity, as well as patience in overcoming cultural
distinctions Father Meskill is a good example o f this type of leader. As one very
educated member of the congregation stated, "he creates the climate." This is
accomplished by the ethnic make up of the staff he hires, the subjects he address in his
sermons, and the overall cultural program of the church. At St. Basil's the very climate
speaks of ethnic acceptance and care.
While much of the success of the multiethnic church rests upon the leadership,
much of the failure does as well. In Father Meskill's case, his strength is also his
weakness. His ability to lead the church has opened the door for St. Basil's to be the
largest, most ethnically balanced congregation in the Wilshire district. At the same time,
his ability to divest himself of power will be a determining factor for the future. As one
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very astute parishioner observed: "He has ultimate authority, he has full control of the
parish, he has to worry about everything within the facility, the moral character of the
individuals, he has all these worries. But you can't do it, you can't worry about the
homeless guy who screwed up the bathroom downstairs because you didn't have the right
security, versus what time confessions are held at. You can't do it all. . .but [St. Basil's]
needs some coherent structure." This issue was also brought up by a member o f the
Spanish community in a conversation that contrasted Father Meskill's leadership with his
predecessor: "Father Meskill has allowed us a little more freedom to get involved around
here. He has accepted a lot of [women] as ministers and he also tried to guide us with
classes. [We have] the freedom to sometimes say this and that to Father Meskill,
[whereas] before we didn't have a voice. Now Father Meskill really hears us.” When I
reminded the interviewee that earlier she had said that they did not feel a part o f the power
structure, she responded, "he hears us but not to take power, that is not for the pow-er. but
you know he can hear us. . . The transition [to empowering the differing ethnic enclaves]
is not as fast as we like."
People
As mentioned in the introduction to this work, there are collective as well as
individual factors imbedded in every distinct ethnic individual and group. Multiethnic
congregations are not simply made up of individuals with specific sociological dynamics:
each ethnic group has sociological dynamics as well. The major groups or ethnic
communities represented at St. Basil’ s are the Koreans, the Filipinos and the Hispanics. In
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this section I want to focus on the characteristics of these groups that create their ability
to worship in a multiethnic congregation.
Filipinos
First, the Filipinos, according to the church administrator, make up 25% o f the
congregation. According to my estimate, they may make up as much as 50% o f the
congregation. In many o f the masses on Sunday they are clearly a majority. While the
Filipino community has no specific activities designed to reach or maintain their culture,
such as Bible studies, choirs, or masses in Tagalog, they have many Filipinos who serve in
leadership positions in the church, such as a Filipino priest, a Filipino who directs the
CCD, and several individuals who serve on the office staff. The Filipinos have been a
large part of St. Basil's community for the last 20 years. In fact, at one point Cardinal
Mahony approached Father Meskill about turning St. Basil's into a Filipino national parish
with a Filipino as senior pastor. In response, Father Meskill said "If you will let me be a
missionary to the Philippines why won't you let me serve them here," reflecting a certain
missionary' mentality existing among leaders o f multiethnic congregations. In any case, the
Archdiocese relinquished the idea.
Filipinos seem to function well in, and tend to seek out multiethnic congregations.
This may be caused by several factors. The first is the language. The official language o f
commerce in the Philippines is English. For many it is their native tongue, hence, they
feel at home in an English language service. While the Koreans and the Hispanic have to
learn the language for social interaction, the Filipinos do not. Further, there is a lot of
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language and cultural diversity even within the Filipino nation, and religion, specifically
Catholicism, has served as a uniting factor. They, therefore, are much more used to
celebrating mass in a multi-cultural way.
Third, Catholicism, as the majority religion in the Philippines, takes more o f a
formal and traditional approach. Hence, St. Basil's Cathedral-like setting and traditional
approach to the faith is appealing. As one choir member said, "There is a certain
devoutness that is greatly embedded here in the Filipino community." Fourth, since the
occupation of the Philippines in World War II by the United States, there has been an
idolizing of America and the American way, hence they seek after the traditional American
culture and relationships. Fifth, as a group, Filipinos have not had to face the racial
oppression and marginalization that many other ethnic groups have, hence, they do not
have the need to establish a supporting, maintaining religious community against social
alienation and persecution. This is brought out in a personal anecdote by one of the
Filipino office workers who is dating a Korean. She tells o f a conversation with her
boyfriend. While driving down the street they noticed that all of the Korean business signs
are in Korean, he stated. "They (the Koreans) are very closed. They want to do business
with their own." She said," If a Filipino opened a restaurant they would want every body
to come.”
Another factor that motivates ethnic members to attend a local parish church may
be the Catholic emphasis on obligation. While this may be stronger in some groups than
others, I believe it may be especially strong in the Filipino community. As one young
Filipino explained when asked if she thought more Filipinos would come if they offered a
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service in Tagalog." just a few more would go. I don't think it [would] make a big
difference because a lot o f people just go to church on Sunday because that's their
obligation." This teaching is undergirded by the Catholic Church's traditional teaching of
hell, and their view that the Catholic Church is the true church. In the paraphrased
words of one Catholic academic, "a belief that you are going to hell if you don't go to
mass will motivate you to overcome most social obstacles and will motivate you to
tolerate much social injustice."
The weakness in the Filipino community may be seen in their lack o f organizational
unity. Their political and religious history' is one of authoritarian rule, where the working
class has little say in governing their religious or political life. Hence, as a community,
they may lack the necessary democratic organizational skills to unite them. While this may
be one reason they feel at home in a Catholic structure with its strong authoritarian
philosophy, it may severely limit them in their political and social power to maintain
group identity. Further, the traditional Catholic institutional structure may alienate
potential leadership. Filipino leaders who desire or need social power may look elsewhere
to find it, and leave religion. This may serve as one reason for a lack of lay male
leadership in the Filipino Catholic community.
Korean
The Korean community has existed at St. Basil’s as a community for five years.
They came to St. Basil’ s at the request of the Archdiocese who was trying to find them a
place to worship. They presently make up 25% of the congregation, as many as 1200
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attend the Korean language mass alone. Many elderly Koreans live in the myriad of
apartments in the neighborhood of the church, and many drive from different regions of
Los Angeles county to attend St. Basil's. They are the most organized, and fastest
growing ethnic enclave within the Church, with strong lay participation. The Korean
community is run by the congregational elected Korean parish council. This council is
made up of elected lay leaders who serve as president, vice president, secretary, director
of education, director of social ministries, and six district overseers. The Korean priest
and one Korean Sister serve as advisors to the council. The Korean priest lives and has
offices at St. Basil's Rectory. The Korean Sister is o f the Order of Our Lady o f Perpetual
Help, an order which specializes in local parish church work, and resides in her
community's convent which is located about 20 miles outside o f the parish. The priest
functions as an advisor to the parish council, and leads and directs the spiritual life of the
church, conducting the mass; doing the baptisms, marriages and funerals; and leading
devotions at various church meetings. The Sister teaches the catechisms, oversees
assignments for the Legion of Mary ministries, teaches various Bible Studies, and directs
the CCD of the Korean community. The Koran community has purchased their own
"Parish Center," an expansive, two-story home located two blocks from the church,
where they conduct their educational and social programs. This council controls the
community's financial resources, paying a designated amount to St. Basil's for services.
The organizational nature of the people can be seen as they give their offering at
mass. On a typical Sunday, the mass is crowded with people, every pew filled to
capacity, people standing against the wall around the entrance to the sanctuary. Even the
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narthex is jammed with young adults standing around socializing. When the offertory is
being played, the people stand, at their appropriate cue each row slowly marches on a
rehearsed path around the pews to the designated offering receptacle and returns. From
my observation perch, high above in the choir loft, it all looked like a very colorful, tightly
ordered military' marching drill, with the many hundreds o f people, many of them women
with their heads colorfully covered with the traditional headdress, all moving at the same
cadence. Each individual seemed to know their place, time and direction o f movement.
This organization also reflects the growth of the church. The Parish Council has
divided the parish into 37 district meeting, six of which are major districts. The districts
range from Glendale to Santa Monica, twenty miles in either direction. Each district has
an overseer who is responsible to oversee the monthly meeting o f sharing and nurturing
which takes place in a home in the local area, and is responsible to one of six district
overseers who reports to the parish council. This structure resembles the "mini-church."
or "cell-church" structure present in many fast-growing evangelical churches. These
regional meetings allow for personal, intimate relationships to develop within a large,
geographically spread, fast-growing community.
An interesting contrast between the growth of this community and the English-
speaking community is seen in catechism classes. Catechism classes are seven to eight
month doctrinal courses which precede baptism in the Catholic Church. While in the
English-speaking congregations these classes are made up almost completely of children,
and held once a year. In the Korean community these are held mostly for adults, and are
conducted three times a year. According to the Korean Sister who leads the classes,
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approximately 80% o f these incoming members are from a Protestant background.
When I asked why she thought this was the case, she stated, "I think they search and find
this church and wind up here, but I think that there are many Catholics who after coming
here join the Protestant church, as well." This she believes is reflected as well in the
Catholic Church in Korea, where many adults are joining the church, and many are from
Protestant backgrounds.
In addition, the Korean community hosts a Legion of Mary, which is comprised of
20 groups within the church. Each group meets once a week for prayer, a short devotion
delivered by the Korean Priest or Sister, and a report o f each member’s service during the
week. Each individual is required to put in two hours o f ministry each week, doing things
like ushering, cleaning the center, visiting hospitals or nursing homes or ministering to
families at funerals These small groups carry much o f the mission and social work of the
church.
It is interesting to note that the rapid growth o f this congregation has very little to
do with the clergy leadership. This is the second Korean priest they have had The
present priest has a very limited understanding of the American culture and language, yet
the congregation continues to thrive Their single Sunday mass was packed beyond
capacity, beyond comfort, on a rainy, stormy Sunday. In private unofficial discussions
they are talking about the need for more masses, and possibly a bigger community center,
one which could hold a small sanctuary for masses o f obligation.
While most Koreans attend the Korean language mass, there are some that attend
the English masses Their reasons for doing so are many. First, there are just two
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Korean masses a week. Sun. at 11:00, and Thurs. at 7:30 AM. They may attend the other
masses out of convenience and to fulfill their obligation. Some are in interracial
marriages, and the English-speaking masses in a multiethnic congregation are an
accommodation. Finally they desire to assimilate and/or learn English, and the English-
speaking masses afford them the opportunity.
In contrast to the Filipino community, which seems to seek out multi-cultural
interaction, the Korean seems to be a "closed" community. Father Meskill quotes a
pow'erful metaphor by describing the Korean community as "a potted plant, [whose] roots
are contained within its own community and have not gone down into the American soil."
In support o f this comparison, he said, "I have talked to priests who have served in Korea
and what they say is that foreign policy was conducted by the Emperor so that the average
Korean rarely contacted foreigners at all. Even the American soldiers there remained
confined to barracks." Hence, they have limited historical contact with different cultures.
An archdiocese executive made the following observation:
They came from a country that has been occupied or invaded for centuries
by others. After the second world war finally they enjoyed the fresh air and
have their own freedom now. They can establish their nationality, national
pride. They are gaining that momentum namely because they have to be
united. They have to build that together. And they know that once they
come to a foreign country, Christianity . . .is the thing to unite them. This
is why a large number are converting to Christianity. They can enjoy their
national pride by combining it with their spirituality. Until they are very
self-assured, have acquired the language skill and economic skill, and this is
going to be their permanent home, they are not ready to go out and mingle
with others.
The growth
viewed in the other
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They feel very insecure right now.
and desire for homogeneity in the Korean community at St. Basil's as
mono- and multiethnic churches in the Wilshire corridor may reflect a
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turn to Christianity as a result of a need for establishing national pride which has been
fostered in them; not because of rejection or marginalization by the American culture, but
rather because o f historic events in their native countries; not because o f oppression in
American but historic oppression in their native land.
The Koreans’ strength at St. Basil's may also be their weakness. They are driven
to obtain economic and social autonomy. But this very drive separates them from the
American social arena. As Father Meskill notes, "For them to admit need is weakness.
The more they depend on others, the more vulnerable they are in America... But,
needing us is the most important thing that they can do. In America, when you show
weakness, you are showing strength, you bet they need us." While their self dependence
has allowed them to birth a growing autonomous congregation, the Los Angeles riots
revealed their need for social cooperation. While the riots created much financial hardship
in the community, it also opened the community to the support and care of the
community at large, opening the door for more intimate cross-cultural relationships. This
was exhibited in Father Meskill moving the Korean community up from the basement at
St. Basil's.
Hispanic
According to an interview with the church administrator, who is Hispanic but
does not attend St. Basil's, the Hispanic community in the church makes up 25% of the
congregation. This is compared to the area population of 50.3% o f Spanish origin, and
36.7% o f Spanish-speaking households acccording to the 1994 United States population
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census. The Hispanic community is comprised o f those who attend the Spanish mass and
ministries o f the church, and the unknown number who attend the English-speaking
masses. It is my observation that there are fewer Hispanics in the congregation than
reported. This is based on the number in attendance at the Spanish mass, and my visual
observance at all the English-speaking masses, though admittedly identifying Hispanics
from Filipinos by sight is none too accurate. Not only are there less than reported but
according to others, they are a declining population at St. Basil's. The head of the
Eucharist ministers stated, "Actually the Hispanic mass is not all that large. There aren't
that many people and they don't contribute very much. . .1 don't know for a fact, but it was
a pretty good big-sized congregation and I guess a lot o f the people, many of the
Guatemalans and others, left because they could not understand the Spanish that the priest
was using."
Unlike either the Koreans or Filipinos, the Hispanic community is not a small
percentage o f the Los Angels population. They are the largest and still growing
population in the city of Los Angeles. While there are relatively few congregations in the
Los Angeles area that host Filipinos and Koreans, Hispanics can be found in great number
in most Catholic parishes in Los Angeles. Thus, for them, St. Basil's is not distinctive.
Furthermore, there are many other neighboring parishes where Hispanics are in the vast
majority, and who tend to specialize in reaching out to the Hispanic-speaking community.
This is further exaggerated at St. Basil's with the lack o f clear Hispanic leadership. In an
interview with one Hispanic leader, I asked if there were Spanish services at St. Basil's
when they first came and he stated "yes, they had two priests, and the people were more
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involved at church. . .and that is one o f the main points with people, that they like to be
with someone who understands their tradition." While Father Meskill and the Filipino
assistant pastor both speak Spanish, they do not speak it with the cultural understanding of
the Latin American people. Hence, the Hispanic people may not feel either represented
or cared for at St. Basil's.
Further, while St. Basil's geographic community o f the Wilshire corridor represents
great wealth and economic success, which is reflected by the remaining white community
and encompassed by the Korean and Filipino community in their upward mobility, the
Hispanic community is economically at the bottom o f the ladder. They tend to be looked
upon as not being able to carry their fair share o f financial responsibility at the church.
Hence the immaculately maintained modem structure and the extreme order that
encompasses the entire church may not only be restricting to Hispanics, but make them
feel unwelcome, or not at home. The typical Hispanic social world, and its cultural
emphasis, are in contrast to the social world in the Church. While most Hispanics do
come from a Catholic background, the Catholicism o f St. Basil's may be very different
than the Catholicism of their home, with their particular customs, folklore and rituals.
For instance, on the day that the Hispanics celebrated the Virgin of Guadalupe, there was
a “poorly built" cardboard shrine placed on the platform, but very little other emphasis was
placed on this holy day.
Another broader cultural phenomena may have an effect on the Hispanic
communities at St. Basil's. Due to the extreme authority and often-perceived corrupt
structure of the Catholic Church in many Spanish-speaking countries and the fact that the
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church has in many cases aligned itself with oppressive political regimes, many Latinos,
who have rejected the historic power structures in their life, have also rejected the
Catholic Church. Hence, many are turning away from the Catholic churches to other less
traditional religious expressions. These other religious expressions, which are often
represented by small Pentecostal storefront churches and other marginalized religious
expressions such as Jehovah Witnesses, offer the politically and socially marginalized
immigrants a place of their own where the leaders are people like themselves and where
they are made to feel important and needed. This is summarized in a conversation I had
with one of the white academics who attends St. Basil's:
I would guess that the Spanish-speaking community is less educated. I
think St. Basil's has done less to accommodate them in some ways. They
allow the mass, but St. Basil's is not exactly a down-home, warm
neighborhood church. It has the attraction of a central, elegant, urban
cathedral. At least, that is my perception. And it may be that the
Hispanics would find something that is a little smaller or intimate more
attractive. Maybe the Hispanics who go here like the flavor of the
grandness and the high mass and all that. But I wonder why Catholics are
flowing away from the Catholic Church. You see all around this area little
storefront churches that are attracting Hispanics. I wonder whether the
intimacy and the coherence of those churches plus their "careism" if you
will, is one reason why Hispanics attend who are far away from home.
Maybe the kind o f person who goes to St. Bail's doesn't need that small,
cohesive, intimate experience as much. Maybe the Hispanics who do come
to St. Basil's are more organized, more cultured or maybe more educated
in some ways.
The obstacles St. Basil's faces with its Hispanic community are those of leadership,
social/economic status, and competition. For this church to arrest the tide of Latinos
leaving this church they would need to provide leadership not merely by those who speak
the language, but by those who the people identify with, such as a priest from Guatemala
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or El Salvador--one whom they can identify as their own, who can mediate for them, who
can be their voice. Second, the church would need to find ways to overcome the
"second class citizen" feeling. As the move from downstairs to upstairs helped the
Koreans, so a move from afternoon to morning may increase the Hispanics involvement in
the church.. Further, an attempt by the church to incorporate more Latin American
holidays, customs and rituals may make them feel more at home. They need to feel not
only that their voices are being heard, but that they can make a difference, that they are
important, that they are part of the power/decision-making structure o f the church.
Lastly, the Hispanic community needs to feel wanted. An attempt should be made to
minister to their specific social/economic problems. Since they represent a lower
economic status o f people, the church could reach out by providing such things as
groceries, job counseling, immigration help and other social support programs that show
the Hispanic community that the church cares for them. As one interviewee observed,
"most of them [the Hispanics] attend where they feel they are welcome, and they feel part
of the family, and they feel a kind of closeness and that is what Hispanics look for, love
and caring."
Summary
Saint Basil's is the largest and most ethnically balanced church in the Wilshire
corridor. Its organizational structure produces tension as it seeks to unify people from
diverse ethnic expressions under "One Holy Catholic" church in both assimilating
(Filipino) and maintaining (Korean) modes. The church facilitates ethnic Korean
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independence as a temporary accomodation to the Koreans immediate need for self
determinism. The multiethnic nature of the church is held together by a tradition filled
with ethnic diversity, a theology which calls for oneness, a liturgy that is founded on ritual
and symbolism, a leadership style that is authoritative, a program that is focused upon the
mass, and a modem centrally located Cathedral.
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Notes
1. "1995 Los Angeles Catholic Directory" (Los Angeles: Los Angeles
Archdiocese) 4.
2. W. W. Robinson, Los Angeles From the Days o f the Pueblo (San Francisco:
Chronicle Books, 1981), 9.
3. Ibid., 11.
4. Ibid.
5. "1995 L.A. Catholic Directory" 4.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid., 6
9. Ibid.. 99-104.
10. Ibid.. 161.
11. Ibid.. 114.
12. Philip Gleason, Keeping the Faith. American Catholicism. Past and Present
(South Bend: University of Notre Dame Press, 1987), 42.
13. Dolores Liptak, A Church of Many Cultures fNew York: Garland
Publishing, 1988), 40.
14. Ibid., 42.
15. Ibid., 8.
16. Dolores Egger Labbe. Jim Crow Comes to Church (Amo Press: New York,
1978), 38.
17. Random House Unabridged Dictionary (1993), s.v. "catholic."
18. John Meskill, "Saint Basil's Seventeenth Anniversary Publication" 12.
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19. Ibid.. 14.
20. Ibid., 9.
21. Ibid.. 10.
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CHRIST CHURCH
"Blended"
As I opened the mail at my office one day, I came upon a hand-addressed letter
from one of the family members of my congregation. Enclosed was a typed prophecy,
which was being widely circulated among the Pentecostal/charismatic community by the
Trinity Broadcasting Network, the largest Christian Television network, that proclaimed
that on 9 June. 1994, "God was going to rip the evil out of the world." Correspondence
like this is commonly forwarded to pastors, I briefly scanned the material and disposed of
it with the rest o f the junk mail. A few months later, as I began my initial inventory o f the
churches in the Wilshire District, a church caught my attention. I was driving the streets
of the Wilshire corridor I noticed an old multi-story, majestic, brick building located on a
side street just 60 feet off of Wilshire Blvd. In front there was a very Catholic looking
statue of Christ holding out his arms before a kneeling bench. There was a large white
banner across the front of the building which proclaimed, "Christ Church, Church o f the
Living Christ and the Loving Heart." As I repeatedly phoned the church office to elicit
survey information, I became aware that the author o f the prophecy which I had received
was the Senior Pastor of Christ Church, Rev. John Hinkle.
I had stumbled upon a multiethnic church embracing a current apocalyptic
prophecy. The pastor and church are having to deal with the public exposure o f the
prophecy which brought both criticism and public fame. Further, the
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congregation is 50-60% African Americans, 40% white, with few other ethnic groups
represented. This particular ethnic mix raises questions as to why the African Americans
are drawn to the traditional white unorthodox congregation, and why the other ethnic
groups are not represented in a geographical area that is 60% Latino, and 30% Asian.
Also, over 50% o f the congregation is over 60 years o f age. Offering the opportunity to
examine the specific issues of age and ethnicity. Further, the church was founded in a
nontraditional religious setting, the Unity New Thought movement. After leaving the
movement amidst great controversy, it became a leader in the charismatic movement.
Christ Church's rich history and population demographics offer the opportunity to study
ethnicity in both a religious sect and charismatic congregation.
The first part of this chapter examines the history of Christ Church, including the
history of the Unity Movement, Christ Church's experience, and the Unity influence upon
the church today. The second part analyzes the present structures of the church, and the
church's buildings, organizational structures, statistics and liturgies. The influence o f the
charismatic movement upon the church follows. The following section will examine the
influence of the charismatic movement on the church, including a brief ethnic history o f
the charismatic movement, and the specific Christ Church experience. I will then examine
leadership issues such as the character attributes o f the senior pastor, as well as the
philosophy of ministry that flows from him. This philosophy is girded by four ideological
emphases:" love," the "Holy Spirit" and "Healing," "America,” and “End-time prophecy.”
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The last section will look at the people who attend, giving special emphasis to the large
African American Community in the church.
History
Christ Church registered letters o f incorporation on January 23, 1941. The church
was officially named, "Christ Church, U nity," as a center o f the Unity School of
Christianity. The Unity of School o f Christianity was founded by Charles and Myrtle
Fillmore in the late 1880's, with the publishing of their first magazine. Modem Thought,
which was later changed simply to Thought. In its inception Unity clung to the special
designation “school," because of its emphasis on nondenominationalism, and because o f its
many adherents who did not give up membership in their denominational church, but
associated and corresponded with the Unity organization. Unity is a sister religious
movement to Mary Baker Eddy's, Christian Science and other New Thought moments that
began in the late 1800's under the teaching o f Phineas P. Quimby. The Fillmores, reared
on the transcendental philosophy o f Ralph Waldo Emerson, incorporated Emerson's ideas
with the doctrines of reincarnation o f Hinduism, the metaphysical philosophies of
Yogaism, and Christianity. In his history of the church, Walter Martin states:
Mrs. Fillmore moved to Kansas City, Missouri, in 1884, and became a
convert to Christianity' Science in 1887. Her conversion to Mrs. Eddy's
version of Quimby's theology came about when she realized that “I am a
child o f God and therefore I do not inherit sickness.” Mrs. Fillmore credits
her appropriation o f this principle with her healing from a variety of
physical problems. She then converted her husband, Charles, a former real
estate salesman who had built a considerable fortune, only to lose both it
and his health. Charles Fillmore dabbled in Spiritism and later became
interested in Hinduism, from which the Fillmores derived a concept of
reincarnation.. . .Burning with zeal for the new religious discovery, Myrtle
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and Charles rented a small hall in Kansas City. The name Unity was
adopted in 1891, “devoted” as Charles Fillmore stated, “to the
spiritualization o f humanity from an independent standpoint. . .a religion
which took the best from all religions.” Unity was a member for many
years o f the International New Thought Alliance, from which they
withdrew in 1922, having far outstripped in membership both New
Thought and Christian Science.1
In 1903, Unity established its own ordination machinery. The Unity Field
Department was established in 1918, and in 1921, the Unity Statement o f Faith was
adopted. Three years after the adoption of the Statement o f Faith, the Fillmores
established the Unity Church Universal, which became the Unity annual conference that
ordains ministers, approves their standing on a yearly basis, and supervises the operation
of Unity centers around the world, their radio and television broadcasts, literature
publication, circulation and lecturers. Charles Fillmore ran Unity after Myrtle's death in
1931.2
In December 1933. Charles Fillmore, after more than forty years of continuous
service, retired from the pulpit of Unity’s mother congregation, the United Society of
Practical Christianity, in Kansas City. On December 31, 1933, he married Cora G.
Dedrick, who had for many years served him and Myrtle Fillmore as a private secretary
and who at one time had been the director o f Silent Unity. The next day, the two left for
California. This was the first of many lecture tours that were to fill the remainder of his
life and take him across the nation. The first lecture was in Los Angeles, in the Shrine
Auditorium. Over seven thousand people jammed into the building to hear him speak,
while more than one thousand others were turned away for lack o f room.4
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The tremendous response to the Unity message in Los Angeles led him to make
many more trips to Los Angeles. He eventually bought a house outside o f Los Angeles in
the San Fernando Valley. He then divided his time between his two homes, writing and
lecturing in California in the winter and teaching at the Training School at Unity Farm in
the summer. It was in Los Angeles in February o f 1948, while still making speeches at
Unity centers in California, that he became ill, and left for the last time for his home in
Unity Village, located in Kansas City, Missouri. At 10:00, on Monday morning, July 5,
1948 he passed away.
The popular response to the Unity message in Los Angeles led to the birth of many
Unity centers across the city. Los Angeles, and specifically the Wilshire corridor, because
of the rapid population growth, was fertile ground for new religious movements. It was
natural that a movement, such as the New Thought Movement, with its appeal to the
educated upper classes, would find a home along the Wilshire Blvd., just blocks from the
founding place of the Church o f Religious Science.
Presently the Unity School of Christianity, still under the leadership o f the
Fillmore's heirs, has a reported world membership o f approximately 1.5 million. Walter
Martin, a leading Protestant author on Christian cults, considers Unity the largest gnostic
cult in Christendom. With its many correspondence courses, magazines and multiple
publications Unity is the largest mail-order religious concern in the world. The direct-mail
approach o f Unity has catapulted it to a rapid rate of growth, which has propelled it from
a rented hall in 1989, in Kansas City Missouri, to an entire city (Unity Village) in Lees
Summit, Missouri.3
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While I was unable to find any published information on the ethnic make-up of the
Unity movement at its inception, I have learned from oral interviewers with long-time
Unity members that the movement was overwhelmingly white, with relatively few blacks
represented. This lack of information results from several factors. First, it is a movement
that stresses unity and downplay's all diversity, including race. Second, the movement is
strongly based on a mail-order clientele, which makes it difficult to determine the ethnic
background of the correspondents. Third, because of Unity's strong emphasis on
autonomy, both o f the local congregations and the individuals, very few records are kept
or required. We do know that the movement has drawn some African Americans, due to
the fact that up until the 1960's blacks had separate swimming hours in the pool at Unity
Village, and there were blacks attending services when John Hinkle became pastor of
Christ Church.
On January 23, 1941, Dr. Ernest Wilson, a confidante and personal friend of the
Fillmores (he had officiated at Charles and Myrtle’s Golden Wedding Anniversary in
1931) and popular lecturer in Unity thought, drew up letters of incorporation for "Christ
Church Unity."5 He immediately purchased the present building, which quickly became
one of the largest and most influential churches in the Unity movement. Christ Church's
rapid growth and influence was based on three factors: the wave o f growth that the New
Thought movement and specifically Unity were having in Los Angeles; the personal
Charisma and popularity of Dr. Wilson, whose radio and television programs were
broadcast across the United States; and the religious fertility o f the Wilshire corridor.
The Wilshire area was a prime location for the Unity movement to begin a church in that
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the corridor was home to so many other influential churches; the neighborhood was made
up o f white upper-class, educated and wealthy people; and there was convenient
transportation access. According to Pastor Hinkle, Dr. Wilson may have been the first
pastor to have live services on television. He televised the services live from Christ
Church, packing the auditorium and the two overflow chapels every Sunday.
By 1965, Christ Church, like most others in the Wilshire corridor, was having to
deal with a decline in the population of the congregation due to the changing population of
the neighborhood. The Wilshire corridor, which had once been a wealthy suburb of Los
Angeles, became an extension of the urban plight of downtown. Wilson resigned and
Pastor John Hinkle was called from his Sacramento pastorate to lead the congregation at
Christ Church.
At Charles Fillmore's death, the movement, which had emphasized a non-
denominational philosophy, inclusion o f all beliefs, and had been held together by the
Fillmore's personal charisma, had grown into a multi-million dollar religious concern. In
order to protect the integrity and philosophy o f the organization, Unity began to tighten
organizational control over its affiliated churches and published doctrinal statements as to
what Unity did and did not believe. During this same period of time, Christ Church was
facing the rapid decline of its membership due to the demographic changes in the Wilshire
area, and the decline of popularity o f the Unity movement as a whole. Pastor Hinkle,
who had studied as a young man under Charles Fillmore, was seeking a deeper
understanding o f God, which led him to a more orthodox understanding of Christianity,
away from the New Thought, Unity movement. Hinkle began to preach that the God of
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love was complete in Jesus Christ. He still emphasized a message of divine healing, but
healing that comes from God, instead o f the rationalizations o f the mind. In his words:
I was bom and raised in a little Methodist church, the old Southern
Methodist, which preached mostly hell-fire and damnation. I just didn't feel
like that about God and later when I became older and searched the
scriptures myself, I didn't find that kind o f God, I found a God o f love.
And then as time went ahead I also found that God o f love is complete and
perfect in Jesus Christ.
At the beginning of 1973 Hinkle was asked to attend a meeting at Unity
Headquarters and to explain his beliefs. On April 11, 1973, the board o f Christ Church
received an ultimatum from the executive office o f the Association o f Unity Churches that
they must remove John Hinkle as minister or they must withdraw the church from the
Association o f Unity Churches. The reasons given by Hinkle were "because o f his
teachings of the living presence o f Jesus Christ, of the power of the Holy Spirit, and
healing services that were conducted here in this church which they termed
'fundamentalist.'"
After receiving the ultimatum, the board voted 4-1 to withdraw from the
Association of Unity churches. On Friday, April 13, 1973, Christ Church became an
independent church. The board wrote:
Because of the untiring efforts o f Reverend John Hinkle to build up the
church during the past 8 years and his success, through God's guidance and
direction, in restoring it to a sound financial position and bringing into the
congregation people with new interest and dedication; and because o f the
success of the negotiations for the development o f the 156 unit Senior
Citizens apartment building, on which construction has just begun and now
needs his guidance to completion, the Board felt it mandatory that he be
able to continue to give his message as God directs.
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While to this day remaining very hesitant to talk of the subject in an interview,
Hinkle did say:
I was kicked out for the simple reason that the path that Jesus Christ put
ahead in my life would not accept anything else, and so that's why I was
released. But I would prefer not to talk too much about that because
people have a tendency to dwell on differences instead o f likeness and so
the Lord used it. I received the Baptism o f the Holy Spirit here in this
church while I was still in the Unity movement, and again that is why Jesus
had to be first in all things... so I was asked to leave and we became an
independent church at the request o f the organization. I told them I could
no longer be their pastor, but they said we would like you to stay, and so I
did and its been kind of a struggle, but it's been wonderful in the process in
which God has used this.
The announcement of his staying was made the following Sunday, which was
followed by a standing ovation, affirming the congregation’s commitment to his
leadership. Christ Church, with Pastor Hinkle as the leader, became a prime candidate to
embrace and be embraced by the charismatic movement. There were a number of factors
that made this possible.
First, we see the personal and corporate alienation of Pastor Hinkle and Christ
Church from the Unity movement. Typified in Max Weber's routinization scheme, the
people were looking for new leadership that was not associated with the institutional
religious traditions o f the past, that would recover the important fundamentals o f their
belief, and that could speak with prophetic authority. They wanted a leader who would
give new meaning to old beliefs and interpret those beliefs in the language o f the modem
environment. The charismatic movement gave them identity on an individual basis and
aligned them with similar people who had been alienated from traditional Christian
denominations.
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Second, we see Pastor Hinkle embracing the charismatic doctrine o f the "Baptism
of the Holy Spirit." This gave him a new theological perspective for ministry— one that
emphasizes that Christ is living today, and that the works that Christ did in the past He
wants to continue to do today, especially divine healing. Pastor Hinkle's experience with
the Baptism o f the Holy Spirit gave him a new understanding o f God's love and power.
This new doctrine enabled the church to recover the mysticism o f the early Unity
movement, which had become very rationalistic and intellectual in emphasis.
Further, the charismatic movement was and is an interdenominational and
extradenominational movement. It began and remains in many mainline traditional
churches, but emphasizes the common experiences o f people within the denominations,
such as healing, miraculous gifts, and speaking in tongues. Like the charismatic
movement. Unity began as a para-church movement. In the early days o f Unity, many
followers maintained their membership in their traditional churches while reading, listening
to, and corresponding with the beliefs o f the Unity school. In "The Story o f Unity," James
Freeman writes:
The Fillmores had borrowed the best from all the religions. Where the
churches had put the emphasis on controversial doctrinal points that had
caused division after division in the Christian world, Charles and Myrtle
Fillmore were to put their emphasis on the things that are practical, the
things that apply to everyday thinking and living. They were not to found a
new religion but were to work within the framework o f existing religions
and appeal to church members without causing them to divorce themselves
from their church. They were to propound a teaching that people o f all
faiths could study and apply to their lives. They were to be a force for
unity in the world.6
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The charismatic movement emphasized a quiet, internal, mystical experience-a
similar emphasis to that found in the Unity’s "Silent prayer." The Fillmores believed that
bodily presence was not necessary for healing to take place, but encouraged groups to
meet together at a designated time, all across the United States, to sit in "silent, soul,
communion." They felt that prayer and the prayer room "is a sacred place, a place apart, a
place that like the 'secret place of the most High’ within themselves is to be kept inviolate
and consecrated."7
Equally important is the link between the Unity Movement and the charismatic
movement in the use of both written and oral media. Unity pastors, like most charismatic
speakers, emphasize teaching over preaching, a style which is very conversational rather
than emotionally motivating. The strong emphasis on written material, which was
foundational to the Unity movement, became a primary source of charismatic theology
and experience, and allowed the charismatic message to cross denominational lines.
Further, the explosion in the 1970's o f Christian radio and television was largely driven by
those in the charismatic movement. The Unity movement, with its multi-media emphasis,
had already been involved in radio and television production. Christ Church, with its
previous television broadcasting experience, was philosophically and technically equipped
to be a part o f the charismatic media explosion.
As mentioned earlier, the move from Unity to charismatic gave new meaning and
importance to historically fundamental Unity beliefs. The charismatic movement allowed
Christ Church to recover lost emphasis. As will be shown throughout this chapter, many
of these key Unity beliefs and practices still play an important role in the ministries of
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Christ Church today. On the front of every Sunday bulletin is the statement, "a reverent
silence is requested as you take your place in the sanctuary. Worship begins as you enter
here." To the left as you enter is the "silent unity prayer chapel,” which is open for silent
prayer every day o f the week. The radio broadcast which they conduct every morning at
7:15 A.M. was started in the Unity days. In the foyer o f the church is a bookstore, open
during working hours five days a week, and before and after services. While most all of
the books are now from a charismatic perspective, the book store was founded as part of
the Unity emphasis on literature. Even Pastor Hinkle's words reveal a Unity past. He
stated: "My whole emphasis is finding Jesus Christ in the heart o f every individual, seeking
it, making it known and sharing it." The Unity doctrine states, "man is made in the image
of God . the divine spark at the center o f his being. . .is very part of God Himself."8 He
also said. "God is the always present, indwelling mind. The Father within you.. . is in the
spiritual realms which underline all creative forces,"9 revealing that while his doctrinal
statement reflects more orthodox Christianity, the words that he uses to express it are
rooted in the pantheistic Hinduism redefined by the Unity movement.
Charismatic Experience
To fully understand the ethnic construction o f Christ Church it is important to
understand the history o f the charismatic movement. In the work, Charismatic Religion
in Modem Research: A Bibliography. Watson Mills defines a charismatic as "anyone,
regardless o f denominational preference, if any, if that person places emphasis upon the
role of the Spirit in his/her life and seeks to demonstrate its presence through the
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attainment of the Baptism of the Holy Spirit as evidenced by the presence of spiritual gifts
which include among others, speaking in tongues."1 0 He states that the charismatic church
is "Bom out of the disposed of American Society."1 1 Kala Poewe further defines people
o f the charismatic movement as a "phenomenon of an international community, whose
members defined themselves in terms o f a first-century Christian schema rather than
territorial space, skin color, or ethnicity."1 2
Renowned religious sociologist, Margaret Poloma, herself a charismatic, believes
that the charismatic movement is a "renewal or revival o f the Christian faith, a renewal
that includes an emphasis on Spirit baptism and use of the accompanying gifts of the Holy
Spirit."1 3 She further argues that from a sociological scheme:
It has an objective of revitalizing Christianity by reaffirming the belief in the
supernatural that has been shaped by rationalism and secularism. . .
.Secularization and sacralization are coexisting phenomena reflecting
different world views. While the rise of the secular has often been noted,
the sacralization o f large segments of society goes unheeded. The
charismatic movement is part of a larger sacralization process (the
evangelical Christian movement), in which traditional tenets are accepted
as one component o f a dualistic reality.1 4
While traditional Pentecostal denominations and the charismatic movement may
emphasize certain doctrines such as Holy Spirit baptism, speaking in tongues, and divine
healing, many followers (including the pastoral staff of Christ Church) identify them as
separate movements. The charismatic traces its roots to a movement which began in the
1960's largely in more traditional or orthodox church settings, and includes a more
traditional liturgy, symbols and solemn service style. They incorporate the traditional
doctrines with the charismatic emphasis. The Pentecostal traces its beginning to the
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establishment o f Pentecostal denominations which took place in the early 1900's. The
Pentecostal movement was made up largely o f the socially and religiously marginalized.
Their practices include more of an emotional response to the manifestation o f the gifts of
the Spirit. As the associate pastor at Christ Church put it:
I distinguish a charismatic from a Pentecostal (not that the spirit is
different). In some of their reactions, some people anticipate what they
want to see and hear, and unless there are specific manifestations, they
don't feel there was a complete service o f the Spirit. We believe in all the
gifts o f the Spirit, but it may be more sedate in our congregation than in a
traditionally Pentecostal church. . .you won't hear this bulging o f
"hallelujahs" and "glory to God" every two minutes around here.
In their earliest days, the Pentecostal movement drew crowds o f differing
ethnicities, especially African Americans and Caucasians. The birth o f modem
Pentecostalism began in the years 1901-1906, with Charles Fox Parham. Parham, a
holiness preacher, had established a small Bible College in Topeka, Kansas. He left his
students to research scripture for the evidence o f Spirit baptism as he went on a speaking
engagement. Upon his return the students reported that they had found the Biblical
evidence for Spirit baptism-speaking in tongues. As the faculty and staff pursued the
manifestation, Parham laid hands on one o f the female students and she spoke in tongues.
Soon the majority had experienced the manifestation, which Parham disseminated in a
series o f revivals he preached throughout Kansas and Missouri. In 1905 he moved to
Houston, Texas, and opened another Bible school, with one o f this first students being
William Seymour, a black preacher who would soon lead the Azusa Street Revival.1 5
The Azusa Street Revival is commonly regarded as the beginning o f the modem
Pentecostal movement. Although many persons had experienced the manifestation of
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speaking in tongues in the United States in the years preceding 1906, this meeting brought
the phenomenon to the attention o f the world and served as a catalyst in the formation of
scores of Pentecostal denominations.1 6 The crowds that came to Azusa Street were a very
ethnically mixed audience, including many Caucasians and American blacks. It is
reported after noticing the on going revival night after night, and noticing the ethnic
composition, the Los Angeles Times ran a headlline exclaiming that "The Color Line has
been Washed Away." Pentecostal church historian Vinson Synon notes,
In an age of Social Darwinism, Jim Crowism, and general white supremacy,
the fact that Negroes and whites worshipped together in virtual equality
among the Pentecostals was a significant exception to prevailing racial
attitudes. Even more significant is the fact that this interracial accord took
place among the very groups that have traditionally been most at odds, the
poor whites and the poor blacks.1 7
In a few short years however, because of conflict within the movement, and
opposition to the movement it began to institutionalize its organizational structures and
beliefs, and like most religious groups began to divide itself according to ethnic lines. The
blacks formed their own, loosely organized association o f homogeneous Pentecostal
churches and the whites formed theirs. Some would argue that the racism and the
practical constraints o f the larger society prevailed over this short-lived experiment with
integration.
While the organized Pentecostal churches met along homogeneous ethnic lines, it
was the Pentecostal circuit revivalists who continually challenged social conformity and
racial openness. As early as the 1880's, Mrs. Woodworth-Etter, a holiness predecessor to
Pentecostals, conducted integrated revivals in the south, much to the astonishment of
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local whites.1 8 In the 1920's, in Los Angeles, Aimee Semple Mcpherson talks o f her
surprise at the "riffraff" quality o f her clientele. Her biographer related a story that fits
well into the pattern of the revivalists:
It is to her credit that she never denied [her early supporters] or looked
down on them in later years when the social and financial level of her
adherents was somewhat higher. She accepted a written invitation to
conduct a revival in the town o f Corona, Long Island, and was not in the
least abashed, though she was astonished, to find her hostess a colored
woman, without influence to obtain backing for the projected meeting. ..
The absence of race prejudice was sincere and without condescension.1 9
Articles on other Pentecostal revivalists o f the time report the same involvement o f
blacks. A circuit revivalist by the name of Branham reported that in a meeting in St. Louis
in 1946 a "Negro" minister was healed. Oral Roberts insisted that blacks be allowed to
attend his first southern campaign in 1948. From the beginning, the revivals, supported
largely by whites, bypassed many of the customs o f racial prejudice. As David Harrell
observed in his work on the healing and charismatic revivals in America:
In the early years o f the revival the minimizing of racial barriers was
spontaneous and uncalculated. Almost from the beginning the revivalists
preached to mixed audiences, although in the South the races were
generally seated separately until the late 1950's. The number o f blacks
attracted varied directly with the radicalism of the revivalist; Jack Coe's and
A. A. Allen's audiences were more heavily black than those of Oral
Roberts. When the crisis came in the revivals [lost financial
support due to loss o f popularity] in the mid 1950's, many of the ministers
increasingly courted black support in an effort to survive.
In no way did the early race mixing signify that the revivalist were social
activists. The participation o f blacks in the revival had simply happened
and was accepted by the revivalist and their Pentecostal supporters.
Generally, the bi-racial nature o f the revival did not lead to questions
concerning the customs o f segregation that existed, and most o f the
evangelist, when they spoke directly on the racial issue, were essentially
conservative.
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The first minister to emphasize that his ministry was interracial was A. A.
Allen. When Allen held an integrated revival in Little Rock, Arkansas, in
1958, he termed it a "miracle in black and white" and committed himself to
a program o f interracial work which many others followed but none
equaled. In the 1 960’ s, Allen was the first evangelist to make racial
liberalism an effective theological plank in his ministry. His open appeal for
black support led him to campaign innovations which greatly influenced the
revivalism of the 1960's.2 0
While classical pentecostalism was founded and sustained with the help of the
black community, blacks are largely peripheral in the charismatic movement. Poloma
states that.
Blacks are not a visible force in the charismatic movement. This fact is
evident in the nonparticipation o f blacks in the 1977 charismatic
Conference in Kansas City, in the absence o f articles by black Pentecostals
in charismatic magazines and journals, and the infrequent appearance of
black guests on charismatic television shows, (with the exception o f black
Christian entertainers). Of the churches and conferences attended by the
author, only the FGBMI [Full Gospel Business Men International] had
more than a few black participants, but whites still outnumbered blacks
about twenty to one. The charismatic movement. . .is largely a white
movement with a sprinkling o f black, usually solidly middle-class,
participation.2 1
Black Pentecostal scholar James S. Tinney quipped in his editorial on the Kansas City
Conference, "While 40,00 charismatics gathered in Kansas City, 4 million black
Pentecostals stayed home."2 2
Let me suggest several reasons for this. First, unlike its white Pentecostal
counterpart, the black Pentecostal church is not at the margins of its religious community.
Proportionately more blacks in the United States are Pentecostal than whites. Black
Pentecostal churches outnumber white ones both in the number of denominations and in
the size o f denominations. The predominantly black Church of God in Christ is the largest
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Pentecostal denomination in the United States.2 3 Black Pentecostalism shows continued
signs of growth. Tinney comments, "Not even Methodists outnumber Pentecostals in the
black community; and if Baptists don't watch out, they too may become outnumbered."2 4
Rather than excluding itself from the sociological phenomenon o f the charismatic
movement, the black Pentecostal church’s continual growth reflects a movement that
embraces the core traits of the charismatic/Pentecostal movement, but remains apart from
its white counterparts. It may be less socially threatening for blacks to leave the non-
charismatic denominations and join black Pentecostal churches that were berthed in the
black community and that are experiencing the same sociological phenomenon, but in
another name.
Also, the difference between the worship styles of white Pentecostal churches and
their white orthodox counterparts is great, while in the black community, this is not
necessarily so. Many of the mainline traditional black churches have a more energetic,
demonstrative style of worship which embraces the emotional nature of people, consistent
with the charismatic expression. Consequently, blacks in the mainline black denominations
may not have felt the need for the emotional, mystical expression which was lost in the
white traditional churches.
Further, the continual separation and rejection of blacks, still prevalent in the
culture and demonstrated in both the white Pentecostal denominations and the white
mainline denominations made blacks leery o f associating with anything that originated in a
white culture. Tinney stated that blacks "reject what they perceive to be the exclusivity of
the movement, its middle-class white bias, and its conservative politics."2 5
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Lack of opportunity may have been an equal factor in the lack of involvement of
blacks in the movement. White Pentecostals, by the 1960's, had obtained a solid middle-
class status. Charismatics came from strong middle-class roots. Each learned to utilize
and to establish media contracts which played such an important role in the spread o f the
charismatic message. Blacks, on the other hand, could not. Fewer blacks had such
economic and social opportunities as segregation and discrimination continued to blight
the American society. Due to the lack of resources in the black religious community, they
could not utilize the media coverage that would give them greater visibility in the larger
movement. Therefore, all o f the public leaders of the charismatic movement were whites
with the social resources to create public visibility. Poloma concluded:
As in most contemporary social movements, the charismatic movement is
visibly propelled and led by middle-class men and women who, for the
most part are also white. They have the financial and educational resources
to develop an institutional base for the movement. Some middle-class
blacks undoubtedly do support aspects of the charismatic movement but
others believe that white pentecostalism and neopentecostalism
[charismaticism] have very different ideological and social concerns.2 6
Christ Church was led into the charismatic movement by Pastor Hinkle. He was
drawn to it because of his personal experience with the charismatic phenomenon o f
"Spirit Baptism," and was pushed by the alienation of the congregation from the Unity
movement. In Pastor Hinkle's own words:
As time went ahead, I found that the God o f love is complete and perfect in
Jesus Christ. So having got into the New Thought movement for a little
while, I was kicked out for the simple reason that the path that Jesus Christ
put in my life would not accept anything else. And that is why I was
released [from the Unity movement],. .so the Lord used it. I received the
baptism of the Holy Spirit here in the church while I was still in the Unity
movement and again that's why Jesus had to be first in all things... .When
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He baptized me in the Holy Spirit He baptized me in love. And at that
moment that I received the Baptism, I never knew such love existed. I saw
an end o f the throne room. I did not see God nor did I see Jesus but I saw
the hordes o f Angels (great masses o f people in white), shall I say, going
up to the throne and such love as I never knew existed was just totally
enfolding me, wave after wave, and I heard the voice o f the Lord say,
“John, this love is not for you, this the way I love everyone on the face of
the earth” and with that the love increased until you couldn't understand it.
And it washed out everything else then. That was the fist time I knew what
the meaning o f the cross was.
For Pastor Hinkle and Christ Church the charismatic movement recovered and
illuminated many o f the lost elements o f the Unity movement, which Hinkle had been
taught as a young man, and upon which the church had been founded. The charismatic
experience emphasized the mystical, sacred nature of the individual's relationship with
God. The charismatic ideology rejected the pure, rationalistic approach to religion, which
had come to be popular in both Unity, and other mainline religions. The
interdenominational charismatic emphasis, that God is not tied to any one denomination,
and that truth can be found in all of them, was foundational thought in the early days of
the Unity movement, before it too began to define itself as a denomination. The
charismatic approach to worship and prayer with quiet sacred reverence is very much akin
to the methodology of the Silent Unity prayer meetings.
Unity and charismatic ideology emphasize personal autonomy in one's personal
relationship with God that is not be confined to traditional church liturgy or structures.
They both emphasize supernatural healing— a foundational belief and practice in the early
Unity moment, and a major element in the charismatic movement. The charismatic and
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Unity leaders are teachers, rather than "preachers," a method o f sermon delivery that is
more conversational and academic, and is common in the mainline churches. The
charismatic use of the media o f magazines, book, radio and television to communicate
their message, was foundational and is widely used in the Unity movement.
Pastor Hinkle's personal experience, and the church's departure from Unity, cast
him and the church into the limelight o f the newly emerging charismatic movement. He
was invited on the speaking circuit of Full Gospel Business Men International. FGBMI is
a para-church, charismatic organization, made up o f middle- and upper-class men,
emphasizing the baptism with the Holy Spirit and the subsequent gifts of the spirit,
especially speaking in tongues and divine healing. The founder, Demos Sharkarian, (a
wealthy dairyman from central California), sought to bring the Pentecostal message to the
upper classes of people, crossing denominational lines, legitimizing the phenomenon in
the greater religious culture. John Hinkle's encounter with the Baptism o f the Holy Spirit
was published in Voice Magazine, the primary communication tool of the FGBMI, and
later, on July 16-17, 1973, he was invited to speak at their international conference.
A close examination of these dates reveals the relationship Hinkle's charismatic
experience had on his conflict with Unity. On January 17-19, 1973, Hinkle was called to
the Unity headquarters in Kansas City, to discuss his departure from Unity thought; in
February o f 1973, he was requested by the Unity organization to resign the pastorate o f
Christ Church; on April 13, 1973, the church withdrew from Unity; and in July of 1973, he
was speaking at the well-publicized international charismatic conference o f the FGBMI. It
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may well have been Hinkle's high-profile charismatic experience that promoted Unity's
action to release him.
Christ Church, having been embraced by the charismatic community, embraced it
as well. During the late 1970's and the early 1980's Christ Church became one of the
circuit of churches that hosted the charismatic spokespersons. The church held healing
retreats and annual Holy Spirit Festivals with the leading speakers in the charismatic
movement, such as inner-healing teacher Agnes Sanford, popular author Merril Crothers,
faith teachers T. L. Osborn and Ralph Wilkerson, and author Robert Frost. The Christ
Church bookstore became filled with charismatic publications. In 1974, Christ Church
regularly hosted practice for the 600-voice choir o f popular charismatic healing evangelist
Kathryn Kuhlman. On July 13, 1975, Christ Church made the first live television
broadcast of a Sunday Morning service on the charismatic Trinity Broadcast Network,
owned and operated by popular charismatic personalities Paul and Jan Crouch.
Christ Church exists today as a monument to the past. With the decline in
popularity of the Unity movement, Christ Church’s subsequent departure from it, and the
evolution of the charismatic movement into new expressions, Christ Church has found
itself in a time warp. The church emphasizes methodology today that was popular over 20
years ago. Its facilities and decorations have not changed since the Unity days. The
sanctuary is decorated with Episcopalian high church architecture, complete with dark
walnut furniture, solemn statues and paintings. The balcony and two large chapels sit
empty, except for an occasional wedding. The large vestibule and offices are decorated in
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the opulent wall papers and fixtures of the prosperous 50's. Its carpets and drapes are the
deep reds and blues that decorated the churches o f that era.
While the physical structures reflect the Unity past, the present ministries and
liturgy reflect the charismatic past o f the 1970's. The Sunday bulletin is printed today
with the same layout, lettering, and style that it was twenty years ago and advertises many
of the same ministries. While the television broadcast ended on August 23, 1992, after 17
years of regular broadcast, due to financial considerations. The radio broadcast
continues, though less frequently. There is still a television set located in the front
window of the church that originally allowed those on the street to view the live broadcast
which no longer occurs. The church still maintains a "dial-a-prayer ministry," which was
established so those watching the television broadcast could call in. Pastor Hinkle still
teaches a Tuesday morning Bible Class. The Thursday night midweek service, the fourth
Sunday coffee hour, and the regular healing services are much the same as they were
twenty years ago. as are the liturgy and order o f services. The Sunday liturgy continues to
use the music and leadership style popular in charismatic circles of the 1970's. The music
is a mixture of the choruses popular during the birthing o f the charismatic movement and
traditional church hymns. While attending the services, I felt I was stepping back in time
to the church services o f my youth.
This clinging to the past may be due to a number o f reasons. First, the age o f the
leadership may be a contributing factor. Pastor Hinkle, the church leadership and a large
part of the congregation are in their 60's or early 70's. Their primary religious experiences
took place in past decades. By maintaining symbols and liturgies of that past, they are
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maintaining the value of those experiences. Those symbols, styles, and songs that brought
meaning to them in the past, reinforce those past experiences and bring comfort today.
Second, Christ Church, like many o f the large churches of the 1940's and 1950's, has
acquired enough financial resources to maintain their buildings and programs in the midst
o f a demographically changing population. Because of their financial resources, Christ
Church has not been forced to adapt or change to keep the ministry alive. Also, the
television ministry served as a vehicle to draw those wishing to maintain certain
charismatic methods and styles from all over Los Angeles. Christ Church has become a
bastion for those adults, mostly over the age o f 50, who want to recover or maintain the
charismatic phenomenon of the 1970's.
The question that this study raises is: how has Christ Church's involvement with
the charismatic movement affected the ethnic make-up of the congregation0 This is
particularly interesting considering Christ Church's large population o f blacks and. as was
noted earlier, the fact that blacks did not enter into the larger charismatic movement in
significant numbers. There were blacks attending the church in its early days when it was
in the Unity movement, though not nearly in the numbers that there are now. Unity in
general, and Christ Church in particular, would have served as a place where blacks who
had been alienated from their roots in the historic black church and its culture, and were
seeking upper mobility, would have found a home. As such, blacks who were being
drawn to the charismatic movement through the likes of Kathryn Kuhlman and the
FGBMI, would have found a home where other blacks were settled. Second, with the
transition of Christ Church from Unity, and the neighborhood's population shift, the
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blacks who remained found themselves valued and needed, and were given opportunities
for leadership. Their leadership, in turn, drew other blacks to the church. Third, Pastor
Hinkle's leadership philosophy (to be discussed in detail later) opened the door for blacks
to be accepted as equals in the church. Fourth, because of Hinkle's tie to the FGBMI,
which did draw many African Americans into its ministry, and because o f the church's tie
to Kathryn Kuhlman, Christ church was a natural church home for the blacks drawn into
those ministries. Kathryn Kuhlman held services for years just a few miles from Christ
Church in the Shrine Auditorium and drew a very ethnically mixed audience. Last, I
believe the location is important. Christ church is located just minutes from large enclaves
o f the black population. Individuals drawn to the charismatic movement, especially
through its promotion on TBN, by reason o f proximity would have been drawn to Christ
Church.
Building
Christ Church is located at 635 South Manhattan Place. There is one small unkept
vacant lot between it and Wilshire Blvd, making it clearly visible from the main
transportation artery. The building's history is quite interesting. The original permits to
build the building were issued on July 1, 1924, to a conservative Jewish group, who
named the congregation. Temple Emmanuel.2 7 According to the county records, the
permit was issued again in 1925, approximately one year later. The amount o f time for
construction is unknown, in that the city at that time did not sign off completion dates, and
the comer stone o f the building is missing. The Jewish congregation was organized in
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1919, under Rabbi David Liknaite, with a group o f people from Sinai Temple, who
wanted their own, more traditional synagogue, one with a "Zionist" emphasis. Temple
Emmanuel's first six years were held at a Masonic lodge until they were able to locate
property and obtain financing. The property that they finally settled on was in the
aggressively growing Wilshire corridor, located near one of the wealthier communities of
Los Angeles, Hancock Park.
Under the leadership of their third Rabbi, Rabbi Ernest Trottner, the building
process began. Rabbit Trottner was an enigma in his own right. He had little education,
yet as a young man, two years before taking the post at Temple Emmanuel, he had
authored a popular book, entitled, The Autobiography o f God. In this work he argued
that the Jewish people should consider Jesus the Christ, as a prophet~an idea that was as
radical then as it is today.
The popularity of the synagogue faltered within a few short years. Wilshire
Temple, formerly Beni B'rith, the very first Jewish congregation in Los Angeles, relocated
a few blocks from Emmanuel, directly on Wilshire Blvd. The Wilshire Temple building
was funded by monies from the Who's Who o f the Los Angeles Jewish Community. Led
by the very charismatic and renowned Rabbi Magnin, they built a large and beautiful
temple using artisans from around the world. Even though Wilshire Temple was more of
a reformed congregation, Temple Emmanuel was unable to compete and was officially
bankrupt and out of business by 1930.
For the next 11 years the building was owned and operated as a theater, studio and
academy for the performing arts. But still unable to profitably survive, the owners put the
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building back on the market. On January 23, 1941, Christ Church Unity signed its letters
of incorporation under the leadership o f Dr. Ernest Wilson and purchased the property.
The building reflects a style and elegance common to the other Cathedral-like
churches that were built along the Wilshire corridor during that era. The facilities are
composed of two extremely well maintained buildings: a large brick sanctuary building,
and the old rectory, now called the "church house." The sanctuary building is located at
635 So. Manhattan Place. The exterior front walls are only a few, short, well-manicured,
ivy-covered feet from the sidewalk. The massive brick walls are constructed of white
stones, making up the first story, topped by red used brick, for the second. Every
window, door and stair o f the exterior of the building were built on a magnified scale to
give the impression of opulence and grandeur. Along the first and second floors run
neatly spaced windows. A set o f wide stairs leads up to a large gaited entryway, which
embraces the tall mahogany doors. To the right of the doors, off the sidewalk, stands a
ten-foot high, white stone stature o f Christ, holding out his arms to the world. Directly in
front of the statue is an outdoor kneeling alter, with a receptacle in which worshippers can
place flowers, giving the church a very Catholic appearance. Above the statue, draped
across the second level, is a large white and blue banner, proclaiming "Christ Church."
The banner has an American flag painted on one side, and the Christian flag on the other.
Underneath are the words, "II Chronicles 7:14, One Nation Under God."
Next door, to the right o f the sanctuary, sits the church house, a brick two-story
building that was built in the upper middle-class style of the 1930's and 40's. The house is
not a mansion, but is large and expansive, decorated with rich, dark, detailed wood work,
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like so many other houses on the side streets along this part o f Wilshire Blvd. The side
driveway and backyard have been paved, which provides a few spaces for staff parking.
This building is used for a Spanish congregation's service, Christ Church's Sunday School,
men's and women's Bible studies, and social activities o f the church.
Directly across from the church buildings are three commercial parking lots, one of
which is used during service times by the Christ Church congregation. The church has no
other parking, other than that of the few spaces for the staff and the public parking across
the street.
To the right, north of the church house, is a modem, multi-storied retirement
complex, called Christ Church Unity Manor. This complex was funded with government
Housing and Urban Development monies in the 1970's as proposed housing and an
outreach for the Christ Church congregation. While the retirement complex is overseen
by a special board, made up of individuals from Christ Church, due to government
restrictions very few of the Christ Church congregation have been able to move in, and the
outreach is minimal.
The sanctuary- building's entryway consists of a large foyer that stretches across the
width o f the building. The foyer contains two display rooms on each side o f the front
doors: one that is used solely to advertise literature and another that is used as a bookstore
and receptionist area. From the right side o f the foyer, one may exit the building on the
north toward the church house and staff parking, go upstairs to the balcony or second-
floor chapels, enter the pastoral staff offices, or enter a corridor which runs along the
north side of the sanctuary which contains rooms for nursery classes. From the left side of
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the corridor, one may enter a small, richly decorated silent prayer chapel, go up stairs that
lead to the balcony and upper chapels, or enter another long corridor, running the length
of the south side of the sanctuary, from which one may enter rooms now used for church
offices. Upon entering the front door one is faced with a tall, wood statue o f Christ. To
the statue's right is an American flag; to its left is the Christian flag. On the foyer walls, on
each side o f the statue, hang very old paintings, each with special meaning to the people
of Christ Church. The entry is decorated with various other furniture and fixtures, a table
here, a stand there, again, all in a decor that reflects an opulent time gone by.
Upon entering the sanctuary, one is struck by the long sloping aisles of row after
row o f dark wooden mahogany pews. These are in three sections, with red carpeted aisles
in between and on the ends. The sanctuary, including balcony, seats approximately 1,200.
The red carpet extends across the lower floor o f the front, then meets a grayish/green
carpet that covers the platform. The high walls are painted white, with an aqua-green,
decorative trim around the top. At the very top of the side walls, which are approximately
three stories high, run 5 sets o f two windows, each with a traditional Christian symbol in
stained glass: a dove, a crown, a cup, or a cross. The sanctuary is lit by six antique,
wagon-wheel shaped, rough, metal fixtures. The lighting is then enhanced with bars of
modem spotlights used for broadcasting across the front.
In the front, to the left of the platform, is a red-carpeted riser, decorated with
indoor plants, used for occasional choir specials. Just to the left of the risers sits a darkly
wood-stained grand piano. To the extreme right o f the platform, reaching out into the
sanctuary, is an enclosed, aqua-blue draped baptistery. To the left of the baptistery is the
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organ, refinished as well in deep, dark wood stain. The platform is framed by two aqua-
green stucco pillars that run from the floor to the ceiling on the back wall. The platform is
faced with dark engraved mahogany wainscoting running along the base and rear wall.
At the rear, in the center o f the platform, framed by the pillars and the mahogany molding,
is a large picture o f Christ, painted in pastel blue and white, holding the world in his hands.
On each side o f the picture are two wall-mounted sculptures; on the left is Mary with the
baby Jesus, and on the right is Jesus with children. Both of these figures have a "halo"
over their heads, giving the sculptures a very Catholic feel. On each side o f the platform
stands a flag: on the right the American flag, and on the left the Christian flag.
The furniture on the platform is reflective o f Episcopalian High Church
decorations, loved by the founding pastor, Dr. Ernest Wilson. As you approach the
platform, on the right stands a large mahogany podium, whose length extends down from
the platform to the floor of the sanctuary, built into and extending from the dark
mahogany paneling. The pulpit, draped in a red covering and holding a large, open Bible
is only used at the Sunday Service, during which Pastor Hinkle uses it for his scriptures
and notes. On platform to the left is a smaller lectern, its base also extending from the
paneling down to the sanctuary floor, with a decorative shawl draped from side to side.
This lectern is used for announcements and leading worship. Behind each pulpit, against
the wall, sit beige pulpit chairs. In the center, against the rear wall, sits the communion
table which is draped in an American flag, enhanced with a single white electric candle on
each side, a gold goblet in the middle, and a gold metal cross above it.
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At the rear of the sanctuary hangs the balcony, with rows of the same mahogany
pews which seat several hundred people. The balcony is very seldom used, except by an
occasional usher. The second floor also contains two chapels. These chapels were built
for adult classrooms and overflow facilities in the television days of Dr. Wilson. Each
chapel can seat approximately 300 in theater-style seating. Each is equipped with its own
organ, piano, stage, sound system, and each has an overflow balcony. The chapels are
used very' rarely these days, except for an occasional wedding.
Christ Church's building and decorations raises numerous questions which I will
attempt to address later in this chapter. Particularly, how does a church which looks so
Catholic, complete with the statues and a robed pastor, affect those ethnic groups with a
strong Catholic background? The receptionist told me that regularly Hispanics will come
in the foyer of the church thinking it is Catholic. Why does this seem to appeal to blacks0
And of particular interest, how does the use o f the American flag affect ethnicity?
In summary, Christ Church offers a "high church" environment, laced with
traditional Christian symbolism, with a charismatic liturgy. Their service combines
traditional protestant hymns with charismatic choruses. Pastor Hinkle offers a motivating
yet instructive sermon, with time for personal ministry during which the charismatic gifts
are used. The combination of the high church symbolism and charismatic liturgy may be
an important factor in ethnic assimilation, as exemplified in the black community at Christ
Church. These African Americans have put behind them the highly emotional storefront
churches o f their culture, and are assimilating into more of a traditional/white culture. The
emphasis on the demonstrative charismatic gifts and style of worship within a traditional
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liturgy enables them to blend the two cultures. Christ Church provides both a place o f
transition and a place o f maintenance.
Demographics
The demographics o f the Christ Church community stand in stark contrast to the
neighborhood surrounding it. According to the 1990 Census the neighborhood around
Christ Church has the following characteristics:
Population Makeup
-48.4% males
-51.6% females
-79.6% are over 18
-20.4% are under 18
-12 % are over 65
-the median age is 33.9
Housing and Income
-average household size is 2.46
-median household income is $27,469
-median housing value is $622,626
-median rent paid is $544 per month
-owners occupy 24% of occupied housing
-renters occupy 69.2%
-6.9% of units are vacant
-the unemployment rate is 14.3%
Ethnic Makeup
-53.1% foreign bom
-23.4% of Spanish Origin (Filipinos included here and under Asian)
-43.7% white
-8.2% black
-35% Asian/Pacific Islander
-12.5% other
Expected Ethnic Make-up by 1997
-whites will decrease to 32%
-blacks will decrease to 7.6%
-Asian/PI will increase to 46.5%
-other will increase to 13.3%
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COMMUNITY
Ethnic Breakdown 1990
FIGURE 4
CHRIST CHURCH
Ethnic Breakdown 1995
W itte 3 0%
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Attendance
Official attendance, as well as financial and historical statistics of any kind were
very hard to ascertain for this congregation. This is due in part to the lack o f record
keeping, which appears to be common in independent churches, and because they are kept
confidential within the congregation. The members and staff that I interviewed, however,
had little knowledge of the financial dealings of the church. Thus, I have no financial
information on the church. The attendance data are based on observations and oral
interviews. The historical facts were obtained from county records and old church
bulletins.
According to the associate pastor, the church averages in attendance
approximately 300 on any given Sunday. This is made up o f between 20-30 children,
between the ages of 0-18 (with only 4 or 5 five teenagers), and 265 adults O f the
congregation 40% are over 60, 40% between the ages o f 30-60, 10% 18-30, and 10%
under 18. Of this, approximately 30% are Caucasian, 50% black (made up mostly of
African Americans, but including Nigerians and Jamaicans), 15% Hispanic, and 5% Asian
and other. Approximately 60% o f those who are other than Caucasian and black were
bom in another country'. The financial level per household is approximated at: 20% above
$100,000 a year, 40% between $60,000-5100,000, 10% between $40,000-560,000, 10%
between $20,000-540,000, and 20% below $20,000. O f those who come to Christ
Church 90% are transfers from other Christian congregations. Approximately 10% are
converts from other religions.
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During the services I attended the actual counts differ considerably. Possible
reasons for this are that one o f the Sunday Mornings I visited was the Fourth of July
weekend, the fact that attendance typically is lower during the summer holidays, and I
have found that pastors tend to be overly optimistic when attendance is only a visual
approximation. The day I was there, I counted 177 in the sanctuary. Of that number,
there were 38 males, and 139 females. O f these, 59 were noticeably from a black ethnic
group, none were Hispanic and 2 were Asian. I counted 2 under the age of 18 in the
sanctuary, and 118 that were over 50 years o f age. They also had approximately 12
children in the preschool and nursery classes, and about 23 in the Sunday School which
meets in the Church House. The children in Sunday School were all, with the exception
o f an occasional visitor, black. By my counts the Sunday total attendance was
somewhere between 204-219. The ethnic make-up was 45% black, about 50% white,
and about 5% other. Again, I saw no Hispanics. The congregations was 55% over the
age of 50, and 15% under 18.
The only adult Sunday School class is attended by an average of 9 people, all over
the age of 60. O f these 7 were female, and 2 were male, 3 were black and 6 where
white. The men's Bible studies I attended were about equally divided between blacks and
whites. The average attendance at this was 9, with an average o f five being black, and
four being white. Typically 6 of these were over the age o f 60, the rest being in the 40-60
range.
The Thursday evening mid-week service averaged 38 in attendance. O f these, 12
were male, 26 were female, 13 were over the age of 50, and 25 were between the ages of
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30 and 50. There were none under the age o f 18. Ethnically, 16 were black, 2 were
Asian, and 20 were Caucasian. Pastor Hinkle's Tuesday morning Bible class averaged
12, most all elderly women. I only saw one man in three visits. There were always two or
three blacks represented.
The neighborhood's demographic information compared with the statistical
analyses o f the congregation raises a number of issues. First, notice the large number of
blacks in the congregation, versus the rather low number of blacks in the immediate
neighborhood. Christ Church draws proportionately more blacks, and perhaps more all
together, than all the other churches in the Wilshire district combined. Second, one will
notice the small numbers of Latinos and Asians in the church— almost none compared to
the large numbers in the community.
Also, the congregation is largely made-up of senior citizens and females These
two groups may be related in that the majority of seniors in society are female and thus if a
church is going to draw seniors, the majority will be females. But is there something
about this particular age/gender mix that reflects ethnicity? Since a majority of the
leadership o f the congregation come from a generation that faced war together (all the
males that I interviewed had been in military service, and referred back to that as the roots
o f their spiritual experience), the church provides a culture with a common past. Hence
the commonality may be based on past experiences, a past common history, a past social
ethic, rather than on ethnic differences. Further, American blacks, traditionally, exist in a
matriarchal society in which the mother is the primary moral/spiritual leader of the family.
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Couple this with a senior pastor whose quiet, gentle personality is very appealing to
females as exemplified in his Tuesday morning Bible study, and one can see the ingredients
for Christ Church.
Organizational Structure
The organizational structure o f Christ Church is rooted in relational lines to the
very charismatic/prophetic senior pastor, John Hinkle. As such, there is a minimum
emphasis on structural forms such as titles, committees, and printed doctrines, and a major
emphasis on the prophetic words o f Pastor Hinkle. The only printed doctrinal statement
I could find is that which is printed annually at Easter in the Sunday bulletin. This
statement consists o f a simple confession o f faith, which the pastor leads the congregation
through in a responsive reading As far as titles, Pastor Hinkle is referred to either as
Pastor or his first name, John. Everyone else is referred to by their first name, even those
who have offices or official functions such as the associate pastor and ushers. Regarding
committees. I am aware of only three that exist in this large church: the corporate board, a
group of singles that meet once a month to plan the young adult class, and a women's
decoration committee.
There is an obvious lack of democratic processes in the church. All important
decisions appear to be made by Pastor Hinkle, a style of leadership that can be traced to its
Unity background. Unity was founded and led by what Max Weber would call a
charismatic prophet. As a movement, Unity down played titles; the Fillmores were always
referred to by their first names, Charles and Myrtle. The movement rejected the
institutional and organizational structures o f traditional Christian denominations, viewing
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denominationalism as a divisive factor. In Unity, people were organized by their pursuit of
truth in all religions, their efforts to unify rather than divide, and the charisma o f their
founders. The Fillmores believed that unity came by the spirit, as each individual searched
for truth. Hence the Unity movement was founded with a disdain for traditional
denominational organizational structures, and attempted to build a religious concern
based on the mystical inner light which brought like-mindedness.
Christ Church is an independent church, organized as a nonprofit corporation. Its
Board of Directors is made up o f three men and three women, one black, and five white.
Pastor Hinkle serving as Chairman. Most of the members that I interviewed knew very
little about the board. When I asked questions about the board and the decision-making
processes in the church, I was constantly referred back to speak to Pastor Hinkle. The
board members are not nominated or voted upon by the congregation; rather it appears
they are chosen by Pastor Hinkle and the existing board members. All paid staff, which
consist of an assistant pastor, secretary, receptionist/book store operator, bookkeeper,
janitor, and maintenance man, are hired by and directly accountable to him.
An organizational chart of the church would be a wagon wheel of ministries,
with pastor Hinkle as the hub. Most of the ministries have existed for years, some
decades, and reflect the symptoms of an aging congregation, whose glory was in days
gone by. From the hub centered around Pastor Hinkle come: the Sunday morning
service, where Pastor Hinkle's teaching and personal prophetic and healing ministry serves
as the primary focus; a Tuesday A.M. Bible study, which Pastor Hinkle leads, primarily
for a group o f elderly ladies; and a daily radio broadcast o f Pastor Hinkle's thoughts.
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Other ministries of Christ Church that take place on a regular basis are a Thursday
evening "Bible Study and Prayer Healing Service" originally conducted by Hinkle, now by
his associate; the Sunday School and Nursery program; an adult Sunday morning Bible
class; a Wednesday noon Bible class; a young adult Sunday Bible class; a biweekly men's
Bible study; a biweekly women's Bible study; a Christian book and gift shop; and a
correspondence ministry with radio listeners. The church rents the Church house to a
Spanish congregation for services. Some individuals in the church do occasional
outreach, "witnessing," in the community. The church, through the associate pastor,
provides help on an individual basis with social needs such as clothing and food.
The people do not seem to care if they have a voice in the decision-making
process, and appear to be quite content to be led by Pastor Hinkle. This style of
leadership may be one reason for the large number o f blacks that attend. Religiously,
African Americans are a people dominated by an authoritarian style of leadership. They
are a people whose leadership is founded in personal charisma, rather than institutional
hierarchy. The major draw of the church is from its past media involvement. All the
people that I interviewed came to the church, either because o f hearing Pastor Hinkle on
television or were recommended by someone who did. The initial draw of the church was
and is Pastor Hinkle and his message of love.
Liturgy
As I attended Sunday morning service on July 2, 1995, I was greeted by smiling
African American ushers, each smartly dressed in a dark suit, with a name tag and a white
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carnation on the lapel. I was handed a bulletin of that day's service. Printed at the top of
the front cover were the words "If my people which are called by my name will humble
themselves and pray. . .1 will heal their land..., II Chronicles 7:14-15." Under the
scripture is a picture of a cross overlaid over the words, "America Under God." To the
right o f the picture is another o f an American flag under the Stature o f Liberty. Inside, the
bulletin lists the order of service, a prayer, which emphasizes the theme o f the day, and the
special announcements of the church. On the back cover of the bulletin are the times and
dates o f the regular scheduled services and radio broadcast as well as miscellaneous
announcements.
As I entered the sanctuary, the audience was seated in solemn silence and the
organ prelude was playing in the background. Along the outer left aisle, the six ushers
(four black and two white) entered in single file, walked to the front altar, and knelt in
silent prayer. As they knelt, Pastor Hinkle entered from the left o f the platform. His
Assistant Pastor and worship leader entered from the right. The Pastors were both
dressed in bright aqua-blue robes trimmed in black, over white shirts and dark ties. The
worship leader, a tall, middle-aged, African American female, was dressed in a red blazer
and blue dress, appropriate for this July fourth weekend.
The song leader approached the smaller of the podiums to the left o f the platform,
greeted the people, then led the congregational hymns— "America the Beautiful" then
"The Battle Hymn of the Republic"— all with great dramatic emphasis while being
accompanied by the organ. All the while Pastor Hinkle and his assistant stood to the side,
waving their hands and smiling, seeming to bask in the splendor o f these great national
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anthems. When the hymns were completed, the assistant pastor stepped forward and led
the congregation in the pledge o f allegiance (special for this day) and then in the Lord's
prayer. At their conclusion the assistant pastor stepped to the smaller podium and made
brief announcements.
The singing then continued when the song leader stepped forward and led the
congregation in the choruses, "He is Lord," "Give Thanks," and "He Has the Whole
World is His Hands." Again the leaders' motions were very demonstrative as they waved
and raised their hands. This led into the offertory, which consisted o f a young African
American man going to the large grand piano, to the left of the platform, and singing a
song entitled, "We are One in the Spirit."
After this. Pastor Hinkle stepped up to the largest podium directly in front of him,
and proclaimed, "that things are going to change dramatically." He claimed that these
were the last days, referring to the days before the second coming of Christ, as talked
about in scripture. He then stepped from behind the pulpit and talked to the people.
Pastor Hinkle is a short, neatly dressed man in his late 60's to early 70's. He has thinning,
gleaming white hair, with the smooth skin tones reflective of his Dutch ancestry. His
sermon delivery was gentle, easy to listen to, and clearly articulated. His message was
told like a story, going from one point to another, with no noticeable notes, or points of an
outline. He simply talked, and out came the themes o f the need to accept Christ and the
need to be baptized in the Holy Spirit. The baptism with the Holy Spirit, he stated, does
two things: it gives more love, and it gives one the desire to share Christ. Hinkle then
went on to talk about God being "here to heal."
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As the first Sunday o f the month, this service was advertised as a healing service.
In his message, Hinkle told stories of people being healed while watching the service on
television. He then ended his sermon by calling out various healings that he believed were
taking place in the sanctuary as he was speaking. He asked the people to put their hands
on others around them if they needed to be healed, and then to stand as they were being
healed. At this point Pastor Hinkle walked down from the platform and up and down the
aisles, stopping to call out words of healing, lay his hands on people and pray for those in
the pews. All this was done with very little outward emotion and a very gentle tone,
amplified throughout the sanctuary by his wireless microphone. When he stepped down
from the platform, a few people started to leave; most however, stayed, with heads bowed
in silent prayer, or hands stretched out to those the pastor was praying for. At the
conclusion of this time o f prayer, he then invited all those who so desired to come
forward, and be prayed for. A line of approximately 20 people formed to his left. One by
one they were invited before Pastor Hinkle, his assistant, and the song leader to have
hands laid on them and to receive prayer. The prayer was audible, but not demonstrative.
At this invitation most o f the rest of the congregation left. As each person was prayed for
they either exited the building or joined the few remaining in silent prayer scattered
throughout the large auditorium.
This service reveals many elements that run through the ministries of the church
that have an effect upon its ethnic make-up. While some o f these components, such as
the continual emphasis on the love of God, healing, baptism with the Holy Spirit, and
patriotism are discussed later on in this section, there are some that merit attention at this
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point. First, I noticed the high visibility o f blacks in the service. I was greeted by black
male elderly ushers; the singing was led by a middle-aged black female; and the special
music was by a young black man in his twenties. Any person who visited here would
immediately feel that blacks are accepted and at home. By using these minority individuals
in high visibility positions, a non-verbal statement is made regarding the philosophy o f this
ministry, which works at breaking down all ethnic distinctions. The use of these ethnic
individuals in visible leadership positions is not intentional. To place a person because of
their color, they believe, would be detrimental to breaking down ethnic barriers, and
would, in effect, cause more ethnic division.
The charismatic style of worship, that of mixing choruses and hymns, may have
some influence on the ethnic make-up, as well as the particular hymns and choruses that
are used. At Christ Church there is an attempt to rebuild one's identity into one that is
based on being a part of the family o f God and an American. Singing "The Battle Hymn
of the Republic," and "America the Beautiful," emphasizes the commonality o f being
American. Singing the old chorus, "He Has Got the Whole World in His Hands,"
emphasizes the love of God for the world, every nation, tribe and peoples, and the
brotherhood of these peoples under God's love. The special offertory, "We are One in the
Spirit," again emphasis the unity, or oneness of Christians with each other and with God.
Though none of these songs or ethnic visibility are planned to created ethnic unity,
each of these components have that effect. Their emphasis on Americanism calls people
to leave their ethnic past and culture to becoming one nation, "America Under God."
Their call to
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Christian unity emphasizes a unity which, although never identified as such, includes
ethnic unity which is threatened by even acknowledging a person by the color of their skin
or their ethnic culture.
Leadership
While much has already been said regarding Pastor Hinkle, his charismatic
personality is a major factor in determining the ethnic make-up o f the congregation.
When I asked each interviewee about the reasons behind the ethnic make-up of the
congregation, every one mentioned Pastor Hinkle. One person, when she first came to the
church, saw a "halo" around his face. Another said, "Christ Church is Pastor Hinkle, I feel
his heart is close to the Lord and what the Lord tells Him to do is fine. I certainly don't
believe there would be a Christ Church if it wasn't for Pastor Hinkle." When asked why
the ethnic growth has come under him, one responded, "Because he is a real servant of the
Lord. I think people realize he doesn't have walls up. The neighborhood somewhat
changed but I think it was really his message that reached the heart of everyone." And
again when asked what attracts people to this church, one interviewee responded, "I think
the message that Pastor Hinkle preaches, the love of God. When I first came here I
thought, well, here is somebody that really knows the Lord, personally, you know!"
Pastor Hinkle is what I describe later in this dissertation as a "person of mission."
His call to minister is a mission o f unity that is foundationally undergirded with an
emphasis on love, America, baptism, the Holy Spirit, healing and unity. His concept of the
church is one where color o f skin, and ethnic heritage are not issues. His understanding
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of the purpose o f the church is to break down divisive walls, whatever they may be,
through the love of God that encompasses every individual.
This mission displays itself in various ways throughout the church and his personal
life. His daughter is married to an African American, the head o f ushers at Christ Church.
His paid staff is made up of an African American maintenance man, a Hispanic female
janitor, an Armenian American Assistant Pastor, a Japanese American secretary, and a
Caucasian receptionist and bookkeeper. Most o f the volunteer workers in the church are
African American, these include: the majority o f the ushers, all o f the Sunday School
teachers, the majority of the ladies church decoration committee, and the leadership of
the young adults.
Pastor Hinkle's leadership, like Max Weber's charismatic leader, is grounded in his
direct revelations from God. He is a man who is perceived as "talking with God" and
having direct divine illumination that makes sense o f the past and reveals the future. Every
significant religious experience that Pastor Hinkle has had is founded in a "vision" or
"dream" from God. The visions and dreams through which God communicates to Pastor
Hinkle reveal both the meaning of scripture and its future fulfillment. While each of these
dreams contain biblical ideas, words and themes, they are expressed in a contemporary
setting. He sees himself as a voice that God has raised up for the last days. He would
never affirm his title as a prophet; in his words, "he is just a small duck in a large pond,"
and these visions and prophecies are not his, but God's. He does believe that God has
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given and is giving messages through him for the last days, messages he disseminates from
his pulpit, in writing and through the television ministry o f the Trinity Broadcasting
Network.
In the book. High Performance, author Ted Engstrom lists five basic styles of
leadership:
1) Laissez-Faire: No structure or supervision given; members set own
goals and standards of performance; leader is 'first among equals,' without
authority, a resource man;
2) Democratic-Participative: Provides some structure and framework
within which members still largely set own goals and standard; leader and
advisor with minimum authority;
3) Manipulative-Inspirational: Some structure, usually confused and
ambiguous; goals set by management with little participation but
employees' acceptance sought by hard sell;
4) Benevolent-Autocratic: Activities o f group largely structured; relatively
close supervision; however employees encouraged to make suggestions
concerning their goals, working conditions, etc.;
5) Autocratic-Bureaucratic: Activities o f group totally and arbitrarily
structured; participation by group in any context totally discouraged;
supervision is authoritarian and autocratic; questioning o f orders regarded
as insubordinate.2 8
Hinkle's leadership style fits well into the paradigm of the Benevolent-Autocratic.
This style is characterized by a father-like concern for the people, rooted in his message of
love. A paternalistic style of leadership, this paradigm establishes a leader who, while
remaining very much in charge, identifies closely with the group. The people follow
because of the tender care by the leader for his people and because of his vision. As
Engstrom describes it, "here the desire is to keep everyone in the group satisfied and
happy. It is assumed that if people feel good because of the paternal leader, the
organization will function well."2 9
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Noticeably lacking in Hinkle's style o f leadership is any democratic process. There
is no congregational vote on any matter o f church life. While there are a few committees,
with the exception o f the tightly controlled church board, their input is in insignificant
areas. There are no forums for the people to address their concerns. This is illustrated in
a conversation I had over coffee with one of the newer elder ladies in the church. She was
telling me o f a desire she and another lady had to intercede (in charismatic and Pentecostal
circles this is usually associated with loud fervent praying) in the church. Their desire was
to lay hands on every chair and pray out loud over them. They went into the church
sanctuary’ one day, went to the front and began praying. The noise was too much;
someone first came and shut the doors, then came and told them they were being too loud,
and to please pray more quietly. They got the feeling that the church did not want their
kind of intercessory prayer. Having no other way to address the issue, one day after
service they saw Pastor Hinkle in a restaurant and approached him to find out if the church
believed in intercessory prayer, and then told o f their experience. He told them that they
could go up into one o f the unused chapels and pray, and if any one said any thing, to tell
them he said it was okay.
This leadership style seems to be one of the reasons for the ethnic make-up o f the
congregation. As mentioned earlier, the authoritarian, charismatic type of leader is widely
accepted in the African American community. Pastor Hinkle relates to everyone on a
first-name basis, making all feel he is one of them. Yet he is the spokesperson for the
people, one who hears the voice of God and leads the people through the wilderness of
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life. Hence the people demonstrate the attitude that if he is capable o f hearing the voice of
God, one can trust him with the insignificant factors o f running o f the church.
Philosophy
Christ Church is an example of a social institution, or an interracial community,
whose members define themselves in terms o f a first-century Christian schema rather than
territorial space, skin color, or ethnicity. They seek to define themselves in terms of the
perfect biblical ideals rather than historic ethnic cultures. They seek to identify one's
image with that of Christ, rather than one's ethnic roots. To even identify someone by
their ethnicity, they believe, leads to division. They seek to build a new identity, a
blended one that is rooted in Christ and the Christian culture, i.e. America. This is
accomplished by not associating or using the modem world's identifying factors and
emphasizing first century biblical ones. As revealed in one interview when ask if Pastor
Hinkle ever address ethnic issues from the pulpit? He replied: "No because we don't think
in those terms. You know we are brothers and sisters in the Lord, and that is what is
important." Another interviewee stated:
They [the church members] have always been one for all and all for one.
It's for everybody, you know, Christ died for you, he said he so loved the
world he gave. Not that he so loved the black or the white, he loved the
world, that is where we stand. .. When we become Christians and we
become bom again through the blood. We're Jews, all o f us, you know,
because we get the promises that Abraham promised, so that makes us
Jews spiritually. And we are the same, so it shouldn't matter because you
have five years o f college and I only have two. It shouldn't matter because
I am from south central and you're from Beverly Hills, because in Christ,
positionally he is no respecter o f persons.
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In Pastor Hinkle's words:
Well, let us put it this way, God created all people, everyone lives in his
heart before they came on this world. God created it and He doesn't have
any ethnic differences and neither does Jesus. So if Jesus Christ is lifted up
and made the way o f the church, not an idea, but the truth o f Jesus, then
there are no ethic groups. You have Jesus or you have those that love
Jesus and those who don't. It doesn't matter their color, race, or any thing
else and that is what we try to do here. We just lift up Jesus and His love
for everyone equally, it makes no difference. My whole emphasis is
finding Jesus Christ in the heart of every individual seeking, and making it
known and sharing it. And when you do that there is no time for the
differences. .. .You see the moment you say ethnic group, black, white,
Caucasian, or Asian, you instantly, if you're not careful, raise a barrier
there, and Jesus didn't raise any barriers. All came to Him, Greeks, Jews,
Ethiopians, it didn't matter. And that is the central core, if the Lord is lifted
up high in the hearts o f men, nobody is going to see their color or their
ethnic background, that is why I am so grateful.
This was exemplified in one o f the men's Saturday morning Bible studies I
attended. As we began the study, one of the men announced that he had been robbed as
he brought the donuts to the study that morning. He told o f meeting a man at the donut
shop, and inviting him along. Once they reached the church, the guest put his hand in his
jacket, said he had a gun, and asked for the man's money. The man who had been robbed
was very careful not to use any ethnic description of the robber. One o f the other men at
the Bible study, who had himself been robbed a week before, pointed out that it was a
black man, (contradicting Hinkle's philosophy) and said, "not that there is anything against
black men, we have some dandy ones sitting around this table, but what should be our
attitude toward them0"
dandy men of all races.
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The leader o f the group immediately spoke up and said, "we have
" When I asked one of the black men who had been sitting around
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the table how he felt about this, he replied," it kind of hurt, because he was identifying me
with a thief. I wish he would just leave the color of the man's skin out o f it."
This philosophy not only attempts to break down divisions by not using the secular
world's identifying methods, but seeks to establish a new one, the perfect one that is
independent of ethnicity or denominationalism. Pastor Hinkle stated, "I don't have
denominations. And these people here don't either." As one interviewee put it:
This church has always been non-denominational. I like this, and Jesus
said, you know, all o f this is sharing. I will be glad when they break this
denomination [stuff] down. Then we can all come together, you know, that
is what the Lord Jesus wants us to do, one in him. We just got one God,
the Father o f us all, in us all. So that's why I like this, you know. People
from all different races coming. We are all God's church.
Christ Church attempts to rebuild identity by disassociating with common
identifying social factors, and by building a new social world, looking at the world through
new spiritual eyes that focus on "lifting up Jesus." They redefine the cause and cure of all
social divisions. One interviewee proclaimed:
You know if you think about the Los Angeles riots, it wasn't per se
because a black man was beaten by four white officers. The riot was
because evil is present and that evil is busy. That is what that is all about.
But when you look at it from a spiritual sense, see we don't look at any
thing here from a 'man thing,' everything is spiritual, you know, even to the
position on Bosnia and Saddam Hussein o f Iran, to President Clinton, and
all those spiritual things point to what the book of Revelation says.
Pastor Hinkle commented,
Well, the body o f Christ is made up out o f all the believers, but they are
individual believers. They can be Catholic, Protestant or Jewish— you
name it, it doesn't matter who it is, so long as they lift up Jesus. I don't
have denominations. .. .But in here we simply lift up the love o f God that
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covers everything in Jesus Christ, through the power of the Holy Spirit and
it does. We find problems being solved in everybody's life in the same way,
it may not be the most popular, but it is moving.
In Christ Church's dogged zeal to break down common, secular social divisions,
including ethnicity, they form their own. They have created social divisions that exclude
others, especially those who wish to maintain their ethnic heritage. For instance, in their
attempt to redefine their social world as Christian American, with a strong emphasis on
patriotism, there is a strong emphasis on maintaining the English language, the language of
America. As one staff member put it, "let's go for English only." Language from their
perspective is one more o f those social barriers that needs to be broken down, by all
learning the language o f America: English. But when English alone is emphasized, other
ethnic groups feel unaccepted and unvalued.
This is further illustrated in an interaction one o f the staff had with an African
American. He stated, ”1 think there are people who take offense. They come here and
they don't like it, like one person who came and saw our picture of Jesus holding the
world, and it was a little too white for them. They said they didn't like that. My response
was 'well, you have the freedom not be here. . . You need to be where you are
comfortable brother, go where you are comfortable!"' In their effort to decorate a
building they intentionally disassociate with ethnic heritage, but inadvertently associate
with their view of Christianity, which is white Americanism.
This presents a paradox in their philosophy. With one hand they want to lift up
Christ only, which they believe will break down ethnic and denominational walls. With the
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other, they are lifting up white Americanism, a barrier that limits the church's draw of
other ethnic groups. This paradox is revealed in one interviewee's words:
So, if you have a problem with reaching out [to other ethnic groups] that's
your problem, we don't really set out to make a special "let's have a Korean
day, so we can get to know them." I don't want to bow to the pressures of
some group that would feel threatened if one of their own wasn't doing
something. I mean, if we started doing that we might as well bring HUD in
to run the whole board. I mean, its kind o f like, if you don't like it well,
that's your problem. . . .We don't, I don't try to cater to any ethnic group,
to win favor so that they would feel comfortable.
Foundational Ideologies
Love
The emphasis on love is one that emanates from and through every area of Christ
Church. Printed outside on the banner, and printed first in the bulletin is its anthem, "The
Church of the Living Christ and the Loving Heart." A prayer in a February 18, 1973,
bulletin petitions.
Beloved Jesus, teach me to love as you have loved me. Help me to keep
my eyes so firmly fixed on you that I shall see all people and all
circumstances through your eyes. Lord Christ, help me to know that every
circumstance in my life is an opportunity to let you use it and me for your
divine purpose. Lord, I praise and give thanks for your exquisite love that
guides me in all ways. Thank you Jesus Christ, Amen.
This emphasis on love is founded in one of Pastor Hinkle's personal encounters
with God. He states:
I was raised in a Methodist church, yes, years ago, bom and raised in a
little Methodist church, which preached mostly hell-fire and damnation.
And I just didn't feel like that about God, and later when I became older
and began to search the scriptures myself, I didn't find that kind of God, I
found a God o f love. And then as time went on, I also found that God of
love is complete and perfect in Jesus Christ. .. When the Holy Spirit
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baptized me he baptized me in love. At that moment that I received the
baptism I never knew such love existed.
God's love for humanity is the primary message o f the church. One man quipped:
"Love, Love, Love, that is what the Pastor preaches." And another said, "Pastor Hinkle,
portrays to me the love o f God. So whenever he gets loose, he can go very deep about
the love of God. .. When you first come here and hear Pastor Hinkle speak on the love of
God, that is what keeps you here, and that is what attracts you here." When asked about
the doctrinal beliefs o f the church, the Assistant Pastor said, "I think the whole basic
message is 'love the lord thy God and thy fellow man.'"
Every person interviewed referred to the message o f love and/or that love
demonstrated in the life o f the church, as the reason people attend Christ Church. The
concept of God loving everyone breeds a spirit of heterogeneity. Since God loves
everyone, so, therefore, should we. This use of the ideology o f love serves as the primary
principle for accepting others, regardless of ethnic background. This love sets a standard
of morality that was and is demonstrated by God himself. Hence, love calls for human
conduct that exemplifies the divine.
Healing
Another of the key foundational themes of Christ Church is the message o f divine
healing. The first Sunday o f every month is set aside as a "healing service" and the
Thursday night service is called a "Bible study, and Healing service." Christ Church's
departure from the Unity movement, and entrance into the charismatic movement, enabled
the church to recover the basic belief in God’ s healing power. While Unity focused on
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healing which comes through meditation and thought, the charismatic movement focused
on healing which came through Jesus Christ, through the charismatic gifts. This
foundational belief o f healing in the Unity movement, and its adaptation to the charismatic
position, is revealed in an article in one of the bulletins, entitled, "Spirit o f the Lord, the
Spirit o f the Lord is Upon me, and I am healed:"
All true followers of Jesus Christ are commissioned to heal the sick. He
said that certain signs shall accompany those that believe. One o f the signs
is this: They shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover. Every
Christian should not only preach the Gospel, but also heal the sick.
Healing in the name of Jesus Christ is positive proof that one is helping to
restore his people to their original state of health and the final overcoming
o f death. In the last fifty years the death rate among humanity has been
greatly decreased. We are gradually getting nearer and nearer the
attaintment o f eternal life, the fulfillment of the promise of Jesus, 'verily,
verily, I say unto you, if a man keep my word, he shall never see death.'
This emphasis on healing reinforces the mystical nature o f God, and the need in humans
for this mysticism. While Unity lost much o f its original healing emphasis in its
institutionalization process, Christ Church's move into the charismatic movement helped to
reclaim it. At this transition, Christ Church became a church wrapped in the richness of
tradition, with its elegant traditional decorations and symbols, yet brought alive, by a fresh
move of God. Christ Church encompassed both tradition and new life. For individuals
who wanted to maintain some tradition, with a solemn form of worship, yet wanted the
mystical experiences with God, Christ Church was an attraction.
America
Another o f the themes that continually surfaces in every dimension o f Christ
Church is an emphasis on America. The banner outside of the church has an American
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flag on one side, and a Christian flag on the other. As you enter the front doors, you face
a large statue of Christ, with an American flag on his right, and a Christian flag on his left.
As you face the platform, there is an American flag on the right, and another Christian flag
on the left. Most noticeable o f all is the American flag draped across the front of the
communion table.
On the top o f every bulletin, every week, is the scripture II Chronicles 7:14-15, "If
my people which are called by my name, shall humble themselves and pray and seek my
face, and turn from their wicked ways, then I will hear from heaven, and will forgive their
sin and heal their land. Now my eyes will be open and my ears attentive to the prayers
that are made in this place." The prayer of the week, printed in the bulletin on May 28,
1995, emphasized this as well:
0 Mighty God o f heaven and earth, my father, my Lord and God, blessed
be thy name in all the earth. How' I love you and praise your wonderful and
mighty name. For you are the God of love and peace and righteousness:
you are the life of all mankind. Open the eyes o f this nation to your grace
and mercy and forgive us our sins and foolishness of lifestyles. Bring
revival and salvation to this nation and healing to our land. For our soul is
thirsty and our hearts are heavy without your life and spirit. In your mercy
touch us, and in your love make us whole. This we pray, in Jesus’ name.
Amen.
On the Sunday I attended on the Fourth o f July Weekend, the song leader was dressed in
red, w'hite, and blue. They sang "America the Beautiful," and "The Battle Hymn of the
Republic," which were followed by the congregation turning to the American flag and
saying the Pledge o f Allegiance.
The reason for this was stated simply in one interview: "Definitely Pastor Hinkle's
background. He loves this nation and he cares greatly for it and his stomach just cringes
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when something's done in Washington that he thinks is wrong for this nation, especially a
lot of liberal thought pattern. Definitely this church lifts up the United States of America
for the Lord." I then asked how this affected the ethnic make-up of the church. He
responded,
1 think the people love it because if there is one thing I think people realize
who have been in other countries is that God has raised up this country for
a specific purpose and reason. You don't have to fit a certain profile, or
color of eyes or have a certain type of hair. It's the fact of what the Lord is
doing and I think that is the key. In fact, you know there are no grades of
better Americans, per se. Personally, being an American starts with being a
believer in Jesus Christ because without the spirit of truth, then you are just
like everybody else in any other country; you are trying to make the bucks
and live for yourself
Pastor Hinkle expressed it in these words:
A black man said to me the other day, He said, "afro" and then went on
from there to "Afro-American" He said,"'If they would just leave it alone.
I'm an American, period'" and I love him for it .Oh indeed, I love
America Oh I do with all my heart because it is America, chosen by God
to be America, for a specific reason— look it up if you want to. America
was created by God to raise up missionaries to understand the life of Jesus
and take it to the world All of the early universities were for no other
reason then to create missionaries But we got away from that, and so we
got ourselves in a mess of trouble, but we are getting back to it, cause the
heart of America is good, it is so good!
When asked if that affects the ethnic make-up he commented, "I have never heard one
comment about it over the years No, we stress it more and more in fact. I find that they
are very happy to become a part of America because America is more than just a land, it's
a way of life, it is the way o f the Lord, a freedom in the Lord they need and want." When
asked how he deals with issues that affect ethnic conflict he said; "Well, Jesus deals with
it! The closer you come to Jesus you don't have a past you have a future "
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As revealed in these interviews, the leadership of Christ Church believes that
America was founded on Christ. It was raised up to take the message of Christ to the
world. The role of the church is to pray for America. As an elderly black man stated in
one conversation:
This is a great country! This country was founded on the Lord Jesus Christ
himself. Our morals are gone, but it is said, "If my people which are called
by my name." We gotta pray! Prayer is the main thing and intercession.
In fact, I am trying to get a group together now of intercessors to pray for
the sick. That is what we need now, most o f all we need Jesus, we need to
pray and ask him, to try and heal this land.
This intense love of America led Pastor Hinkle to lead one of the first prayer marches in
Washington D. C.. As he tells the story:
I had always wanted to see the military prayer breakfast in Washington,
being an ex-military man myself,. . . so I went back. After the meetings
there were some side meetings that I stayed for. I was sitting in one of
those meetings and all o f a sudden the Lord said to me, "I want you to get
up and go to the Lincoln Memorial." I thought, that is strange. And of
course it was about eleven o'clock in the morning, and five below zero out
there and the wind was blowing. I wondered did I hear Him right when He
said it the second time. So I got up, put on my coat and started out and
there was a taxi waiting right in front of where I came in, and went to the
Lincoln Memorial. Well, to make a long story short, there was nobody
there except one guard, posted in a comer. As I walked up to the
memorial the Holy Spirit fell on me and I was shaken by the power of God
and as I stood there I wondered "what is this Lord." He indicated Lincoln,
and He said, "I raised up this man to hold my country together by a force
o f arms, I am now rasing up a mighty spiritual army that will bring my
country back to me in love." I wept and wept, the glory of God was so
strong in that place. . . And that was the beginning, it was a couple of
months later that as I was praying at the altar and He said, "I want you to
get a hundred thousand people together and go to Washington and pray.
For no other reason than to pray for my country and praise me." When
God says something like that it is so powerful you don't doubt it a second.
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Pastor Hinkle began sharing his vision from the pulpit which was at that time
widely televised on T.B.N., the radio, and through personal contacts with Paul and Jan
Crouch, the owners/operators of T.B.N.. Within a six-month period o f time, Pastor
Hinkle had organized a crowd of 35,000 people who went to Washington from all over
the United States, and held a one-day prayer and praise march to the capital steps. Pastor
Hinkle said that this was the first time in over one hundred years that the Christian flag
flew over the Capitol. The meeting was filled with stories o f miracles, and supernatural
encounters with angels.
This emphasis on nationalism plays an important role in the demographic make-up
of Christ Church. The leadership and majority o f people who are drawn to Christ Church
are products o f the military eras of the United States, particularly the second World War.
and the Korean War. The nationalistic emphasis merges their love of country with their
love for God. each reinforcing each other. Their love for God undergirds their love for
their country ("it is God's country"), and their love for their country gives mission to their
love for God (they are called to pray for this country). Further, their love for God and
country supersedes their past histories and cultures. This focus allows them to build a
new identity, one that is not built on color of skin or ethnic heritage, but based on what
they perceive as God's American ideals.
People
Observing the demographics o f the church in comparison to the demographics of
the community presents a number of issues. First, why are there so few Asians and
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Hispanics in the congregations when they make up such a high proportion o f the
neighborhood? I can see a number of reasons. Christ Church is not a neighborhood
church. Because its primary outreach is through past television and radio ministry, it
draws its clientele from all regions of Los Angeles, primarily from the audience of the
white-owned and operated T.B.N.. The church reaches people that listen to that
television channel, which are predominately white and black, not Asian or Hispanic.
Most important however is how the church's fundamental ideologies affect the
different ethnic groups. The strong emphasis on American patriotism, with its emphasis
on English language usage would offend ethnic groups who still maintain a strong ethnic
and/or national identity. When Christ Church emphasizes oneness and unity, they are
wanting to draw people to unity under their ideals, however they are imposing those ideals
on others. In simpler terms, the oneness they want is for everyone to become like them
and their view o f Christian patriotism. This, I believe, offends those people who are
seeking to recover or maintain their ethnic history such as the young African Americans,
Hispanics and Koreans.
Blacks
Another paradoxical observation of the demographics o f the area is the high
number of blacks in the church compared to the neighborhood. While there is not a large
number of blacks in the immediate neighborhood, Christ Church is located just minutes
from other neighborhoods that contain large black populations. There is an easy commute
to Christ Church from these neighborhoods.
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The specific social class and background o f the blacks who attend is another
factor. The blacks who attend appear to come from the same social backgrounds as the
other blacks in the congregation and embrace the same social ideologies. The black
leadership reflects a generation o f blacks that emigrated to California in the 1940-50's, a
migration that took them from the rural south, and urbanized Midwest and that took place
before the civil rights movement o f the 1960's during which many blacks sought to recover
their historic identity as "Africans." The blacks who found their way to Christ Church
had the same wartime experience as the leadership of the church. They were upwardly
mobile families who had left the ghettos, held strong middle-class, post-war jobs and
values. These type of blacks found Christ Church attractive because it offered a place o f
transition from their poor storefront church to a more mainline religious experience, but
maintained the more mystical, emotional nature o f religion.
Christ Church's history' also plays a factor in the number of blacks who attend.
Many of the older blacks in the church are a remnant o f the Unity days. The Unity
movement drew many blacks from their poor Protestant backgrounds into the New
Thought Movement. This may have been caused by their rejection of their religious
cultural roots and a desire of upward mobility, to a more rationalistic upper-class religion.
As the demographics around the church began to change (the upper-class whites left and
the black neighborhoods o f south central Los Angeles expanded closer and closer to the
Wilshire area) the blacks who were already a part o f Christ Church evolved into leaders in
the church. Blacks who attend for the first time, would feel welcome by the black ushers
who greet them at the door, the black song leader, and the many blacks who are actively
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involve in the different ministries of the church. Many of the young blacks who attend
today are family or friends of leadership.
Christ Church's involvement on T.B.N. and in the charismatic movement may also
be a factor that affects the number of blacks that attend. As I mentioned above, blacks, as
a rule, were not heavily involved in the charismatic movement, but they were involved in
the Full Gospel Business Men's, and Kathryn Kulmnan's ministry, both of which Pastor
Hinkle and Christ Church were heavily involved with. For blacks who wanted to be
involved in the charismatic movement, Christ Church was a natural. These all served as
channels from which black charismatics found out about Christ Church, and began to
attend.
Whites
The whites who attend are there for a number o f different reason. The whites are
mostly older, fifty plus in age. and mostly female. Except for an occasional visitor, there
are no white children in the Sunday School. The age and gender of the white population
reflects a more general trend in urban churches that have gone through demographic
transition. There are more older women than older men; there are more women involved
in church than men. In older churches, the congregation is older, hence there are more
older women. The majority o f the whites have been at the church for a long time. They
reflect the middle to upper social classes that made up the old neighborhoods around the
church and social status of the clientele of the Unity and the charismatic movements.
Most have endured the white flight from their neighborhoods and the church. They, like
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the building, reflect the glory of days gone by. Some have their roots in the Unity days,
others have their roots in the charismatic movement. As like draws like, many seniors are
drawn to the church by other seniors.
Like most others, the whites are drawn to the church because of Pastor Hinkle.
His age, prophetic/visionary leadership, and gentle father-like image all figure into his
appeal. His age draws others of like age. Because he is a senior citizen, he knows the
needs, language and fears of the seniors; he speaks in stories and terms that are familiar to
them. His prophetic leadership coupled with his age allows him to draw on common past
experiences and values, and to interpret them for the future. Pastor Hinkle's emphasis on
the "end times" and "Christ's Second Coming" reflect the thoughts o f many seniors. His
genteel paternalistic style o f leadership, his message o f love, his immaculately manicured
gleaming white hair and dress and his soft smooth sermon delivery is appealing, especially
to women Christ Church has attempted to hold on to the forms, songs, and emphasis of
the charismatic movement o f the 1 970’ s. As such, it draws those older, white individuals
who had a significant experience in that era, and wish to maintain it.
Summary
Christ Church presents us with a declining congregation that is blended with blacks
and whites. It's prophetic/paternalistic pastor seeks to recast the congregations
perspective on ethnicity by recreating an identity that focuses on blending every ethnicity
into one, as Christians and as Americans. The goal is the perfect church, where there is
neither "Jew nor Greek, male nor female." The worship style blends the contrasting style
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o f the high church Episcopalian appearance with the informal charismatic practices. The
church philosophy that drives to oneness is at the same time both inclusive and exclusive.
Inclusive o f all who are willing to embrace their ideology of Americanism, but exclusive of
all who do not.
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NOTES
1. Walter Martin, Kingdom o f the Cult (Minneapolis: Bethany House Publishing,
1985), 280-281.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid. 279.
4. James Dillet Freeman. The Story o f Unity (Unity Village: Unity Books, 1979).
206-207.
5. Ibid.. 203.
6. Ibid.. 61.
7. Ibid., 94.
8. Keith Brooks. The Spirit o f Truth and The Spirit of Error (Chicago: Moody
Press. 1985). 57.
9. Ibid., 9.
10. Watson Mill, Charismatic Religion in Modem Research (Macon: Mercer
University Press, 1985), 2-3.
11 Ibid., Introduction.
12. Karla Poewe. Charismatic Christianity as a Global Culture (Columbia:
University of South Carolina Press, 1994), 66.
13. Margaret Poloma. The Charismatic Movement: Is There a New Pentecost
(Boston: Twayne Publishing, 1982), 46.
14. Ibid., 38-39.
15. Ibid., 8.
16. Vincent Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Movement in the United States
(Grand Rapids. William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1971), 114.
17. Ibid., 165
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18. David Edwin Harrell, All Things Are Possible. The Healing and Charismatic
Revivals in Modem America (Ontario: Indiana University Press. 1975), 98.
19. Ibid., p. 98.
20. Harrell, p. 99.
21. Poloma. The Charismatic Movement. 18.
22. Ibid.
23. James Tinney, "Black Pentecostals: The Difference is More Than Color,"
Logos. May-June 1980, 16-19.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid.
26. Poloma-The Charismatic Movement. 21.
27. Ted Engstrom, High Performance (San Bernardino: Here's Life Publishers.
1988). 257.
28. Ibid., 260.
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FIRST CHURCH OF THE NAZARENE
"Dem ocratic"
"The events of history are tangible results of the actions o f people. Likewise, the
development o f the church is rooted in the response of people to the God who creates,
speaks, and acts. Any 'new' thing is most likely a response to something old."1 This
opening statement in the Herald o f Holiness, the official communication tool of the Church
o f the Nazarene. captures the essence o f the First Church of the Nazarene. "First
Church," as it is commonly called by those within the Nazarene family, was the very first
church o f the Church of the Nazarene denomination. In struggling to provide an effectual
ministry within the ethnically changing Wilshire corridor the church has both recovered a
past identity and combined it with a progressive, creative approach in philosophy and
organizational structure
History'
The Church of the Nazarene emerged out of what historians call the Holiness
Movement. This movement, which began in the mid-nineteenth century, emphasized
Christian holiness which grew out of the dissatisfaction many felt within mainline
churches, especially within the Methodist denomination. The holiness doctrine focused on
the possibility of a believer's gaining complete freedom from sin in the present life. This
was conceived as something like a second conversion experience, often instantaneous and
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dramatic. A variety o f terms were used to describe this deeper work, including "entire
sanctification," "Christian perfection," "the second blessing,” “the higher Christian life,"
and "full salvation." Those who embrace this idea o f holiness trace this to the Methodist
founder, John Wesley who taught "that serious Christians might even attain release from
all conscious sin and achieve moral perfection."2
The holiness doctrine was fueled by what many perceived as a growing liberalism
and tolerance for sin within the Methodist church. Prohibition, the hot moral issue of the
day, served as a dividing element that polarized many within the church, and as an impetus
for the call to holiness. By the end of the 19th century, many organizations and churches
were being formed for the sole purpose o f fighting the legalization of alcohol. The First
Church of the Nazzarene at the turn of the century was home to the leaders o f the
prohibition movement in Los Angeles, and the pulpit served as a voice o f social as well as
personal holiness, which included total abstention from alcohol.
The holiness movement was the convergence of those dissatisfied in the mainline
churches, especially the Methodist, those in the prohibitionist movement, and those who
were a product o f the revivals and reform movements inspired by the second great
awakening. Charles Finney, a charismatic figure in the mid-nineteeneth century,
popularized the revival method of church meetings with his emotional preaching and
enthusiastic singing. Through the thousands who flocked to his revival services held at the
largest auditoriums in the largest cities in the nation, he helped popularize the holiness
perfectionist ideals.
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This social conscience that led to the founding o f the holiness religious movement
embedded in the people a call to meet social needs o f all kinds. Phoebe Palmer, a lay
Methodist evangelist, was another prominent figure in the early Holiness movement. She
led a series o f weekly prayer meetings for the "promotion o f Holiness." Her meetings
were open to people of all color, and attracted people from all walks o f life. In 1850 she
founded the Five Points Mission in one of the worst slum areas o f New York City. It was
a pioneering effort in urban social welfare work. This social consciousness was
foundational in establishing the Church of the Nazarene.
The Church o f the Nazarene began in this atmosphere when Dr. Phineas F.
Bresee chose to preach the message of Christian Holiness in the Los Angeles area. Dr
Bresee’s ministry began by serving several Methodist churches in Iowa. Coming to Los
Angeles in 1883, he was offered the pastorate of the First Methodist Church of Los
Angeles, where he encountered the holiness movement. Within the membership of the
church there was a prayer group who embraced the holiness movement. They persuaded
Bresee to call evangelists from the National Holiness Association to lead meetings. While
praying for one of these revivals alone in his parsonage, Bresee experienced what the
holiness called, "entire sanctification." As the presiding elder of the Methodist district.
Bresee began holding revivals in the churches under his charge, inviting other holiness
evangelists. As a result o f tension caused by his focus on the holiness message, both in his
own pastorate (the most influential Methodist church in the district), and within the Los
Angeles Methodist denomination, Bresee was reassigned to two consecutive churches, at
which he encountered opposition to the new movement. In 1894 Bresee decided to seek
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supremacy status (relief o f regular pastoral duties to pursue other religious work, but
retaining ministerial relationship in the annual conference) to work at Penial Mission, a
street mission in downtown Los Angeles. The district accepted his request. While at the
mission Bresee joined with others in an attempt to create a pure church, reclaiming the
primitive Wesleyanism by ministering to the poor. Unlike others at the mission, he
believed the poor needed a church, not just social services, which alienated him from the
other leaders. When his vision for the mission proved incompatible with the others,
Bresee left to form his own congregation.3
In October o f 1895, three months after resigning his position at the Penial Mission,
Bresee announced his first meetings at Red Men's Hall, just down the street from the
mission. The church was to be co-pastored by Bresee and J.P. Widney, one o f the
founders of the University of Southern California, then a small fledgling Methodist school.
It was Widney who chose the name “The Church o f the Nazarene,” alluding to Jesus' blue-
collared carpenter pedigree. Within three weeks the church was organized by 135 charter
members who were committed to city missions, evangelistic services, and social outreach
The first piece o f literature ever printed for the Church of the Nazarene was a flyer
advertising the meetings at Red Men's Hall. It read:
The Church of the Nazarene is a simple, primitive church, a church of the
people and for the people. It has no new doctrines, only the old, old Bible
truths. It seeks to discard all superfluous forms and ecclesiasticism and go
back to the plain simple words of Christ. It is not a mission, but a church
with a mission. It is a banding together of hearts that have found the peace
of God, and which now in their gladness, go out to carry the message of
the insearchable riches of the gospel of Christ to the suffering, discouraged,
sin-sick souls. Its mission is to everyone upon whom the battle of life has
been sore, and to ever)' heart that hungers for cleansing from sin.5
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The first organizational meeting o f the church in October o f 1895 hammered out the
following mission statement:
The field of labor to which we feel especially called is in the neglected
quarters of the cities and wherever else may be found waste places and
people seeking pardon and cleansing from sin. This work we aim to do
through the agency o f city missions, evangelistic services, house to house
visitation, caring for the poor and comforting the dying.6
In 1896 a simple board tabernacle was built (nicknamed by the worshipers the
"glory bam"). The church was enormously successful; prominent holiness evangelists
preached in the tabernacle and a periodical was begun in 1898. Growth came as many
independent holiness congregations from all over the United States joined themselves
under the title "Pentecostal Church of the Nazarene." These were pastored by strong
individuals favoring local church autonomy, Congregationalism, and perfectionism. Many
of these were ex-methodist preachers who left the denomination because they opposed
sanctification By 1915, within twenty years, additional mergers had resulted in a
Pentecostal Church of the Nazarene numbering 792 congregations and nearly 31,600
members and 1,523 elders and licensed preachers.7
As seen in its first publication, from the church’s inception Bresee and the people
o f the Church of the Nazarene reached out to and offered a style of worship that attracted
the poor and included differing ethnic groups. By 1903 Bresee had established "half a
dozen churches and missions ministering to Chinese and Mexicans as well as the English
speaking population.”8 The emotional fervor that attracted the poor was a characteristic
o f every service One observer noted that:
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Bresee allowed his "'happy congregation" an unrestrained freedom. The
people, he said, laugh, clap their hands, shout amen or hallelujah and walk
to and fro. He had seen a "colored" sister execute in her joy the most
beautiful dance he had ever beheld. It was not thought disorderly to
demonstrate in a natural way the gladness o f the heart in the Nazarene
church.9
In 1902, when the congregation had outgrown the "glory bam" with its seating
capacity o f 400, Bresee moved the thriving congregation to a newly built "plain" church
whose congregation had relocated due to urban growth. The new building, on Sixth and
Wall, had seating for 2,500. They had intentionally moved the church to an area where
Bresee believed he could do m ore for the poor o f Los Angeles. He said, he had “given up
rich churches because he thought he could save more souls among the poor. God has
taken weak things to confound the mighty and things that were as nothing to overthrow
things that were I am more anxious to see souls saved than anything else.”1 0
With this style of w orship, and the ethnic diversity of the congregation, it was
natural that in 1906, when William Seymour, a one-eyed, black holiness preacher from
Texas, asked for a meeting room, Bresee allowed him to use a side chapel. Seymour,
however led his small group, mostly black holiness followers, further than even Bresee
could allow into "fanaticism,” specifically, speaking in tongues. Leaving Bresee, Seymour
began preaching at a small mission on Azusa street, now known as the birthplace of the
modem Pentecostal movement.
The Church of the Nazarene reached its highest membership in 1911 with
approximately 1300 members. Many were upper-class families drawn from the w-ayward
Methodist church, who embraced Bresee's commitment to holiness and the poor. After
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Bresee's death, the demographics around Sixth and Wall continued to change becoming
increasingly poorer while the congregation became more affluent, so they sought to move
from the heart o f the city and purchased a building at 25th and Magnolia. During this time,
while there were a few Chinese, blacks and Hispanics that were bused in for Sunday
School from the neighborhood, the congregation was overwhelmingly white. In the
1930's the church membership leveled off at around 700 members, and stayed there until
the 1960's. The old timers at the church refer to this period of time as the "County Club
Era." The congregation was made up o f economically upper-class Caucasians who drove
into "First Church" from all over the city. In the words o f one long-time member:
When I was a kid this was the big other Nazarene church in Los Angeles.
The biggest was the Pasadena Nazarene Church, but this was an important
church. The programs of the church were very big. It was important to
have quality staff and if the preacher could not preach, boy, you wouldn't
make it here. I mean that was the key in hiring a pastor back then. He had
to be a great preacher.
As the neighborhood of 25th and Magnolia began to undergo ethnic change, the
church sought again to relocate. They purchased a piece of property off the comer o f
Third and Vermont, in the Wilshire corridor, a "Beverly Hills" kind of community, and
built a new building, in 1961. Three miles from Los Angeles City Hall, and half way to
Hollywood, this particular site was chosen because o f its location in the prestigious
Wilshire corridor, and its centrality to all parts o f Los Angeles. Interestingly enough,
when the building was erected in 1961, the demographics of the corridor had already
begun to undergo ethnic change as well.
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In 1973 the church board hired Pastor Paul Benefiel, who had a masters degree in
sociology, seeking to give the church a new identity. The church had moved to the
present location which, at that time, was a white, upper-class suburb. After they had built
a new church building the population began to change again. Yet because o f the
emotional attachment to the building, which had been built largely from a volunteer force
o f its members, the church made a decision to stay, in spite of a dramatic drop in
attendance to approximately 200. The board at that time was made up of mostly males,
except for the one female missions coordinator, all over fifty in age. In the words of Ron
Benefiel, "The community had changed, the church was dying, its mission had been to a
homogeneous unit." It was at this time that the congregation began to open its doors for
minority congregations to have services. Paul Benefiel encouraged the Spanish and the
Korean churches which represented the community that they were in.
In 1982 the present pastor, Ron Benefiel came to head the church. Ron had
captured the heart of the leadership at the church as the youth and singles pastor during
the years his father had been senior pastor. .After a brief stint teaching at a university, and
following in his father's footsteps with a Ph.D in sociology, Ron was invited back to be
the senior pastor. During the last decade the community has continued its ethnic change,
and more and more of the church's old timers have died or moved away. The strong white
financial base has kept decreasing, yet the church continues to maintain its attendance.
This has been accomplished largely through ministering to two groups of people, singles
and English-speaking minorities. Shortly after coming to the church, Ron directed a
survey which reflected a large population of singles in the area. Being single himself, at
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that time, he began to build a singles ministry. Many of the singles he ministered to are
now the leaders of the church. The ethnic minorities began to come as the church began
to simultaneously open its doors to more ethnic ministries and began to create diverse
social ministries.
Building
The First Church of the Nazarene is located at 3401 W. Third St., Los Angeles,
California. One of the interesting elements o f this church and its multi-ethnic
congregation is the curious blend of contemporary and traditional— a contemporary'
philosophy and organizational structure within a very traditional-looking building. The
building erected in 1961 is a massive three-story, red brick building that takes up most
of a city block Contained entirely under one roof, the complex contains a gymnasium,
a sanctuary' that will seat approximately 500, a chapel that will seat 200. a fellowship
hall, many classrooms, offices for all congregations, a youth center, a day care and an
elementary' school.
From the outside, the multi-colored brick matched with cream trim gives the
church a majestic traditional appearance. The structure was built to look much older
than it is. The church is enclosed within a ten-foot, rod iron fence, giving the lawns
between the fence and the building a secure park-like setting. The front portion o f the
fence was in the planing and construction stage during my study of the church. It was
placed there for two purposes: to control the homeless that build encampments in the
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front of the church, but also to provide security for the homeless who are allowed at
various times to access the lawns in front of the building.
Inside, the sanctuary and chapel are adorned with dark, wood veneer,
enhancing the columns, balconies, the altars, the pulpit furniture and the pews. Both
the sanctuary and the chapel are bordered on one side with three massive, stained glass
windows, each portraying one aspect of biblical history. Both of the auditoriums
exude a very formal and majestic feeling. Sitting in the sanctuary on any given Sunday
morning, one is struck by the vastness of the space and the beauty of its enhancements,
all of which inspire one to worship.
The remaining rooms o f the building are encompassed in a maze of dimly lit
halls, which lead to a multitude of locked doors o f offices and class rooms, all directed
by tri-lingual signs in English, Spanish and Korean, and tightly controlled by a
monitored security system. The vastness and elegance of the auditoriums stand in
marked contrast to the small, dark, sparsely lit corridors, class rooms, and offices.
This building is a symbol of religion to the community As a result, the people
of the community are attracted to it for their religious expression, regardless of
ethnicity. Contrary to most church growth models, where people primarily come to a
church because o f personal relations, 50% of the people who come into the services
have seen the building in the community and walk in off the street, without an invitation
or knowing anyone. In Benefiel's words:
I think a lot o f it is just people who see us here as an established
[church]. A high percentage of those who walk in the doors don't know
what the Church of the Nazarene is. So 1 get people coming to the altar
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for pastoral prayer and they come down and I pray with them or
whatever and as soon as this is done, its all over. . .they don't want me
to be saying anything because I'm supposed to be the Father confessor. I
am supposed to be listening. There are people who come and genuflect
in the aisle and all kinds of things like that. A lot o f them think it is a
Catholic Church or they don't know what it is. . .We know people
walking in who don't even have a religious background.
The building plays an important role as it is a symbol o f a particular religious
faith that can cross cultural lines. It is a symbolic structure in which each individual can
find meaning and religious expression. While the church is not decorated with ethnic-
specific pictures and symbols (the only way you would know that different cultures
worship here are the signs in different languages), its strong, traditional religious
appearance draws many ethnic people. The church's high visibility in a multiethnic
neighborhood draws and unites people of color by the building's physical appearance
which portrays the Christian tradition. The building is a symbol that communicates
without language.
Demographics
Located on the fringe of the Wilshire district, the church and neighborhood
continue to undergo a population turnover. As reflected on the graph in Figure Three,
the population growth in the community is coming from the Hispanics and Asians,
while the Non-Hispanic whites and blacks are facing a population decline. The decline
of the 1980's reflects a continued population shift. According to Dr. Benefiel, in 1960
the immediate community was 80% non-Hispanic white, in 1970 this immediate
community was 45% Non-Hispanic white, by 1980, it was 25%, in 1990, it was 9.5%
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C hurch Com m unity
Ethnic Breakdown 1980 & 1990
H l a p a n c 1 O t h e r
6 0 . 3 * ______
H i s p a n i c 4 O t h e r
3 0 . 6 *
Black
7 . 6 *
Asian
16.0* 10.7*
1980 1990
S ta tistic s from 1080 & 1000 Census
Preaared by Kathrvn Lewis
Associate Pastor - F irs t Church of the Natarene FIGURES 3 & 4
Los Angeles First C hurch
Ethnic Breakdown - 1981 & 1991
E n g l i s h
3 0 .4 *
E n g l i s h
86.0*
Filipino
Spanish „
14 0% Spanish /
3 0 .4 * ^ ---------^ K o r e a n
14.1*
1981 1991
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The church and neighborhood, which once were comprised of upper-class
Caucasians, are faced with tremendous ethnically related economic changes. The
businesses in the neighborhood reflect the strong Hispanic and Korean influence as this
area has become a major pocket o f new immigrants from Latin American countries and
Asia. These new immigrants reflect not only an ethnic shift, but a related language shift
as reflected in the advertisements o f the local businesses. The 1990 Census reflects the
following statistics about the neighborhood:
Population Makeup
-51.8% male
-48.2% female
-76.4% 18 years of age or over
-23 .6% under the age o f 18
-7.7% 65 years of age or over
-median age of 28.7
Housing and Income
-average household size: 2.76
-medium household income: $18,861
-median housing value: $208,603
-median rent paid: $486 per month
-owner occupied: 5.3%
-renter occupied: 86.1%
-vacant units: 7.7%
-unemployment rate: 20.9%
Ethnic makeup
-68.2% foreign bom
-60.7% of Spanish Origin (Filipinos included here and under Asian)
-31.3% whites
-5 9% blacks
-23.8% Asian /PI
-38.5% other
Ethnic Trends by 1997:
-22.9% whites
-6 6% blacks
-27.9% Asian/PI
-42.1% other
1 9 2
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Attendance
The structure of the church has altered as it attempts to meet the needs of the
changing community. The church is made up of four congregations: an English-
speaking congregation, with a membership of 279, and average Sunday morning
attendance of 227; a Hispanic congregation with a membership of 290, and average
Sunday moming attendance of 278; a Filipino congregation o f 50 members and average
Sunday attendance of 52; and a Korean congregation with 70 members and average
Sunday attendance of 83. Each congregation has a church board, which acts as its own
legal entity, and has representatives on the "Multi-Congregational Council," which
serves to oversee the building.
The English-speaking congregation is comprised o f the founding congregation
and its ministries which, in turn, consist of: a Sunday school, with an average
attendance of 156; eight support and discipleship groups, a youth group which meets in
conjunction with a para-church organization called Young Life; the youth center; the
Mid-Wilshire Christian School; and the Bresee Foundation, which is a separate non
profit organization made up o f the Bresee Institute, a graduate-level training school for
inner-city ministry, the youth center and Human Services
The total budget of the church and all o f its ministries is approximately three
million dollars, with the Youth Center accounting for approximately one million, and
the school three quarters of a million dollars.
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Multi-congregational Structure
The multi-congregational structure also plays an important role in breaching
ethnic barriers. While there have been differing ethnic congregations using the building
for the last two decades, it is under Dr. Benefiel's leadership that the church took a bold
new step: the English-speaking congregation gave away its right to sole control of the
facilities. The reasoning behind this is revealed in the Charter o f the Multi-
Congregational Council, of which items B-C state:
B. God has called us to worship and to minister together as one church
with multiple congregations and ministries.
1. We believe that the ministry o f our church is strengthened both by
the diversity' o f our members and o f the community, and by the unity o f
our shared calling and vision o f ministry in our community.
2. We believe that our organizational structure and our use o f the
resources which God has entrusted to us should reflect both our
spiritual unity in the Body o f Christ and the diversity of our community
3 We believe that one of the great resources God has given us for
ministry' is our church facility located at 3401 W. Third Street in Los
Angeles, and that it is our responsibility as good stewards o f this
resource to both maintain it adequately and use it to its full potential
C. All members of the various congregations of First Church o f the
Nazarene, Los Angeles, California, have equal standing.
1. The church facility is jointly owned by the membership o f the various
congregations of the church.
2. The members of the various congregations of the church have a
shared responsibility for determining policy regarding facilities,
equipment and joint programming.
3. The members of the various congregations of the church have a
shared financial responsibility for maintaining the facilities and for
supporting jointly-sponsored ministries.
This unique structure of the church is set up so that each congregation, the
English speaking, the Hispanic, the Korean, and the Filipino have representatives on the
15-person "Multi-Congregational Council." The council has the legal responsibility of
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F i lip in o
Good Nev/s
B o o k sto r e
LOS ANGELES FIRST
CHURCH OF THE NAZARENE
Youth
Services
Bresee
Institute
T.J. ‘ Brtsu
foundation
M id-Uiilshire
Christian
Schools
Pastoral
C o u n c i l
K orean
Mul ti - Congregational
Council
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FIGURE 6
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Social Activities
Graffiti Removal
overseeing the facilities, specifically the maintenance, security, and space allocation.
Each congregation is represented by its senior pastor and other leaders who are
determined by the membership. The number of representaives from each congregation
are divided up proportionately according to the attendance and budget o f each
congregation. This organizational structure enables each congregation to function
autonomously, yet have a voice in and carry the responsibility o f the facilities. Legally
this structure also removes liability from the English-speaking congregation for the
other congregation's ministries.
The Multi-Congregational Council is reflective of the philosophy that makes
this church such a success in reaching its community. Giving the ethnic congregations
authority in the decision-making mechanisms in the church is an empowering step. By
giving them a voice, it gives them ownership of the buildings and a place that they can
call home— their home. As such, it develops in them a sense o f responsibility and
financial accountability for their involvement in the ministries. They are not just
renters, subservient to a landlord, but co-owners of the ministry.
This multi-congregational organizational structrue is not without its challenges
however. First, as the social ministries o f the church continue to grow', the ethnic
congregations want more and more to be involved in the decision-making process of
the council. The Bresee foundation, with the youth center, day care and school, now
accounts for two-thirds o f the total church income, approximately $2 million. There
has been much discussion as to whether to spin those ministries off as non-profit
organizations of their own, autonomous o f the church, or to change the charter of the
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multi-congregational council, to a multi-ministry council. Much o f this has yet to be
resolved.
Another challenge to the multi-congregational structure is being played out with
the pastoral transition even as I write. Due to his longevity in the congregation and his
ability to lead and bridge the diverse ministries, the chairman o f the council has always
been Dr. Benefiel, the pastor of the English-speaking congregation. In May of 1996,
Dr. Benefiel announced his resignation. With his resignation, the contingent from the
Hispanic congregation is arguing for the election o f the new chair before the new'
English-speaking congregation's pastor is appointed. This raises fear in the
representatives from the English-speaking congregation on the council due to
statements that the Hispanic pastor has made about "taking over" the place. In
addition, others among the different ethnic congregations who trust and know how to
relate to the white leadership, are not sure o f the other ethnic leaders. The challenge
before the church is whether different leadership, especially minority ethnic leadership,
can lead the various ethnic groups with the same democratic processes.
For the English-speaking congregation, having differing congregations meeting
in one building creates a door through which people of color are drawn to the church
and often end up attending the English-speaking congregation. The visibility o f the
ethnic groups on the property is a sign of the ministries going on at the building,
which in turn exposes them to the ministries o f the English-speaking congregation. For
instance, I talked to one Filipino woman informally who visited the church once
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because o f the Filipino congregation, then visited the English-speaking congregation
and felt more comfortable in it.
Within the multi-congregational structure, there are many opportunities by
which people of the different congregations can be involved with each other. In my
three months of observations: there was a multi-ethnic service where all the
congregations came together for one service, the English-speaking joined the Filipino
congregation for a special service lead by a group of Jewish Christians, and the young
English-speaking singles and the Hispanic singles met for a Friday night time of
fellowship.
A further evolution o f the multi-congregational concept has been to see the
ethnic churches become involved in the social outreaches to the community. While the
social outreaches primarily have been an extension of the English-speaking
congregations in the past, the Hispanic congregation has become more involved,
effectively taking over the feeding programs. This is an important step for the Hispanic
congregation, as they move from seeing themselves as guests in a white person's world,
with a mission only to Hispanics, to that of a host who needs to reach out and care for
those o f differing ethnicities.
While there are many activities by which members of the ethnic congregations
are exposed to the English-speaking congregation, the leadership o f the
English-speaking congregation are extremely sensitive and go out o f their way not to
encourage people of the other congregations or the ethnic people who would attend
these congregations to make the English-speaking service their home. This ethic
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creates a paradox. It keeps the English-speaking from targeting those ethnic groups
that dominate the neighborhoods nearest the church, while their mission is to reach the
people of the neighborhood.
This conflict is especially seen among the Hispanics. Though the
English-speaking congregation desires to reach the English-speaking Hispanics,
especially the second generation, they don't want to offend the Hispanic congregation,
whose services are entirely in Spanish. Hence their outreach potential is limited, which
can be attributed to the guiding ethic o f not stepping into the Hispanic church's domain.
Each congregation offers benefits and obstacles to the multi-congregational
structure. The English-speaking congregation offers the building, which it turned over
to the multi-congregational council, its financial strength, and the extended ministries of
the school, the youth center, and the Bresee Foundation. These social ministries create
a door for people of color to enter all the congregations. Most importantly, the
English-speaking congregation holds the motivating vision for the multi-ethnic ministry
The obstacles for the English-speaking congregation are great. They are trying
to maintain a ministry' to Caucasians who are their base and history, and yet keep from
being perceived as a "white" church. In trying to be sensitive to the cultural needs of
others, they run the risk o f losing their own identity. When attempting to minister to
any specific ethnic group, they risk focusing too much on one minority culture to the
neglect of others. Last, they risk giving up that which many have come to the church
for, which is to be in a white culture. Because of their philosophy o f contextualization,
many of the Caucasian leaders, who live in the suburbs miles from the church location,
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do not invite their neighbors to church because they feel they should be in a church in
their neighborhood. Ironically, people o f color do not invite their friends because of
the perception that this is a "white man's church." As Dr. Benefiel states:
[P]art o f it is the nature of this neighborhood. We see a lot o f people
who live in outlying areas [and] it's difficult for them to get their friends
and neighbors to come with them here and people who live here don't
know their friends and neighbors. It's the way the community is
expressed in the city.
This dilemma raises a question as to the purpose and mission that the English-
speaking congregation has had to wrestle with. Is their role simply to be administrators
of the whole, so that the others can do the outreach0 A role that appears to be
assigned to them by virtue o f their vision, philosophy, and history.
The Hispanic congregation has shown the most growth and potential for
growth Because o f their need for increased space, the English-speaking congregation
gave up its traditional Sunday morning time slot, moved to an earlier time, and allowed
the Hispanic congregation to come in after them. The positive benefits that proceed
from the Hispanic congregation are the funds that are generated for the building
maintenance, the increased growth in the total church membership, the ability to
minister to more people in the community, and especially the opportunity to overcome
the language and cultural barriers that exist between the English-speaking people and
the Hispanic community. The negative attributes are mainly found in the administrative
area. The Hispanic culture views time in a different way than the Caucasian-American
culture. The Hispanics tend to start late and go on for longer periods of time. This
makes the administration of the building and conducting joint events difficult.
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The Korean congregation offers many of the same benefits and obstacles to the
multi-congregational philosophy. The Korean services offer the church the ability to
reach more of its community. On the other hand, their services, which are long with
loud singing and praying, tend to be disruptive to the other congregations having
services at that time. They also have differing ideas about how their children are to be
controlled, which can be disruptive. The Koreans tend to be more independent, and
less involved with the other congregations.
Having the Korean congregation as part of the multi-ethnic structure also forces
the English-speaking congregation to deal with racial prejudice among the differing ethnic
groups, especially between the Koreans and the African Americans. However, because of
the Korean congregation’s isolation, much of the racial interaction is avoided. Most of the
interaction takes place between the differing ethnic groups and the Caucasians rather than
directly with each other. The Caucasians are the positive link which bridges ethnicity, as
well as the buffer zone for ethnic problems.
The Koreans have not adopted the same view on social action that the
English-speaking congregation has. Dr. Benefiel responded on this:
The Korean congregation is an example that is an easy one to pick on. Our
congregations, the Hispanic, the Korean, and the Filipino are like the ones I
grew up in. They are very homogeneous and don't have that larger world
view. They don't think of the whole city. It probably hurts them, but they
are ethnocentric.
Very little is said about the Filipino congregation. It is small in size, and makes up
a small portion of the church community. Since Filipinos have a propensity to speak
English, they present fewer obstacles and less of a threat to the other congregations.
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Social Programs
The structured outreach of the English-speaking congregation runs along two
different veins. First there is the birthing o f churches, the ethnic churches that make up
the multi-congregational council as well as three other Nazarene churches that were bom
out o f Bresee Institute and sponsored by First Church. One o f the churches started by
First Church is a congregation of downtown street people, meeting just one block from
where First church was founded; one ministers to South Central Los Angeles; and one
ministers to homeless young adults on the streets of Hollywood.
The second vein of outreach activity is the congregation’s social ministries.
These ministries come under the umbrella o f the Bresee Foundation and the Mid-Wilshire
Christian Schools. The Bresee Foundation is comprised of three different ministries. First
there is the Bresee Institute which offers classes at the graduate and undergraduate level,
an internship program, seminars, workshops, and conferences on urban ministry This
institute serves as an on-site training program linked with Fuller Seminary, Azusa Pacific
College, Clarmont School of Theology, as well as several Nazarene colleges.
The Bresee Institute plays an important role in the multi-ethnic ministry as the
academic arm which creates and steers the philosophy of the church. The classes are
attended by individuals from various denominations from the above-mentioned academic
institutions that are interested in urban ministry. The institute causes the church leadership
to keep up with the latest academic research on the work of the church in the city, as well
as providing differing voices that are involved in inner city work. The institute also
provides interns, who move into the neighborhood of the church, mostly from Nazarene
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Liberal Arts colleges to oversee the social programs o f the church. Many of these interns
wind up staying in Los Angeles, and become staff and key leaders in the English-speaking
congregation.
The second arm of the social ministry is the Human Resource ministry. This
ministry has four aspects. One is "Restore L.A." In the aftermath of the Los Angeles
riots the Human Resource ministry distributed food, took out work teams to help clean
up, and served as a conduit of funds to help businesses rebuild. During the Los Angeles
riots the storefront that the church used as a thrift store and food pantry was burnt down.
They have since relocated the store which is again a thriving ministry’. The second aspect
of the ministry is the Food Pantry which gives groceries to 200 low income families, and
100 food bags to the homeless each week. The workers for this service primarily come
from the Hispanic congregation. The third ministry is called "REN," a data resources and
referral program for food, clothing, shelter, and employment. The fourth ministry is a
health care program through which the church provides a site and staff for low income
community people to receive free, bi-weekly health care.
The fruit of the ministries is evident. The present organist of the church, in Dr.
Benefiel's words, possibly the best they have ever had, was a homeless young man, whose
street name was Animal, due to his unkept appearance and living situation when homeless
A woman who lived in boxes across the street from the church is now cleaned up and
functioning in society, a regular member o f the church.
The Youth Center is another important arm o f the church's social ministry. It
functions at three different sites. They have been given space at one of the high schools in
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South Central, in a building downtown, and on the third floor o f the church building. At
the downtown and high school site, the Youth Center provides tutoring. At the church,
the Youth Center provides a computer lab, a tutoring program, video arcade, a drop-in
center, and a snack bar. The Youth Center also provides sports leagues, and employment
opportunities for as many as 50 youth during the summer. The youth come to the Center
by referral from the Los Angeles Police Department, by referral from public schools, and
from the community. Many of the youth are transported from their schools in South
Central and East Los Angeles, for a "Youth Advocacy Program." The Center presently
registers between 1000-1200 visits a month. The racial makeup of the youth who attend
the center are 50-55% African American, 30-40% Latino, and between 5-10% Asian
and Caucasian-nonhispanic. The ages range from 8-21. The funding is provided by
grants, fundraisers and government-sponsored employment programs.
The primary focus of the center is not to get the youth who attend the center
involved in the life o f the church, but rather to form relationships, from which they are
introduced to Christ. While the majority of these youth may never be seen in the services
of the English-speaking congregation, they serve an important role of fulfilling the church’ s
philosophy o f social ministry. The youth center also serves as a mechanism which keeps
the congregation focused outward, and opens it to a broader world view. It provides
finances for the church and employment for the leaders. Numerically it has little effect on
the English congregations attendance. There is hope, though, that as these youth come to
maturity, especially those who have been sent away to different Nazarene universities on
scholarship, they will return and be leaders in the church.
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Liturgy
The rituals o f the Nazarene church reflect the paradoxical blending o f tradition and
modernity, always with a multi-ethnic appeal. In one Sunday morning service I attended,
my field notes were as follows:
At 9:58 A.M. one of the young men who had led songs on the previous
Sunday night, came to the pulpit and began leading choruses. They were
simple, reflective songs that were sung from the chorus sheet given in the
bulletin. The songs themselves were a mixture of folk type songs sung in
the 70's, interspersed with the traditional hymns, "How Great Thou Art",
and "I'd Rather Have Jesus." This last hymn was especially moving--as the
piano and trumpet accompanied the hymn, the people were singing
solemnly, in this old majestic building with the beautiful stained glass
window directly in front. I can see how the Cathedral-type o f a building,
and the ritual hymns play an important part in people’s faith. The songs
concluded with a chorus, "0 Lord Your Beautiful." This was sung as a
prayer directly to God. It brought the worshiper into a feeling of being in
the personal presence of God.
One can see the blending of the contemporary choruses with the traditional hymns
The church is also working to reflect its multiethnicity in its music. There is a
concentrated effort to use people of color and to sing music that is an expression of the
diverse cultures. There were black musicians that played and sang solos. There was a
Spanish music group that led the congregational singing on a Sunday morning, in Spanish.
At every service people of color participated in music, in prayer, in scripture
reading, in making announcements, or just leading different parts of the services. In the
Sunday afternoon and evening services, different ethnic members were called on to
address certain ethnic issues. For example, during a Sunday evening discussion on the
riots, a young black woman was called on to give her point of view. Further, the structure
of the services gave many opportunities to get involved. During the Sunday morning
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service all the people are invited down front for prayer at the alter. On Sunday evenings,
people were encouraged to share testimonies as to what God was doing in their lives.
These types of rituals allow all the people to express themselves and to feel a part o f the
church.
Pastor Benefiel's Sunday sermons also have an influence on the church’s
multiethnicity. For example in one Sunday sermon, he simply told stories. He wove the
stories around spiritual truths that were presented in a practical relevant way. He started
with a story of a hiking experience he had had the previous summer, and how because of
an accident he felt alone and without hope. He then went on to describe how it felt when
he saw help approaching. He related this to how many people feel alone and without
hope, but find help in Christ. By giving his sermon in a narrative format, each individual,
regardless of race or culture, could find something personal, something they could relate
to The message was not one that was deep in theological truth, but rather presented a
practical, this-life oriented attempt to offer healing balm to lives in the city.
Leadership
The three important groups of people who are involved in the leadership o f this
church are the senior pastors, the paid staff, and the lay leaders. While the senior pastors
of each of the congregations are technically o f equal standing, the influence of pastors of
the ethnic churches is limited to their own congregations and participation in the
multiethnic council. Dr. Benefiel is not only the senior pastor o f the English-speaking
congregations (which control the school), but also the chairman of the Multiethnic
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Council, and until recently, chairman o f the Bresee foundation, which oversees all the
social outreach ministries of the church. As mentioned before, the influence o f Dr.
Benefiel cannot be overstated; his charismatic vision was the creative motivation and is the
dominating force behind the multi-ethnic approach to ministry. It has been under his
leadership that the Multi-congregational Council was formed, and all o f the social
ministries were developed.
When questioned as to how his philosophy has emerged, he told the story of
growing up in white suburban churches, and being appointed to this congregation as a
youth pastor on the coat tail of his father’s appointment as senior pastor. As the youth
pastor, he was hired to "baby-sit" the kids o f the dying white congregation. In order to
survive, he had to develop a ministry to the community, which entailed surveying the
community and targeting the population of the community. This philosophy continued to
evolve as the demographic changes both of the church and the community forced him to
develop an approach to ministry that would meet the needs of the neighborhood. It was a
reaction both to the population and financial changes in the church. While other churches
in the Wilshire corridor have been able to remain homogeneously Caucasian, drawing their
clientele from the wealthier neighborhoods, such as Hancock Park, First Church was not
able to do so and had to implement change in order to survive.
Dr. Benefiel’s education also plays an important part in the multi-ethnic approach.
His degree in sociology expanded his social/political philosophy of life by exposing him to
different models of ministry than he was raised with in the Nazarene denomination. He
politically migrated from the conservative Republican family tradition, to a more liberal
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Democratic view. At the time I began my research, the presidential elections were in full
swing, and several different leaders of the church, including Dr. Benefiel, revealed they
had made a philosophical shift in terms of their political party distinction. While the
Nazarene church, as a rule, reflects conservative, Republican evangelicalism, Dr. Benefiel
and many o f his staff embrace a Democratic liberalism.
Dr. Benefiel7 s leadership style also plays an important role in the multi-ethnic
concept. He leads by consensus, as revealed in one interview with a member o f the
congregation: "The other thing I wanted to say was the pastor, Pastor Ron, is very much
a consensus pastor. He is a great idea person. He comes up with recommendations and
decisions, multiple ideas and then leads by consensus." This consensus leadership style
empowers the democratic processes of the church. It allows each ethnic person and group
to feel a part o f the decision-making processes o f the church. Further, it allows the
ministries of the church to be driven by the needs o f the participants, thereby making the
church more community sensitive. Equally, it allows for the empowering and
development o f leaders. By the leaders7 participation in the process, they become
responsible for the vision, direction and implementation o f decisions
The consensus style of leadership is reflected throughout the ministries o f the
church. A Sunday school class I attended, the Discovery Class, was led by a Nigerian and
made up o f many different ethnic individuals, and is managed entirely by consensus. For
example, they had to make a schedule change for the class for the following week. The
leader asked the people what they wanted to do, then made the decision accordingly. At
one of the Sunday night services, the theme was "the church's response to the Los Angeles
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riots." Several leaders of the church and the Bresee Institute were asked to take part in a
panel which discussed the different issues involved. Dr. Benefiel led this discussion and
influenced the direction by questioning his staff and asking the audience to express their
feelings. By eliciting their comments, he kept his vision before the people. He exposed
the need and let the people vocalize what they felt were the answers— he planted the seeds
o f his vision. He allowed staff and laity' alike participation in that vision. He addressed
issues relevant to the diverse ethnic community'. He used consensus to create, plant and
maintain the vision in others.
Leading by consensus is very important to the multi-congregational concept. It
facilitates the mission of the church to be caught and carried by all the congregation. They
all feel part o f the direction. It allows the ethnic minorities to have a voice to address their
particular cultural needs
The staff of the English-speaking congregation is made up of: a male senior pastor.
(Caucasian, early 40’ s, married, with 3 young children); two male assistant pastors.
(African American, late 20’ s, married and Nigerian, early 40’ s), a female assistant pastor,
(Caucasian, middle 20's), a female administrative assistant, (Caucasian late 20's), a male
director of the Bresee Institute, (Hispanic middle 30's), a male director o f the Youth
Center, (Caucasian, middle 20's), and a male youth pastor, (Caucasian, early 20's).
There are several factors concerning the staff that have an impact upon the
multi-ethnic nature o f the congregation. One is that the staff itself is multi-ethnic and
multi-gender. As mentioned above, there are 3 Caucasian males, 1 African American
male, 2 Caucasian females, 1 Hispanic male, and 1 Nigerian male. Having a multi-ethnic
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staff platforms the philosophy for the ethnic members o f the congregation. An ethnically
diverse staff allows the diverse ethnic members to feel represented in the power structures
of the church. It give ethnic members leadership models from their culture.
Another influential factor is the educational level o f the staff. All o f the paid
ministerial staff, have at least a bachelors degree and some graduate work. Two of the
staff have earned doctorate degrees, one in sociology, and one in urban planning. One is
in a Ph.D. program in missiology. Two have master o f divinity degrees, and one also has
a masters degree in urban planning. The high educational level is unique for a
conservative evangelical congregation, and is not a reflection of the educational level of
the community. The educational level leads to a more liberal philosophy of ministry that
encourages social involvement and ethnic interaction. Further, the high educational level
of the pastoral staff provides a base o f teachers for the Bresee Institute, which in turn
draws young Nazarene college students, most of whom are white, to the English-speaking
congregation. Many o f these students, after their education, stay in Los Angeles and
become leaders in the church's diverse ministries.
While the church has been able to effectively recruit and train leadership from the
Nazarene Colleges, it has not been able to effectively recruit leadership among the
indigenous people o f the community. This topic surfaced in many of the interviews I
conducted. The highest levels of decision-making of the English speaking congregation
are predominantly made up of committees o f Caucasians from traditional Nazarene
backgrounds, a majority o f whom are female. While there is ethnic involvement, the
people of color tend to function in the service roles rather than administrative. The
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ushering crew on Sunday mornings was made up o f the leader who is a female Caucasian
in her 60's, 4 males (2 Hispanic, 1 black, and one who appeared to be from the Middle
East) all in the 40-60 years age range. Ethnic members, with the exception of the paid
staff, serve on the lower levels o f responsibility and authority of the ministries o f the
church.
While several explanations were offered for the lack o f indigenous ethnic
leadership, there is a distinct difference between the reasons offered by those in leadership
as opposed to the ethnic minorities on the fringe. Those in leadership, people o f color and
Caucasian, felt that the lack o f indigenous leaders is due to the transitory nature o f the
community. As the people who live near the church move up the socio-economic ladder
to a place where they would be considered leadership, they physically move to the
suburbs. Others feel that the minority ethnic members of the church are encouraged to
move into positions o f leadership, yet they do not see the need for their involvement Or
their own needs of taking care of their family, and work are such that they can not give the
time to the church. Another factor is the requirements for leadership within the
congregation. Service on the highest committees is limited to people who have some
experience in the church generally and two years of attending the services. One
interviewee stated that because of the complexity of the church you need certain levels of
qualifications, which most in the community do not possess. Another reason, which
reflects the homogeneous concept, is stated by one o f the leadership:
I would imagine there's a comfort level for new people that takes a while to
develop On a number of levels just feeling comfortable socially with the
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established order [helps] break into that invisible wall o f acceptance. . .
Even though there are hands that my be reaching out it takes someone
with that mind set to go ahead and take hold. . . .And it's not an easy
process for anyone. We gravitate to people that we're most familiar with
and that we have most in common with.
While the people in leadership see themselves as reaching out for indigenous
leadership, the minority people on the fringe see several different issues. One issue raised,
as mentioned above, is need. With the highly educated and trained staff and laity running
the church they feel they have very little to offer. The ethnic individuals feel that the
pressing needs in their own life are so great that they have no time to give. One
interviewee specifically feels there is an invisible wall that keeps back indigenous leaders.
In response to my question, "Is there a racial, economic or academic wall that keeps
indigenous people from leadership0,” one person responded:
There is a wall, and I have talked to, not so much black people, but some
o f the other cultures that are here. Just in passing, it wasn't even directly
brought up It was kind of indirect conversation. We were driving in a car
going to a meeting, "Well, did this happen, dap-da-dap. Oh, yeah I
experienced that." And it's very true. We had a Sunday School teacher
who is currently here, who is teaching the class now; but when they were
looking for a teacher, his name was never brought up. Eventually someone
said, "how about so and so?" And there was dead silence in the room. If
you really need someone, we'll call on him. Okay, he now teaches that
class and teaches the class very well.
Philosophy
The basis of ministry o f First Church is built on a philosophy that both recovers the
original vision o f its founder, Phineas Bresee, and gives new impetus for ministry today.
Faced with an ethnic demographic shift in the neighborhood, the congregation led by the
senior pastor has built a philosophy that encourages ethnic participation. This philosophy
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has emerged from Dr. Benefiel. The importance of this cannot be overstated. As revealed
by one of the staff:
I think this place is a hub around Ron Benefiel. He is the person that this
place circulates around. I mean the reason this place is here still today has
a lot to do with him. The way it looks and the way it works has a lot do
with him. If he was to leave, we'd be in a lot of trouble. His style of
leadership is very, on the one hand, hands off He recruits the best he can
find and then he puts confidence in them and turns them loose to develop
ministries that fit into his overall plan, the church’ s overall philosophy.
I think the philosophy o f the church is pretty much grounded in the leadership,
which is Ron. I think if we were under different leadership, the church
would not be going the way it's going right now. I think Ron attempts to
be very sensitized to the different groups, and he is getting better at it.
Dr. Benefiel’s influence is created from several factors. First, being the son of one
o f the previous pastors, and the son of the previous District Superintendent, (though his
father just retired), and having spent approximately ten years in the church before being
promoted to senior pastor, has made him the "fair-haired son" o f the congregation.
Second, most of the leadership o f the church came into the church directly through Dr.
Benefiel’s influence, many from the period when he was director of the singles ministry
Third, unlike most pastors who are seminary trained. Dr. Benefiel had his training in
sociolog}- He holds a Ph.D. from the University of Southern California. As a result, his
long personal relationship with the church has allowed him to have a maximum input into
its direction. His relationships, family and friends are the direction-setting committees of
the church, and his pastoral approach is strongly grounded in sociological insight.
Dr. Benefiel's influence also reflects sociologist Max Weber’ s "routinization of
charisma." As the congregation lost the vision of the founder, became institutionalized
and routinized, along came a very gentle, quiet, personal, gifted, charismatic leader, with a
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rekindling o f the original vision. He enlisted the young single Nazarenes, often alienated
from the traditional church because of their singleness, discouraged with the traditional
church model and gave them a new vision, with a new paradigm for ministry.
Being an academician and leading spokesperson for urban ministry, there are a
number of concepts that undergird the philosophy that are carefully articulated by Dr.
Benefiel. The first is what he calls "holistic." In his words:
L.A. First believes that holiness expresses itself in the character o f the
whole person who functions effectively as part of the community in
mission. As John Wesley says, sanctification is nothing more than loving
God with all one's heart, mind, soul and body, Christ replicated in action.
Hence, holiness, wholeness and health are all inter-related concepts.
However, within the city, the corrupting pulse of sins run deep and along
three veins: the sins of the world, the flesh and the Devil. Worldly sins are
those that invade the systematic aspects o f society, the fleshly sins are those
more directly involved with our personal choices, and the Satanic presence
of sin is manifested in direct encounters with the demonic. Sin, in its three
dimensions, interplays its devastation and demands holistic response. First
Church makes a calculated attempt not only to address the issue o f sins at
all levels, but also to respond lovingly to the devastation with the cup of
cold water, with systematic transformation or with prayer and fasting as the
need requires.
The next central concept is "incamational.” It is being Christ to the world, not
just telling the world about Him. It means that one lives, drinks and suffers at the same
pool of human interaction as the people one serves. Incamational is revealing Christ in
relationship with people. Several of the staff described the theory this way:
I think what is unique about our church is the fact that we are so socially
active. We are in the midst of so much need and we are doing more than
preaching to people, saying we love God, we are living it, and people see
that. We are socially active and that is what brings people to our church,
and differentiates us from other churches.
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And again as revealed in the church's ministry to youth:
The whole basis of our philosophy is that we believe that all the activities
are evangelistic, from the computer lab, to the whole youth center, to the
things we do, and the activities we do. All these things put our staff and
our volunteers into positions where they have the opportunity to build
relationships with kids. And we're building friendships. . .and these
friendship are unconditional, without any conditions. We believe that as
we build those relationships with kids they'll want to (know Christ). They
will want to know why we are building those relationships. Why we care
enough to spend time with them.
This philosophy reveals the reason for the strong social ministry of the church.
Ministries such as the feeding program, the thrift store and the basketball league put the
church people in relationships in the community. The process of evangelism is
accomplished through personal relationship rather than proclamation. Further, the church
finds ministry' in areas of need within the community, such as providing a school for the
need o f child care, and providing support groups for the psychologically needy. The
incamational theology finds its expression in the diverse social activities of the church.
Another driving theory behind the church's mission is one Dr. Benefiel calls.
"contextual" By contextual he means that each person ought to initially receive the
gospel in the conceptual and linguistic forms in which he or she feels most comfortable.
He further clarifies:
contextual means that we intend to begin with people in ministry where
they are, instead o f asking them to come where we are. For instance, with
the youth upstairs, right now working with you in the street, we don’ t
expect large numbers of people we work with to join the English-speaking
congregation. . . we can minister more effectively to many more of them if
we have a ministry that is contextually appropriate, using their world view.
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This theory finds its expression throughout the church life. It reflects the church’s
philosophy o f seeing itself as a parish. In a demographically changing context the
community determines its ministry. For this particular congregation this has been a major
paradigm shift. This church's history was that o f a preaching center. People drove from
all over Los Angeles to hear the preaching and listen to the music. With the parish
concept, the church has moved from a vision o f trying to reach the middle and upper class
whites throughout Los Angeles through preaching and music, to trying to reach its
immediate neighborhood through social service
The contextual philosophy further finds its expression, as noted in Dr. Benefiel’s
previous statement, in the diverse social ministries and ethnic congregations. The social
ministry’s intent is not to bring people into the life o f the English-speaking congregation,
but to allow each individual to find the expression o f Christianity that they feel culturally
comfortable with. Each individual congregation is allowed to develop its ministry within
the context o f its culture.
Contextualization is closely related to another ideology that undergirds the
philosophy o f the congregation which is defined as "homogeneous subgroups within a
heterogeneous whole." This practice allows individuals to maintain their culture and race,
while participating in a larger social context. Thus, Korean, Filipino, and Hispanic
congregations can exist separately and yet be tied into a larger world view. But having a
contextual ministry requires constant change. The church is constantly examining itself to
see if it is successful. It is constantly molding itself to the context o f its community. As
one of the lay leaders explained:
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I think we're always looking at ourselves, that is true, to make sure that
we’re doing what we're supposed to be doing. And with all the changes
we've gone through, that is one thing that I think has been to our credit.
We are trying to always be open and look at what we're doing. And if we
have any success I think that's part of it.
You see change and willingness to change in virtually every area of the church. On
a Sunday morning, in the English-speaking service, a group came in and sang special
numbers in Spanish. In doctrine, they downplay traditional points o f contention, such as
the use of spiritual gifts. In schedule, they have changed the times o f the English-speaking
service to an early hour so the Spanish congregation could have more growth potential.
In program, they moved the traditional Sunday School to after the Sunday morning
service, so the Hispanics could have the sanctuary. In dress, they have moved from a
formal traditional style, to informal contemporary Being willing to change is important in
being able to reach a multi-ethnic community
The contextual philosophy under girds another concept which Pastor Benefiel
calls "acceptance " Not only are the diverse ethnic groups and cultures accepted within
their own context, but individuals as well are accepted for who they are. This is revealed
in one of the interviews with an African-American woman, who remarked:
I think it was the people who represented Christ as they best knew Him and
understood Him that w'on me over. A very structured environment never
would have worked. A very relaxed environment never would have
worked. It took people being Jesus in a real sense o f the word, accepting
me for who I was. Acceptance, I think that's the key. People accept you
here for who you are. No one says you have to be this; you don't have to
wear a tie if you don't want to wear a tie.
In virtually every interview I conducted, this acceptance was brought up, from staff, from
lay leaders and from the fringe ethnic members as well.
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Dr. Benefiel sees this as an answer to Emile Durkheim's "anomy." He sees
people’s lives in the city in a state o f disorder and decay, rejection and lawlessness. In his
mind it is the church's function to address this in the culture and personal lives o f people.
This is demonstrated with the church’s involvement in the L.A. riots. Immediately after
the riots, the church began distributing food, sending teams to help clean up, and raising
funds to help open businesses that had burned. Further, the issue was addressed in the
life of the congregation as services were given over to discuss the riot. Accepting people
is an attempt to allow the individual person, race and culture to express themselves to find
healing and peace
Another First Church foundational ideology' is labeled "comprehensive" As Dr
Benefiel articulated it, "The comprehensive component means that the church is a parish
with a mandate to minister to the immediate encircling neighborhood. . To care for a
community is to study and absorb it--demographically, structurally and meticulously
Comprehensive love seeks the optional way to package and present its ministry to people
in the most appealing way possible." The impact of this concept has been to turn the
church's identity away from that of a regional church, where people drive in from all over
Los Angeles to attend, which it had been in the past, to a local parish, which ministered to
the needs o f the immediate community.
The last concept that defines the ministry is "community." Defining community
Benefiel states:
The church is not primarily a vehicle to provide human services, but rather
to nurture authentic Christian community . Frequently, the servant
mentality has been distorted in that it tends to fixate on people’s disabilities
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and then create derivative programs that reduce people into extensions of
their deficiencies toward a person's capabilities. By inviting one to join and
participate actively in the Christian community. First Church sees its
'groupness' as God's most effective healing model. The wide diversity of
gifts imbedded in such a church finds and encourages relationships in the
most imaginative o f ways.
One way that an urban church is forced to distinguish itself from a rural
one is that genuine community must be internalized or its participants will
only ffagmentally know each other in the facades o f Sunday. For that
reason, many o f the activities of L.A. First call for new angles and access of
relationship.
Through viewing the church as a community. First Church seeks to establish
relatonial lines of healing to the alienated indiviuals and groups in the neighborhood. It is
only through the combined efforts and resources of all the members of the church, can all
the members of the community be effectively ministered to.
People
At the heart of this research is the desire to determine why people attend a
multi-ethnic congregation. As we have seen, the church's structure, with its
multi-congregations, allows the homogeneous theory of religious life to fully function
within three diverse ethnic groups. One question at the heart of this research is, why do
people of different ethnic groups worship in the same service? At the Sunday morning
English-speaking services, the breakdown was approximately 60% Caucasian and 40%
ethnic minorities.
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I have identified five types of individuals who attend the English-speaking
services. These ideal types present a picture o f the people who attend a multiethnic
service and highlight the underlying issues that each represents.
The first type is what I call "people o f mission." Those in this group are usually
middle class, white, males or females, raised or trained in a Nazarene tradition, and
between the ages o f 20-40. These individuals feel "called" to the church by God. As
noted by one interviewee:
I really feel like God has kept the doors open and He wants us here and we
have a ton o f defects, honestly. I mean I can name people, situations and
incidents, but it's like God is saying he wants us here. I don't understand
that, but its okay. So it's a non-rational thing [that] we’re here.
The people of mission identify with the social direction and general philosophy of the
church Such people are usually in leadership positions, or are key workers in the church
They often have taken some classes at the Bresee institute. They have developed a
theology or ideology of what the church's function is, and see this church's vision as the
fulfillment of their ideology. They most often have had a traditional church background
and see this as a break from the traditional Nazarene church concept and as a more
advanced philosophy of ministry'. They have been exposed to human suffering and racism
and see the church as the answer. Dr. Benefiel, when addressing this category of people,
stated:
Those that have [emerged here as the leadership core] tend to be young
adults who are here intentionally for ministry [and are] identified with the
new mission of the church. The Bresee institute has been very instrumen
tal in attracting people who are committed to the ministry of this church
and to the community. They graduated from the program, stayed, and
many of those with leadership abilities often are superachievers.
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The people of mission are involved in the life o f the church because of its mission.
They either intentionally move into the neighborhood o f the church, or commute from
some distance to be a part of the mission of the church. They embrace a world view that
over-arches the individual. They are willing to get involved in addressing the incarnate
evil in the social structures of the institutions, as well as meeting the practical needs o f the
individual. People of mission see themselves as the vehicle by which spiritual and social
salvation flows to the people of the community. People o f mission sees the mission o f the
church as the need to change social structures. As such, he or she has gone through a
paradigm shift adopting a liberal political view, rather than the conservative Nazarene
tradition
This ideal type of "people of mission" fits well with Max Weber's concept o f
"meaning." This mission allows individuals to locate themselves and their personal actions
in a larger social order. It makes possible the evaluation o f past actions and, most
importantly in this case, motivates future action. The mission fulfills an important need
which gives the participant supernatural meaning and direction. The mission gives this
world expression to religious ideals. As such, the mission validates the personal worth
and need o f the individual, and group of individuals who themselves are being alienated by
the constant cultural transition."
Another ideal type is what I will call the "culturally alienated." These individuals
are usually a male or female persons of color, between the ages of 20-40, with some
homogeneous religious background other than Nazarene. These individuals have had
what one called, a "white experience." He/she has spent some time in a Caucasian-
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dominated culture, either in a school, military, or family setting. They have had some
alienating experience with their own culture, and are more comfortable and find more ac
ceptance in the Caucasian-dominated culture. These people come into the church as
individuals rather than with a group o f their own kind. This type is portrayed in my field
notes from an informal interview I had with a Filipino lady:
I turned and spoke to the Filipino lady next to me, and asked about her
prayer request. I asked why she was attending the English-speaking
congregation instead o f the Filipino. She said that she came here from a
different Filipino congregation, and they were too concerned with the
details o f everybody's life. They also were not as deep, they stayed on
more o f an emotional level. She had visited the Filipino congregation when
she first came, but liked the English speaking congregation better. I asked
if there were some cultural things that she missed by not worshiping with
the Filipinos, and she said "no". In the Philippines she had worked with
many nationalities and had done a lot o f traveling. She felt at home in a
multi-ethnic setting.
The "culturally alienated” person is revealed in another formal interview I
conducted. The interviewee was an African American female, in her early 30's, with a
bachelors degree from a conservative, white-dominated academic institution The
interview was held immediately before the Sunday night service. She came dressed in blue
jeans, a sweat shirt, a stripped engineer’s hat, and wearing dark sunglasses. My immediate
reaction was, "this is not the way a typical African American woman dresses for church ."
As I found out, her dress portrayed her individual search for identity. The interview
follows:
Question: Why do you feel more comfortable fin thisj setting than you
would in a setting like that which would maintain [your] culture?
Answer: Because, while I am black. I wasn't raised black. I'm more accepted in
the white community than I am in the black community.
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Question: As a person, you kind o f wanted to be an individual, as opposed to
being a black woman, and then coming here to a white church is an expression o f
that?
Answer: Yeah, I am a woman who happens to be bom black. I am a
woman who happens to believe in education very highly. And I'm always
looking for more. . . I choose to come here now because it's meeting the
needs I have now
From the individual's perspective, the multiethnic congregation plays an important
role in allowing and legitimizing the expressions of the individual. This type of
congregation creates the opportunity for the individual to express those distinct, personal
ideas, values and needs that cannot be expressed in their ethnic homogeneous domain.
The individual's need is met as he or she finds personal acceptance o f who they are, and
are allowed to express themselves as an individual in contrast to the cultural norm. The
ethnic individual finds identity with individuals like themselves who are going against the
cultural norms and are constantly changing
Being in a multiethnic setting often will give a previously alienated individual
prominence that they never had in their homogeneous setting. For instance, a black
person, in a black congregation, is one among many. At First Church, because blacks are
in the minority, and because the church prides itself on its racial diversity a black person
may get special attention and would feel a since of importance.
My third ideal type is the "cultural assimilator." These people are of minority
status, second generation in America, o f a lower academic and educational level, ages
20-40, bilingual, who are seeking a rise in social status. They seek a multiethnic
congregation in order to procure the necessary contacts, language, and cultural norms in
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order to advance their position in life. These people face alienation from their traditional
culture as they move into the white person’ s world. They often are already seeking
assimilation through employment, education or inter-racial marriage. The multiethnic
congregation serves as a vehicle by which one transitions from one culture to another, and
legitimizes the individual as they make this transition with others. The assimilator can be
seen in an interview with a young Hispanic male:
So I'm with them there and there's really a lot of Hispanics who are now
starting to say, "hey, in order for me to improve in this world, I'm going to
start going to school." So there's a little trend of Hispanics starting to
move into education. . . I think I'm still part of it. I think I'm just a little
part of the movement. Especially, most o f them are younger within their
early 20's.
Question: Do you think this group o f people you're talking about are the
people w ho are more likely to attend an English-speaking church ?
Answer: Yeah, I do think so. And if you look in our congregation, most
o f them are in that age, and if they are not, their parents, who are usually
older, are in the Spanish service. If they are younger, they are usually
going to the Spanish service because their parents are taking them to the
Spanish service.
From a sociological perspective, once an individual’s needs exceed that which can
be provided by the ethnic immigrant community, new vehicles for cultural transition
emerge. Meredith McGuire makes the comment, "Religious groups provided important
resources to newly arrived immigrants, especially during the great waves o f immigrations
in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. They provided informal networks of association
through which the immigrant could obtain a job, help with housing and other mutual
assistance."1 2 Once the homogeneous group no longer provides the necessary social
support for cultural transitions, movement takes place. Religion is one venue by which
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ethnic individuals cross over into the dominant culture. In this sense, religion and the
multiethnic congregation serves a purpose quite the opposite of maintaining culture, but
rather of transitioning culture.
Another ideal type is the "traditionalist." These are a people of either gender,
raised in the Nazarene tradition or this particular congregation, Caucasian, age 30 or
older. These people are associated with this congregation not because of its specific
vision, but rather because of the Nazarene tradition and because of the individual’s
tradition with this particular church. As one long-time member commented: "Well,
personally I think for myself a lot of this church is my family and my tradition so I wrap
that all up too; I can't discount it."
To these individuals, the church is a place w here the values and norms of the white
culture are maintained. Many of these individuals have a long history w ith the church, and
serve in the dominant leadership roles. To these individuals, the multiethnic congregation
is a threat. They see the social ministry as an expression of this pastor, rather than as an
expression o f the English-speaking congregation at large. Change, though viewed as
necessary, is threatening, as it calls into question their previous perspective o f life and as
such their view o f themselves. While the multi-ethnic congregation is a threat to the
"maintainer," it is tolerated as a necessary evil for survival. These individuals look to the
past for validation for present ministry. In this model religion legitimizes the social order
and social practice. It is the canopy which maintains the personal identity which evolves
from the social structure.
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The last category o f persons who attend are "people of convenience." These
people are typically people who live very near the church and are an ethnic minority. He
or she came to the church through the doors o f one o f the social ministries because o f the
practical needs that were met, or they attend simply because the church is convenient to
where they live. They are not as interested in the philosophy, theology or mission o f the
church, but they do sense a need to worship. Primarily their interest lie in getting their
immediate practical needs satisfied. These people come to the church as individuals, often
marginalized from their own culture economically. They have very individualistic religious
beliefs, often formed through coping with cultural alienation.
Summary
The First Church of the Nazarene's multiethnic congregation is built upon a
democratic participative style of leadership that embraces the ethic enclaves in the
decision making processes of the church. At its core is a philosophy that is holistic,
ministering to the whole person. It is incamational, which gives birth to social action.
The churches ministry is contextualized, which gives individuals, races, and cultures
acceptance. The churches structure is homogeneous sub-groups within a heterogeneous
whole, which allows for cultural maintenance. The building, rituals and social programs
play an important role as they serve as bridges by which people of color move from one
culture into another. Last, it is built on a group of people with culturally specific needs
that can only be met within a religious setting. Some are people who are pursuing
meaning (people of missions), people who are seeking to express their individual identity
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(culturally alienated), people seeking cultural transition and upward mobility (cultural
assimilator), people who seek to maintain their culture (traditionalist) and people seeking
to have their practical daily physical needs met (people of convenience).
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NOTES
1. William Prince. "The Founding Purpose." Herald of Holiness . October 1995, 1.
2. The Encyclopedia o f American Religious History. 1996 ed., s.v. "Holiness."
3. Encyclopedia o f the American Religious Experience. 1987 ed., s.v. "Holiness and
Social Witness."
4. Fletcher Tink, "Urban Ministry Leadership in Los Angeles and Beyond," Grow. Spring
1995, 8.
5. "The Centennial Publication," The First Church of the Nazarene, 29 October, 1995, 2.
6. "Minutes of First Organizational Meeting," First Church o f the Nazarene, October
1895.
7 Herald of Holiness. 24 November 1915, 1 .
8. Timothy Smith. Phinehas F. Bresee. The Certainties of Faith (Kansas City: Nazarene
Publishing House, 1958), 5.
9. Timothy Smith, Called Unto Holiness: The Storv of the Nazarenes (Kansas City:
Nazarene Publishing House, 1962), 133.
10. "King Jesus Acclaimed," Free Track Society Print, Publisher of Christian Literature,
1902.
11. Meredith B. Mcguire. Religion: The Social Context (Belmont: Wadsworth Publishing,
1992), 32.
12. Ibid., 39.
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FIRST BAPTIST
"Integrated”
On October 25, 1951 the Los Angeles Times declared with bold headlines,
"Minority Vote Bars 2 Negroes From Church." This article was the first o f many that
would appear the following year chronicling the struggle with racism faced by the largest
Baptist church in the Western United States. That event, accompanied by massive urban
flight around the church, was pivotal in forming the philosophy and structure o f the First
Baptist Church o f Los Angeles. At First Baptist one can observe a church and a
denomination with a long history of ethnic involvement, a church that has traversed
through a dramatic philosophical change because o f ethnic involvement, a church that
for the last three decades has wrestled with a particular type of multiethnic philosophy,
and a church whose existence in its present state as a multiethnic church is at a crossroads.
History
During England's stormy sixteenth century, many new forms of Christianity arose.
In protest to the authority of the church and its lack of moral condition, reformers
preached a new gospel which emphasized personal accountability and a purified church.
As noted by Nancy Ammerman:
One o f the predominant ideas among these reformers was that the
congregation was formed by a covenant between God and humanity that
called for strict accountability on the part o f members, accountability that
could not be legislated from above nor bound by tradition, accountability
that was possible only in the context o f a local body of committed
believers, relying on scripture as their sole guide.1
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Such ideas, along with militant preaching against the papacy and Anglican bishops, landed
many of their leaders in jail, exile and even death. Some of these reformers wanted to
purify the church from within, and patiently waited for a change. Puritans, as they were
called, wanted liberty in self-expression in matters o f religion. Others separated
themselves from the church, declaring the church false religion with false worship— these
became known as "separatists." At the onset o f the seventeenth century, a small group of
separatists, persecuted in England and led by one John Smyth, fled to Amsterdam to
practice religious freedom. Smith held common separatist views that the church must
separate from all "uncleanness," but went even further. He began arguing that adult
baptism was a necessary sign o f participation in the covenant, and that adults baptized as
infants ought to be rebaptized as a sign o f faith. "He took this idea so seriously that in
1609 he rebaptized himself and several others. In that act, the first English Baptist church
was bom."2
In Amsterdam, Smyth's group came under the influence of Mennonites and others
with Anabaptist beliefs. While there is much debate about the extent o f the influence of
the Anabaptists upon the separatists, in a politically, economically, and socially unstable
society there undoubtedly would have been religious cross-pollination, especially between
marginalized groups still in the process o f formation. This cross-pollination was
enhanced by their many commonalities. They were both widely persecuted and exiled.
They shared the common belief that "the church ought to be composed o f regenerate
persons, individuals who had made a conscious choice to be Christian and who accepted
responsibility for their own soul's welfare."3 In addition, they believed in the autonomy of
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the local congregation. The Anabaptists believed that democracy was the only appropriate
form of church government. No distinctions were made between clergy and laity. At the
time of baptism, one became a minister of the gospel. Smyth also held a view of
egalitarianism, believing that church leaders ought to be accountable only to their
congregations.
As the Baptists were struggling to establish themselves in England, many migrated
to America. Once here, they found themselves in conflict with the established Puritans in
New England over the matter of separation of church and state. They in turn founded
their own colony in Rhode Island led by founder Roger Williams. Driven by the pursuit o f
religious liberty, they founded the first Baptist church in Providence in 1639.4 Well into
the eighteenth century, Baptists continued to arrive in New England, face conflict with
their Puritan neighbors, and move on to New Jersey and Pennsylvania where religious
liberty was guaranteed. In this atmosphere of religious freedom, where the dissenter could
practice without fear, the Baptist movement flourished.
By the mid-eighteenth century, the Baptist numbers were growing due to the
influence o f Jonathan Edwards and the Great Awakening. The Baptists, who had always
believed in the need for individual conversion, reaped the benefits o f people embracing this
new theology preached by Edwards and his followers in revivals across the eastern
portions o f the colonies.
From its inception, the Baptist religion maintained a strong anti-establishment
attitude, highly emotional services, and inclusion of women among their preachers. They
believed that mission work was to be done by the local churches, and only the local
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churches had the ability to ordain and call their ministers. This combination of local
autonomy with community responsibility and a non-traditional approach to structure and
service provided the right mix for the settlers moving west.
By the early nineteenth century, being free from religious restrictions, the Baptists
sought to expand through frontier revivals and mission societies. During this period,
Baptists were at the forefront o f the missionary movement, sending missionaries around
the world. It was to rally missionary support that the first national organization of
Baptists in America was bom in 1814. This convention brought together some 200
diverse mission societies operating at the local level from all over the country and was
called the National Baptist Missionary Society.6
Demands were also placed upon the growing denomination to meet the needs of
various missions’ endeavors in the United States. These included such projects as
education, planting of new churches, and Indian missions. At a triennial national
convention, which met in New York City in 1832, a conference on home missions was
held. This resulted in the American Baptist Home Mission Society being formed, defining
as its field the North American continent.7 The early half o f the century saw phenomenal
growth among the Baptists. As told by Ammerman:
The number of Baptist churches was growing rapidly as a result o f both the
Great Awakening and the Southern revivals. Baptist presence was
spreading throughout the new nation, and Baptist organizations for the
promotion o f missions were gaining strength. Baptist churches were
moving from their position as scattered, beleaguered bands into the
mainstream of American religion. Baptist mission societies took their
place alongside the dozens o f other voluntary societies that were rising up
in the early decades o f the nineteenth century. National groups promoting
Sunday Schools, Bible distribution, peace, and charities of all sorts were
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the order o f the day. . . As the nation itself began to develop its identity,
these religious organizations were uniting church people into a national
network o f which Baptists were a part.*
As the country and the church approached the middle of the century, a new
problem was emerging. The issue of slavery which was beginning to divide the country,
was dividing the Baptists as well. Initially brought together by the strength o f their
mission work and their publishing concerns, they were now being divided by regional
racial issues. The Baptist Church in the North had embraced the abolitionist cause and
was active in anti-slavery organizations. The Baptists in the South became equally active
in defending the institution o f slavery which was at the heart of the southern economy.
As Ammerman reveals:
Both sides were convinced that God smiled on their cause. Northerners
were sure that God could not condone the treatment o f one race as less
than fully human. The doctrine o f "soul competency” before God served
abolitionists well. But Southerners were equally convinced that God meant
for the races to be separated, each fulfilling unique foreordained functions
o f master and slave and living as individually pious persons, obedient to
God's laws.9
The issue of slavery was fought in the one organization that held the Baptists
together--the mission society. The Northern Baptists, who controlled the society, would
no longer send missionaries who endorsed slavery. Hence,the decision to establish two
different mission conventions was made and endorsed equally on both sides. In the spring
of 1845, some 328 candidates from nine state conventions gathered in Augusta, Georgia
to organize the Southern Baptist Convention. Before the Civil War broke out, four more
states would join, extending the new denomination's territory from Texas to Florida, and
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from Virginia to Missouri. The states that made up the new convention encompassed the
region that would become the Confederacy.1 0
With the aftermath of the Civil War, the nation, as well as the Baptists in the
North, began to redefine themselves. These Baptists took upon themselves the new label
of Northern Baptist. Their mission organization renamed itself the American Baptist
Missionary Union. During this period o f reconstruction, the Northern Baptists took an
active interest in the education and welfare o f the blacks in the South, much to the dismay
of the Southern Baptists, who were seeking to maintain strict social separation. The
North sent a contingent of home missionaries into the South that was roughly three times
the size o f the entire Southern Baptist domestic mission force; their primary intent was to
establish colleges and churches for the ex-slaves.1 1
Once the Mexican-American War ended, California was left an ungovemed
frontier. After the Civil War, the nation began to rebuild itself. The frontier began to
expand further West, and Los Angeles became a popular destination. While the town of
Los Angeles had existed for almost a century, it was not until the end of the nineteenth
century that it became a focal point for expansion o f the American enterprise. The cattle
rush opened up the plains for travel and the discovery of gold brought prosperity to the
cattle ranches already in existence. Los Angeles began to grow, but the behavior of its
citizens evidenced the lack of religious influence and it become the most lawless town in
the west. In 1853, with a population o f only 2000, there was an average o f one murder a
day.1 2
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In that same year, 1853, there had been a Baptist attempt to start meetings in the
city of Los Angeles. Rev. John Freeman came into the city for one service but there were
not enough Baptists to organize a church. That year a Baptist church was started in El
Monte, an agricultural area where most o f the early emigrants had chosen to settle. This
was the first Baptist church and the first Protestant church in all of southern California.1 3
Five years later, Presbyterian minister William Boardman attempted to start a Presbyterian
church in the city but finding too few Presbyterians, he organized all o f the Protestants
into the "First Protestant Society of Los Angeles." There was at least one Baptist among
that group, who became their song leader, and later joined First Baptist. Pastor Boardman
resigned however in 1861 and the church disbanded.1 4
In 1860, effort was made to start another Baptist church in Los Angeles, but this
too failed. The services were conducted for about a year, by Richard Fryer, a lay Baptist
preacher from Texas who had organized the El Monte work.1 5 It was not until fourteen
years later that an official Baptist church was started. This came about through the efforts
of Dr. William Hobbs. Hobbs was first o f all a missionary who equipped himself as a
medical doctor in order to facilitate his desire for foreign missions. He and his family
came to Los Angeles and, failing to find a Baptist church, drew together a group of a
dozen or so who met regularly in each others’ homes. Desiring more than a home
fellowship, the group decided to get help from the closest Baptist association, which
existed in San Francisco. This began the association o f First Baptist with the American
Baptist denomination which has continued unbroken throughout the entire century. 1 6
2 3 6
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On September 6, 1874, the First Baptist Church of Los Angeles came into being
with a total o f eleven members, at least four o f whom had at one time been Baptist
missionaries. From its beginning, the congregation showed signs o f being ecumenical and
multiethnic. Their first public meetings were held in the Zahn Chapel, a German
Methodist church. The chapel was a small room built onto the house of Dr. Johann Carl
Zahn. Zahn and Hobbs had much in common as Zahn was also a medical doctor and had
been a missionary to Australia. The Methodists held their Sunday services in German at
11:00 AM, and the Baptists met in the afternoon. It is also noteworthy that the minutes o f
that first meeting concluded with the statement: "After services in the Chinese language by
Brother Lee Key, the Church adjourned." The church was founded on missionary interest
and continued to maintain that heart. Even though funds were not great enough to pay
Dr. Hobbs as the newly appointed pastor, or even at times to pay the rent, missionary
offerings were taken, and outreaches were conducted to the many Chinese who were then
living in Los Angeles.1 7
By 1876, when the Southern Pacific Railroad had reached Los Angeles, the city
faced spectacular growth. A very diverse group of people came from many states, both
from the North and South, and from many nations. Naturally, some o f the newcomers
were Baptist and affiliated with the new church. According to Herbert Sutton:
This heterogeneity, o f itself, created problems. While it tended to make
some people tolerant, it made others narrow and fearful o f corrupting
influences. Baptist doctrine and practice varied geographically and people
came with divergent views as to how the affairs o f the church should be
conducted. Also, those personal characteristics which they had in common
were not such as to contribute to the success of a cooperative venture.
Having left their homes, relatives and friends to emigrate to a locality about
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which they knew almost nothing, most of those who arrived in Los Angeles
before 1880 could be characterized as one of two types. Either they had
come seeking wealth, hence were self-centered and o f a strong mind or
they had run away from a situation in which they were unhappy and restless
and could not get along with associates.1 8
Their meetings were often stormy and filled with conflict which kept them from going
ahead with joint mission projects in the city. During this decade the church was served by
many different pastors, and met in at least four different buildings. An interesting note by
Sutton states:
...ethnic prejudices were the order of the day. The churches seemed
concerned only with themselves and spent their efforts in internal bickering
and fighting each other. In Los Angeles, too, the crying needs for Christian
involvement were ignored: extreme poverty and pitiful living conditions,
mistreatment and abuse of the poorer Mexicans, the Indians and the
Chinese. We cannot be surprised that First Baptist does not seem to have
been an exception. The extent o f practice o f the Social Gospel was in the
missionary offerings and the Deacon's fund for needy members.1 9
Even though the church grew rapidly during its first decade, it was not until ten
years after organizing, that it was able to buy its own property. This was primarily
due to its many notable members, who included: Isaac Lankershim and his family, who
were wealthy ranch owners in what is now the San Fernando Valley;2 0 I. N. Van Nuys
who was the manager of one o f Lankershim's ranches and married one o f his daughters;2 1
and O.T. Barker, the founder and president of Barker Brothers furniture and carpet
store.2 2
On April 12, 1884, the Baptists built their first church building in Los Angeles. The
building of the sanctuary was the result o f the rapid growth o f Los Angeles and the
church’s growth due to the popular pastors, P.W. and Susan Dorsey. Their graciousness,
2 3 8
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enthusiasm and energy won the hearts o f this very diverse group o f people that made up
the Baptist church. Susan Dorsey, for whom the present Dorsey High School is named,
went on to become the superintendent o f schools for the city of Los Angeles. The
congregation, which numbered about 140 members, built what was then the building with
the largest seating capacity o f any Protestant church in southern California or o f any
Baptist church on the Pacific coast.2 3
Owning their own building began a new era for the First Baptists, as they
broadened their mission interest and activities. During the Dorsey era, at least six missions
were started in the outlying, newly developed areas o f the city, and o f which four
eventually became churches. At least three of these missions were to differing ethnic
groups: Swedes, African Americans and Chinese. This was done to such an extent that
denominational leaders referred to First Baptist as the "mother of churches." As Sutton
explains:
Sometimes the beginning would be made with a Sunday School, and in
most cases with a nucleus o f members who lived in the neighborhood.
When the group grew to a sufficient number, it would organized as a
church, at which time First Baptist would release its members and also give
a cash contribution toward a building. As many as 23 members were
released for a single church and as much as $3000 was contributed.2 4
With the building o f the new facility the church faced remarkable growth. The
membership figures for the first years, in five year increments, reveals:
1875 .. . 13 1890. .. 349
1880.. . 65 1895 .... 563
1885 .. . 182 1900 .... 928
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While today the membership may far surpass the Sunday attendance, in those days the
weekly Sunday morning and evening attendance would regularly exceed its membership—
and its seating capacity as well.2 5
Two o f the instruments that facilitated this growth were the Sunday School and
revival services. The Sunday School concept was used quite effectively by Baptists across
the country to promote their belief and facilitate new converts. Most Baptist churches
began with a group o f adults, largely made up o f women, who would go into an area, and
begin classes for children and adults. The Sunday School was conceived and supported as
a missions project, and often had an identity of its own almost on equal terms with the
church. "It was independently organized with a separate Constitution and By Laws. It
elected its own complete corps of officers, of which only the superintendents and
executive committee needed to be members of the Church."2 6 The Sunday School at First
Baptist was officially organized on March 28th, 1875. By the 1890's the Sunday School
was setting record numbers almost equal to the membership o f the church.2 7
Revivals were another instrument that added to the growth. The revival meetings,
bom out o f the Southern camp meetings, were popular especially among the Baptists.
Sometimes they were sponsored by First Baptist, and other times they joined with other
churches and denominations. Many times they would outgrow the local church facilities
and public auditoriums and would have to be relocated.
By 1894 there were a number of Chinese members at First Baptist. Most o f these
were brought in through the influence o f the Chinese mission, which began under the
Dorsey era. In the words o f Sutton:
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Many Chinese laborers had come to Southern California after the building
o f the railways. By 1880 there were 20,000 Chinese in Southern
California. They ran laundries, worked as domestics, and produced and
distributed nearly all of the vegetables for Los Angeles. They also
developed the fishing industry and were the first laborers in the citrus
groves. Their treatment by the citizenry was deplorable. 'Youngsters were
given free license to stone the Chinese, up set their vegetable carts and
laundry wagons, and to pull their Queues for good measure.’ .. The
Chinese were blamed for unemployment, depressed wages, and bad
business conditions.2 8
Promoted primarily by the working class, the United States House of
Representatives passed the Geary Chinese Restriction Bill in 1892, which limited the
number of Chinese immigrants. At the very first convention, attended by 53 Baptist
churches from four Baptist associations in Southern California, sponsored by and held at
First Baptist, the following resolution was passed: "Resolved, that as a Convention o f
Baptists we enter our decided and emphatic protest against the recent act of the House of
Representatives in passing the Geary Chinese Restriction Bill, by which nearly all China
men are forever prohibited from landing upon our shores or gaining a livelihood in the
United States." The resolution went on to denounce the bill as "unamerican, unchristian,
and outrageous." This was an amazing stand, considering the bill’s popularity in the
general population o f the day.2 9
By the year 1898 the church had outgrown the original building, with a seating
capacity of 450, and built a new building on Flower Street. The Flower street building
had a seating capacity, including the gallery, o f 1200. The Sunday School room,
separated by a disappearing partition, was ample to seat an additional 800.3 °
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By the turn o f the twentieth century, First Baptist had become one of the largest
and most influential churches within the American Baptist convention. It was known for
its benevolence and generosity throughout the entire denomination, as benevolence
usually ran a full third o f its expenditures. In 1897, it contributed toward repaying the
massive debt o f the Home and Foreign Mission Society.3 1 At the end o f many services a
collection was taken for "a poor widow, a hungry family, an injured Chinese, or a 'colored
brother' brother out o f work.”3 2
The church’s missionary work also continued to grow. In 1903 the Chinese
Mission was going strong, with its superintendent's (usually a woman) and assistant's
salaries being paid by First Baptist. Two new missions were started, the Spanish
Settlement Evangelical Mission and the Grace Mission.3 3 On May 14, 1906, at a meeting
held at First Baptist with 10 local churches represented, the Los Angeles City Mission
Society came into being. Its purpose was to unite all of the Baptist efforts in the city in a
single planed program o f expansion. Over the next 25 years some 52 ethnic churches and
missions came under the covering of the Los Angeles City Mission Society . These
included 12 Mexican, 1 El Salvadoran. 1 Russian, 1 Italian, 6 Japanese, 1 Hungarian and
27 African American missions. The First Baptist Church o f Los Angeles was and still is
considered the "flag ship," o f the Los Angeles City Mission Society.3 3 It has the largest
participation in attendance and finances to the society's programs.
Even during this time, though, there was some tension between the African
American and Anglo congregations. The first African American Baptist church was
established in Los Angeles in the year 1888, was called the Second Baptist Church, and
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was pastored by Rev. C. H. Anderson.3 5 While there does appear to have been some joint
effort in supporting the Berean Mission, a vocational training center in South Central Los
Angeles, there doesn't appear to have been much interaction between the then primarily
white and black congregations. There is nothing I could find in the records o f First
Baptist, normally so very detailed in recording their missions work, that made any
comment about their part in supporting the Second Baptist congregation.
In a booklet chronicling the history of the Los Angeles Baptist City Mission
Society's first twenty-five years, the ending paragraphs discussing the African American
works states:
We are earnestly praying that there may come to these people a new spirit
of cooperation among themselves and of fellowship with their white
American brethren, and that our Negro Baptist group, which numbers
about 5000, will increase greatly in spiritual power and evangelical zeal.
There is great need also for enough well trained, educated Negroes to take
charge o f all our Negro Baptist churches.3 6
The decade between the years 1910-1920 reveal a new era of openness at the
church. The Los Angeles church membership itself by 1910 consisted of as much as 100
Chinese members, and dozens of Mexican and Japanese members.3 7 Throughout the
church's history, women have also played a vital role. Women serving as church officers
were rare in the early years. One might have found them on the Advisory Board, the
Council or Nominating Committee, but they would have been limited to representing the
women's work o r Sunday School. On the other hand, they were the leaders in the Sunday
Schools, and Home and Foreign Mission works. Women as evangelists were more
2 4 3
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common then than now. At least two were invited to fill the pulpit of First Baptist during
those years, one having been invited more than once.
This decade o f openness is further revealed by the fact that a number o f African
American preachers were invited to fill the pulpit; a popular preacher by the name o f Rev.
Oscar Johnson, and another by the name of Rev. Alexander. To keep the balance, a
Japanese by the name o f Kiyosue Inui spoke on "America vs. Japan," and Ng Poon Chew
gave the address on "China's New Day."3 *
At the Flower street location the church continued to grow, but was faced with a
new challenge. The neighborhood around the church was beginning to change; the single
family homes were being converted to apartments, hotels and rooming houses. The
church solved the problem by joining the other downtown churches that were relocating
along the rapidly growing Wilshire corridor. They purchased new property and built a
new building on the Comer o f Leeward and Westmoreland. In June of 1927, First
Baptist dedicated its new building.3 9
The decades o f the 30's and 40's saw the church continue to grow under the
leadership of one Senior Pastor, Rev. Frank Fagerburg. It was during this time of the late
1940's and early 1950's that the church reached its highest membership with a total
congregation o f 2,700. A Los Angeles Times article reported on July 7, 1951, that First
Baptist was the second o f some 6000 Baptist churches in this country in giving to Foreign
Missions.4 0
One o f the church historians wrote, "A church always pays more than once for the
sin of dissension." It was during Fagerburg's tenure that a severe division in the church
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would stop its growth and forever influence its philosophy o f ministry. In the words of
Dr. Townsend:
It was in the early 1950's [October, 1951] long before the Los Angeles
riots, and certainly before Wilshire Blvd. ever faced the issue o f
multiculturalism. Two marvelously fine black women were attending this
church. One was a medical doctor. They were a mother and daughter and
both attended regularly. Apparently nobody offended them or stopped
them from coming. They liked Dr. Fagerburg; he was a great preacher,
and they obviously were welcoming people. One day he extended an
invitation at the end o f his sermon, for people to join the church. (We still
do that, and it is whosoever will, and you know, sometimes you're a little
nervous about it.) But anyway these two women came down the aisle and
Dr. Fagerburg must have been delighted. He had been greeting them and
talking to them at the end o f each service. In those days the constitution of
the church had a provision that on issues o f substance you had to have
something like a ninety-percent vote majority (ninety-percent vote in
favor), or, to say it the other way, you could have a ten percent blackball
on any issue. It was a strange, strange constitution. And it wasn't just
about constitution changes, but any substantive issue!
Members are always voted on first by the board of deacons; who
then pass the vote on to the congregation.. There was an almost
unanimous vote by the deacons. But when the congregation became
aware, there was an uproar from the minority. At least a ten percent or
more minority effectively said, 'we don't want these black women joining
our church, pretty soon the whole church will be black!’ This was their
immediate assumption. Dr. Fagerburg was stunned. He said, 'For twenty-
two years I have been preaching the love o f God, and love o f each other
and now when somebody comes forward, what can you argue about?'
There were a lot o f former Southern Baptists here in those days,
and they have black churches and white churches. They were never
together in a service, unless they were in the balcony or something like
that. No matter how the forces rallied on one side, the other side could
always blackball. All o f this at that point in time hit the Los Angeles
Times— this was big news back then. I have files here o f articles that were
just totally embarrassing about this Baptist church that refused black
women, and on and on. Well, nobody else was dealing with these issues in
any overt way, may be here and there, but we were just visible enough and
well organized to create a turmoil in the community. Finally, people began
to deal with the real issue o f changing the constitution. Finally, (after
about a year and one half o f struggle) the constitution was changed to a
simple majority.
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Whether or not the women ever became members, I don't really
know, but they did get the message that they were not wanted here.
Before the constitution was actually changed, however, Dr. Fagerburg had
much remorse over what he felt was a failure, and when he received an
invitation to go to Redlands, he went!
Fagerburg's successor was Dr Gene Bartlett. He was a marvelous
man who had nothing but reconciliation on his mind, and he brought people
together, much because o f his personality. But many people left the
church, some because the church would not take blacks as members, others
because the majority would. Others stayed whose sentiments may have
been negative, but they began to have a bad conscience and/or they
received from Dr. Bartlett so much care that they realized there were
bigger issues than what they may have felt inside.
As fate would have it, while in Redlands, Dr. Fagerburg took under his wings a young,
single youth pastor, by the name of John Townsend. His unknowing influence on
Townsend would play an important role in shaping the philosophy o f First Baptist in years
to come. John went on to become its senior pastor, reconciliation still being an important
foundation o f his ministry.
Years o f healing followed. The composition o f the neighborhood and the church
began to change in the early 1960's, slightly at first, then dramatically. When Dr. Bartlett
left to become president of a divinity school, the new senior pastor responded to mounting
concerns about the influx o f Cuban refugees into the United States. As told by Dr.
Townsend:
Several First Baptist members had lived or served as missionaries in Cuba.
They insisted that a helping hand must be given those individuals fleeing
oppression in their native land. Before the decade was out, over 100 [some
records show as many as 250] persons had been resettled in Los Angeles
by members of First Baptist. Since many of those people united with the
church, a part-time student (an Argentine) was added to the staff the first
person o f another race and culture to serve in a pastoral role.
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In April o f 1965, John Townsend assumed the senior pastor role o f First Baptist. By this
time the neighborhood was facing a dramatic demographic shift. The church, as well, was
facing composition change. There were already many Hispanics and blacks among the
members o f the church.
Building
As mentioned earlier, the present building was officially dedicated in June of 1927.
The move to the Wilshire corridor was precipitated by growth and the compositional
change o f the previous neighborhood.
The builder was Weymouth Crowell, a Trustee and Treasurer of the church. He
was also the builder of the Los Angeles Public Library, downtown, the Los Angeles
County Medical Center, and the Ambassador Hotel. The construction cost was $650,000.
The church was built to reflect many o f the decorative aspects of its previous building, yet
to exceed it in grandeur and size. This massive, four-story sanctuary building has four
towering Romanesque spires on each o f the four comers, the tallest o f which, Crowell
tower, is 155 feet high, which makes the building visible from many blocks away. Each
spire is surrounded by four lower spires, which sit upon rows of windows and arches. The
building's exterior is a tan stucco over cement blocks, with a Southern Gothic design. It is
ornately decorated, with all o f the major entries encased in roman columns and arches.
The windows, as well, are laced with decorative columns and flowering designs. All of
the sanctuary windows are made o f stained glass, some of which are up to fourteen feet
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in diameter, and are copies o f the windows in the famous French Chartres cathedral built
in the middle ages.
Attached to the sanctuary building is an enormous four-story Christian Education
complex. Most of the 100 plus rooms are found in this section. From the outside, this
building joins the sanctuary to the east, giving the building an "L" shape. It is built, like
the sanctuary, from cement, with tan stucco covering. From the parking lot, the building
has row after row o f louvered windows, giving it a very institutional appearance. From
the front entrance o f the sanctuary (on the comer of Leeward and Westmoreland), one can
enter the arched columns and go either into the sanctuary or into the Christian Education
building. The Eastern end o f this building also contains the combination gym/auditorium,
presently in use as a youth center.
The sanctuary building is comprised of three major sections. The first is the office
complex, which one enters from the south side of the building, and sits behind the platform
area of the sanctuary. The offices are spacious, with tall ceilings, decorated with
furnishing from decades gone by. Underneath the sanctuary is the church basement, which
has an open space in the center, used for a large meeting room, with many smaller rooms
entering from the perimeter. This center room is presently used for the Hispanic Sunday
School class and an after-school day care for Korean children, while the connecting rooms
are used for English as a Second Language classes for Koreans.
The sanctuary's interior is expansive and richly decorated in an eclectic manner.
Laid out in the shape of a cross, the room has two columns o f fourteen seats extending
twenty rows to form the vertical beam of the cross, and a section on each side with three
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sections o f seats laid out with twenty-two seats across, which make up the horizontal
beam. There are balconies over the side sections o f the cross that have similar seating to
that below, and a large balcony that covers the rear o f sanctuary, made up o f three
sections, with another 200 seats. The seating style was chosen by the congregation, and is
meant to reflect one o f the churches earliest symbols, the Roman cross. It was built to
seat 1950, but some 300 seats have been removed to give room between the seats for
greater comfort. The theater-style seats, now worn, are richly decorated in dark blue
crushed velvet.
The sanctuary ceiling which extends some three stories high inside the building, is
patterned after the ceiling in the Chapel o f the Ducal Palace in Mantova, Italy. It consists
of a continuous pattern made up of the Christmas rose enclosed in a daisy, all finished in
gold leaf. The ceiling pattern consists o f six o f these flower designs across the sanctuary,
and eighteen along its length. Directly above the section of seating that portrays the
meetings points o f the beams of the cross, which is approximately one third o f the way
from the platform to the rear o f the building, is a large dome enclosed in newly finished
stained glass, giving the whole a very cathedral-like appearance.
The sanctuary is lit by two rows o f ten cone-shaped fixtures extending the length.
Each fixture contains approximately 40 exposed bulbs, mounted in a candle stick
appearance, that spiral from the bottom to the top, like an upside-down cone.
On the sides o f the sanctuary walls toward the rear of the building are four rows
of approximately twenty-foot high, stained glass windows, all framed in Gothic columns
and arches, all representing some aspect o f the Christian life. In the balconies, in line with
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the dome, are two fourteen-foot in diameter, rose, stained glass windows, complementing
the floral pattern on the ceiling. A third rose window is located in the balcony in the rear
o f the building.
The platform area is composed o f three sections, each a higher level then the one
before. Just below the platform, on the floor o f the sanctuary, sits the richly decorated,
dark wooden communion table. On each side o f it stands single candles, which bum
constantly during the service. One represents foreign missions, the other home missions.
On each side o f the floor area beside the platforms stand flags, on one side the American,
and on the other side the Christian.
On the next level, just above the floor, separated by dark mahogany-like paneling,
is the pulpit, which stands in front of three ornate, dark wood, matching chairs, decorated
in crimson upholstery, centered behind the communion table. During the service, there
are arrangements of flowers, all donated by someone on behalf o f a deceased loved one,
that are placed on the rail that runs in front o f the pulpit.
The next raised level is made up of a sloping choir loft of approximately 50 golden
upholstered chairs. It is separated from the pulpit level by the same dark wood paneling.
The seats are arranged in amphitheater-style seating, around the keyboard for the pipe
organ. It is directly behind the keyboard that the leader stands and conducts the choir.
The rear wall o f the platform is made up o f gold trellis designs that serve to cover
the pipes o f the organ, and frame the baptistery. The 88 rank pipe organ, rebuilt in 1966,
has over 5,000 pipes, one inch to thirty-two feet in height, in five chambers. The
baptistery sits in the very center of the rear wall, decorated with a Latin cross, and Greek
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symbols. The cross stands in front of the baptistery and is adorned in the center with the
first three letters o f the Greek spelling o f Jesus. A vine-pattem o f the baptistery
background mosaic spells out Jesus' words, "I am the vine, you are the branches." On the
front of the baptistery, just below where the cross stands, are three Greek monograms.
On the left is the Chi Rho, a monogram o f the first two letters o f the Greek word for
Christ, in the center are the first three letters (iota, eta, sigma) o f the Greek spelling o f
Jesus -- or sometimes interpreted as "In Hoc Signo" the Latin for "By this Sign," and on
the right, the first and last letters, alpha and omega, o f the Greek alphabet which signify
that Jesus is the beginning and the end of all things.
The overall arrangement of the platform gives it a very high church, formal look.
There are no statues, pictures or banners in the sanctuary. The only decorations that are
not built in as part of the structure are the free-standing Latin cross, the candles beside the
communion table, and the American and Christian flag, placed far to the sides of the
platform, almost hidden from view. The purpose, I am sure, is to let the building’s
architecture be the decoration.
The Christian Education building is made up o f four stories of various rooms,
mostly decorated with old furniture, carpets, and pictures, but immaculately maintained.
The rooms are mostly large, with high ceilings, and are reached by interior dark hallways.
The basement level is made up o f a dining room, with a seating capacity o f approximately
300, several other meeting rooms, and the offices and rooms o f the Good Neighbor
Center. The remaining floors contain: the ornately decorated Francis Chapel, which seats
230, is used for the Korean services; the gymnasium, which also doubles as a theater and
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is currently used by the YMCA; the Moore Prayer Chapel, given over exclusively to
prayer; the church library; the Newman Lounge, which serves as a reception area for new
members, as well as dressing rooms for weddings; many, many classrooms, some with
their own pianos and public address systems; a heritage room, set aside with articles and
artifacts from the past; offices which are rented out to various outside ministries; and an
apartment for security and maintenance personnel.
The vastness of the building affects the multiethnic structure in varied ways.
Because o f its age and size, it has extremely high maintenance costs. While most o f the
improvements to the building are funded by wills and endowments o f deceased members,
the operating cost is funded by the offerings and rental fees paid by outside groups.
Because o f the high cost o f maintaining the church, and the low economic level of the
diverse ethnic groups that make up the neighborhood and the church, many wonder how
the church can maintain the building in the future.
The many rooms have made it possible for First Baptist to give most groups their
own room. Dr. Townsend calls this their own "turf." Each Sunday School class, with the
exception o f the Hispanic and Korean classes, has a place that is their own that they can
decorate and worship as they see fit. The size o f the Hispanic class dictates that they
meet in a multipurpose room in the basement, a room that is used for many other activities
during the week. The Koreans meet in the Francis chapel which is decorated much like
the sanctuary.
The extensive space in the building has also made it possible for First Baptist to
sponsor outside social ministries, providing additional income for the church, as well as
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additional doors o f ministry to the city. The Wilshire Parish's social ministry o f housing,
feeding and clothing the homeless has its offices at First Baptist. The Los Angeles Unified
School District has ESL classes for Korean adults there as well. There is also after
school care for Korean children between the ages o f 8-14. Ketchum YMCA uses the
gym; the Girl Scouts o f America has a daily child care program and the Good Neighbor
Program, which works in tandem with the Vista Tower Retirement residence, is sponsored
and run by the church.
First Baptist has a two-fold philosophy that affects the building and its use. First,
the building needs to be open and accessible to the community. Second, meeting social
needs is an important part of proclaiming the gospel. There is no community group that
uses the building that is not a product o f ministry, or that First Baptist would not do
themselves if they had the money and personnel. In fact many of the personnel of these
outside groups are deeply involved in the congregational life. For example, the ESL
teacher, paid by the Los Angeles Unified School District, is also the Korean pastor. This
policy of being available to local social ministries opens the doors of the church to the
many different ethnic groups that make up the community.
However there is little crossover o f people from these rental groups into the life o f
the congregation. As stated by one long-time member:
The progressive side is to be lauded and applauded in the attitude of
making the facility o f use to the community, and so the facility through the
years has been used by many groups outside the church, and not
specifically religious organizations, groups like the Easter Seals, Girl
Scouts, and the YM CA... [However] we have not found a way of
facilitating those people to become a part o f the greater church
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life and the worshipping community. Many people come and worship at
First Baptist and support First Baptist church and never have any idea who
all these other groups and people are, and they never see their faces.
Another observable fact is the lack o f ethnic symbols or signs in and around the
building. On one small sign on the com er o f Eighth and Westmoreland, announcing the
service times and speaker for the Sunday services, there is a line in Korean, and another in
Spanish. On a banner announcing in large letters the youth center, there are Korean words
beneath the English. With these exceptions, there are no ethnic words, signs or symbols in
the church, not even in the Sunday bulletin or in the church newsletter. Even in the rooms
that are designated for use by specific ethnic groups, there are no items that would identify
with that specific ethnic group.
The lack o f ethnic identifying symbols may have a three-fold impact. The symbols that are
used may serve as neutral symbols, that all groups, regardless o f their ethnic heritage, may
rally around. As such, the church is offering new symbols that speak o f multiculturalism.
Equally as strong, however, the symbols that are used may be speaking of preset religious
values and ideals that were and are held by the white majority. By hanging on to the
church's traditional symbols, the church is hanging on to one particular type and class of
Anglo heritage, to the burden o f the newer ethnic immigrant. As such, the lack of
symbols may be saying to the ethnic individual, "you are welcome to worship with us, if
you become like we are."
Demographics
The demographic make- up o f the neighborhood has undergone a dramatic shift in
the last three decades. The immediate blocks that surround the church are some of the
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poorest, and most densely populated in the Wilshire corridor. The following data was
taken from the 1990 Census, track 2122.01 and 2122.02 (approximately six square blocks
around the church):
Population Makeup
-total population of 10,983
-5.793 males, 53%
-5,190 females, 47%
-3496, 18 years of age or under. 32%
-7487, 19 years of age or older, 68%
-647, 65 years of age or older, 6%
Housing and Income
-median housing income is $16,332
-median rent paid is $451
-owner occupied housing is 6%
-rental occupied housing is 94%
-6% of units arc vacant
Per Capita Income by Race
White. $5375
Black, $9864
Asian, $6770
Hispanic, $4858
Other, $4892
Ethnic Makeup
-Black 2.5%
-Hispanic 82%
-American Indian 1%
-Chinese 1.5%
-Filipino 1%
-Korean 6.5%
-Non Hispanic white 5%
-Other .5%
First Language Spoken
White/ English speaking
Hispanic
English spoken well
Eng not spoken well
Asian
English spoken well
Eng not spoken well
Other
English spoken well
Eng not spoken well
Total
Ages 5-17 18 \T S . +
201 734
1078 2023
505 4252
60 364
38 549
0 85
0 1 5
1882 8022
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COMMUNITY
Ethnic Breakdown 1890
FIGURE 7
First Baptist
Ethnic Breakdown 1995
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Attendance
According to the 1995-1996 annual membership report, the total number of
members stands at 679. This included taking in 30 new members and losing 102 the
previous year due to transfer and death. As a result, the church showed a decrease in
membership o f 72 from the previous year. The vast majority of the new members were
from the Hispanic community.
According to one associate pastor, on any given Sunday, there will be between 250
and 300 in attendance. Approximately 35% or those are over 60 years of age, 50% are
between 30-60, 10% between 20-30, and 5% between 1-19. As to their income, it is
estimated that 55% of the congregation makes less than $20,000 a year, 40% make
between $20,000 and $40,000, 5% between $40,000 and $60,000, and none make over
$60,000. Approximately 70% o f the new people came from a Baptist background, 20%
come from a similar religious affiliation and 10% are converts to the faith.
A breakdown of the membership by ethnicity reveals that 45% are from an Anglo-
European background. The Hispanics, who are comprised of 89 families, are from
Mexico, the Caribbean, and from Central and South America, making up 24%. The
majority of the Filipinos are all from the same central western providence o f Ilocano in
the Filipinos. They include approximately thirty active adults, a few under the age o f 18
and comprise 6% of the congregation. The Korean community makes up 10% o f the
church, and consists o f mostly elderly females. The African American community makes
up 9%. The other ethnic groups represented in the church are Indian, Chinese, Japanese,
Burmese, African, and Native American.
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Actual attendance is somewhat different. For example, during the Homecoming
Sunday morning service there were 158 seated in the sanctuary, 44 males and 114
females. There were 8 identifiable Koreans, and 17 blacks. In addition to this number,
there were five on the platform: three males and two females, (one white, one Korean, one
Filipino, and two Hispanics). There were 17 in the choir: nine males, and eight females,
with one identifiable Hispanic, and one Japanese. There were also eight ushers: one
female, seven male, with four identifiable as Hispanic and four as white. There were 12
children: three black, and the rest either Hispanic or Filipino. All the children, who came
in for the beginning o f service and left before the sermon, were either elementary or
preschool age. Because this was Homecoming Sunday, there were a number o f visitors
who came for the special occasion. There were also children in the nursery, and a sizeable
number o f people who were not in the service, as they were busy preparing the program
and the meal which followed the service.
On any given Sunday there are between 75 to 90 children attending the Sunday
School. Their ages range from 1 to 18, and are largely made up of Hispanics, a dozen or
so blacks, and just a few Filipinos and whites. The breakdown on Homecoming Sunday
was as follows: The kindergarten class had One Hispanic female teacher, and one
Hispanic female adolescent aid, with six students: three black, three either Hispanic or
Filipino, three males and three females. The preschool class had one female Hispanic
teacher, with four students: two black males, one Hispanic male and one Hispanic female.
The primary class also had four students, taught by a female Hispanic, which included one
black female, and three Hispanic males. The middle class had two black female teachers,
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with just two female white students. The Junior High Class was taught by a white female
teacher, with eight students, consisting o f one black male, one black female, three
Hispanic males, two Filipino males and one Filipino female. The High School class was
taught by an Hispanic female, with a total of twelve students which consisted o f three
Hispanic females and seven Hispanic males, one white female, and one black female.
One o f the notable characteristics o f this church is the number o f adults who attend
Sunday School classes. While the philosophy behind this is discussed later in the paper,
the statistics o f the times I visited are as follows: the Hispanic class had 43 in attendance,
including twenty-one males and twenty-two females. There were twenty between 20-30
years of age, seven between 30-40, and sixteen over 50. The class was taught by a black
male in his 50's. The Filipino class had nine in attendance, six female, and two males.
Four appeared to be in their 20's, four in the 30-50 age range, one over 60. The class was
taught by the Filipino assistant pastor, a male in his late 20’ s or early 30’ s. The Korean
class met in the chapel and dismissed early the day I was taking the counts. I am told they
usually have between thirty to forty adults.
The other adult classes are noted by their ascending order o f age grouping. First is
the College Class; the day I attended there was just the teacher and myself. He was a
Hispanic male in his mid-twenties. He said on a good Sunday there would be between
four to five students, all Hispanic. The Amadeus class was made up of four members
between the ages o f 40-65, one black female, one Hispanic male and two white males.
The teacher was a white male in his 50’ s. The remaining classes are made up primarily of
seniors. The Partners class had twenty-nine in attendance, o f which sixteen were males
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and thirteen were females; all were white except for one black male and one Asian female.
There was one couple in their forties, the rest were the age o f 60 and above. The teacher,
a white male, is a former pastor who turns eighty in December. The Friendship class had a
total o f ten in attendance, of which eight were female, two were male, and all were white
with the exception o f one black female. One female was in her forties, the rest were in the
70-80 age range. The class was taught by a white male in his sixties. The Ambassador
class, like the Friendship class was largely elderly, white and female. The day I attended
there were ten total in attendance, two male, and eight female. There were two Filipinos,
(one female, and one male), two black females, two Asian females, and five white females.
Three of the students were in their 50's, and the rest in the 70-80 age range. They were
taught by a Filipino male, in his 60's. Another class which I was unable to attend was the
Double-Circle class, I was told is made up of four to five ladies all above eighty years o f
age.
According to my count, the Sunday School consisted o f 43 children and teachers,
and 102 (not counting the Korean class) in the adult classes. The children's teachers are
all female and all Hispanic, except for one white, and two black teachers. The students are
overwhelmingly Hispanic, 21 out of 36. The adult classes are all taught by male teachers,
and with the exception o f the ethnic classes, are overwhelmingly white. O f the non-ethnic
classes, 43 of the 55 adult members were white.
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Organizational Structure
First Baptist is organized along hierarchial lines enforced by the by-laws o f this
independent non-profit corporation. Its structure has been forged in a tradition that
distrusts outside government interference, that respects no hierarchy outside o f the local
church and that has grown through a century of political and personal conflicts. As such,
this structure relies on a very complicated form o f congregational government that rests
heavily on its constitution and requires involvement by many individual laity. Like all
American Baptist churches, this church is completely self-governing, a religious nonprofit
corporation in itself, and many would say, "run like a secular corporation." In keeping
with its congregational polity, First Baptist vests final authority in the congregation,
which has an annual meeting, with special meetings being held on call. The by-laws
authorize the church council to act on behalf of the congregation between meetings. The
church council consists of: the moderator, the clerk, the senior pastor, the chairperson o f
the boards of Christian Education, Deacons and Deaconesses, Trustees, representatives of
the American Baptist Women, and four members at large elected annually by the
congregation, one of which is from the youth department. The council's median age is
approximately 55. It is comprised o f two Filipinos, one Hispanic, two blacks, one
Chinese and six Anglos. All the positions are voted on and elected by the congregation at
the annual congregational meeting.
Reporting to the council is another level o f boards that govern the different areas
of the church. These include the board of trustees consisting o f nine annually elected
members who serve as the officers o f the corporation and are responsible for all the
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finances, the buildings, the ministerial office and maintenance staff. The Christian
Education Board, made up o f not less than nine members, is responsible for organizing
and implementing the educational programs o f the church. The Diaconate Board, made
up of not less than 18 men and 18 women, is responsible for administering communion,
overseeing areas pertaining to membership, and visiting and caring for the members.
Beneath this level o f Boards lies another level o f committees. The Missions
Committee is responsible for keeping the congregation informed about the various
missions programs. The Hospitality Committee is made up o f deacons and deaconesses
who have the responsibility o f greeting new people on Sunday in a special reception area.
The Music and Fine Arts Committee is responsible for all the music o f the church, which
includes the vocal choirs, a hand bell choir and special musical performances throughout
the year. The American Baptist Women's Ministries is responsible for providing ministry
to the women of the congregation, as well as special "White Cross" projects. The
American Baptist Youth Fellowship is one o f the adolescent ministries o f the church
which conducts a regular Wednesday-evening youth program and various other events
during the year. The Finance Committee, made up of members o f the board of trustees is
specifically responsible for the church finances. The Historical Committee is responsible
for maintaining the church’s archives and historical display room. The Ushering
Committee is responsible for greeting the people before the Sunday worship service and
receiving the tithes and offerings. Finally, there are ad hoc committees which are formed
to address specific issues as they arise.
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The specific ministries of the church are divided into three types: those subsidized
by the church finances and personnel that primarily minister to church members, those
subsidized by the church personnel but not finances that minister to the community, and
those that the church rents space to. These three categories relate to the church boards
and committees in various ways, on various levels. The category that is subsidized by the
church finances and personnel are totally governed by the committees and boards of the
church. These ministries include the Sunday School and its various functions, the Good
Neighbor Program, the ethnic fellowships, the American Baptist Women's ministry, the
Music and Fine Arts Department, and the American Baptist Youth Fellowship.
The ministries that are supported only by the church personnel raise their own
finances, either directly through their ministry or through organizations that support that
ministry. These would include Vista Towers, ESL classes, and the Youth Center. These
ministries typically began either through the vision of individuals within First Baptist who
saw an opportunity to reach the community with an activity that would generate its own
income, or were ministries that asked to use space at First Baptist and the leadership
evolved in the church. Typically, only the leadership of these ministries attend the
congregational services. They are viewed primarily as an outreach to the community.
These ministries relate to the church primarily in a formal way through the building use
and in an informal way though their personal relationships with the pastoral staff. Thus,
their specific programs and finances are governed autonomously or by an outside agency.
The third category are those ministries that use the building in an informal rental
relationship. Their programs and finances are not governed by the church's council. These
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ministries include the Girl Scouts, the Ketchum YMCA, and Hope-Net. Neither their
leadership nor their clientele attend services at First Baptist. They relate to the church
solely through the use o f the building. While they are not directly a ministry o f the church,
they are allowed to use the building because they are programs that fit within the ministry
philosophy of First Baptist. They benefit the church by either providing money for the
church budget through rental fees or services in kind.
As an example o f the first category o f ministry, the Sunday School has a long
tradition both within the Baptist movement and within First Baptist Church. The Sunday
School movement, which began in the 1800's as a mission activity to reach children, was
adopted enthusiastically by the Baptist movement as a means to gain converts and begin
new churches. In its inception, at First Baptist as elsewhere, the Sunday School was
organized and run by laity o f the church and often was an independent organization from
the local church. The Sunday School would have its own organizational structure,
complete with board, officers and budget raised separately from the funds of the local
church. As time passed, its focus changed, and the Sunday School became an institution
of the local church which existed for the Christian education of its members. The Sunday
School organizational structure allowed the congregation to be broken down into smaller
groups of individuals, with some degree o f affinity and autonomy and entrusted with the
task o f educating, training and nurturing its members and reaching out to nonmembers.
At First Baptist, for example, there are five children's Sunday School classes,
extending from the Nursery to the Junior Age group; three youth classes, Jr. High, High
School, and College; and seven Adult classes. On the Sundays that I visited, almost two-
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thirds o f the Sunday morning congregation were involved in Sunday School. Each o f the
Adult classes had an elected board of officers who had the responsibility of the class. For
instance, the president of the class was responsible for pulling the class together and
making the class announcements which concerned special class activities, such as a pot-
luck dinner and information on members o f the class that were absent. The secretary was
responsible for taking the offering and taking attendance. There was a person responsible
for following up on the visitors, which included getting them to sign the guest book, and
following up with cards and or letters of greetings and invitations to other class activities.
There was a person responsible for leading the singing, another for reading a special
prayer, and another for reading that day’s scripture. The adult classes either followed a
calendared lesson from Judson Press, the denomination's Sunday School curriculum, or
developed their own topic.
All of the adult Sunday School classes, with the exception of one, were chaired by
women, with almost an entire slate o f women as officers. The classes were taught
however, entirely by males. The males were all well-educated, at least four had doctorate
degrees, and two had master’s degrees. Several o f the lessons dealt with social issues.
For instance, the Amadeus class, (supposedly geared towards young adults) was studying
the social implications of money and the Partners class was studying the Bible's emphasis
on social justice. These social themes are developed both from the denomination’s
Sunday School curriculum and the philosophy o f the church.
The adult Sunday classes are the place at First Baptist where the ethnic groups
meet homogeneously and are allowed to organize autonomously. These classes are often
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referred to as "Fellowships." The organizational structure of the Sunday School is
overlaid onto homogeneous ethnic groups which allows each group to pick their leaders,
sing their songs, take their own special offerings, develop their own liturgy, conduct their
own outreaches, divide up into their own prayer and Bible studies and have their own
social gatherings. With the exception o f their own Sunday morning worship service and
control o f their own tithes, they are a church within a church. A good example o f this is
the Filipino congregation. Choosing the Filipino pastor was primarily an effort o f the
Filipino class with approval by Dr. Townsend. Until he became an official full-time pastor
at the church, he was paid through the offerings o f the Filipino Sunday School class. They
have their own social gatherings, often around individuals’ birthdays and national holidays.
They have their own prayer groups and Bible study groups that meet in different
individuals’ homes.
While there are a few Hispanic and Filipino adults who choose to attend the other
classes, it is only the children that meet together heterogeneously in Sunday School
classes. On Sunday morning, the children's Sunday School both facilitates the Christian
training of the children of members o f the congregation and provides a time during which
the children o f the immigrants are assimilated into the American culture in these English
only classes. This heterogeneous time is rigorously defended. No ethnic group is allowed
to have children's Sunday School classes just for their enclave or in their language. Many
of the Hispanics do attend First Baptist, however, so their children can be taught this way.
Occasionally an outreach is done, like Vacation Bible School, whose primary ministry is to
the neighborhood children. At the Vacation Bible School this past summer, there were
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approximately 60-65 children, all from the local neighborhood, many o f whom were from
the Girl Scout program meeting at the church. These outreaches, directly governed by the
church, are conducted in English. In contrast to the church-controlled ministries, the
groups that rent space to service neighborhood children, such as the Girl Scouts and the
after-school tutoring program, teach in the children's native language.
This Sunday School format provides a number of benefits and burdens to the
ethnic enclaves. This format does provide a place and structure in which the ethnic
individual can be with their kind of people, a place where they can worship and learn in
their native language, a place where their traditions and values can be maintained, a place
where they can express themselves according to their cultural faith, and a place where a
new immigrant could both feel at home and welcome, and yet take a first step into a
multicultural world.
But the burdens are present as well. Not all ethnic individuals want their children
taught in a heterogenous setting. Their children either do not come or remain with their
parents in class. The biggest problem, however, is relating the Sunday School to the
Sunday morning congregational service. Many attend the Sunday School classes, but do
not attend the congregational service. This is either because they have a hard time
understanding the service, the majority o f which is not in their language or in their
cultural trappings, or because they are simply not interested in the type o f service that is
offered, often very different than the one o f their native culture. Equally however, the
Sunday School classes may not meet the need o f expression that a Sunday morning service
can. Hence, many ethnic individuals prefer a worship service in their own language and
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culture. The ethnic Sunday School may not be enough. This is observed in the Korean
community discussed later in the paper.
Another example o f a ministry that is totally sponsored by the congregation is the
Good Neighbor Center. This ministry began over forty years ago as a natural outgrowth
of the large number o f seniors in the church and the neighborhood. It is an ecumenical
weekday program organized around the themes o f "neighborliness, goodwill, and
peacemaking." While it is a nonsectarian program, it serves as an entry point that draws
Baptists to the church. The center offers luncheons, meetings, classes, forums, travel logs,
movies, interest and hobby groups, service projects, gerontological advice, personal
assistance in social security and income tax matters, and opportunities to travel specifically
targeted for senior citizens. During my study, there were trips planned to Big Bear, to the
Mississippi River, and to Hawaii. Last fall they took a group to Ireland. While the
numbers attending have decreased in recent years, they sometimes have as many as 100
go on a trip such as the one to Big Bear. These are mostly seniors, predominately
women, and overwhelmingly Anglo. The cost o f the trips is a major consideration in
limiting the participation o f the ethnic seniors who reside in the neighborhood.
As an example o f a ministry which was founded by the church, whose leadership
remains in the church, but whose finances and organizational accountability are outside of
the church we can examine Vista Towers. Faced with a neighborhood that was rapidly
changing and seeing a need for safe, moderately-priced housing for the elderly, the church
formed another non-profit subsidiary corporation and obtained a federally subsidized loan
to build this facility. The Vista Towers Residence is for persons age 62 or over and is
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located across the street from the church on what used to be the church parking lot. Its
board of directors and chief administrator are all members o f First Baptist. The residence
facility was built at a cost o f over $4,000,000, with one o f the last government subsidized
loans of its kind. It was completed and fully occupied in early 1973. It has 13 floors
which include 230 apartments, a library, and social and meeting rooms, which provide
housing and recreation for over 250 senior adults. While in its initial occupancy stages,
when priority was given to First Baptist members, as many as 50 moved into the complex;
a more recent count reveals just a handful from the church who live there. The recent
census revealed that 79% o f the residents are Korean.
Another ministry whose leadership is part o f the church, but whose clientele and
funding are not, is the ESL classes. The English as a Second Language classes began out
o f a need to address the language diversity in the neighborhood. Sponsored by the Mid-
Wilshire Counseling and Training Center for Belmont Adult School, classes taught by
professional teachers provided by Los Angeles School District are held in four different
class rooms four days a week for Korean adults. One o f the teachers, a Korean himself,
also serves as the staff pastor o f the Korean fellowship at First Baptist. While initially
there was a class for Spanish-speaking adults as well, it is now all Korean. At the time of
my research, there were no individuals attending the classes who were also attending the
church.
Another program that is sponsored by the church is the daily Crusader School.
This is an afternoon/evening program o f tutoring, study hall, and martial arts training for
pre-adolescents, between the ages o f 8 and 14. While during the week the after-school
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educational program predominately draws Korean youth, the Martial Arts classes draw
some Hispanics. As many as 60 youth will attend on any given day. Again, there are few
if any youth who attend the program who also attend the church services.
An example o f a ministry/program that is simply housed at First Baptist is Hope-
Net. After years o f struggling with the homeless issues in the Wilshire corridor, First
Baptist joined the cooperative venture of congregations that make up the Mid-Wilshire
parish to provide for their care. Hope-Net, which has its offices at First Baptist, oversees
eight food pantries which provide groceries and meals to homeless families and
individuals. Since its inception in 1988, Hope-Net food pantries have distributed more
than one million meals. In 1994 alone, volunteers distributed 280,000 meals. At First
Baptist, food is distributed on Tuesdays and Thursdays by volunteers from the church.
Hope-Net has also just completed a 17-unit apartment building for Iow-income families
and is currently anticipating the purchase o f a large housing unit, which will be renovated
for low-income seniors and families.
The homeless are a constant challenge to First Baptist. The many different alcoves
around the outside o f the building provide a myriad o f places where homeless take up
residence. On any given day, at any given time, one can find homeless, who happen to be
overwhelmingly black, asleep on or around the church property. The image that they
portray, the clutter o f trash that they bring, and the damage that they do to the building
are a constant aggravation to the congregation. First Baptist, in addition to its work with
Hope-Net, has strong ties to the Los Angeles Mission, an American Baptist ministry to the
homeless downtown. However, the church primarily serves as a referral agency to the
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mission. As of yet, the church has had little success rehabilitating these homeless
individuals or incorporating them into the life o f the congregation.
The Girl Scout program is another nonchurch-controlled program housed in the
First Baptist building. The program is funded and run by the Girl Scouts of America and
provides full day-care for children who are in the year-round school and are between
sessions. There are between 40 and 50 girls, almost all o f whom are Hispanic. Some
cooperation between the church and the Girls Scouts is apparent. While none o f the
leadership attends the church, many of the girls attended last summer’s Vacation Bible
School sponsored by the Christian Education department o f the church. There are times
when the Girl Scouts put on special programs for the Sunday morning service, which
some o f their families will attend. On the whole, however, there has been little success at
bringing these families into the life of the church.
On another front, to counter an emerging gang presence in the church's immediate
neighborhood, a weekday program for at-risk youth was begun in the gymnasium. County
funding was secured at first. When that ended, a relationship with the YMCA began. The
program is now a satellite o f the Ketchum downtown YMCA. This 12:00 P.M. to 6:00
P.M. program provides leadership for youth recreation, music, athletics, crafts and study
hall activities. Up to eighty people, almost exclusively Hispanic adolescents, participate in
the programs each day.
The primary ethnic groups represented in the congregation who have their own
Sunday School class or "fellowship" are the Hispanics, Koreans and Filipinos. Each of
these groups is included in the adult Sunday School program, however they differ in that
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each of them has a staff pastor, who is responsible for their care. Each pastor is
considered an associate pastor of First Baptist and has responsibilities not only for his or
her particular ethnic group but also added responsibilities to the church at large. The
ethnic associate pastors are paid by and are accountable to the Board of Trustees. Each
of these groups elects their own lay leadership. Each group is allowed to develop its own
programs of ministry, such as Bible studies, home groups, evangelism activities, and
social occasions. Each group is asked to attend the Sunday morning worship service,
give their tithes and offerings to the church's budget and participate in the broader
activities of the church. They relate to the council of the church through the Sunday
School Board, through the staff pastor’s relationship to the board of trustees, and through
their participation in the services and ministries o f the church.
The overall impact o f this type of organizational structure is that it releases a
degree o f autonomy to the homogeneous sub-groups, while providing a larger umbrella
for multicultural interaction. This has served the church well, allowing it to reach the
differing ethnic groups yet maintain its traditional worship style. These ethnic groups have
brought the majority o f new members, finances and workers to the church. It is primarily
through these ethnic groups that the various social ministries take place. It is interesting,
though, that all o f the ministries of the church, with the exception of the Sunday morning
service, eventually break down into homogeneous sub-groups by ethnicity. For instance,
the children's Sunday School is overwhelmingly Hispanic, and the adult Sunday School
classes are grouped ethnically. The different social ministries o f the church group
themselves homogeneously by ethnicity. The Good Neighbor Program is predominantly
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Anglo senior citizens, while across the street, the Vista Towers is overwhelming Korean.
The Girl Scouts and the YMCA program, are almost exclusively Hispanic, while the ESL
classes and the after-school tutoring classes are completely Korean. Outside o f the
Sunday morning service and those occasions when there is a deliberate attempt to bring
the groups together, such as the all church retreat or the Adult Vacation Bible School, the
individual ethnic groups rarely interact.
The weakness of this structure is that the final say in what may be the most
important areas, the Sunday morning worship experience and the finances, are governed
by the one church multicultural philosophy. While each ethnic group is invited to have
representation on the church council and various boards, they are a minority on these
boards. They may lose effectiveness because they are always having to view the "big
picture" and cannot focus their resources on reaching their people. Hence, while the
differing ethnic groups are given a degree o f autonomy, their inability to direct the
finances and the worship service to meet their particular ethnic needs appears to be having
a limiting effect. The church is drawing ethnic individuals with a high value for
assimilation into its primary services and corporate life, while missing the vast majority
who only come to the extension ministries o f the church.
Liturgy
The Sunday morning service is a formal affair, greatly enhanced by the gothic
architecture and decorations o f the sanctuary. The typical service begins with the deep
vibrating tones resonating from the pipe organ, located high above the sanctuary floor. At
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this time the bulletin requests that all conversation cease and meditation begin. At
precisely 11:00 A.M., with the church bells tolling, the organ begins to play the
processional hymn, the congregation stands and the choir enters. You can hear them
singing the Latin hymn as they enter from the rear o f the building, and continue to sing as
they slowly march, two by two, down the center aisle, proceeding high up into the choir
loft just below the great pipes of the organ. Directly following the choir, the pastors file
into the sanctuary, also proceeding down the center aisle, with Pastor Townsend in the
lead, the others following in twos. The pastors are all dressed in sky blue robes, trimmed
in black. As the pastors mount the platform, they sit just below the choir, in five spacious
chairs behind the pulpit, squarely facing the congregation. At the ending o f the
processional hymn, the Korean pastor approaches the pulpit, gives an invocation in
Korean, then in English, then leads the congregation in the Lord's Prayer in English. This
is followed by a congregational hymn, led by the choir director, after which the
congregation is seated. The hymns are not the traditional hymns sung in an Evangelical
church. They are all anthem type arrangements, sung accompanied only by the pipe organ,
with the choir's sopranos clearly setting the tone. The overall liturgy and appearance is
more Episcopalian or Presbyterian High Church.
The church has just recently purchased new hymn books, which were chosen
because o f their inclusion of hymns reflecting different cultures and languages. After the
hymn, an Hispanic female lay leader in her early thirties approaches the pulpit and reads
the scripture lesson for the day in Spanish and English. Although not a pastor, she had
marched in with the pastors in the processional and also donned a matching robe.
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Following the scripture, the Filipino pastor steps to the pulpit, reads another scripture,
leads the congregation in silent prayer while the choir sings again in Latin, then reads a
lengthy prayer. At the conclusion o f this prayer, another congregational hymn is sung.
The children, who were seated with their classes in the front o f the church, leave single file
out the side o f the sanctuary.
Pastor Townsend proceeds to the pulpit and makes the announcements for the
week. These include: welcoming the visitors, inviting everyone to stay after church for a
meal to celebrate one o f the many church occasions, and forwarding an invitation from
another church known for its social activism to join them in a conference on "Progressive
Christian and Social Issues." He then invites the ushers forward to receive the morning
tithes and offerings. They frequently receive separate special offerings which are
calendared to help balance the church budget or to go to other designated causes. There
are typically eight ushers, four Hispanic, three Caucasian and one Asian, seven male and
one female. They are all elderly, the average age appears in the seventies.
Pastor Townsend's sermons are written and are available to the language
interpreters three days before the service. They typically include a theme scripture,
stories or narratives that illustrate his theme and a challenge or admonishment on the
theme. He clearly works at telling stories and making analogies that include people of
differing cultures and time periods. As a student o f history, he will often speak of people
or persons who were examples o f the faith. A typical sermon will address issues of the
church or social issues o f the day. For instance, on "Homecoming Sunday" his theme was
"Going the Distance." In his sermon he reiterated their mission statement, tied the church
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past to the present challenges of multiculturalism, then challenged the church to keep
following the course set before it.
Sermons on social issues are not uncommon at First Baptist. In the not so distant
past, when another Baptist church was being kicked out o f its local Baptist organization
because o f its
acceptance of homosexuality, Dr. Townsend did a series on the church and homosexuality,
taking a stand on the side o f the congregation that was kicked out.
After the sermon, one of the paid soloists in the choir will sing. It could just as
easily be an arrangement of Bach or Beethoven as an African American Spiritual. One
Sunday, an African American spiritual was sung, but because it was sung by a white
soprano soloist, it sounded more like an opera than a spiritual. After the solo, the
congregation again stands and a closing hymn is sung from the printed handout in the
bulletin. The words o f a typical hymn would be similar to "Sing a new Church:"
Summoned by the God who made us
Rich in our diversity
Gathered in the name of Jesus
Richer still in unity:
Let us bring the gifts that differ
And, in splendid, varied ways.
Sing a new church into being
One in faith and love and praise.
Bring the hopes ofev'ry nation;
Bring the art o f ev'ry race.
Weave a song o f peace and justice;
Let it sound through time and space.
Let us bring the gifts that differ
And in splendid varied ways.
Sing a new church into being
One in faith and love and praise.
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During the final hymn, the pastors proceed down to the microphone in front o f the
communion table on the sanctuary floor. The Hispanic pastor gives the prayer of
benediction in English. With the congregation still standing, the pastors exit the building
in procession down the middle aisle.
One can't help but notice the intentionality in the liturgy that addresses the
multicultural congregation. All o f the ethnic staff pastors are seated on the platform.
When the ethnic pastors take part in the service, they frequently do their part in both
English and their native tongue. Songs often reflect a specific ethnic heritage, or
undergird the multicultural philosophy o f the church. The sermons use analogies and
stories illustrated by people o f differing ethnicities. The sermons may also address social
and ethnic issues, which support the "international, interracial, and ecumenical" philosophy
of the church.
One of the reasons I was drawn to this particular church was because of its
reputation for the service that is translated into different languages simultaneously. At the
present time, this is no longer being done, even though the equipment is still in place.
During a service that I attended, though, I did observe eight elderly Korean women sitting
dutifully in their seats where the headphones are located, and one Hispanic woman across
the sanctuary, as if waiting for the head-phones to be turned on. The reasons for not using
the translation equipment at the present time are several. From Dr. Townsend's
perspective the church has not yet found a system that is adequate. For the present
system, the Hispanics have to sit on one side of the sanctuary, and the Koreans have to sit
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on the other, all within the first seven rows, separated from the rest o f the congregation,
who sit toward the back. To hear the translation, one has to hold a hard-wired headphone
up to one's ear during the entire service. They have also tried radio receivers, but the
receivers kept disappearing.
Another obstacle is the quality o f translation. It has been difficult to get people
adequately qualified to translate the messages. One reason for this may be the rather
advanced academic messages preached by Dr. Townsend. In addition, translating words
into another language does not necessarily translate them into another culture. This was
observed by the Korean pastor, who has a doctorate in English literature and teaches
English as a second language to Koreans. He remarked, "they don't get the message, it's
too high a level. .. .the language structure is very different. Even though they speak the
language, they don't grasp the message." According to the Hispanic pastor, another of the
problems is that asking people to sit in an assigned place and hold a headphone
unintentionally segregates the non-English speakers from the rest o f the congregation.
According to Dr. Townsend, simultaneous translation has not been a success. They have
tried, and occasionally still work at it, but the number o f people who use it are few. The
people who come who do not speak English, even with the headphones in operation, will
eventually just attend the Sunday School classes in their language and not attend the
morning service, or find another church where the services are in their language. This is
reflected in an interview with the Filipino pastor:
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Q: Does [interethnic fellowship] happen at the expense o f
reaching your own people ?
A: In a way, yes. For example, if there are first generation
immigrants here, and if we invite them to our church we
have found that most newly arrived immigrants would
prefer to worship in a Filipino church, and I mean an all
Filipino church, rather than be immersed in a multicultural
worship setup. We might be successful in inviting them to
our Filipino Sunday School class, but we have problems
inviting them to the worship where everybody gathers
together. They may attend once or twice but later they will
go their separate ways, and find an all Filipino church.
When specifically addressing the problems of language, Dr. Townsend stated:
I do sometimes [speak over the heads of the people] but we
have to be who we are, o f course, and try to develop,
whether it’s studies for sermons or whatever I am doing, the
best resources I can find, as anyone would do. And if
sometimes that misses the mark, they might complain. But
they continue to come and relate. People may relate to
churches for all kinds o f reasons. The sermon may be the
least significant of all. Ministry is really based on
relationship. If the minister is in relationship, they may
scratch their heads at what he is saying, but they see his
heart. .. .We make no apology for being English speaking.
I mean, this is who we are; this is what we are. We respect
the fact that one language is our biggest barrier and by
having prayers and scripture readings in other languages, we
are trying to honor the fact that we are not all in this
equally, and that we respect you for being here, and we
know that your suffering through the hearts o f our
understanding. But I always felt that the music, regardless
o f the language, in and o f itself can be inspirational; the
setting is inspirational, and the fellowship is inspirational.
Maybe the twenty minutes o f the sermon is not that much of
a sacrifice.
The overall effect o f this approach to liturgy is paradoxical. On one hand it does appeal to
some ethnic individuals, specifically those interested in assimilating into the English culture
and those o f all ethnicities that believe in the multicultural mission o f the church. The "one
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service" approach offers ethnic groups a means to fellowship with other ethnic groups,
and breaks down cultural barriers. These assimilating individuals have become one o f the
strengths of the church; without them the church attendance would be half its present size
and without the majority o f its workers.
However, the drawbacks are significant. At any given Sunday A.M. service only a
token o f ethnic expression is allocated. This could be either through a scripture or prayer
that is translated or a traditional ethnic hymn that is sung. Only parts of the service are
translated into any given language. If one doesn't speak English, large parts of the service
are lost. Because o f the complexity of the service the ethnic individual may feel they have
not had a complete worship experience. Even more important, while there are attempts to
interact with other cultures through the translation o f languages, the style of worship is
very formal and very high church, which may not be consistent with particular groups’
religious ethnic heritage. Put in the words o f one long-time church member:
W hat’ s happening with First Baptist that I see that is different, is that it is
Pastor Townsend's goal to bring all the people together into the English
service, and that it be a quality service. Unfortunately his own culture lets
him define what is quality for him and for those he surrounds himself with,
which does not allow .. . other ethnic groups [their expression of worship]
which to them is just as much quality and more meaningful. They don't see
the value of learning the English style presentation. They are not really
participating, or given an opportunity to design the worship experience.
It is not just the language that is a barrier, but the culture and traditions as well.
While there is a great attempt to welcome the diverse ethnic groups into the church
service and make them feel at home, they are welcoming them to the white congregation’s
traditional way of worshipping, a style of worship that may be outdated even among the
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white population, and not understandable to the ethnic. In simpler terms, it may not be
just the language that is the barrier, but a particular ethos o f worship belonging to a past
generation. The worship service itself may be culturally ineffective and out of style.
Leadership
The church's vision and philosophy are directed by the senior pastor, Dr. John
Townsend. John was bom in Denver, Colorado, on June 25, 1932. He came to California
to study at the University o f Redlands where he graduated with distinction in 1954. It was
while in Redlands that he came under the mentoring of Dr. Fagerburg, who had recently
resigned from the Los Angeles church due to the ethnic conflict. After doing graduate
work at the Berkeley Baptist Divinity School, and serving as Baptist chaplin at Brown
University, he was called to First Baptist in October of 1962 as an associate pastor. Two
years later, the senior pastor resigned. Unable to persuade an externally qualified
candidate to fill the position, the pastoral search committee turned their attention to the
staff, o f whom Townsend was the most qualified. He assumed the leadership o f this
powerful church at the young age o f 34, unmarried, and never having been a senior pastor.
That same year he married the daughter o f an American Baptist executive, becoming the
first minister to be married while at First Baptist, and the first associate to be called as
senior pastor. He has done graduate work at the University o f Southern California and
Claremont Graduate School, and holds an honorary doctorate from the University of
Redlands, where he has served as a Trustee.
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He has many characteristics in common with the other pastors o f multiethnic
congregations, being white, highly educated, theologically liberal (or as they like to say,
progressive), and older (he turned 64 this last June). He, like the other three pastors in
this study, began his ministry to a homogeneously white congregation and was forced to
adapt as the neighborhood and church changed ethnically. Hence he, like most, backed
into his multiethnic philosophy. In his own words:
By training and disposition I was used to situations where faithful church
goers filled the sanctuary each Sunday and where even campus religious
groups thrived. The 60's saw these venerable patterns disintegrate and the
fabric o f American life fray. At that time, newcomers to California, and
especially Los Angeles, began to alter the complexion of the western part
o f our nation. This was particularly true after Congress in 1965 repealed
America's Alien Quota Act. This move permitted the entrance o f larger
numbers o f immigrants from Pacific Rim countries and many of these new
arrivals elected Los Angeles for their home. In April o f 1965,1 became
Senior Minister o f the First Baptist Church of Los Angeles. Dr. Amott had
left to become President of the Berkeley Baptist Divinity School, now
American Baptist Seminary of the West. After an interim year when no
person interviewed by the pulpit committee was willing to come to this
charge, the congregation settled on me, age 32, never a senior pastor,
certainly not a speciality in urban affairs. As pastor and people we had to
find our way together.4 2
Later he also stated:
Only the briefest consideration was given to any thought (as I prepared
myself for ministry in the 1950's) that missionary service might fulfill my
vocation. No, I saw myself becoming shepherd of a local flock, preaching
and teaching in a congenial surrounding, 'doing church' as I had grown up
knowing it. Now I realize that my calling has been lived out as a
missionary after all, as an urban missionary where the field is the world.
Like any missionary abroad, I have learned to improvise, to create services
and programs out o f vanishing resources, to be involved in unexpected
ministries.4 3
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Townsend's leadership style is, as defined early in this work, democratic-
participate. He is very gentle, very kind, and very caring. His ability to bridge the
different cultures and traditions gives him respect among the ethnic groups. It is his
continual search for knowledge that provides the academic underpinning of the philosophy
and trust in his decisions. His gentle vision brings comfort and respect to and from the
elderly whites as their church faces dramatic change. His respect and care for the
individual gives him the respect o f all. As revealed in one interview, "He is very effective.
People love him very much. When he retires, some o f the people who drive a great
distance will no longer come. Jonathan is an unusually capable man, and really committed.
He has exceptionally good people skills, and is highly intelligent, a caring person."
He is the architect and driving force behind the multiethnic philosophy that the
church has today. It is his ability to organize, delegate, and create trust in a team that has
given him the ability to lead the church through change. Typical of a
democratic/participative leader, he seeks a great deal o f input in the decision-making
details, respecting and releasing others abilities. In the words o f one staff member, "He
allows us to be; he has confidence in us. He is a very secure person who really works at
building a team concept."
This style of leadership was revealed in the all-church retreat. The event was
planned by a retreat committee, made up o f the differing ethnic pastors and key lay leaders
in the church. At the retreat, one of the Hispanic lay leaders served as emcee in the dining
hall. The Filipino associate pastor directed the teaching times, the breakout sections and
introduced the guest speaker. The songs were led by a Filipino female. The breakout
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sessions were each around a given topic, and were led by lay leaders which included all the
different ethnic groups in the church. Pastor Townsend had no visible role, except for the
closing prayer. He and his wife were basically attendees just like everyone else.
The ethnicity of the church is reflected in the staff with which he surrounds
himself. On pastoral staff, there is a full-time Hispanic female in her 70's, a full-time
Filipino male in his early 30's, a retired Caucasian pastor in his late 70's, and a part-time
Korean male in his 60's. The office staff is made up o f an Hispanic female
receptionist/secretary, and a male Filipino business administrator. There are two Hispanic
janitors. The music department pays the director, an Anglo, and Anglo organist, three
Anglo soloists, and one Korean soloist. The Good Neighbor Center employs a full-time
white male as director, and one part-time female Hispanic secretary.
All o f the ethnic associate pastors reflect the same gentle, nurturing personality
and democratic philosophy as Dr. Townsend. They are all highly educated, having
graduate degrees and all have strong social skills, giving them the ability to bridge the
different ethnic conflicts. For instance, at the yearly retreat a workshop was held to
discuss how offenses take place in intercultural interaction. An argument broke out
between two elderly males, Hispanic and Anglo, over the importance o f speaking English.
When discussing that conflict with the Hispanic pastor, she responded that she was going
to have a talk with that particular Anglo gentleman. He had made similar statements in the
halls o f the church and offended some visiting Hispanics.
This type o f leadership works well in a multicultural setting. The inclusive style of
decision-making gives voice to the many diverse individuals and groups within the church.
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It allows individuals and groups to feel valued and respected. However, this style is
threatened by aauthoritarian individuals. At every level in the church leadership, from the
top boards to the smallest committees, there must be respect for pluralism and diversity.
There must be a willingness to compromise one's own values for the sake o f the common
vision. A strong lay person or pastoral staff who does not share these traits would be
offensive to the other groups, and a challenge to the democratic processes in the church.
This is an issue, in that some ethnic societies revolve around strong authoritative styles of
leadership, such as may be the case with the Koreans and Hispanics for example. The
Koreans are a patriarchal society which respects strong male voices. Some view Koreans
as pushy, aggressive, hard to get along with, or even contentious, but these traits
undoubtedly are a product of their values and understanding of the roles and methods of
leadership. Ethnic groups whose social structures evolve around aggressive, authoritative
styles of leadership may not do well with a democratic style of leadership.
The diverse boards and committees reflect other realms of leadership in the church.
When Pastor Townsend was first appointed senior pastor, the leadership was exclusively
white. Ten years after he was appointed, the pastoral staff was made up o f five males,
four o f whom were Anglo, one of whom was Hispanic. With the dramatic change o f the
ethnic composition o f the church, there is a declared intent to have the differing ethnic
enclaves represented on all levels of the church decision-making bodies. At each annual
election, the nominating committee asks each ethnic fellowship to put forth names to be
placed on the ballot. The names that are recommended by the specific ethnic groups are
all most always nominated. As mentioned before, the present church council is made up
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o f two Filipinos, one Hispanic, two African Americans, one Chinese, and six Anglos. The
chairperson o f the Board o f Christian Education is a black female. The chair of the Board
o f Trustees is a native-born Chinese male. There is some question, however, as to
whether power is really being released to the ethnic enclaves in the decision-making
processes. The majority o f the church council is still white, even though the majority of
the congregation who attend are not. While the church has done a lot to raise up
indigenous leadership, many feel the church has not gone far enough. At this juncture,
the ethnic groups are allowed to speak, but not empowered to act on their own behalf.
Many o f the ethnic individuals feel that their voices are not listened to. In one lay person's
terms, "they are allowed to speak but ultimately it’s business as usual." The Koreans
wanting their own Sunday morning worship service and children's Sunday School is an
example o f this.
Women are another vital factor in the leadership o f the church. While traditionally
women in the Baptist movement have been given leadership roles in the Sunday School,
missionary works and women's ministries, they had limited representation in the highest
level of the church council, pastoral positions, and Board o f Trustees. One picture o f the
church officers around the turn of the century does reveal a woman who held the job of
"collector,” which is now called the financial secretary. Women in ministry became a
congregational focus in 1975, the year the church ordained one o f their female members to
be a hospice chaplin. A second woman was ordained in 1988 and a third in 1989; these
latter two became ministers on the pastoral staff. Since the middle o f the 1970's, women
have comprised over half o f the executive officers o f the church. O f the 18 boards and
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committees listed in the 1995-1996 annual report, 11 are headed by women. O f the 12
individuals now on the church council, eight are female and the moderator of the council is
an Anglo female. O f the four associate pastors one is an Hispanic female. Equally,
women virtually run the children's and adults Sunday School program. All o f the
children's Sunday School teachers are female. All o f the youth classes, with the exception
of the college class, are taught by females. All o f the adult Sunday School classes, with
the exception of one had a majority of women officers. The chairperson of each class,
with the exception o f one, were women. It appears that even in the ethnic classes,
though they have men teachers, the women are in charge.
This raises a number of issues about women's roles in a multiethnic congregation.
First, it is common knowledge that there are simply more women involved in church life
then men. Hence in most churches women are the most active. Second, because this is
an older congregation, an age group where there are even higher percentages o f women to
men, there would be more females present. These older white women who attend have
been at the church for a long time, and are either widowed or just healthier and more
active than their husbands. Third, women in leadership may be more accepted in a
multicultural environment. Multiculturalism speaks o f diversity. If one believes in
respecting the diversity o f others, the barriers o f gender are broken as well as the barriers
of color. Additionally, women may rise to leadership in a multiethnic setting because they
are not viewed as competitors to ethnic males. Hence, where one ethnic male may be
view as a competitor to another, a female may not. Women may, by virtue of a feminine
perception, bridge ethnic diversity. Last, a multiethnic congregation may fit the
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sociological setting where the female missionary motif, that has existed in the church
realm since its inception, has excelled.
Philosophy
The philosophy o f First Baptist is rooted in the American Baptist movement at
large, a century o f ministry in ethnically diverse Los Angeles, and the personal values and
vision of Sr. Pastor Townsend. As noted earlier, he is the architect of the present
multiethnic structure and the author of its philosophy. Stated in the mast o f every bulletin
are the words, "International, Ecumenical, Interracial." This slogan came into existence
after the Watts riots. Having faced its own racial conflict in the 1950's, by the 1960's the
church was ready to address racism in the city with a unified voice. Following the riots,
the church boldly proclaimed its new identity in its weekly newspaper adds. With this
statement the church proclaimed an end to the pain o f racism in its midst, and the charting
of a new philosophy o f ministry for the congregation.
In a handout presented to college students, Pastor Townsend presented the
philosophy of ministry this way:
The people o f First Baptist, Los Angeles possess: shared vision - o f a
congregation that is international, interracial, ecumenical and community-
serving; expressed through: hospitality- with multiple programs and
points o f entry based on the "goodneighbor" theme; teaching:, love o f
God and love o f others: you shall love the Lord your God. . . You shall
love your neighbor as yourself (Mt. 22:38-39). God was in Christ
reconciling the word himself... and entrusting the message of
reconciliation to us (II Cor. 5:18-19).
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International
As we will see, each o f these aspects that make up the church philosophy are
carefully, prayerfully thought through, and deeply grounded in the history of the
movement. The concept o f being international is founded in the Baptist concept of
missions. As noted earlier, since its inception the Baptist movement in general and this
church in particular have viewed themselves as missions agencies. At the turn o f the
century, First Baptist had been instrumental in the birthing o f many other churches,
Sunday School outreaches, and especially ethnic and inner-city missions. This was done
to such an extent that the leaders in the denomination referred to the church as the
"Mother o f Churches." At times in its early days as much as one third of the total budget
went to missions work.
Baptist churches nationally and locally organize themselves around missions work.
A flyer for the Los Angeles Baptist Missions Society states, "We are a people committed
to missions. Missions is a wide ranging concept. It implies all the varied work we
undertake as individuals, churches and organizations in applying our faith and in sharing
the Gospel message with others.1 ,4 4 First Baptist was instrumental in starting the Los
Angeles Baptist Missions Society, and is the "flagship" o f its operation. It is still, by far,
the society’s largest financial supporter.
The present missions philosophy of American Baptists is revealed by American
Baptist academic Ray Bakke. He states, "I want us as the body of Christ-as kingdom
people to think
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globally about God's urban kingdom, to feel kinship with the pain, the suffering and
celebration of other places and the church o f Christ within them."4 5 He further clarifies
this by stating:
In this increasingly interconnected planet where evangelism is not taking
place on all continents, the churches at home must begin to model with
integrity that which they have sent missionaries abroad to do. By sending
them abroad in the first place, the church was confessing a trans-cultural
commitment to the oneness o f Jesus Christ. Urban pastors must practice
it.4 6
The values and motivation for foreign missions quite naturally lead to the values and
motivation to reach ethnic urban Los Angeles. It is quite natural that Dr. Townsend
would see himself as a missionary to urban America.
Interracial
The concept o f being interracial, widely publicized after the Watts riots, came into
use after a decade o f healing from First Baptist's own racial conflict. The slogan is worn
like a purple heart. The interracial term, though possibly not a politically correct term in
this day and age, refers to its multiethnic identity. This concept is undergirded by the
broader concepts o f justice, pluralism and individualism.
The social gospel’s influence o f redefining the meaning and purpose of the gospel
to include social justice has had a great impact on the American Baptist movement. This
is largely due to the influence o f the popular American Baptist author, Walter
Rauschenbusch, and American Baptist civil rights leader Martin Luther King. Social
justice is a primary theme taught in the American Baptist official Sunday School
curriculum by the Judson Press. On the Sundays I visited the adult classes, social justice
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was at least twice the primary subject, but it was often referred to in many o f the classes.
A denominational booklet written to introduce the American Baptist movement states:
Clergy and lay persons in many churches see themselves as advocates for
invoking God's justice to God's people. American Baptists take on
productive ministries that bring hope and caring to many who might
otherwise 'fall through the crack.' . . T h e pursuit o f justice, like all else
undertaken in Christ's name in ongoing. Conferences, workshops, and
training events sponsored by regional and national boards help Baptists
identify areas where God's justice needs to be expressed.4 7
The idea o f pluralism, or diversity, also drives the philosophy. In Dr. Townsend's
words;
Basically anyone who is oriented toward people is fascinated by their
stories o f their lives and backgrounds. We have such a rich infusion here of
cultures and people. These are fascinating stories and we keep drawing
them out. In other words, we are here to know each other and to struggle
together, to know God somehow and to value the integrity o f each person
and each person's story. This is very basic. So somehow you try to honor
that and I have come to see the honoring o f people's stories is common
and very enriching. Its not just something to do but it's the way that life
becomes meaningful and enriched.
A great value is placed on respecting diversity— diversity o f belief, diversity o f practice,
and diversity o f traditions. In this view, it is when everyone brings their unique gifts to
the table that the church is really the church. As stated in a denomination flyer:
As the most racially diverse denomination in Protestantism, American
Baptist Churches USA has seen that commitment for inclusiveness manifest
itself in the makeup o f its churches and its members. Some o f the most
significant growth with our family in recent years has been witnessed in our
African American, Hispanic, Native American, Haitian, Portuguese and
Asian American churches. Indeed it is predicted that by the year 2000,
there will be no single majority racial or ethnic group within the
denomination. The breadth o f our denominational family can in part be
attributed to our longstanding commitment to offering fellowship and
support to all people. In many other areas, too, we are a diverse people:
geographically, theologically, vocationally.4 8
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The foundational principle o f pluralism and respect for diversity is strongly tied to
the Baptist belief in individualism. This is portrayed in a denominational publication:
We are quite individualistic. We don't believe any pastor or denominational
leader has a right to speak for us on matters o f faith or conscience. We
believe individuals should with the guidance o f the Holy Spirit make up
their own minds about what they believe. And we believe all Christians—
laity as well as clergy— have special callings to be ministers for Jesus
Christ. Our individualism leads to some disagreements in the political,
social and theological positions we hold. Like most Baptists we enjoy our
differences and we enjoy discussing them. Even so, we don't let our
diversity slow us down.4 9
The theological term for this individualism is called "soul competency," or "soul freedom."
These concepts were formed in Baptist tradition under the belief that the soul o f man was
free from government interference. Only the individual could determine the state o f
his/her soul, and be responsible for it. In the words o f one o f the assistant pastors, "Each
individual's spiritual life and conduct are to be based on the Bible. That is basic; the Bible
is the guide. But we also believe that each person has the responsibility to live according
to his/her understanding, according to what he o r she knows." Where there is a high
respect for individualism, it necessitates that there must be a high regard for diversity and
pluralism.
The acceptance of pluralism is revealed at First Baptist in its lack of theological
unity. The church, like the denomination that it associates with, is theologically diverse.
The Anglos and the leadership tend to view themselves as liberal, or in their term,
progressive. When these leaders disassociate themselves from the liberal label, they are
disassociating themselves from a specific historical movement, and from a word that is
often used pejoratively in Evangelical circles. In a conversation with the pastor’s wife, I
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many different ethnic enclaves who tend to be more conservative then their American
counterparts. Their belief in unity may not be as valued as their belief in other traditional
Protestant beliefs.
Ecumenical
Another highly promoted foundational philosophy o f the church is that o f being
ecumenical. The American Baptist Churches have historically been active in the
ecumenical movement and are founding members o f both the National Council of
Churches of Christ and the World Council of Churches. They acknowledge the "light"
that has been given to them as Baptists, yet recognize that God is also at work among
others and "choose in freedom to love them, witness to them, work with them and learn
from them."
A statement on the back of First Baptist's bulletin states, "This church is affiliated
with the American Baptist Churches in the U.S.A., the Mid-Wilshire Parish, and the Los
Angeles, National and World Council o f Churches." Dr. Townsend and some of the staff
have been active in international, national and local World Council o f Churches events.
Locally, the church takes an active role in supporting the local minister's association, the
Mid-Wilshire Parish, and participating in their social programs.
Hospitable
Another primary ideology supporting the church philosophy is that o f being
community-serving, or hospitable which is revealed in the "Good Neighbor" theme.
Pastor Townsend defines this as: "neighborliness, goodwill and peace-making." This value
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asked how the congregation views themselves on the liberal to conservative scale. She
replied, "Well, the fact that there is a high regard for diversity, that does tend to make us
more of a liberal nature." Further, she told o f being invited to celebrate Passover with one
o f her neighbors, a well-known Jewish newspaper columnist in Los Angeles. She
concluded that no one could say "that dear sweet person was not going to sit before the
throne o f God." The church's ideologies and liturgies as a whole do demonstrate more of
a liberal slant. Some of these practices include the ordinations of women, the respect for
the homosexual life style, and social activism.
On the other hand, many of the ethnic members view themselves as fundamental,
"Bible believing," conservative. When Pastor Townsend took a public stand backing a
church that accepted homosexuals as members, it caused quite a stir among the ethnic
fellowships, to the extent that at least one Hispanic, long-time member left the church.
There simply is not one commonly held identifiable label for the church’s theological
stand. Some consider themselves progressive, some call themselves evangelical or
conservative, and some fundamental. The one principal that unites all, that is elevated
above all, is respect for diversity.
The overall effect of the lack o f traditional theological unity is paradoxical. The
respect for theological diversity may be just one more arena that helps open the door for
cultural and ethnic pluralism. On the other hand, theological diversity may drive off those
who value strong theological stands such as liberal social activists, who believe that the
church should take aggressive stands, or theological fundamentalists— both groups that do
not value compromise. This pluralistic approach to theology may not be inviting to the
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is expressed through many o f the diverse social ministries o f the church that serve the
neighborhood such as the Girl Scouts, the ESL classes, the Ketchum YMCA program, the
youth tutoring program Hope-Net, Vista Towers and, appropriately named, the Good
Neighbor Center. Again, the "good neighbor" theme which undergirds these ministries fits
well into the social gospel emphasis promoted in the denomination by social activist
Rauschenbusch:
His prophetic message was social reform in the name of Christ. The
poverty and the dying that he saw convinced him that social institutions
must be evangelized as much as individual people. When he read the Bible
from his new perspective, he found this same message and could not
understand how he and the churches, so occupied with individual
conversion, had not seen this message before.5 0
Bakke stated the same emphasis decades later: "We must understand that there can be no
separation of the church's worship from its work and witness. So while I want to
emphasize here the priority o f worship, I also want to focus on its continuity with service
outside the sanctuary."5 1 He also stated, "that social action isn't done in order to
communicate the gospel but as a sign or evidence that the gospel has already been
received and acted upon. Social ministry is the loving service of Christians set free by the
risen Lord from sins and bondage ."5 2 As one elderly gentleman in a Sunday School class
replied, "it is not proclamation or social action, but both that comprise the gospel."
First Baptist limits its social activism to hands-on, local, service-oriented
programs. In the book, Varieties o f Religious Presence, the authors portray four types o f
missions orientations that are demonstrated by urban churches. They are the activist, the
civic, the sanctuary and the evangelistic. The activistic orientation, perceives the here and
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now o f the world as the main arena of God's redemptive activity, and humankind as the
primary agent o f establishing God's kingdom on earth. Their view o f existing economic
and social order tends to be critical. They actively enter into the political arena to bring
justice. The sanctuary orientation primarily focuses on the world to come. They exist as a
church to provide people with the opportunity to withdraw from the trials o f life and they
strive to maintain past identity and social order among their own. The evangelistic
orientation, like the sanctuary, has a focus on a future world, and is concerned over the
deteriorating moral order. But its members are encouraged to participate in public life,
not for the purpose o f social reform or change, but to share the message o f salvation with
those outside o f the fellowship.
First Baptist is an ideal type o f what the authors call a civic orientation. First
Baptist, like the civic orientation, shares the activist orientation's focus on this world and
its sense o f responsibility for public life. But civic congregations are more comfortable
affirming the dominant social, political and economic structures; are less willing to
accept, and may even oppose, the use o f confrontational techniques in the service of
change; and are more likely to define their public role in educational and cultural terms
rather than in political terms. There is a concern for public life and issues, and the
congregation is seen as an appropriate place in which public concerns are discussed and
debated in order to help members clarify their opinions in light of their religious beliefs and
values. However, there is little expectation or desire that discussion will lead to a
corporate decision or action that represents the congregation's stance. If First Baptist
members choose to involve themselves in public issues, it is as individuals that they do so
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and not as representatives o f the congregation. The same applies to the ministers. In
general, therefore, individualism, tolerance, and civility play important roles in this
church’s civic orientation. The sense of moral order is less a call to prophetic change— as
in the case of the activists— and more a set of ground rules permitting civil harmony in the
middle o f political diversity, religious peace in the middle o f ecclesiastical pluralism.5 0
Reconciliation
The final foundational ideology of First Baptist's philosophy is reconciliation. This
principle is based on the gospel o f Matthew 22:38-39, which states, "You shall love the
Lord your God. . . Your shall love your neighbor as yourself," and also in II Corinthians
5:18-19, "God was in Christ reconciling the world to himself. . and entrusting the
message o f reconciliation to us." Dr. Townsend has led the church to a primary mission
of bringing people together. This concept was first planted in him as a young college
student at the University o f Redlands, under the tutelage of Dr. Fagerburg who had gone
to the Redlands Church still reeling from the racial conflict he had experienced at First
Baptist. Townsend was so close to Fagerburg, that one staff member commented, "From
then to the present I see him as committed to finish or to carry on Fagerburg's job!"
The pastor that followed Fagerburg, Gene Bartlett, gave himself to bringing the
people back together, and healing the wounds. In Townsend's words, "I learned from the
preceding ministry the importance of reconciliation. After the turmoil with Fagerburg, Dr.
Bartlett came in as a very reconciling, marvelous man to bring people together."
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After his appointment as senior pastor, Townsend was still faced with racism in the
congregation. He tells o f one such episode:
When I became pastor, we had, by this time, many blacks in the church and
a fine tenor who was black who led the choir and the procession into the
services. One day I was approached by one o f the trustees, a man of great
means (they were from the South, Arkansas, he and his wife). He said,
"You know I want you to get rid o f the black guy from in front o f the
choir'" I asked "why?" He responded, "Well, we don't want black people
leading our choir; it’s a bad example." He was very, very persistent on it.
So I said, "Well, we will have to talk about it." I went to their home. That
was the first time I realized how deep these feeling are. His wife said to
me, "You know, this feeling goes all the way to our bones." I began to get
an appreciation for what I had dismissed as sort o f a dumb prejudice. This
is something that's so ingrained in people that you have to deal with it
differently, you can't just give them a logical reason. So we talked and
talked; there were some tears. They finally accepted it. But it was because
I was willing to spend the time. Dr. Bartlett would spend hours in this type
of thing, bringing people back together.. . I realized that the key role of
reconciliation in ministry is bringing people together so that they can
appreciate each there and not be driven by prejudice but maybe be driven
by compassion.
These five primary values o f being interracial, international, ecumenical, hospitable
and committed to reconciliation, serve as the foundation for the church's multiethnic
philosophy. They intentionally defined themselves, not as multicongregational, but as "one
church." This concept is very important to their identity. One staff member expressed it
in the following way: "It's very scriptural that we are not strangers, its very spiritual that
we are one. I mean one body. Very much one body, but we go a step further to say that
we are one church. We think o f a church, a universal church, the body of Christ, but we
go even farther. We are not a church within a church. We are one church, and that is not
scriptural, but philosophical." This "one church" concept is what underlies the Sunday
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morning practice of having all the people, all the ethnic enclaves, worshiping together at
one time in one place.
This ideological approach o f one church that includes all the different ethnic
enclaves is an advancement o f historic Baptist polity. The American Baptist statement o f
faith states:
We continue to emphasize that the local congregation is the basic
manifestation of the church. The words o f Jesus in Matthew 18:20 are
much treasured to us. Tor where two or three are gathered in my name,
there am I in the midst o f them.' We believe Christ is the head of each
congregation, and we are convinced all members should participate in
governing its affairs. It is recognized as a great gift when the Holy Spirit
moves in the midst of a worshiping congregation, or guides the
congregation when it carries out Christ's business. This is the fight which
opens the way to renewal and mission.5 4
Dr. Townsend and the rest of the staff are cognizant of the fact that this may not be the
most effective model for church growth. All of the ethnic groups in some sense feel that
their particular group would grow faster if they were included in the Sunday morning
service. One Hispanic stated, "If we were all Hispanic, and had our own services, being in
an Hispanic neighborhood, we would be huge with the proper leadership. People still
want to be with their own kind. But that is the numbers game. We would love to have a
lot o f our people here, but we prefer to stick to the other. It is a matter of principle." In
Pastor Townsend's words:
This is not a growth model. You need to say that up front. I am not sure
that we would have this style if we were the only church in town. But we
are not. If you came to me and said, "I don't like this style, I want a
Spanish-speaking church." I would give you some excellent referrals. I
want to honor a person’s choice, their integrity. But because there are all
those choices, I am saying there ought to be another option in Los Angeles
of all places, where we will try something different. And we will make it
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go as long as we can make it go or maybe it will fizzle. But at least we
have kept it going for about three decades. We can appeal to certain
portions o f the population, either the culturally mixed types, or the parents
who are willing to sacrifice for their children's sake. I validate it by saying
that this is what the Kingdom is about, where people are not divided by
category, I mean race, culture, money, or looks. If the Kingdom is
anything it means the people of God not just going our separate ways, but
people in communion with God and one another. I think this is what the
church ought to strive for. I would not try to duplicate this if we were the
only church in town, because I realize this is not a workable model. It
doesn't respect everyone's experience or desire.
While dealing with the concept o f growth a further observation needs to be made.
First, we cannot know what the church would be like if it had not developed this
multicultural philosophy. If it had resisted the ethnic enclaves, the congregation might
have been reduced to a remnant o f whites, if it existed at all. Further, if the church had
been turned over to one specific ethnic group, particularly Hispanics or Koreans who
make up the neighborhood around the church, the church might be bulging at the seams,
although most homogeneous Hispanic and Korean congregations in the Wilshire corridor
are not large in numbers. In any event, the church, because o f its philosophy, has
maintained a viable ministry to its people and to the neighborhood. While the numbers do
not show an overall growth, it is reaching people. The church has not declined to the
extent that many churches in the Wilshire corridor have. Getting away from the question
of numbers, however, one is faced with the construction of a congregation based on
higher moral ideals. How does one measure the long term value or benefit o f these ideals?
As one staff member made the point, "it is not a question of quantity, but quality, and
how do you measure quality?"
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People
The common attributes of the people who attend First Baptist are few. Typically,
they have come here as Christians, generally from a Baptist background, are considerably
better educated than most, do not live in the immediate neighborhood and have a high
regard for pluralism. The Hispanics are no exception.
Hispanics
The Hispanic ministry began at First Baptist in 1961. As told by John Townsend:
The then senior pastor, Robert Amott, responded to mounting
congregational concerns about the influx o f Cuban refugees into the United
States. Several First Baptist members had lived or served as missionaries
in Cuba; they insisted that a helping hand must be given those individuals
fleeing oppression in their native land. Before the decade was out, over
100 persons has been resettled in Los Angeles by members of First Baptist.
Since many o f those people united with the church, a part-time student
minister, an Argentine, was added to the staff, the first person o f another
race and culture to serve in a pastoral role. These Cubans who fled the
communist rulership, were an upper-class, professional group of people.
This made their acceptance at first Baptist easier. As time went on they
relocated
around the country, but they opened the door for more and more Hispanics
to attend the church. Since that time there has been continuous ministry to
the Hispanic people.5 5
The Hispanic fellowship is comprised o f somewhere between 75-80 family units.
While only approximately 24% of the membership, they make up about 40% of the
Sunday morning attendance, which includes about 90% o f the children's Sunday School.
The average adult age is approximately 45. They are from Mexico, the Caribbean, Central
and South America. The ones interviewed for this study were from Mexico, Cuba,
Nigeria, El Salvador and Honduras. The
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majority appear to be either from Nigeria or El Salvador. The majority were already
Baptist before they immigrated to the United States.
The Hispanics are the workers of the church, the ones who volunteer in the
Sunday School, potlucks, rummage sales, and other all-church activities. They are
represented on all levels o f leadership in the church. All but a small percentage can speak
and understand English. They are more theologically conservative than the Anglos. Their
worship style is not as traditional, but, commented the Hispanic pastor, "that is good for
us, they [latin immigrants] are evangelizing us." They tend to be more educated than the
average Hispanic in the neighborhood. They have come to First Baptist as a step in
assimilating into the American culture, to bring their children to see that they get ahead.
An example of this desire to assimilate is the use o f the headphones. The Hispanic pastor
stated: "It is effective for those who want to use it, but I am finding out that quickly they
prefer to struggle with English."
The Associate Hispanic pastor is an elderly female, the wife o f the former Hispanic
pastor, who passed away while serving this congregation. She has been at the church for
25 years. The daughter of a minister, she was trained in a Nazarene Bible college to be a
missionary in Latin America. After previous careers as an aeronautical engineer and
teacher of English as a second language, she was ordained by the church, and has served
it since 1986. Encompassing many of the pastoral skills of Dr. Townsend, she is very
oriented toward people and serving the congregation. Being very multicultural, fluent in
English as well as Spanish, she is well-respected by all the minorities and the Anglos. Her
primary responsibility is to oversee the Hispanic portion of the congregation, but because
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of her ability to cross cultures, she is used in all areas o f pastoral care for the entire
congregation. She does everything but preaching, which she does not like to do.
The Spanish Sunday School class, which is the heart o f the Hispanic enclave, is
named the Ebenezer class. Observation of one o f the classes revealed that there were 43
in attendance, with 21 males, and 22 females. There were approximately 20 between the
ages o f 20-30, 7 between 30-50, and 16 over 50. This class was taught by a black, male,
Hispanic, who, I later learned, has two doctorate degrees, teaches at a University, and at
one time had pastored his own Baptist church.
Weekly, there is a Spanish Bible study, on Wednesday night at 7:30, which meets
after the all-church Wednesday night program from 6:30-7:30. At this Bible study, much
like the Sunday School classes there is a set order o f hymns, choruses, Bible readings, and
prayers. The Bible study is overseen by a Hispanic female in her 50's and taught by the
female Hispanic pastor. The group sat in a circle, which facilitated interaction with the
teaching, testimonies and prayer requests. Other activities of the Hispanic ministry are a
women's prayer group that meets weekly in a neighboring park, and many social occasions
around holidays and family events.
While the Hispanic ministry at First Baptist has the greatest potential for growth,
they continually face the obstacles o f language and culture. While the language issue is
partly being addressed by having the Sunday School class and Bible studies in Spanish, it
is not enough to give the Hispanics a full worship experience. Further, the worship
experience is more than a language experience; cultural narratives, symbols, traditions and
music all go into making effective worship. If more effort was put into embracing the
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Hispanic worship culture, instead o f asking them to embrace the Anglo culture, there
would be improved and more effective ministry to the Hispanic people.
Another obstacle for Hispanics is the lack of outreach specifically designed to
target Hispanics. When asked if there are things that the church does with the intention
to reach the different ethnic groups, the associate Hispanic pastor replied, "We are
intentional in having things for the whole church." So much time and program of the
church is spent bringing people o f differing ethnicities together, that there is little left to
target the local Hispanic community. It appears that the priority o f unity is greater than
the need for evangelism.
Filipinos
Since the early 1980's there has been a strong Filipino presence at First Baptist.
The first Filipinos, all from the Baptist Central Philippine University, having migrated to
the United States, began meeting as a group and were looking for a church home. They
were mostly nurses, under the leadership o f their previous chaplin, who had also
immigrated here. Financial assistance from the denomination enabled First Baptist to
invite their leader to become a member o f the ministerial staff.
The Filipinos who attend are predominately female, between the ages of 30 and
50, and are highly educated. M ost possess graduate degrees and are employed in jobs like
nursing and teaching. They came here already firmly committed Baptists, from a
theologically progressive environment. They are affectionately referred to as the "Alumni
Club" in that they came from the same University, same denominational family, speak the
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same dialect, and migrated from the same region o f the Philippines. Many are also related
to one another biologically. Their homes are scattered throughout Los Angeles county.
The Filipinos make up approximately 6% o f the entire congregation, and include
30 active adults. On a Sunday that I attended there were 9 total in attendance, which
included 7 females and 2 males, 3 who were in their 20's, 4 in their 30's, one over 60, and
1 toddler. The class was taught by the Filipino assistant pastor. Although they use
English almost exclusively, they have recently been adding Ilonggo hymns to remind
themselves o f their spiritual ties to home. In the Sunday School class, they stick very
closely to the Judson Press curriculum, but always give it their own Filipino distinctions.
The only other activities just for Filipinos are occasional social events, prayer meetings,
and Bible studies in homes.
The Filipino leadership is comprised o f strong lay and full-time personnel. The lay
leadership, which includes at least one retired Psychiatrist, serve throughout the church in
key positions, including the church council, church business administrator and various
other capacities throughout the adult Sunday School classes. Proportionally for their size
they are highly represented in the different levels o f leadership in the church. The Filipino
staff pastor is in his late 20's, and has been serving part-time at the church as he finishes
his Masters of Divinity degree at Fuller Theological Seminary. He has just received an
invitation, which he accepted, to become full time on the church staff. Added to his
responsibilities will be minister of evangelism and outreach. He came to the church by
recommendation from the previous Filipino pastor, who had known him and his family in
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the Philippines. He has been at the church three years, since May of 1993 when he came
to Los Angeles to finish his graduate degree.
The Filipinos fit well into the multiethnic structure and philosophy of this church.
They are highly educated and well versed in the English language. Most came to the
United States already americanized through their Baptist religious affiliations and
education, and were fleeing the Marcos oppressive dictatorship. Having already accepted
the American Baptist values, they have sought further affiliation and assimilation into the
Baptist American expression. As a group, they are the most closely aligned with the
theological progressive views o f the church. Also, because o f the size of their group and
their cultural demeanor, which is very polite and hospitable, they are accepted by all the
other groups within the church. O f all the church activities that I observed they were
often the leaders. As a group, they value multicultural interaction, and are often the
initiators. For instance, one o f their members came up with the idea of an adult Vacation
Bible School. It was presented to the leadership of the church, was accepted, then
organized and run by the Filipinos, as a very multiethnic, multicultural affair. Further, they
respect the democratic style o f decision making, have a high regard for authority and
honor and respect the individual. For example, when the original Filipino pastor resigned,
Pastor Townsend was waiting for them to choose a leader, and they were waiting for him,
not wanting to offend anyone.
Yet there are also barriers for the Filipinos in this environment as well. There are
few living in the immediate neighborhood of the church but most drive for many miles.
Even the Filipino pastor lives in another city approximately 20 miles from the church.
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Hence, the most effective methods o f outreach, reaching your neighborhood and reaching
your friends are not realistic options for the Filipinos. They also have a difficult time
reaching first generation immigrants. In the words o f the Filipino pastor, "We might be
successful in inviting them to our Filipino Sunday School, but we have problems inviting
them to the worship where everybody gathers together. So they may attend once or
twice, but later on they will go their separate ways and maybe find an all Filipino church."
Equally difficult for the Filipino enclave is breaking down the walls that exist
within the Filipino community. The Filipinos are very regionalistic. As the Filipino pastor
stated, "Filipinos in themselves are pretty much regionalistic; our lifestyle back in the
Philippines is being translated here." They each have their own dialect, and even tell
ethnic jokes about each other. Having come to this country they have brought their
historic differences with them. Reaching outside o f their Illogono culture has proven
ineffective.
For many of the Filipinos this multicultural process is simply taking too long and
going too slowly. Their biggest critique is that the church is not doing enough to teach
and create multiethnic interaction. Many have been in the church now for over a decade
and are ready to go beyond the dialogue to more aggressive multiethnic interaction.
Koreans
The 1970's were a season o f further advancement o f the multiethnic philosophy
with the inclusion of the Koreans. In 1965, congress repealed the Alien Quota Act, which
opened the door for large numbers from the Pacific Rim to immigrate to the United States.
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Many of these new arrivals chose Los Angeles as their new home. In Dr. Townsend's
words:
As a result, the congregation was not surprised when, in the early I970's, I
proposed adding a part-time Korean minister to our staff Within walking
distance from the church building was the official boundary o f 'Little
Korea,' a burgeoning and unanticipated development that astonished
Angelenos. Traditional wisdom has it that the city's African American
population would move northward to Wilshire Boulevard within a few
years. No one knew the Koreans were coming! And some o f them began
coming to First Baptist, attracted by our openness in advertising.
Koreans make up approximately 10% o f the overall congregation. They average
on a Sunday morning between 30 and 40 in attendance. With few exceptions, they are
senior citizens and overwhelmingly female. There are a small number o f younger Koreans,
who are not a part o f the Korean fellowship, who attend the church. Most do not speak
English. They live in the immediate neighborhood of the church, and have come to this
country well-educated in Korean Universities. Most were Protestants when they came to
the United States but not from Baptist backgrounds. Their activities include the Sunday
School class, which they hold in one o f the smaller chapels and their own worship service
following class which they hold on all but the first Sunday of the month in place of the
main service. Their attendance has dropped dramatically in the last few years, with fewer
leaders and families with children. As Pastor Townsend describes the situation:
What we are seeing here is attraction by virtue of the age and zeal.. . o f the
minister with the people. Our pastor now can address Koreans who came
to America and remain Korean. That is what we have here. It is an elderly
population, too elderly to really struggle much with advancement. They
love America for what it has to offer, and probably their kids are here, but
they are not about to change. These are educated, cultured Koreans.
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Originally when we had a younger pastor, it was easier to get families here.
But now they have their businesses here, but the ones with families have
moved out, and it is mostly the elderly who still live in the neighborhood.
The Korean fellowship is led by a Korean associate pastor, himself a senior in his
60's. Considered part-time at the church, his other job is teaching ESL classes for
Koreans at the church. Well educated, he has a masters degree in English poetry, and a
master o f divinity degree in theology. He portrays the same quiet, gentle personality
traits as the rest o f the ministerial staff at First Baptist. It has been difficult for him to find
lay leadership both within the fellowship and among Korean individuals who will take part
in the various committees and boards of the church. When asked if the Korean people
want to be in leadership in the church, the pastor responded: "No! I do recommend them
sometimes. I recommend a person who can speak English well. For a short time they do
attend the meetings, but then they quit. I don't think they can understand the language.
They understand most, but then they speak their slang."
One would think with the large number o f Koreans in the neighborhood that
surround the church, and the large number that attend the ESL classes and the youth
tutoring program, that the Korean fellowship would be a growing segment within the
church. But the obstacles for this group are diverse. First, there are 38 homogeneous
Korean churches within two miles of First Baptist. Some of the biggest and most
influential Korean churches in the Los Angeles Korean community are within walking
distance along the streets that border Wilshire Blvd. As one staff member put it, "We are
surrounded by large, powerful Korean churches that have affected us by their large
numbers." Hence, competition is tough. There is also great tension within the Korean
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religious community, denominational divisions that make it hard for even Koreans to get
together. This social tension has even been played out at First Baptist as observed in the
Korean pastor’s own words in the 1995-1996 annual report:
Korean fellowship has been undergoing change for renewal, for leaders
who cherished negative feeling against the church style like ours have
deserted. Thanks to God, in effect, they are replaced by good leaders who
are new members. We keep on praying to God that we may persist,
proclaiming the message whether the time is favorable or unfavorable.
The language obstacle for the Koreans is greater than the other groups. While
most do not understand English, the ones who have basic comprehension still have a hard
time understanding the slang, the analogies, and particularly the religious verbiage. They
can understand the language, but they can't understand the message. Even though the
service translation was begun some twenty years ago for their benefit, it is has been
ineffective. At the "Homecoming" service there were 9 elderly Korean ladies who
attended the Sunday morning Worship service. They sat in the seats up front where the
translation equipment was, but simply bowed their heads all through the service. As
revealed by the Korean pastor;
While we join for service, I am sitting there on the platform, and I see them
sitting there, just sitting there, not singing the songs. They are just sitting
there. I think it is so cruel, cruel! Even cruel to keep them sitting there
without understanding the message. Even though we sing a common song,
they sing it differently. They don't sing. They come because they are
senior citizens and they obey.
The Korean community participates very little in the all church activities. There
were no Koreans at the church retreat, none involved in the adult VBS, only nine attended
the church Homecoming service, and only three stayed for the church lunch afterward.
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When asked why they did not attend the lunch, the response was, first, that they don't eat
that kind of food, and second, they are not used to paying for food at a church function.
The Koreans have been denied permission to have their own children’ s Korean language
Sunday School classes. This last year after much debate and approval by the church
council, they were allowed to have their own Sunday morning service that is not
published. While the benefits o f this are yet to be seen, the immediate effect o f this is to
remove them even farther from multiethnic interaction with the rest of the congregation.
This has caused a great deal o f tension between the Koreans and many others in the
church. The Koreans resent not being able to have their needs met, while others resent
them wanting special treatment and going against the "one church" philosophy o f First
Baptist.
Probably the greatest obstacle is their theological ideologies. These Koreans,
unlike the Hispanics and the Filipinos, are not from Baptist backgrounds. They are mostly
seniors who are very conservative in their theology. The democratic approach to church
government may not be consistent with their tradition which values strong authoritative
leadership. When asked in one interview about their future here at First Baptist church,
the answer by a Korean was, "not good."
Blacks
Since the civil war which brought the schism between the Baptists, the American
Baptists have tried to create a denomination that is inclusive o f other ethnic groups,
specifically the African American community. As a result there are many American
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Baptist churches where there are both white and black members. Also, there are black
churches that belong exclusively to the American Baptist denomination. Even more
numerous are black churches that are dually aligned, holding membership in American
Baptist Churches, as well as in one o f the black Baptist denominations.5 7
African Americans make up 9% of First Baptist's congregation. At no time do
they meet exclusively with just their particular ethnic group. They began attending in
sparse numbers in the late 1950's, as the black community began relocating northward
from the southwest portions o f the city. By the time Dr. Townsend assumed leadership of
the church there were already many attending and participating in the life of the church,
but none in leadership positions. In Dr. Townsend's words:
Following the Watts riots o f 1965 when the city experienced
unprecedented racial violence, . . . I persuaded a reluctant deacons' board
to announce in all of our in-print advertising through the Los Angeles
Times and elsewhere that First Baptist Church was 'International,
Interracial, Interdenominational.' That message soon was noted in the
African American and Korean communities and affirmed by visitors to our
services. I remember one deacon saying, 'yes, that is what we have
become— but do we have do say so?' Repeatedly, w e said "yes."
While they are not growing in numbers, presently blacks are a vital part of the
leadership team of the church. Though few in number, they are active in many different
dimensions, on the church council, chair of the Christian Education Board, and hold
various officer positions in adult Sunday School classes. All those in leadership tend to be
highly educated professionals. The "First Baptist Man o f the Year" for 1996 was an
elderly African American doctor. They came to the church from Baptist backgrounds,
appreciating the lack o f emotional display that is a part of many black Baptist churches.
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Most attend a multiethnic church by intent, believing, like the person of mission, that the
church should be a demonstration o f the Kingdom of God, where there is neither black nor
white. As one staff member stated:
The African Americans that we have are very active and are good leaders.
They are not large in numbers. I don't really know why, but I believe that
it is partly because the community is not African American. We work well
with the American Baptist churches that are African American. In our Los
Angeles City Mission's Region, much of the leadership is African
American.
The struggle in reaching the African .American in the First Baptist environment first
has to do with the local neighborhood's social demographics. As noted earlier in the
paper, there are not many blacks in the immediate neighborhood around the church. For
the church to reach blacks, they have to go many blocks south, out of their arena of
immediate influence. Another difficulty in reaching the black population is overcoming
cultural obstacles. As mentioned before, the blacks who attend First Baptist are
assimilating. They have intentionally left their historic black roots to attend a church that
is multi-racial. First Baptist will only draw those blacks o f a like mind set, probably a
minority within the black community. Hence the group o f blacks that First Baptist would
appeal to is a minority within a minority.
Anglo
The Euro-American or Anglo community within First Baptist face their own
obstacles. They are a slowly decreasing segment of the church population. While
presently they make up approximately 45% of the membership o f the church, in actual
attendance they are much smaller group. A typical white member o f the church is a female
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in her 60's, a well-educated professional, lives miles from the church, and has been at the
church for many years. As one staff member described them, "Most of them moved out
many years ago, and their children who are in their forties also moved out. It is a fact that
even though they live outside o f the community, they are very supportive of the
congregation and come from long distances for worship service. They also continue to
provide leadership and monetary resources." The whites who attend are typically one o f
two types. The traditionalist who attends the church because it is Baptist, has attended for
a long time, has gone through the philosophical change with the church and is intensely
loyal to the days o f glory gone by. The other is the person o f mission who intentionally
attends First Baptist because it is an inner-city church. This person also has a Baptist
background and strongly believes in the multicultural vision and philosophy of the church.
Many of the Anglos have gone through the transition of the church from being
homogeneous to multiethnic and are very supportive of the church's direction. To most
old-timers, multiethnicity has been a part of the church for so long that they don't even
think about it. In Dr. Townsend's words, "This is their thing; this is the church that they
want to be a part of. I suppose that over the years we have spun off everybody who
wasn't comfortable." In contrast to being opposed to the philosophy, most are thankful
for it, thankful that it has brought in many new members, thankful that it gives the church
a future, and thankful that they can be a part of this type o f ministry.
The highest levels o f leadership o f the church still reflect Anglo dominance. The
senior pastor and his wife, the moderator o f the council, the majority of the council, the
majority of the Board of Trustees, the chairperson of every Sunday School class that is not
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specifically an ethnic class are all white. They are well educated, many at American
Baptist universities, and are the backbone of the structure o f the church. It is their money,
through offerings and estates, that provides the largest portion o f funds for the overall
ministries and building upkeep.
The challenges for the Anglo community are great. Because o f the decreasing
number of Anglos who live in the neighborhood, and the increasing number of church
members that are growing older and are not able to make the drive in, the traditional
majority group will soon become a minority. Fewer and fewer new members each year are
Anglo. The problem is magnified even more, in that the religious/cultural expression of
that generation of Anglos by itself is becoming antiquated. The formal style of worship,
the emphasis on Sunday School and the more liberal philosophical stance are not popular
in church growth models in the 1990’ s.
Change and giving up more control of the church are other challenges the Anglos
face. They are elderly and so heavily invested in a multiethnic philosophy that is now
three decades old that developing a new approach, even one that is multiethic may be
difficult. Giving up ultimate control is another obstacle. As long as Dr. Townsend has
been at the helm, he has been able to facilitate the multiethnic vision, to serve as a bridge
between the differing ethnic groups, as well as maintain the traditional ministry approach
o f the church. There is a real question as to how much the traditional Anglo congregation
is willing to give up in order to reach ethnic equality. As Dr. Townsend approaches
retirement in the next few years there is much consternation over the direction the church
will take. Some feel that many o f the older Anglos who attend now because of their
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attachment to Dr. Townsend will quit coming. Some worry if the church can make it
without their financial support. Some worry about what kind o f senior pastor, specifically
what ethnicity and gender is needed for the future o f the church. A letter I received after
visiting one of the adult Sunday School classes expresses these concerns:
Dear Mr. Samples,
It was a pleasure meeting you last Sunday. We hope you will come
back again and visit us. Our class is over 50 years old. We are a family.
Only John Townsend could have held our church together the last few
years. We all wonder about tomorrow. Good luck in all your future.
God bless you,
The class secretary.
The overall effect o f this approach to multiethnicity is paradoxical. On one hand,
this philosophy has guided the church through a season o f change which has allowed them
for three decades to reach new people o f differing ethnicity who occupy the
neighborhoods around the church. It has provided a degree o f growth to a largely
geriatric congregation. On the other hand, the mission o f multiethnic unity limits the
ethnic growth. The church's philosophy raises the tensions between two competing
prized principles, that o f unity and that of autonomy. It is the principle o f unity that
drives the church’s service at the expense o f each ethnic group’s ability to determine its
own worship experience. The worship service that they are asked to be a part of is formal
Anglo church ritual. They are asked to come in unity to celebrate their diversity, but they
are celebrating their diversity in the Anglo culture. Hence to further reach the ethnic
members o f the community, the church must do more than recognize diversity; it must
create avenues of interaction, but allow the diverse elements to draw upon their specific
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heritages to plan and promote programs, services, and ministries that will target and hold
the broader section of their ethnic group.
Summary
The multiethnic philosophy o f First Baptist, is driven by a call to integration
facilitated by a high degree of administration. Their "one church" philosophy is
exemplified in all the ethnic enclaves worshiping together, and serving together under the
traditional organizational structure o f a Baptist church. They intentionally create an
environment where people from many differing ethnic groups worship together. At these
times they affirm the various groups by sporadically using their language, singing their
songs, and telling narratives of their culture. First Baptist uses its buildings and diverse
ministries to reach out to the ethnically diverse neighborhood, and to facilitate ethnic
interaction. They are driven by the call to reconciliation, both to God and to one another,
specifically across ethnic cultures. The leadership utilizes a democratic/congregational
form o f government, which enhances the position o f the ethnic laity, empowering them in
the decision-making processes o f the church. The church programs are structured around
self governing sub-units, i.e. Sunday School classes, which allow for homogeneous ethnic
social interaction under an umbrella o f multiculturalism. The long fought battle between
the ethical principle o f unity of the entire church and the autonomy o f the ethnic groups
will determine the direction and the future o f the church.
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NOTES
1. Nancy T. Anunerman, Baptist Battlesi Social Change and Religious Conflict in
the Southern Baptist Convention (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1990), 18.
2. Ibid., 19.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid., 23.
5. Ibid., 24.
6. Ibid., 26-27.
7. Warren Mild, The Story o f American Baptist (Valley Forge: Judson Press,
1976), 36.
8. Ibid., 28.
9. Ibid., 31.
10. Ibid., 32.
11. Ibid., 37.
12. Herbert Sutton, "Our Heritage and Our Hope: The History o f First Baptist
Church of Los Angeles, California 1874-1974" The First Baptist Church o f Los Angeles
Centennial Publication, 1974, 2.
13. Ibid., 3.
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid.
16. Ibid., 4-6.
17. Ibid.
18. Ibid., 7.
19. Ibid., 9.
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20. Ibid.
21. Ibid., 14.
22. Ibid., 13.
23. Ibid., 12.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid., 16.
26. Ibid., 17.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid., 18.
29. Ibid.
30 Ibid., 24.
31. Ibid., 19.
32. Ibid., 25.
33. Ibid., 27.
34. "Twenty Five Years o f Building Into a City, 1906-1931", Los Angeles Baptist
City Mission Society, Twenty-Fifth Anniversary Publication, 1931.
35. Sutton, 25.
36. "Twenty Five Years o f Building Into a City."
37. Ibid., 30.
38. Ibid., 40.
39. Ibid., 45.
40. 'Minority Vote Bars Two Negroes From Chruch." Los Angeles Times. 25
October 1951, sec. 2.
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41. John Townsend, "How Ministry Has Changed," Tomorrow. Winter 1995,
15-16.
42. Ibid., 17.
43. Ibid., 21.
44. "We Are American Baptist: A People o f Faith, A People in Mission," A
publication o f the Office o f Communication, American Baptist Churches U.S.A., 9.
45. Ray Bakke, The Urban Christian (Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press 1987),
64.
46. Ibid., 133.
47. Ibid., 16-17.
48. Ibid., 6.
49. "American Baptist: A People o f Faith," Publication o f Office of
Communication, American Baptist Churches U.S.A., 2-3.
50. Mild, 59.
51. Bakke, 141.
52. Ibid., 75.
53. David A. Roozen, William McKinney, and Jackson W. Carroll, Varieties o f
Religious Presence fNew York: Pilgrim Press 1984), 35-36.
54. "American Baptist: A People of Faith," sec. 5.
55. Townsend, 16.
56. Ibid., 18.
57. Mild, 59.
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CONCLUSIONS
An Ethical Analysis
The ethical tension that is faced daily in the multiethnic congregations is the
paradox of the church being both divine and human. As divine, the church is a
theological vision; as human it is practical reality. The church is at all times both a
mystical expression of the nature and character of God as well as a community of specific
people, in a specific time, at a specific place. As divine, the church is the body of Christ,
the hand of God in the physical world. The church is the manifest presence of the perfect
nature of God. It calls forth perfection in its ideals and character as the nature of God
among imperfect humanity. The church is a divine institution that operates not by its own
momentum, but by divine impetus rooted in an omnipotent dimension.
The church as divine was created when the first human walked with God in the
garden, and will end on earth in the apocalyptical days o f His return. The church
embraces the history of humanity’s relationship with God, demonstrates that relationship
in the present, and prepares to face God's work in the future. As stated by Barry Callen:
Because of all this it is crucial at the very outset to recognize that three
interlocking necessities must be characterized o f the church if it is to be
worthy o f itself and genuinely about God's business. It must have
continuity with the past, especially that decisive period recorded in the
New Testament; it must have an openness to adapt and act in the present as
God may command; and it must be a pilgrim people willing to face a future
that may well render obsolete some patterns o f thought and action familiar
to the church in other times and places.1
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The divine church is not only eternal but also universal. It is the sum total o f all who
worship God, in every tribe, in every tongue, in every nation. The divine is at all times, in
all places, in all people who gather for community in God's name. The divine church is
God's prophetic voice speaking to the needs of the world.
As human, the church is people. Limited, frail people, humanly organized to carry
out the tasks of God. The church is conditioned by the many factors that make up the
lives o f the people who encompass it. These factors include: human relations, historic
traditions, political afflictions, cultural conditions, geographical locations, languages
spoken, skin color, and the list goes on and on. .As diverse people influenced by various
cultural factors, the church displays itself in any given situation in diverse ways.
The church is a human organization, working in real time and specific locations to
carry out the mandates of God. As a human-constructed organization, the church is at
times relevant and effective in carrying out God's work, while at other times it is miserably
irrelevant and ineffective, even obsolete in carrying out the ideals o f faith and work in
reality. At times, the organization is bound to tradition, incapable o f the mobility needed
to address its particular culture. At other times, it is that tie to tradition that makes the
church an island of stability in the midst of social storms.
Augustine recognized this divine/human tension in his work The City o f God For
Augustine, the church had to live in the world divided by two communities o f people,
those who live "according to man, and the other o f those who live according to God."2
Augustine portrayed the human aspect as that which is natural, resulted from the
reprobation o f the fall, and is only spiritual once redeemed and elected by the grace of
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God. As such, this human side of the church represents the evil, carnal nature of
humanity.3
Martin Luther also recognized the human/divine paradox in the church. In his
typology there are two kingdoms-the Kingdom o f God, and the Kingdom o f the World.
Those in the Kingdom o f God are subject only to Christ. They need no secular law or
authority, and they are governed by the Holy Spirit. All non-Christians belong to the
Kingdom o f the World and are under the secular law, for which the purpose is to give
external peace and prevent evil deeds. The Christian must govern him/herself by the
word, but govern the secular world by the law for the good o f the world and others. For
Luther, the organizational structure o f the church was an extension of the Kingdom of the
World through the law, and, as such, was limited to the governance of that which is
worldly. It could never extend to areas of the soul, and all that is eternal and under the
Spirit's domain. The secular law extends to everything that pertains to the preservation of
this earthly life, which includes vocations, business, marriage and family life. The secular
or temporal human government is necessary alongside the Kingdom of Christ, for without
it, this life could not endure.4
A more recent theologian/sociologist who addresses this paradox, though is less
cynical in his view o f the human nature o f the church, is James Gustafson. In Treasure in
Earthen Vessels: The Church as a Human Community. Gustafson juxtaposes the church
as a human, natural, political community o f language, interpretation, memory and
understanding against the church as a community of belief and action. He portrays the
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church as an institution and fellowship giving it both social and theological understanding.
Regarding the human aspects, he states that the church
can be defined as a human community with an historical continuity
identifiable by certain beliefs, ways o f work, rites, loyalties, outlooks, and
feelings. Whatever else the church is to the systematic theologian and
Biblical exegete, it is a people with a history. It is a social entity with
temporal and spatial dimensions. It is human, and shares many
characteristics o f other human communities such as nations, trade unions,
and professions.5
As to the church’s divine side he states:
Christians are united in the inner life o f their common faith and
commitment as well as by participation in the same institutions.
Theologically this unity is interpreted as a gift o f God in Jesus Christ. It is
the unity o f the Body of which Christ is the head; it is the mark of the work
of the Holy Spirit of God among his people.6
This divine theological vision of the church functioning in the midst of human
reality is the essence o f the ethical paradox faced in the multiethnic congregations. The
church by nature embraces the paradoxical union o f God and humanity. Because the
church is human, it exists at any given time, in any given place, conditioned by its culture
and history. Because o f its divine element it is called to rise above human limitations. The
church is at the same time the specific ethnic congregation, wrapped in traditional cultural
customs, and the church at large, with many different ethnic members, many functions and
many bodies. By virtue o f its divinity, all who are a part o f Christ are one in the church
and are called to live in unity. By virtue of its humanity, the church is made up o f differing
beliefs and styles o f worship which cause Christians to cluster in various ways, functioning
separately from one another.
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When the church looses grasp o f its divine nature it becomes myopic and self
centered, functioning only according to its egoistic needs. Its strength becomes its own.
Its past is limited to its historic culture, eclipsing its divine rootage. Its present ministry is
limited to the immediate needs o f the people o f its ethnicity. Its future is limited to its
culture's survival, forcing it to invest its energies in maintaining its past language, customs
and symbols.
When the church looses grasp o f its humanity, it looses interest and touch with the
world. The divine nature of the church without concrete and localized expression is a
mystical dream. It focuses on the supernatural to such a degree that the lessons o f history
and social science are deemed irrelevant and even in opposition to the faith. In Callen's
words, "Practical ministry and timely mission suffer at the hands o f spiritual journeys
inward and impatient hopes for heaven that short-circuit the here and now."7
For the church to fulfill its role as a divine agent in human flesh it must keep the
proper balance. The church must facilitate the local ethnic congregation's expression o f its
humanity, while at the same time supporting a vision that is divine. Each local
congregation must embrace the totality of the church, with its divine call to unity, while at
the same moment embracing the ethnic individual's need for isolation. The church must
embrace the ideals o f faith and the realities o f this world. It is not an either/or option.
The church must hold on to the divine ideals, while at the same time recognize the realities
for what they are. The church must constructively build upon those realities to reach
toward the divine ideals.
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Unity
The divine nature o f the multiethnic church is revealed in its pursuit o f unity.
Founded on Jesus' prayer for the disciples in John 17:1, "so that they may be one, even as
we are one," the multiethnic church seeks to imitate the Trinity's unity to an ethnically
divided world. Each o f the multiethnic congregations observed for this paper places a
high value on unity, but their definitions and implementations of unity are very different.
For some, unity is based on a common set of beliefs; for others, unity is based on
common purpose or vision; for another, unity is based on common practices; for yet
others it is based on physically being together. For example, Saint Basil’s appeals to a
unity based on their tradition o f common practices and beliefs. As stated regularly in the
mass, there is "one holy catholic church." While realizing that different ethnic groups are
at different stages in the assimilation process, and making some allowance for that fact,
officially the church calls for their people to worship in the same mass, in the same way
that other Catholics are worshiping around the world. The Nazarenes call for a unity that
is based upon mutual calling and a shared vision of reaching the community. The church
is united in that each congregation shares the same belief in being part of the Nazarene
denomination, and shares the building as a vehicle for reaching their neighborhood.
For the Baptists, unity is demonstrated in their worshiping together in the same service.
Unity is acceptance o f an ideology that embraces diversity above all else, and is enacted
in a practice of worshiping together. As such, they call themselves "one church," unified
under the historic organizational structure of a Baptist church. For Christ Church, unity is
based on the mystical relationship one has with God and one another. They believe that
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any attempt to identify diversity is in itself divisive, and that all social separation is
motivated by evil anthropological forces. Within such a view, a church that
accommodates ethnic divisions through its structure is giving in to sociological forces and
represents the moral failure o f Christianity. Unity is based upon an otherworldly
conception of reality, overlaid with their interpretation of the Apostle Paul's social
construction, where there "is neither male nor female, Jew, nor Gentile."
It is important in using unity as a moral principle that one recognizes that there are
different definitions, approaches, and levels of unity. At First Baptist the congregation
does not formally hold the same theological beliefs, but it does meet together in the same
worship service. At First Nazarene the people hold the same theology but do not meet
together for worship. This diversity raises several categories of questions. First are the
questions that deal with the conflict o f biblical moral principles. Is unity to be valued
above all else? Are there other principles that have greater value, such as justice or
liberty? The social gospel enthusiast might argue that justice is more important than unity.
The evangelical might argue that effective communication o f the gospel is more important
than unity.
In weighing differing moral principles, both Jewish and Christian traditon subjects
all other principles under the driving morality o f love. The Old Testament covenant is
built on the command to "Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your
soul and with all your strength" (Deut. 6:5). When asked what was the greatest
commandment Jesus restates the order: "Love the Lord your God with all your heart
and with all your soul and with all your mind. This is the first and greatest
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commandment, and the second is like it: love your neighbor as yourself. All the Law
and the Prophets hang on these two commandments" (Mt. 22:37-40). Love is that self
-denying act that puts God and G od’s ways first, and ourselves in self-denying
servanthood to others.
One can see the elevation of the principle of love in Augustine. For Augustine,
charity is not only the principle o f the moral life, it is the moral life. He reduces all
morality to charity. He regards all the virtues as various forms o f charity. Yet charity
does not destroy the virtues, but brings them to their full perfection. It does not
suppress the precepts of the law, but unifies them and brings them to completion.8
For John Wesley, the love principle is conceived as the royal law. Love for
Wesley is never just an academic matter; it must be experienced. Love binds together
salvation by faith and holy living. It is the increase of God’s love in the human heart
that enables persons to be pleasing to God and helpful to others. Christian perfection,
when at its highest level, approximates God’s love. In Wesley’s words it "is pure love
filling the heart, and governing all the words and actions. "9
For the Christian church, unity is one moral ideal among many that must be
subjugated to love. All other moral principles emphasized in the Bible are juxtaposed
under the covering of love. Unity stands beside other moral principles such as liberty,
and justice; it can only be elevated through the principle of love. The other biblical
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moral principles are to be applied only under the self-denying act of putting God first,
and in loving servanthood to others.
The second set of questions deals with how unity is applied. Is it enough to
have unity o f vision or purpose? Must people demonstrate that unity by worshiping
together? Must everyone worship in the same language, culture and tradition? Who
determines what the unifying aspects are to be? The biblical scripture itself is not clear
on this subject. While both the Old and New Testament lay before the Church
foundational moral principles, in the application of those principles there appears to be
latitude. Because there is such diversity in the application of unity in the Bible, in
church history, and in present practice, great liberty should be given to each
congregation in weighing and balancing the principles and applying those principles in
their specific social environment, so long as they operate under the controlling principle
of love. In weighing principles such as justice, liberty and unity, love would dictate
that one honors that practice which serves God’s purposes and people in that particular
circumstance. Hence, there may be circumstances when the different ethnic groups
would be asked to worship together to demonstrate the unity of the church. On the
other hand, there may be times, because of injustice or other equally important social
needs, for homogeneity in worship.
And finally, as one ethnic staff pastor asked, "how does one measure the quality
and long term benefit of unity?" Measuring the long-term benefits or burdens of a
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principle is one of the challenges of a deontological argument, especially when the
definitions and practices of that principle are so diverse. Because of the different
definitions and applications of unity, and because of the unknown future benefits and
burdens o f unity, a great deal of dialogue with the diverse ethnic enclaves must
facilitate the prioritizing and implementing of unity in the local church. Each group
and enclave must be given the liberty to enter into those levels and aspects of unity that
they feel enhance their religious experience. Each ethnic group should be given a voice
in determining the value placed on unity. Further, unity must be balanced against other
equally important values, such as justice and liberty. It is only through continuous
dialogue between the host congregations and the ethnic enclaves that the prioritizing of
values can be equitably obtained. This dialogue must consist of both formal and
informal times o f planning and evaluating the needs and values of the different parties
involved. As each congregation enters into this discussion, they must be allowed to
implement the unifying practices in a way that is conducive to both host congregation
and the ethnic enclave’s biblical understanding.
Justice
The prophetic voice of social justice represents another divine element of the
human church. For the multiethnic congregation, biblical justice is foundational in
balancing the needs o f the diverse ethnic groups, the host congregation and the
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denominational needs at large. This study reveals that when justice is equitable
multiethnicity thrives.
Justice as a moral principle for the Christian is grounded in the Old Testament.
As stated in the book o f Deuteronomy, "Do not deprive the alien or the fatherless of
justice, or take the cloak of the widow as a pledge" (Duet. 24:17). In the book of
Proverbs, Solomon states, "The righteous care about justice for the poor, but the
wicked have no such concern" (Prov. 29:7).
A modem definition of justice is stated by John Rawls: "it is the duty of a social
scheme to assign fundamental rights and duties so that there is an equality of economic
opportunity and social conditions in the various sectors of society."10 Tom Beauchamp
and James Childress define justice as giving each his or her due. "It refers to just
distributions in society structured by various moral, legal, and cultural rules and
principles that form the terms of cooperation for that society, that is the implicit and
explicit terms under which individuals are obligated to cooperate."1 1 It is making the
morally correct distributions of benefits and burdens in society. As such, justice
dictates that it is the duty o f the multiethnic congregation and the denomination to
balance the rights, benefits and burdens of all the competing interests, including those
of the ethnic enclaves within their ministry.
One can view Rawl’s principle of justice at work in First Nazarene as control of
the building was given over to the multi-congregational council. It was under the
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principal of justice that Father Meskill made the decision to allow the growing Korean
community which was packed beyond capacity in the basement sanctuary to move
upstairs to the main sanctuary after the Los Angeles riots. The results of this study
show that when justice is equitable, multiethnicity thrives. When each group is valued
and treated fairly, all members respect diversity and work at pursuing unity. When
justice is inequitable, the affected groups feel alienated and powerless and tend to either
leave, or draw into themselves in homogeneous settings.
The principle of justice brings tension to the local multiethnic congregation.
Leaders o f multiethnic churches are called upon to balance the rights, benefits and
burdens o f the people who founded the congregation, who are most often elderly whites
and a decreasing portion of the congregation, with the rights, benefits and burdens of
the diverse ethnic groups, the growing portion of the congregation. The leadership is
called upon to balance the financial assets, mostly provided by the historic
congregation, with the social needs of the new immigrants. It is called upon to
balance the building use of the declining Anglo members with that of the growing
ethnic majority. If the proper balance is reached, both communities, the traditional
congregants and the ethnic enclaves, benefit. As the studies of First Baptist, First
Church o f the Nazarene, and Saint Basil’s show, when the doors are opened to the
ethnic groups, the church as a whole benefits through more people, more finances, and
more avenues o f ministry.
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There are at least two basic factors that must be considered in determining this
balance: first, the specific needs of the groups involved, and second, the overall
purpose o f the particular church. Each o f the different groups have specific needs
which require different kinds of resources. Assets of the multiethnic congregation
should be distributed to each according to their needs. The groups who need the larger
space, such as the Koreans at Saint Basil’s, should be entitled to it. The ethnic groups
who have the greatest financial needs, such as the Hispanics, should be able to draw
upon the financial assets of the church provided by the more affluent groups.
The purpose or mission of the particular church must also be considered in
determining the balance of resources. The church, as a divine agent, has a purpose or
mission tied to the needs of the community in which it resides. Each local church not
only has responsibility for its own members, but also for its community or region. As
such, the resources of the congregations need to be prioritized according to the needs of
the community in fulfilling its commission to the community. The future of the church
must also be considered in this allocaton of resources. The greater potential for
ministry in the community, the more resources should be allocated. In the Wilshire
corridor, which has a high percentage o f Hispanics, priority should be given to
Hispanic ministry.
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Benevolence
The church’s divine character can also be viewed in the biblical mandate of
benevolence. In the Old Testament we are told that God "defends the cause of the
fatherless and the widow, and loves the alien, giving him food and clothing. And you
are to love those who are aliens, for you yourselves were aliens in Egypt" (Deut. 18-
19). This principle of benevolence is restated by Jesus in the Sermon on the Mount,
when He directs his disciples to "give to whoever ask" (Mat. 5:42).
A modem definition o f the biblical mandate of benevolence is offered by
Beauchamp and Childress, under the principle of beneficence. They define beneficence
as:
acts of mercy, kindness, and charity. However, the concept of
beneficent action should not be limited to mercy, kindness, or charity
because it includes any form of action to benefit another. In its most
general form, the principle of beneficence asserts an obligation to help
others further their important and legitimate interests.12
There is a moral and biblical mandate placed upon the congregations to help the ethnic
enclaves further their legitimate interest, and even more, to help them further the
interests of the Kingdom of God. These congregations, which have many assets,
especially in terms of their facilities, have a moral mandate to give to the ethnic
immigrants who do not have a place to worship. Is it morally acceptable for a church,
such as Christ Church, to only use their primary sanctuary twice a week (and even then
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to fill it only to 20%) and allow their other two sanctuaries to go unused day in and day
out? Under the moral principle of benevolence and the biblical commands of giving
and stewardship, such a church has an obligation to make these unused facilities
available to those in need o f facilities. They are morally responsible to use their assets
more effectively to care and provide for the "aliens" in their community.
Paternalism
As mentioned earlier, the divine attributes o f the church must dwell side by side
with the church’s humanity. The church must be in this world, made up of people in
this world, a human organization incorporating the moral ideals o f faith and
implementing them into reality. As such, the church requires hierarchical structures
where a few have to make decisions for the whole. In secular moral discussion, this is
referred to as "paternalism." According to Beauchamp and Childress:
The Oxford English Dictionary dates the term paternalism from the
1880’s, giving the root meeting as ‘the principle and practice of paternal
administration; government as by a father; the claim or attempt to supply
the needs or to regulate the life o f a nation or community in the same
way a father does those o f this children.’ When the analogy with the
father is used to illuminate the role of professionals, . . . it presupposes
two features of the paternal role: that the father acts beneficently (i.e., in
accord with his conception of the interest of his children) and that he
makes all or at least some of the decisions relating to his children’s
welfare rather than letting them make those decisions. In professional
relationships the argument is that a professional has superior training,
knowledge and insight and is in an authoritative position to determine
what is in the [congregants] best interest. In short, from this
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perspective, a professional is like a parent when dealing with dependent
and often ignorant and fearful [children].5
In a practical sense, when does the multiethnic congregation and the
denomination have the moral authority to act patemalistically toward the ethnic enclave
within their midst? Does the local Catholic diocese have the moral authority to
override the wishes of the Korean community to worship in a homogeneous service?
Does First Baptist have the moral authority to ask all of its ethnic fellowships to
participate in a heterogenous children’s Sunday School when that is against the ethnic
enclave’s desires? When does the benefit of unity outweigh the burden of decreased
liberty of the ethnic enclave? The denomination and the multiethnic leadership have
the responsibility of the larger and longer vision of the church. As such, they have the
responsibility of forming policy and creating structure and programs in the best interest
of the ethnic enclave and the congregation as a whole.
Because the very nature of the church incorporates humanity, it runs along
subjective lines, and because it is a voluntary association of individuals, religion above
all social institutions should give the freedom for self-determination. In no place can or
should religious hierarchy attempt to force its view and practice o f worship upon
others. While religious authority has the responsibility of teaching divine principles
and guiding divine practices, it is limited by the freedom of choice inherent in
individuals and groups.
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As such, the paternalistic religious structures should be minimized and the
highest regard for the ethnic group’s autonomous decision-making ability should be
honored. This is not to say that the ethnic group should not be encouraged to pursue
unity in relationship with others in the church, but rather that they should be given the
liberty to determine those points o f unity, and the ability to weigh the burdens and/or
benefits of unity in relation to their religious expression. Thus, homogeneity in
worship may be acceptable depending on the needs of the people groups involved.
Liberty
In a multiethnic congregation, the ethnic enclave’s ability to determine its own
religious experience is morally crucial. While the church’s divine nature embodies the
most noble of ideals, the church’s human nature is limited in the knowledge and ability
to forecast and organize to meet all human needs. The human nature of the church
requires that it be a particular people, in a particular place, at a particular time. It is
this author’s opinion that key to the success for multiethnic expression is allowing each
ethnic group to determine where, when, and how they will worship. Each ethnic
enclave has specific needs that only they can appropriately identify. While the church
at large has a role in leading the ethnic enclaves toward broader vision and more
diverse ministry, the ethnic group must be given the liberty to enter into that ministry
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of their own accord, in their own time, in the manner which is consistent with their
priority o f biblical ideals.
The benefits of autonomy can best be seen in a congregation like Saint Basil's
where the ethnic groups are treated differently. At Saint Basil’s, the key to the success
of the Koreans and the failure of the Hispanics is based upon the autonomy that each
group is given. The Koreans, growing in number, choose their own priest, conduct
their own mass, conduct their own Sunday School and catechism classes, have bought
their own parish center, and have their own parish council which oversees their
finances. The Hispanics, however, are a declining community in the church, even
though they are a growing populace in the neighborhood around the church. The
Hispanics do not have their own priest, have no voice in the direction of the church,
and put their monies in the general offering. Even though Saint Basil’s has a Spanish
mass, it is held at a most inappropriate time for the Latin culture, and it is led by a
Filipino whose Spanish is barely understandable, or a priest who comes in just for that
service. While the Hispanics cooperate with the official church philosophy, their
autonomy has been taken away. The Koreans fought for their ability to exercise their
autonomy and are thriving.
The burden and threat of self-determinism is that it often will lead to further
alienation, division and separation. While the Korean community is rapidly growing at
Saint Basil’s, it is doing so at the expense o f a unified church. There is very little
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interaction between the different people groups and the Koreans. In the case of the
Korean community at First Baptist, allowing them to have their own Sunday morning
service, which came as a result o f their lack of participation in the church, left them
even more isolated and marginalized from the rest of the congregation. While most do
not want the degree of isolation that has taken place with the Koreans, both Saint
Basil’s and First Baptist’s leadership recognize the importance of autonomy to the
Korean people. They also recognize that the lack of freedom may be worse then
physical separation. The Koreans are allowed their freedom to worship homogeneously
in spite of its conflict with the philosophical approach of the church.
The debate surrounding the homogeneous unit principle sets the deontological
arguments based on principles such as unity in opposition to the utilitarian arguments
based on end results. For instance, some would say that while homogeneity in religion
is practical and effective (utilitarian), it is a theological heresy (deontological). In
actuality both biblical unity and homogeneity are argued along both utilitarian and
deontological lines. The consequences of multiethnicity are evaluated according to
principles such as unity. The principles that undergird multiethnicity are evaluated
according to their consequential benefit or burden to the ethnic enclave or multiethnic
congregation as a whole. In an interesting twist in the argument for unity, even the
homogeneous principle is supported by the principle of unity. Because separation is a
social and economic reality, the church should recognize those unifying forces, and not
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seek to contradict them, but to work with them, even use them in spreading the gospel.
In other words, one should let the most natural lines of unity evolve, and work at
communicating within that context.
The homogeneous church is a reflection of the human nature o f the church. It
is the church on location. It exists at a given time and place with a given set of
persons, all subject to the inevitable conditioning o f those people and that moment in
history. It is the functional presence o f God in personal, family, geographic and
historical circumstances. As such, it is invested with the role of maintaining and
celebrating ethnic culture. The findings o f this study reveal that there is great moral
and consequential merit in allowing and encouraging homogeneity in worship. It is in
the homogeneous setting where the ethnic enclave has the most liberty to direct its self
interest. It is also the homogeneous congregations that are the most effective at
directing their resources toward their goals.
Yet the homogeneous principle’s weaknesses are two-fold. First, it fails to
properly recognize that there may be factors other than or greater than ethnicity that
determine homogeneity. It tends to oversimplify the church’s social structures as either
ethnic or economic, and does not recognize the complicated interweaving o f all the
social factors that go into making up an urban church. Second, and perhaps more
important, the homogeneous principle does not take into consideration the changing
dynamics caused by assimilation of the diverse ethnic immigrants. Immigrants
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typically move from homogeneous congregations as new immigrants to multiethnic
congregations in the second and third generation. The homogeneous principle focuses
on first generation immigrants but does not give adequate attention to the remainder of
the population. Furthermore, while the great majority of churches may be
homogeneous, the importance of the multiethnic congregation in assimilating the ethnic
enclaves in an urban environment has not been adequately addressed. Therefore, it is
not homogeneous or multiethnic congregations that are morally appropriate, but both
that are needed to cover the spectrum of religious participation. They both fill the need
for meaning and belonging, for maintaining and assimilating to the various ethnic
groups at their various stages.
The findings of this study reveal that multiethnic congregations play an
important role in the religious and social life of modem America. For society, the
multiethnic church is a place where the immigrant and/or culturally alienated can
interact with the majority culture. The multiethnic church is the Ellis Island of
religion, the place where immigrants can safely land, and begin their assimilation into
American culture. The multiethnic church is the one religious expression where the
immigrant can maintain aspects of their culture, while at the same time explore
assimilation. The multi-cultural church recognizes the lack of cultural homogeneity,
and seeks to construct religious practice that is inclusive of the culture’s diversity. It
recognizes the deficiency of a melting pot, and the real presence of a stew pot in which
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all contribute to the flavor while maintaining their own distinct identity. The church is
one vehicle whereby racial, national, and ethnic interplay can take place undergirded by
guiding Christian moral principles. The multiethnic church is a social vehicle to
educate, communicate, and counteract social tensions. As such, it is a primary means
of diffusing social tension. Multiethnic religious expression is a bridge by which all
parties cross over the chasm of racial and ethnic strife. Furthermore, the multiethnic
churches are primary care-givers for social needs. The multiethnic churches are the
more socially active, compared to homogeneous churches, have a broader view of
ministry in terms o f both ethnicity and methodology, and have more resources to
accomplish that ministry.
For the local church, the multiethnic structure provides greater opportunity and
methodology for effective ministry in transitioning neighborhoods and cultures. The
multiethnic approach provides new vision and new methodology to churches in need of
a fresh hope and calling. The multiethnic congregations provide a vehicle for
demonstrating Christian unity to the world. They are means of reaching differing
people, and yet maintaining traditional ministries and buildings. Through multiethnic
ministry, greater and more diverse services are provided for the neighborhood. The
multiethnic congregation provides a place where the denomination can facilitate the
assimilation o f ethnic denominational people into its American organization.
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For the ethnic individual and/or ethnic enclave, the multiethnic congregation is
a social buffer zone where they can interact with and/or assimilate into the American
culture, a place where they can come to learn the language, bring their children to learn
the culture, and express their view of that culture. The multiethnic congregation is a
place where the immigrant can exist both as immigrant and as marginalized within
American social life. These types of congregations provide a place where ethnic
individuals who have already embraced certain American values can find a home and
sense of belonging without totally casting away their ethnic heritage.
Organizational Structure
This study reveals that there are many different ways in which religious
institutions organize to facilitate ethnic expression. These are represented in five basic
types: the homogeneous model, the democratic model, the integrated model, the
blended model,and the universal model.
The homogeneous model represents the ethnically segregated congregation.
Such a congregation either has its own building or rents from another congregation. Its
services are often in the members’ native language or dialect; the congregants are
closely tied to their country of origin; they celebrate their historic traditions and
holidays, and they provide social services only for their own. They typically are
unaware that they are maintaining and celebrating their culture. Their interaction with
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other ethnic groups is limited to occasional intercultural dialogue by their leaders, but
even this is very infrequent.
In the Wilshire corridor, frequently the homogeneous churches will share
facilities. Typically one church is an older, declining congregation with excess building
space, while the other is a beginning ethnic congregation, independently minded, that
does not have the financial or denominational ties to procure a building of its own.
The landlord congregation relates to different ethnic groups only through joint building
use. There is very little interaction between the diverse congregations other than an
occasional service or event together. Each congregation is totally autonomous to the
extent that they may not even share the same beliefs. This is exemplified by the
Unitarian church just down the street from First Baptist which rents to both a
Pentecostal Hispanic congregation and a Korean Presbyterian congregation.
Both congregations benefit; while the host congregation gets rental income,
often desperately needed for the upkeep of these large old buildings, and a sense that it
is engaged in social ministry by helping the ethnic groups in the neighborhood, the
ethnic group gets an inexpensive place to worship, already equipped and designated as
a church. While some decry this arrangement as morally inappropriate, in that the
relationship is primarily based on profit for the host congregation, the rental
relationship is a beginning in multiethnic relationships, a place where both the host
congregation and ethnic enclave can begin social interaction.
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The democratic model is exemplified in this study by First Church o f the
Nazarene. The members of First Nazarene consider themselves as one church with
different congregations, "homogeneous sub-parts within a heterogenous whole." In
this model, each congregation is tied to the others through its theological stand (they
are all Nazarene) and vision for the community. Each congregation has its own board,
pastor, offices in the building and church programs. The different congregations
participate together to share joint responsibility for and use of the building, have
occasional joint services together, and participate together in the social outreaches to
the neighborhood. Of the models studied this appears to be the most effective model
for multiethnic interaction. It appears the most just, giving equal and fair treatment to
the different ethnic groups that make up the church. The multi-congregational structure
gives great autonomy to each ethnic enclave to design their worship experiences and
ministries around their communities’ needs, while at the same time it ties them to the
rest of the church through joint participation in outreach and building use.
The democratic processes implemented by the church give each ethnic group a
voice in the decision-making authority of the building, creating in them a sense of
power, dignity, responsibility, and long-term commitment. The multi-congregational
structure operating under a democratic form o f government provides a sense of
ownership and sense of belonging to the ethnic enclaves while at the same time giving
them the responsibility for the church’s function and future.
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Further, the multi-congregational structure provides diversity of services, from
homogeneous to multiethnic, from which the diverse ethnic individuals may choose to
meet their specific needs of assimilation. The multi-congregational structure serves as
a vehicle by which ethnic groups and individuals interact with different ethnic groups,
often serving as a means whereby ethnic groups enter into the multiethnic/English
speaking services. Through the multi-congregational structure, the homogeneous
congregations feed the multiethnic service.
The integrated model is typified by First Baptist Church of Los Angeles. The
aim of this model is to bring together the diverse ethnic groups in the integrated
worship service. The unity of faith is to be manifested in their joining together in
worship. The service may include various ethnic expressions with the purpose o f letting
the ethnic enclave feel it is important, but will always emphasize the importance of
unity and respect for diversity. The building, liturgy and programs are built around
unifying the diverse groups. The whole is highly planned, organized and administrated
under the traditional Baptist congregational form o f government. Ethnic interaction
takes place through participation in the traditional administered organizational
structures o f the church.
In the integrated model, a greater emphasis is placed upon the larger body of
members and the need for unity, rather than the ethnic enclave’s particular needs.
Each enclave, however, is allowed some expression o f their need for homogeneity,
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whether it be an ethnic Sunday School class, Bible study, social fellowship or even
their own language service. Each of these expressions are considered secondary in
importance to the whole worshiping together. The people groups are held together
through commonality in their historic worship experience and the organizational
structure of the church. Much, if not most, o f the church programs are dedicated to
bringing the diverse church groups together, to integration, rather than reaching out to
the community.
The blended model is best typified by Christ Church. In this model, as in the
integrated model and the universal model, unity is emphasized. Unity, however, is
found in the reconstruction of a social world which decries all forms of diversity as
evil, and seeks to form a new unified perfect social order based on a Christian world
vision. In this model, all people are to be looked at as the same, and are blended
together in all the ministries of the church. One’s identity is defined not by one’s
ethnicity or heritage, but by more noble standards. All titles and traditional forms of
address are put away and each one is recognized as an equal. Absolutely no ethnic
separation is allowed, and no attention is given to ethnic culture or traditions; doing so,
they believe, would cause further division. The ethnic cultures and traditions are
replaced by the church’s culture and tradition.
In this model, the liturgy, sermons and songs all emphasize the foundational
themes of the blended church vision. The organizational structure is relationally
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formed rather than institutionally bound, reflecting the mystical perfect church social
structure. Thus, the ultimate authority rests in the charismatic leader who interprets,
often through dreams and visions, the message and morals of the perfect church.
Organizational structure is de-emphasized and the mystical relationships people have
with one another, through Christ, are given priority.
The universal model is exemplified in this study by Saint Basil’s Catholic
church. The church seeks to practice the larger Catholic philosophy as a church that is
"one, holy, and catholic." The church is organized around the senior priest, who
governs all as a loving Father. Unity is established through the common Catholic
traditions, the universal organizational structure, and through participation in the mass.
Independence is allowed, however, on a temporary basis, as the church recognizes the
new immigrants need to facilitate their own worship experience. This independence is
given reluctantly, and is not part of the overall strategy or vision of the church. The
weakness o f this model is found in the lack o f democratic process in the governing of
the church. Ethnic groups have little say, unless they demand a voice in the decision
making processes.
If the democratic participative form o f government is so important to
building a multiethnic congregation, some might question why Saint Basil’s is the
largest and most ethnically balanced congregation in the corridor, when there is no
democratic process working in its midst. The reasons for this are several fold. Its
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highly visible location, access to major public transportation and Cathedral-like facility
draw Catholic people from all over Los Angeles. The Koreans came to the church as
an existing group needing a building. They drive in from all over Los Angeles because
they are able to operate their own mass in an elegant building. Equally, unlike in the
Protestant churches, in many o f the ethnic groups there is still something of a parish
mentality, which gives them fewer options in choosing a church. They come to the
church because Saint Basil’s is the Catholic church in the neighborhood.
Philosophy
The philosophies that undergird the four congregations that were studied in
depth in this dissertation reflect both commonality and diversity. Each philosophy
evolved over time in the cauldron of neighborhood and church ethnic transition. The
pastors arrived at their philosophy through personal and experiential evolution. Each
of these congregations place a high value on unity in the work and witness of the
church. While each definition, demonstration, or degree of unity may differ, they each
call for a unified church. Therefore, breaking down racial and ethnic barriers is
viewed as an important mission of the church. They view themselves as missionary
outposts, ministering to a people not their own, in a language and culture not their
own. Further, they view themselves as visionary, each congregation defining itself as
different, and somewhat as a moral model from and to the rest of the church world.
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Thus, they are creative in their outreach and programming. Their philosophies, though
diverse, give birth to organizational structures which create a service where more than
one ethnic enclave feels comfortable in worship.
Their philosophies reveal diversity as well. As a Catholic church, Saint Basil's
takes a larger and longer view o f ethnic interaction. As "one holy catholic church"
they seek to view the church as a global, unified witness o f the gospel which requires
conformity to the universal message portrayed world wide in the mass. Because of
historic global interface with ethnic issues, the church treats ethnic homogeneity as a
temporary need of some ethnic groups that passes away with assimilation. For Saint
Basil’s, the local church must embrace the past as well as the present, the whole
population as well as the new immigrant. Hence, ethnic diversity is a short-term
compromise for long-term unity. The local church is to be a model o f the universal
church. Understanding this universalism is the key to understanding its approach to
ethnicity. The moral weakness o f this philosophy of ministry is that paternalism
reigns. The ethnic enclave is not given the freedom it needs to develop effective
ministry to the people of its community. The people are not given the voice or the
power within the local congregation to facilitate their religious needs. In addition, the
philosophy breaks down with the assumption that all will eventually assimilate into one
church or culture. In fact, no one knows the time, season or circumstance o f ethnic
assimilation, or if, in the case o f American blacks, it will ever occur.
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The philosophy of the First Church of the Nazarene is based upon a desire to
serve their community. They have therefore developed a "parish" concept of ministry.
They seek to be a representative to and a voice of the ethnic enclaves that live within
the geographical vicinity o f the church. Seeking "holistic" ministry, ministry to the
social as well as spiritual needs of their community, they are actively involved in the
immediate needs of their community, from feeding, clothing and housing o f the
homeless, to educating the neighborhood children and providing jobs and recreation for
youth. Ethnic interaction is a result o f the work and worship of contextualizing the
gospel. Understanding the desire to be relevant to its context is the pivotal concept in
understanding its multiethnic approach. As mentioned earlier, this model of
multiethnicity shows the greatest respect for the autonomy of the individual ethnic
enclave while at the same time embracing them in partnership in ministry. This model
is not without its problems, however. Conflicts are constantly having to be mitigated
as individual personalities and cultures clash. Issues are constantly being raised as one
group’s needs and desires affect another group’s needs and desires. Furthermore, they
face the problem, as discussed earlier in this dissertation, of how much voice to give
each congregation in determining the direction for the whole.
First Baptist’s philosophy places a high value on ethnic interaction and
participation. Through the tangible means of being physically together, participating
in verbal dialogue and partnering in ministry, ethnic and racial walls are overcome.
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The church is the forum where ethnic diversity, racism and segregation are discussed
and overcome and a physical picture or model of unity is demonstrated. By being
together and talking together the diverse ethnic groups begin to understand and
appreciate one another. The emphasis o f this church is on unity based on being
together— unity above all else. Ethnic interaction is to be understood in view of this
definition of unity. The greatest moral obstacle to this philosophy o f ministry is that
the prevailing moral value of unity is defined, regulated and imposed upon the minority
ethnic enclaves at the expense of each enclave’s self-determining desires and abilities.
Thus, the ministries o f the ethnic enclaves are secondary to serving the vision and
programs that facilitate unity rather than their own self-interest. Because unity is
placed above all else, each group loses large portions of their unique contribution to
the church and to the neighborhood in which it exists.
The philosophy of Christ Church is rooted in a "Unitarian" past which attempts
to break down all ethnic and denominational walls, in order to reinstitute a new vision
of society and the church. This vision is built upon a first-century Christian schema
where people do not recognize skin color, nationality or ethnicity and where people
relate to one another based on the mystical union that they have with Christ. As
revealed earlier in the dissertation, the church’s zeal to break down common cultural
distinctions inadvertently offends and discourages other ethnic groups who desire to
maintain their ethnic heritage. Furthermore, the church’s attempt to replace past
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identity with a blended one results in offering an identify that co-mingles "American"
with "Christian."
Leadership Styles
As revealed in the opening chapter of this dissertation, all of the senior pastors
of the multiethnic congregations are white, more highly educated, and more
theologically liberal than the other pastors in the Wilshire corridor. The four senior
pastors focused on in this study are respected leaders not only in their own
congregation but in their denominations at large, being often sought out to address
these issues in denomination and academic settings. The senior pastors are all highly
respected, loved, and trusted as fathers to their flock, and perceived as benevolent
patriarchs. These leaders attempt to treat everyone equitably according to their needs.
The senior pastors are valued as anchors of security and stability to congregations
whose very existence is threatened by a changing world, and at the same time provide
the leadership and vision for the congregations to reach out and embrace the change. It
is the senior pastor’s hearts, above all, that communicate love and acceptance of all.
They are the key to developing, communicating and implementing the multiethnic
philosophy of the church and are the cornerstone on which the multiethnic congregation
is built. Furthermore, all o f the multiethnic congregations raise up ethnic leadership in
the various levels of the church. Whether it is intentional, such as at Saint Basil’s,
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First Nazarene, and First Baptist, or through the simple evolution of ethnic leadership
at Christ Church, all multiethnic churches have ethnic representatives in visible
positions of leadership.
In the four cases o f this study, all the leadership styles tend to reflect that
which is promoted by their organizational polity. The Nazarene and Baptist are
congregation-driven churches that place a high value on democratic processes. Saint
Basil’s reflects the theological and ecclesiastical Catholic view of the authority of the
priest in the governing o f the church. Christ Church reflects the Unity and charismatic
style of leadership.
Different ethnic groups tend to be drawn by different styles of leadership. It
appears that Filipinos and Hispanics are drawn to strongly authoritative leaders and
seek little participation in the governing process. As noted earlier, this may be a
product o f their lack of involvement in the political and religious processes of their
country o f origin. The Koreans, while respecting strong leadership, want their own
authoritative leadership autonomously chosen. Anglos, on the other hand, in a
multiethnic environment, greatly desire democracy in their religious participation. This
may be one reason why the senior leadership of all the multiethnic congregations is
white. The democratic process so valued by whites opens the door to the ethnic groups
to participate in the church. It is the democratic process that gives the highest regard
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and voice to the ethnic enclave’s autonomy. As such, the democratic process is
morally preferable to the other forms o f church polity.
When replacing the senior pastor, as First Nazarene has just done and First
Baptist will soon do, the ethical dilemma of what ethnicity should lead creates
questions. Should the senior pastor represent the strongest ethnic group in their midst?
Should he/she represent primarily the host congregation? Should the leader represent
the ethnic groups with the strongest potential? Or should the pastor encompass the
ideals that represent the democratic participative multiethnic concept?
The key to successful multiethnic ministry is leadership. The senior pastor
must have a heart for all. He/she must encompass the mentality and vision of a
missionary, being willing to cross cultural lines in order to serve the diverse ethnic
groups in the church and community. The pastor must have an understanding of the
universal church and not be tied to one cultural paradigm o f church practice. The
pastor must be seen as a ffiend and ally of the immigrants, one who is willing to listen
to their voice and champion their cause. The leadership must be willing to change and
adapt to new patterns o f worship as the communities and neighborhoods around the
church change their demographic composition. Ethically, while the senior pastor’s
ethnicity should not be an issue, his or her value of the democratic processes, and
ability to represent and lead multiple ethnic groups is. Senior pastors must be
servants, first to God and second to the diverse people who are appointed to their care.
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History
The four multiethnic congregations which are found in this study have a long
history, both in the Wilshire corridor and in Los Angeles. Each congregation was
initially founded with a philosophy and theology that reflect values that lead to
multiculturalism. Their present philosophy of ministry seeks both to recover and
expand upon those values. These values have been forged and redirected by the social
kiln of ethnic neighborhood transition, and have given birth to solid foundational
principles for a multiethnic structure. Each of these congregations are recovering some
multiethnic vision of their past, in order to facilitate meaningful ministry in the present.
Their longevity has exposed them to the different seasons of church life: seasons of
life and death, seasons of great growth, and seasons o f decline. They have each been
forced to deal with ethnic transition in order to survive. Like the different ethnic
groups that they serve, their once homogeneous congregations have evolved or
"melted" into the greater American culture. Furthermore, their history may have
taught them the failures of homogeneity, which the new ethnic congregations have yet
to learn.
Demographics
Multiethnic congregations may be more prevalent than religious sociologists
realize. This study has identified 15 of the 74 churches in the Wilshire corridor as
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multiethnic, or approximtely 20%. For this survey, a church was classified as
multiethnic if the church did not have more than 60% of one ethnic group. However,
if the percentage were lowered to around 30%, the number of multiethnic churches
might go as high as 30%. Further study needs to be done on a broader scale to
determine the actual amounts and social climates of multiethnic congregations. A
broader study may reveal that multiethnic churches are predominately found in highly
populated, urbanized multiethnic cities.
The neighborhood ethnic composition has a different impact on the ethnic make
up of the church than one would think. Christ Church is almost 50% black, of which
very few live in the neighborhood around the church. In contrast, the church has only
a handful o f Hispanics in a predominantly Hispanic neighborhood. Saint Basil’s is
facing a declining Hispanic presence in its congregation even though its parish
population is over 50% Hispanic and growing. The ethnic make-up of the
neighborhood will not necessarily determine the ethnic make-up o f the church. As a
rule, however, the ethnic members who do attend will be within easy transportation
access to the church. The blacks who attend all of the multiethnic churches in the
Wilshire corridor live in the heavily populated black neighborhoods just south of the
corridor. The blacks who commute to Christ Church, in general, are commuting to an
upper-scale neighborhood. On the other hand, a rapidly deteriorating neighborhood
may discourage people from outside the neighborhood from attending. In such cases,
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the specific neighborhood composition is more negative than positive in drawing
members which is more of an economic issue than an ethnic issue.
The economic level o f the specific ethnic group appears to influence its
involvement in multiethnic congregations. Because the Koreans have the funds to
support their own pastors and procure their own facilities, they begin homogeneous
congregations. The Hispanics, who are at the lowest step on the economic ladder, can
not afford their own churches in the neighborhood, hence they tend to be more
involved in multi-congregational or multiethnic churches, or commute to other
neighborhoods who can afford their own churches.
Another demographic factor that affects the number and type of ethnic groups in
a multiethnic congregation may be the availability of other choices. For instance, at
First Baptist, some members speculate that the reason the Korean presence in the
congregation is so small is because of the many other Protestant Korean congregations
in the immediate vicinity. At Saint Basil’s, some speculate that the decrease in
Hispanics in the church is due to the bordering Catholic parishes that solely minister to
the Hispanics. The increase in the Koreans at Saint Basil’s is due to the fact that Saint
Basil’s is one of only two Catholic churches in Los Angeles county that offers masses
in Korean with a Korean priest.
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Buildings and Rituals
Building and ritual issues center around how and to what extent they are used.
The multiethnic congregations in this study all have magnificent, large superstructures
in which they house rather formal, more traditional worship services. With the
exception of Christ Church, the congregations view their facilities as a means to
accommodate ethnic outreach and expression. The size of the buildings themselves
make it possible and in some sense a financial necessity to open up their buildings to
the different ethnic groups. In these buildings, the ethnic groups are to some extent
given their own space, either their own auditorium for a service or mass, their own
Sunday School classroom and/or their own offices. These large buildings provide
room whereby each ethnic group can function to a large extent without interacting with
others, while at the same time providing a place where they can interact jointly. The
buildings provide space for homogeneity as well as space for heterogeneity.
How the buildings are used makes further statements about the acceptance and
value o f the ethnic enclaves. Christ’s Church’s lack o f use of the two upstairs
auditoriums and their assigning the Hispanic rental group to the parish house next door
speaks volumes about the overall acceptance of the Hispanic people. When Saint
Basil’s moved the Korean congregations upstairs from the basement sanctuary to the
main sanctuary subsequent to the Los Angeles riots, it validated their acceptance at
the church, and was one element in causing the rapid growth o f the Korean portion of
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the congregation. In contrast, when Saint Basil’s assigned the Spanish mass to 2:00
P.M. on Sunday, the Hispanic population dropped off. When First Nazarene gave the
building ownership over to the multi-congregational council, it validated and
empowered the other ethnic congregations. When First Nazarene’s English-speaking
congregation gave up their prime Sunday morning worship time to accommodate the
Hispanic service, it demonstrated the Hispanics’ acceptance, value and worth as an
immigrant people. The degree one values the ethnic enclave is revealed in the
allotment of building and program space.
The decorations of the building also reflect some degree of ethnic acceptance.
All of the buildings, with the exception of Saint Basil’s, are very old and all are
decorated in opulent styles of past decades. Each building was built to look much
older than it is, to capture some image of historic Christianity. Due to this, their
decorative motifs represent cultures centuries old rather than those of the specific
enclaves in their midst. This decor provides somewhat ethnically neutral symbols that
link one with historic Christianity rather than a specific ethnic group’s Christianity. If
the truth be known, however, the supposedly neutral symbols are symbols of European
Anglo Christianity; statements are made with these decorations. At Saint Basil’s, while
the building itself is rather new, the decorations are very old, reflective of the majestic
Catholic Cathedrals. In contrast, the day the Hispanics celebrated the Virgin of
Guadalupe, an embarrassingly pathetic cardboard decorative shrine was erected on the
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platform of the sanctuary, before which the Hispanics were allowed to say their
prayers. The contrast o f the opulent sanctuary with the cardboard shrine makes a
visible statement about the Hispanics' worth to the congregation as a whole.
Language use is another important indicator of the ethnic enclave’s value.
When Christ Church publicly promotes English only for America they are alienating
others whose culture, traditions, and self-image are tied to their language. By
discouraging the immigrants’ native tongue they are invalidating their culture. When
First Baptist requires everyone to sit through a predominantly English service to
demonstrate unity, it invalidates the need of the immigrant to hear the gospel in his/her
own tongue, in his/her own culture. Because language is such an important part of
one’s identify and expression o f worship, liberty should be given to those desiring
worship in their own tongue. While total service translation is burdensome, lengthy,
and impractical for normal services, token use of an ethnic language is not enough to
fulfill the worship experience of most ethnic people. In a practical sense when one
promotes the use of native languages, whether it be on the church signs as at First
Nazarene or in the bulletin as at Saint Basil’s, one encourages participation by ethnic
people.
Rituals and liturgies, like building decorations and languages, are indicators of
the ethnic group’s value. All of these congregations undergird their heterogeneity by
hymns, scriptures and sermons that call for unity. Each, with the exception of Christ
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Church, embrace diversity through their rituals. The moral questions arise when
determining the place and amount of ethnic-specific ritual and liturgy in the multiethnic
service. Embracing one group’s specific culture and rituals will alienate others. Yet
disallowing one group’s rituals disallows their historic worship experience. In a
Durkheimian construct, rituals are the vehicles by which cultures pass on their identity
and values to their children. Rituals are the mechanism whereby the ethnic group
reinforces the group’s most sacred values. To discourage or disallow the ethnic
group’s participation in its culture’s historic patterns of worship in a real sense devalues
its self-identity. Thus, each ethnic group’s autonomy to carry out worship according to
its needs and desires should be given priority. While the multiethnic service may
emphasize unity there needs to be some expression of ethnic self-determined worship.
Equally, in a multiethnic service it must be recognized that all rituals are
representative of some culture, none are culturally neutral, and allocation of the rituals
will reflect the value of the ethnic enclaves in their midst. For moral equity to prevail,
the multiethnic worship experience must be equally planned by and representative of
the ethnic enclaves in their midst. It is not just the ethnic enclave that must
accommodate the host congregation, but all must accommodate each other to embrace a
true multiethnic worship service that equally represents all, is planned by all, and
ministers to all. The degree to which a congregation can do this will determine the
degree o f ethnic ownership and participation in the congregational life.
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A NEW VISION
As the people of the world continue their global migration to the urban centers
of the world a new form of religious expression is called for: an expression that is
intentional in its focus and that accommodates both ethnic homogeneous people groups
as well as multiethnic expressions. The church must understand that both homogeneity
and multiethnicity are needed to effectively accommodate the new people in its midst.
The church needs to realize that both expressions are vital to, and build upon each other
to meet the diverse needs of the diverse people groups.
Denominations and churches who once sought to serve people in other countries
need to refocus their vision to serve the people next door. The same missionary
motivation that stirred these traditional congregations to spend millions of dollars and
send their best people to overseas ministries, should be tapped into to self-sacrificially
give to serve the new mission field. The missions goal of contextualization needs to be
applied in the urban environment. It is not enough to let those in other countries form
their Christian expression according to their cultural custom. The American church
should equally allow the immigrant in our midst to contextualize Christianity according
to their customs.
The American church needs to be clear in its focus, being careful never to mix
up the American church culture with the divine ideals of the universal church. The
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church should remember that its organizational structure is itself a human construct
and, as such, is terminal. The organizational structure has a lifetime that is limited to
its cultural composition. When the composition changes, the structure itself needs to
change. For the structure o f the urban church of the future to accommodate both
homogeneity and multiethnicity, it will need to allow freedom for the ethnic group to
assimilate into the culture according to the ethnic group’s specific needs. Further, it
will need to offer religious expression that is multicultural, inclusive of all the ethnic
enclaves in its community. The church must not simply ask the ethnic immigrant to
change, or accommodate to American ideals. The American church must be willing to
change, in order to accommodate new methods and to serve a new people in the world
today.
The organizational structure of the urban church should allow for ethnic
participation in the church government. It should allow them a voice in forming
religious practices according to their history, their customs, and their immediate needs.
The church must risk releasing power and authority to those who may not be as
equipped in order to instill in them long-term commitment, responsibility and hope. As
such, a spirit of liberty is called for: liberty on the part o f the traditional congregation
to allow the ethnic enclave to enter into the American religious construct with its own
ideals, practices, and customs, and freedom to maintain that portion of its culture that
is precious; liberty on the part o f the ethnic group as they must realize that the
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traditional church has its own history, customs and traditions that are equally valuable.
The ethnic group must realize that the traditional white congregation is itself struggling
to maintain its culture in the midst of a changing world. The ethnic enclave must
realize that much has been invested by these traditional congregations, and death and
change do not come easy.
Further, the ethnic enclaves must be given more than a voice, they must be
given organizational power and assets to accomplish their divine mandate. The
American church model o f one congregation in one building must equally change.
Particularly in the urban setting, the church can no longer afford the ethical or financial
liability o f maintaining a church for one or two meetings a week. They must view
these building as strategically placed instruments of God, for the divine purpose of
facilitating God’s plan, in their specific community. As such, the urban church is
called upon to be a lighthouse in the midst of its community, salt and light to that
community. The urban church’s mission and task needs to focus on the social needs o f
the community, not on recovering or maintaining the past. The church building of the
future must accommodate different congregations, worshiping at different times in
many different ways. It must accommodate methods o f ministry that are given an
equally important role as the Sunday A.M. service. They must see that the church is
not just those who gather o r what takes place in the morning worship service, but all
who gather, seven days a week.
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The urban church needs a new vision~a vision of a new structure, with many
different people worshiping in the same building in different ways. It needs a new
democracy, which allows for much more participation from the people it seeks to
nurture. It needs creativity as new ways and means are needed to implemented ethnic
interaction and ministry in its community. Most of all it needs a new ethos, a
willingness on the part of all to self-sacrificially surrender to the purposes and plans of
God to facilitate God’s presence in God’s people today.
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NOTES
1. Barry Callen, "The Church, Tomorrow’s People in Today’s World,"
Wesleyan Theological Perspectives (Anderson: Warner Press, 1983), 233.
2. Saint Augustine, The City of God (New York: Random House Publishers,
1950), 478.
3. Ibid., 479.
4. Martin Luther, American Edition of Luther’s W orks. "Secular Authority:
To What Extent It Should Be Obeyed," (Philadelphia, 1955), 81-129.
5. James M. Gustafson, Treasure in Earthen Vessels (New York: Harper and
Row Publishers, 1961), 3.
6. Ibid., 101.
7. Callen, 237.
8. Saint Augustine, On Faith and Works (New York: Newman Press, 1988),
99.
9. John Wesley, Works of John Wesley (Grand Rapids: Zondervan
Publishing, 1892), 401.
10. John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1971), 7.
11. Tom Beauchamp and James F. Childress, Principles of Biomedical Ethics
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 258.
12. Ibid., 212-213.
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Asset Metadata

Creator Samples, Terry Allen (author)

Core Title An ethical analysis of multiethnic congregations in Los Angeles

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Religion

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,religion, general,sociology, ethnic and racial studies,sociology, social structure and development

Language English

Advisor [illegible] (committee chair), [illegible] (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c17-281697

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Legacy Identifier 9733130.pdf

Dmrecord 281697

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Samples, Terry Allen

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