University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Pereda And Galdos: A Comparison Of Their Political, Religious And Social Ideas

(USC Thesis Other)

Pereda And Galdos: A Comparison Of Their Political, Religious And Social Ideas

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 67-393 BRADLEY, Henry Addy, 1920- PEREDA AND GALDOS: A COMPARISON OF THEIR POLITICAL, RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL IDEAS. University of Southern California, Ph.D., 1966 Language and Literature, modern University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan HENRY ADDY BRADLEY All Rights Reserved 1 9 6 7 PERED A A N D G A LDO S: A CO M PA RISO N O F THEIR POLITICAL, RELIGIOUS A N D SOCIAL IDEAS by Henry Addy Bradley A D is s e rta tio n P resented to the FACULTY O F THE G R A D U A T E SC H O O L UNIVERSITY O F SO U TH ER N CALIFORNIA In P a r tia l F u lfillm e n t of the Requirements fo r the Degree D O C T O R O F PHILOSOPHY (Spanish) August 1966 UNIVERSITY O F S O U T H E R N CALIFORNIA TH E GRADUATE SC HOOL UNIVERSITY PARK LOS A NGELES. C A L IF O R N IA 9 0 0 0 7 This dissertation, written by sertation Com- ' mittee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by the Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y under the direction of h..lA Dean. Date. August 1966 DISSERTATION COMMITTEE I Chairman t INTRODUCTION In works d ealin g w ith th e h is to ry and c iv iliz a tio n of Spain re fere n ce is sometimes made to the "two S pains." During most o f th e n in e te e n th century Spain was v ir tu a lly divided in to opposing camps o f p o l i t i c a l and re lig io u s ideology. The o rig in s o f th is d iv is io n can be seen in the events and co n d itio n s o f the preceding cen tu ry . The whole a f f a i r seems to have begun as a re lig io u s q u a rre l: the e sta b lish e d r e lig io n versus the c u rre n t m an ife sta tio n s of deism; tr a d itio n a l Spanish C atholicism a g a in s t th e imported ideas o f the French Enlightenm ent. The expulsion of the J e s u its in 1767 was openly claim ed as a v ic to ry by Masons and fra n c o p h ile s ; a v ic to ry a g a in s t "obscurantism ," "fa n a tic ism ," "m edievalism ," e tc . C ath o lics were in c re a s in g ly alarmed a t th e inroads made by "V o lta iria n atheism " in Spain and a t th e ir th re a t to the tr a d itio n a l Spanish way of l i f e . P o litic a l lib e ra lis m in Spain, as in the r e s t of Europe, was a llie d to th e deism of the E ncyclopedists. The lib e r a l movements of the n in e te e n th cen tu ry , although i i c a llin g fo r economic and s o c ia l reform , assumed, a t the same tim e, an a n tic le r ic a l stan ce. This was la rg e ly a c c i d e n ta l and may be due to the fa c t th a t they arose a t a time when ra tio n a lism and agnosticism were in the a i r . C onservatives re acted by fin d in g common cause w ith Carlism , which promised s e c u rity a g a in st the "impious" ideas o f lib e ra lis m . The Church, th a t is , the h ierarch y , the n o b ility fo r th e most p a rt, and many devout C atholics of w hatever c la s s , were g en e ra lly agreed th a t lib e ra lis m posed a th re a t to th e ir way o f l i f e and looked upon i t as a common enemy. This s itu a tio n cre a te d a schism in n a tio n a l l i f e , which cu t to th e very ro o ts of the n a tio n . The lin e s o f b a t t l e were w ell drawn a t th e beginning of the n in e te e n th cen tu ry . The stru g g le raged in te rm itte n tly throughout the century and, in 1936, erupted in to a savage c i v i l war. The purpose o f th is d is s e r ta tio n is to study the works o f two l i t e r a r y men o f the n in eteen th century, Perez Galdos and Pereda, from the stan d p o in t of c e rta in of th e ir p o litic a l, re lig io u s and s o c ia l id eas, in o rder to d isc e rn in them the ex te n t to which they d if f e r , one from the i i i o th e r, fo r each o f th ese two w rite rs re p re se n ts one of the "two S pains." The known fa c t th a t Pereda and Galdos were life -lo n g personal frie n d s, in s p ite o f th e ir id e o lo g ic a l d iffe re n c e s , has led me to suspect th a t th ese d iffe re n c e s m ight n o t be so marked as they appear to be on the su rface; th a t, in s p ite o f p o li ti c a l and re lig io u s la b e ls , the two men had a s p i r i tu a l a f f i n it y w ith each o th e r. Perez Galdos, who knew Spain b e tte r than most w rite rs of h is tim e, was w ell aware of the in te rn a l d i v i sio n of n in eteen th -c en tu ry Spain. His works give abundant testim ony o f the d e s tru c tiv e fo rces in Spanish so c ie ty . R eligious ideas and th e ir s o c ia l and p o l i tic a l im p licatio n s a re of prim ary concern to him. Galdos was a sk e p tic . He was not re lig io u s in the sense o f being a "good C a th o lic ," b ut he o fte n succeeded in giving a most graphic re p re s e n ta tio n of fundamental re lig io u s id e a ls . He could n o t accept the o ffic ia lis m of th e Church and he saw i t as one o f the c h ie f drawbacks to S p ain 's a s sim ila tio n of European c i v i l i z a tio n . Pereda, the co stu m b rista o f C antabrian mountain l i f e and of the f is h e r fo lk of Santander, a r e a l i s t and iv a n o v e lis t, lik e Galdos, was, however, a su p p o rter of the tr a d itio n a l Spanish way o f l i f e . He was a C ath o lic and a C a r lis t. He w rote n o s ta lg ic a lly o f the v en erab le customs of a tim e gone by and he b eliev ed in th e im m utability of th e d o c trin e s o f th e Church. Both men were p a tr io tic and in te re s te d in th e w elfare o f Spain, but each saw th e prob lems o f th e ir country from d if f e r e n t p o in ts o f view. The exact p o in ts o f d iffe re n c e and agreement between th ese two frie n d s is th e su b je c t o f th is d is s e r ta tio n . Research of the com plete works of Galdos and Pereda has rev ealed t h e ir fundam ental ideas and a ttitu d e s on p o l i t i c a l, re lig io u s and s o c ia l m a tte rs. In my study I have attem pted to determ ine areas o f agreement as w ell as of disagreem ent, and to p e n e tra te su rfa c e d iffe re n c e s in o rd er to fin d a common ground o f fundam ental accord on some o f th e problem s. With th is study I hope to have a rriv e d a t a b e tte r understanding o f c e rta in asp ects o f both w rite rs , but 1 am a ls o concerned w ith adding to p re s ent understanding o f th e problems and fa c to rs which under lay the in te r n a l d iv is io n o f Spain during th e n in e te e n th century, and which were th e causes of th e c o n f lic t o f 1936. TABLE O F C O N TEN TS Page INTRODUCTION .................................................................................. i i Chapter I . TH E T W O SPAINS.................... 1 I I . TH E LIFE A N D IDEAS O F PEREDA.................................. 46 I I I . THE LIFE A N D IDEAS OF GALDOS.................................. 65 IV. TH E POLITICAL, RELIGIOUS A N D SOCIAL IDEAS O F PERED A A S REFLECTED IN HIS LITERARY WORKS.............................................................................. 91 V. TH E POLITICAL, RELIGIOUS A N D SOCIAL IDEAS O F G A L D O S AS REFLECTED IN HIS LITERARY WORKS.............................................................................. 156 VI. A CO M PA RISO N O F TH E IDEAS O F PERED A A N D GALDOS..................................................................... 237 V II. CONCLUSION......................................................................... 255 BIBLIOGRAPHY.................................................................................. 261 CH A PTER I TH E T W O SPAINS The n in e te e n th century in Spain was c h a ra c te riz e d by two c i v i l wars (1833-1839) (1872-1876), and by co v ert s t r i f e , more o r le s s v io le n t, during most of th e i n t e r vening y ea rs. Such a s ta te of a f f a ir s continued in to the tw en tieth century and culm inated in the savage c o n f lic t of 1936-1939. Since 1808 th e country had been divided in to two camps, each stru g g lin g fo r supremacy. I t was the era o f lib e r a l re v o lu tio n and co n se rv ativ e re a c tio n . Most o f Europe had passed, o r was p assin g , through th is same p a in fu l process o f ra d ic a l change. H isto rian s s t i l l debate as to whether th is was due to a g en eral clim ate of n ascen t lib e ra lis m e x is tin g sim ultaneously in many European c o u n trie s , o r whether i t was due to the d ir e c t in flu en ce of th e French R evolution. One, fo r in stan ce (V aljavec), th in k s th a t lib e r a l and dem ocratic ideas in Germany were no im portation but th a t they were 1 a p a r t o f n a tiv e tr a d itio n , whereas o th e rs (Marcuse and Brunschwig) show how d e sp o tic co n d itio n s in Germany p ro duced a r e s tle s s younger g e n e ra tio n , rom anticism and en thusiasm fo r th e French R ev o lu tio n .^ The w rite r o f th is d is s e r ta tio n holds th a t dem ocratic and li b e r a l id eas in Spain were th e r e s u l t o f b o th n a tiv e tr a d itio n and th e d ir e c t in flu e n c e o f th e French Enlightenm ent and th e French R evolution. No w r ite r on Spain has denied the funda m entally dem ocratic n a tu re o f th e Spaniard and y e t no h i s to ria n has minimized th e im pact o f French ideas on Spanish p o l i t i c a l and r e lig io u s l i f e . Because o f th e vehemence o f Spanish passio n s and \ because o f h i s t o r i c a l problems p e c u lia r to Spain, the Euro pean lib e ra l-c o n s e rv a tiv e s tru g g le assumed a g r e a t s in te n s ity in Spain than elsew here. The d iv is io n was deeper, and c o n c ilia tio n more d i f f i c u l t . The in tra n sig e n c e o f Spanish C atholicism would give no ground to th e extrem ely a n t i c l e r i c a l type o f lib e ra lis m th a t developed th e re . R. R. Palmer, "The Impact o f th e French Revolu tio n , " in The N ineteenth-C entury World (Readings from th e H istory o f Mankind), eds. Guy S. M etraux and F rancois C rouzet (New York: The New American L ib rary , 1963), p. 44. In no o th er n a tio n o£ Europe did the c o n f lic t produce such extremes as anarchism and C arlism . The ex p lan atio n o f the "Two Spains" must be sought in Spanish h is to ry and in an a n a ly sis of th e Spaniard him s e l f ; in th e p e c u lia r temperament and c h a ra c te r which account fo r th e v io len ce, th e te n a c ity , the fan aticism , the heroism and th e paradoxes th a t have shaped h is h is to ry . Spain is a m elting p o t. Many eth n ic groups have gone in to h e r makeup. Regional d iffe re n c e s e x is t, of course, but we can d isc e rn c e rta in s p e c ific c h a r a c te r is tic s which a re common to a l l the peoples o f th e P eninsula. The C e ltib e ria n s , born o f th e union o f th e dark-skinned Ib e rian s and C e ltic invaders from th e n o rth , bore c e rta in c h a ra c te r t r a i t s which d iffe re d l i t t l e from those o f modem Spaniards. The most recognized of th ese was an extreme passion fo r personal lib e r ty ; an in n a te in d iv id u alism th a t made p o l i tic a l u n ity d i f f i c u l t , i f n o t im possible. This t r a i t was n u rtu red p o ssib ly by th e n a tu re o f th e topog raphy, most c e rta in ly by the circum stances o f h is to ry . The Spanish land is poor and has been made poorer by d e fo re s ta tio n and by th o u g h tless c u ltiv a tio n o f the s o il w ithout care fo r the fu tu re , which, in tu rn , has brought ero sio n , dug g u llie s in the f ie ld s and uncovered the rock. To achieve p ro s p e rity in such a country re q u ire s coo rd in a tio n , fo re s ig h t, method, the very co n d itio n s which a re fo reig n to the Ib e ria n c h a ra c te r. The Spaniard has, again and again, proved h is heroism and h is w illin g n e ss to d ie fo r h is country and h is b e lie f s ; he is even capable o f la rg e s c a le n a tio n a l movements in which the people seem fo r a moment to a c t as one man. But he has never achieved th a t c o lle c tiv e and su stain ed d is c ip lin e req u ired fo r the c u ltiv a tio n o f th e s o il. His in d iv id u alism has given th e Spaniard an alm ost in s tin c tiv e sense o f democracy, which was ex ercised and developed during the seven hundred-year g u e r r illa a g a in st the A frican invader. The conxnon danger le v e lle d s o c ia l d is tin c tio n s . Every man had to provide fo r h is own defense. Every man was a w a rrio r and a lo rd . The kings o f Aragon heard from th e mouth o f th e m a g istra te of th e people: "We, who are your equals and more pow erful than you, have chosen you to be our lo rd and king w ith the understanding th a t you p reserve our rig h ts and l i b e r t i e s , 2 otherw ise n o t." O ^Edmondo de Amicis, Spain and th e Spaniards, tra n s . by W ilhelmina W . Cady (New York and London: 6. P. Putnam's Sons, 1880), p. 33. D espite h is exaggerated in d iv id u a lism , th e Spaniard i s n o t is o la te d o r a n ti- s o c ia l. In f a c t he e x h ib its a marked ra ce co n sciousness, a deep sense o f f r a te r n ity w ith h is fello w countrymen, and more p a r tic u la r ly , w ith th e members o f h is c la s s , h is n eig h b o rs, h is fello w w orkers. The t e r t u l i a is a n a tio n a l i n s t it u t i o n and th e re is h ard ly a Spaniard who is n o t an h a b itu e o f one o r more o f th e se g a th e rin g s. S paniards abroad congregate in s o c ie tie s and c o o p e ra tiv e s. Wherever a number o f them happen to liv e , a m in ia tu re Spain comes in to bein g . The need to communi c a te w ith one o f h is own kind is stro n g ly f e l t . This is th e paradox o f th e S paniard; he is a l l th e more so c ia b le because o f h is in d iv id u a lism . The e f f e c t o f i t i s to tig h te n th e t i e s o f fam ily, work, and neighborhood. The S p an iard 's f i r s t a lle g ia n c e s a re to h is fam ily, h is p lace o f b i r t h , h is province, and to h is country, in th a t o rd e r. Except fo r c e r ta in p erio d s o f stro n g c e n tr a l government o r o f d ic ta to r s h ip , Spain has always been a c o lle c tio n o f sm all semi-autonomous reg io n s b ic k e rin g and fig h tin g among them selves. These s e p a r a tis t ten d en cies have so shaped th e p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c ia l o rg a n iz a tio n o f the country th a t Spain seems always to giv e th e im pression o f being 6 o f an o th er age o r o f an o th er w orld. W hile th e modern European n a tio n s were becoming s tro n g e r and more u n ite d , sep aratism grew more a c u te in Spain. Brenan has th is to say about th e Spanish way o f l i f e and i t s e f f e c ts on Spanish p o l i ti c s : By t h e i r f a ilu r e to form a p o l i t i c a l l y homogeneous n a tio n Spaniards have preserved a kind o f l i f e which was common in th e M iddle Ages and in a n tiq u ity , b u t which modem men, th e c h ild re n o f sm all fa m ilie s and d iffu s e s o c ie tie s , have l o s t. Most o f th e q u a litie s we adm ire them fo r come from t h i s . T h eir vig o u r and independence o f c h a ra c te r, th e quickness and com plete ness o f th e ir response to any s o c ia l s itu a tio n , th e i r em otional in te g r ity , t h e ir g i f t o f w ords--and, one should add, t h e ir ch ro n ic in d is c ip lin e - - a r e a l l due to th e f a c t th a t they have gone on liv in g th e in te n s e l i f e q f the Greek c i t y - s t a t e o r Arab t r ib e o r m edieval com mune. In stead o f th e agora, th e re i s th e club and c a fe . P o litic s a re m unicipal o r t r i b a l and in th is sense r e a l - - t h a t th e man on th e lo sin g sid e pays a f o r f e i t . Hence th e p o l i t i c a l acu ten ess which s tr ik e s even th e most s u p e r f ic ia l o b serv er o f th e S paniards, b u t hence too th e in e f f e c tu a lity . Even th e b e s t minds among them r a r e ly escape s u f f ic ie n tly from th e web o f p erso n al r e la tio n s to dom inate th e scene around them. The same causes th a t have made S paniards th e most vigorous and human people in Europe have condemned them to long e ra s o f p o l i t i c a l s ta g n a tio n and f u t i l i t y . ^ Of a l l th e r a c i a l v a r ie tie s o f Spain the C a s tilia n stan d s as th e b e s t example o f th e ty p ic a l S paniard. He p o ssesses, as do th e people o f th e o th e r re g io n s, a c e r ta in q G erald Brenan, The Spanish L abyrinth (Cambridge: U n iv ersity P ress, 1960), P reface, pp. x -x i. 7 composure, a q u ie t assurance, a stro n g sense o f d ig n ity and a b e lie f , o r r a th e r an in s tin c tiv e fe e lin g , in the in n a te e q u a lity o f a l l men. Even George Borrow w ith the p reju d iced view point o f a B ritis h e v a n g e list n u rtu red on th e "Black Legend" was a b le to . . . say fo r the Spaniards th a t in th e ir s o c ia l i n t e r course no people in th e world e x h ib it a j u s te r fe e lin g o f what is due to th e d ig n ity o f human n a tu re , or b e tte r understand th e behaviour which i t behooves a man to adopt towards h is fello w b ein g s. I have said th a t i t is one of th e few c o u n trie s in Europe where poverty is n o t tre a te d w ith contempt, and I may add, where th e ric h are n o t b lin d ly i d o l i z e d . ^ These c h a r a c te r is tic s have a l l been re fin e d and given depth by re lig io n . The Spaniard of the e a rly Middle Ages, faced w ith stru g g le and d eath on a l l sid e s, developed an obsession w ith th e id ea o f e te r n ity and o f the I n f in ite . His e n tir e outlook became re lig io u s . As M adariaga p o in ts out, The two poles o f h is psychology a re th e in d iv id u a l and the u n iv erse; the su b je c t and the Whole; and th a t l i f e fo r him should c o n s is t in the absorbing o f the u n iv erse by th e in d iv id u a l, th e a s s im ila tio n o f the Whole by the subject.-* ^The B ible in Spain (London: T. Nelson and Sons, L td ., 1920), p. 208. 5 Spain. A Modem H istory (New York: F red erick A. Praeger, P u b lish e rs, 1958), p. 21. This concept a lso helps toward an understanding of the S paniard’ s fe e lin g o f p a trio tis m . His country, p a tr ia ch ica or community belongs to him p e rso n a lly . He loves h er w ith passion and p o ssessiv en ess. This explains the tenacious re s is ta n c e o f Numantia and o f Zaragoza. But here again is the paradox. In s p ite o f such in te n se p a trio tis m and stro n g community t i e s , h is je a lo u s concern fo r h is own p ersonal lib e r ty makes him r e s i s t a l l s o c ia l o r p o li ti c a l cooperation which may tend to enslave him. So, being capable o f stro n g fam ily and group re la tio n s h ip s and o f p a r tic ip a tio n in group movements in which u n iv e rsa l values o r c o lle c tiv e in te r e s ts a re involved, he i s , a t th e same tim e, q u ite re c e p tiv e to the philosophy of anarchism and ready to put i t in to p ra c tic e . The im portance o f re lig io n in the make-up o f the Spaniard must n o t be underestim ated. No n a tio n of the fa r-flu n g Roman Empire was more re c e p tiv e to the ev a n g eli c a l p recep ts than was Spain. The v io le n t in d iv id u alism of the Spaniard explains h is t h i r s t fo r im m ortality, according to Unamuno; "e x p lica la in ten sfsim a sed de inm ortal id ad in d iv id u a l que a l espanol, ab rasa, sed que g se o c u lta en eso que Hainan n u estro c u lto a la rauerte. This so -c a lle d " c u lt o f death" has been m isin te rp re te d by some fo reig n w rite r s . I t is n o t, as they th in k , a morbid obsession, o r a d esp e rate and fe a rfu l stru g g lin g w ith th e id ea of a n n ih ila tio n ; i t is r a th e r a calm and s to ic a l acceptance of the fa c t o f m o rta lity , w ithout undue an x iety ; an ard en t re sig n a tio n to th e w ill o f God and a longing a n tic ip a tio n o f e te rn a l l i f e a f te r d eath . Vivo sin v i v i r en mi, y de t a l manera espero, que muero porque no muero. ^ Descola holds th a t Seneca’s w ritin g s and d o c trin e s, above a l l , h is philosophy of sto ic ism , made him a fo re ” runner o f C h ris tia n ity . "S toicism was not new to the f i r s t Q Spanish neophytes. I t paved the way fo r m artyrdom ." The in flu en ce of the pagan Seneca on th e m oral education o f ^"El individualism o e s p a n o l," in El concepto contem po ran eo de Espana, A ntologia de ensavos (Buenos A ire s : E d ito ria l Losada, S.A ., 1946), p. 101. ^Santa T eresa de Jesu s, "A spiraciones de vid a e te m a ," Obras de Santa T eresa de Jesu s (Madrid: E d ito ria l A postolado de l a Prensa, S.A ., 1951), p. 1006. O Jean Descola, A H isto ry o f S pain, tra n s . by E laine P. H alperin (New York: A lfred A. Knopf, 1963), p. 39. 10 Spain has been trem endous. G anivet, in h is Idearlum espanol. b e lie v e s th a t th e pagan Spaniard was c lo s e r to o rig in a l C h ris tia n ity in both b e lie f and temperament than were l a t e r C h ris tia n s o c ie tie s , which had alread y been re fin e d by se v e ra l c e n tu rie s o f C h ristia n teac h in g .^ As s ta te d above, M adariaga speaks o f th e two poles of the S p a n ia rd ^ psychology--man and th e u n iv erse; th a t i s , in d iv id u alism and u n iv e rsa l v a lu e s. P o litic s tends to be p e rso n a l. A regim e is seen in th e lig h t o f th e p e r s o n a litie s th a t d ir e c t i t ra th e r than in th e p rin c ip le s th a t guide i t ; and y e t, th e re is a tendency to found p o l i t i c a l in s titu tio n s on th e most u n iv e rsa l b a s is , i . e . , 10 re lig io n . That is why r e lig io n has been a m ajor issu e in every in te rn a l war fought in Spain sin ce 1808. And a l l o f Spanish p o litic s in th e l a s t two c e n tu rie s has been c h a ra c te riz e d by th e two extremes o f ab solutism and sep aratism . Every man is a t once a d ic ta to r and a sep ara t i s t ; a d ic ta to r in areas where h is a u th o rity p re v a ils and a s e p a r a tis t whenever h is own p erso n al freedom is th r e a t ened. But, th e one th in g th a t is u n iv e rs a l enough to hold Q , El concepto contemporaneo de Espana, pp. 137-144. • ^ S p a in , A Modem H isto ry , p. 22. 11 most Spaniards to g e th e r is re lig io n . Menendez Pelayo says th a t the war o f 1808 was essen t i a l l y a re lig io u s c o n f l i c t . ^ He has re fe re n c e , o f course, to th e shocked re a c tio n o f Spaniards o f a l l c la ss e s a g a in st Napoleon1s a n tic le r ic a l p o lic ie s and th e masonic a c t i v i t i e s o f French troops in Spain. The French a u th o ri t ie s them selves must have become aware o f Spanish re lig io u s s o lid a r ity , fo r they made attem pts to curb th e p ro s e ly tiz ing z e a l o f th e ir own troops in o rd er to se p a ra te th e French cause from atheism and a n tic le ric a lis m . In tru th , th e War o f Independence did serve to c le a r th e a i r ; to se p a ra te c le r ic a ls from a n tic le r ic a ls , p a tr io ts from "a fra n c e sa d o s," lib e r a ls from " tru e C a th o lic s," e tc . From 1808 on th e "Two Spains" were c le a rly d efin ed . This i s n o t to say th a t th e ro o ts o f th e c o n f lic t do not l i e deeper. In i t s re lig io u s asp e ct, the d iv is io n was m anifested much e a r l ie r . W e must seek the beginnings o f re lig io u s conservatism . I t was during th e y ears of 1 1 ^ H is to ria de lo s heterodoxos espanoles (ed icio n n acio n al de la s obras com pletas de Menendez Felayo, Tomo XL, Consejo S uperior de In v estig acio n es C ie n tlfic a s ) (Santander: Aldus, S.A. de A rtes G raficas, 1948), VI, 9* 12 th e re c o n a u ista th a t th e C h ristia n kingdoms of the n o rth found an a lly in th e Church, not only fo r th e obvious reason of the common stru g g le a g a in st Mohammed ism, b u t because th is was a tim e when th e Church was seeking p o l i t i c a l power throughout Europe. This period saw the fu sin g o f n a tio n a l sentim ent w ith re lig io u s fe rv o r, and re lig io n adopted a m ilita n t crusading s p i r i t which sought th e ex tir p a tio n o f in f id e l and h e r e tic . Ferdinand and Isa b e l completed the d e stru c tio n of the l a s t Moslem kingdom and brought about p o litic a l and re lig io u s u n ity under a c h u rc h -sta te c o a litio n . The non- C atholic elem ents were expelled and th e In q u is itio n was e sta b lis h e d . Queen Isa b e l, driven by re lig io u s z e a l, was determ ined th a t even the marranos and conversos (converted Jews and Moslems) must be purged in o rder to cleanse Spain from a l l v e s tig e s o f Jew ish and Arab in flu en ce s. Torque- mada re so rte d to to r tu r e and execution by f i r e as Spaniards r a ll i e d around th e two concepts o f ra c e and re lig io n . Such odious b ig o try was not condoned by a l l of th e clerg y and many were re lu c ta n t to cooperate in such an e n te rp ris e , but th e queen was convinced th a t the fu tu re s a fe ty of th e n a tio n demanded re lig io u s and eth n ic u n ity . So, u n ity 13 became an e sta b lish e d fa c t and th e foundations o f six te e n th - century Spain were la id . A fter 1479 the Church was faced w ith a continuous stru g g le to keep i t s e l f fre e of the complete dom ination of th e crown. The papacy had bestowed upon th e l a t t e r a s e rie s o f concessions known as th e p atro n ato r e a l, which gave th e crown the r ig h t to nominate members o f th e h i e r archy and to c o lle c t c e rta in e c c le s ia s tic a l revenues. The clerg y was a t tim es s p l i t , some supporting the kings, o th ers seeking to check th e ro y a l power. At th e tim e o f th e P ro te sta n t re v o lt i t devolved upon Spain to lead th e C atholic crusade fo r the re s to r a tio n of re lig io u s u n ity in Europe, and once again Spaniards were u n ited as they threw them selves in to a re lig io u s cause. C atholicism e f fe c tiv e ly u n ited th e country and h a lte d tem porarily th e c h u rc h -sta te s tru g g le . The m ilita n t in to le ra n c e o f th e Spanish Church was more firm ly e sta b lish e d than ev er. But, a t the same tim e, th is was th e Churchfs Golden Age. The Spain forged by Ferdinand and Isa b e l now brought fo rth a flow ering of re lig io u s a r t , l i te r a t u r e , theology, a sc e tic ism and m ysticism . Church sc h o la rs en gaged in alm ost every f ie ld o f c u ltu r a l and in te lle c tu a l 14 endeavor. They were e s p e c ia lly a r tic u la te in th e ir ad vocacy o f fre e w ill, th e primacy o f th e s p i r i t u a l over th e tem poral, th e r ig h ts of man, and, e s p e c ia lly , th e rig h ts o f th e in d iv id u a l a g a in st th e tra n sg re ssio n s of the 12 crown. With th e coming of th e R enaissance and th e re v iv a l o f humanism, th e Dutchman Erasmus acquired many adm irers in Spain, e s p e c ia lly in th e u n iv e r s itie s . Then, w ith th e b i r t h of Lutheranism , many of h is follow ers d r if te d in to ideas th a t were regarded as h e r e tic a l. Thus, what would have remained a mere i n te l le c t u a l d isp u te became a m atter fo r th e In q u is itio n . Erasmus* works were e ith e r condemned o r expurgated and th e re began a co n tro v ersy between c le r ic s who continued to adm ire him and th o se who held f a s t to tr a d itio n . Even under th e r u le o f P h ilip I I th e ideas of Erasmus continued to su rv iv e . Erasmism was n o t Lutheran ism. I t was m erely re lig io n fre ed from the r ig id form alism and leg alism th a t was a l l too p re v a le n t in th e Spanish Church. I t s tre s s e d th e p erso n al and in d iv id u a l n a tu re See Descola, A H isto ry o f Spaih. pp. 207-227, and Jose M. Sanchez, Reform and R eaction (Chapel H ill: U niver s i ty of North C aro lin a P ress, 1964), p. 10. o f w orship as a g a in st th e u n iv e rs a l, h ie ra rc h ic a l and communal n a tu re o f Spanish C atholicism . I t r a lli e d to i t s cause the hum anists and th e in te lle c tu a ls . But, the newly forged u n ity o f Spain, cemented w ith C ath o lic orthodoxy, was too precious and too f r a g ile to submit to the dangerous a i r o f re lig io u s freedom; the Spanish people were steeped in m edieval tr a d itio n and were l i t t l e in c lin e d e ith e r to take p a rt in in te lle c tu a l d isc u ssio n , o r to a p p re c ia te th e c a u s tic c r itic is m and irony o f an Erasmus. Spain was alread y committed to the course which th e c le r ic s o f th e Counter Reform ation had chosen fo r h e r. R eligious con serv atism continued stro n g , but th e seeds o f lib e ra lis m had been sown. The Golden Age had begun to decay by th e e a rly seventeenth cen tu ry . S p a in 's in te lle c tu a l and c u ltu r a l ren aissan ce had come to an end. The d eath o f P h ilip I I ushered in a new p o l i ti c a l era c h a ra c te riz e d le s s by the p erso n al su p erv isio n o f th e kings and more by the d iffu s io n o f ro y a l a u th o rity among m in is te rs and fa v o rite s . P h ilip I I I was weak and n e g le c tfu l o f h is d u tie s . The a u s te r ity of P h ilip I I gave way to o s te n ta tio n and ex travagance. The v astn ess o f h er empire and the tremendous m ilita r y e f f o r ts undertaken in th e Low C ountries, Ire la n d , Germany and I ta ly , p lu s th e expulsion o f th e m oriscos (converted Moors) sapped th e n a tio n ’s in te r n a l s tre n g th . S o ciety degenerated; r e lig io n and m orals decayed; th e re was a c o n sid e ra b le lo ss o f z e a l among people and c le rg y . R e li gious education and Church sc h o la rsh ip d e te rio ra te d . The c le rg y tended to r e ly on p a s t g lo rie s and the Church became s t a t i c , im pervious to change and in cap ab le o f providing stro n g le a d e rsh ip . The Church su ffe re d as the n a tio n s u f fe re d and th e c h u rc h -s ta te union under th e Hapsburg mon- 13 archs was more s o lid than ev er. Under th e Bourbon dynasty Spain experienced a b so lu te monarchy. The tr a d i t io n a l p a tro n a to continued in fo rce and was even stren g th en e d . In 1763 th e crown was given u n lim ited power over th e Church. In 1767 C harles I I I ex p e lle d th e J e s u its and began th e e x p ro p ria tio n o f Church p ro p e rty which was to be continued by subsequent li b e r a l governments in th e n in e te e n th c e n tu ry . Such p o lic ie s plus th e in flu e n c e o f Encyclopedic id eas from France brought 13 Louis B ertrand and S ir C harles P e trie , The H isto ry o f Spain (London: Eyre and Spottisw oode, 1945), pp. 250- 263, and Sanchez, Reform and R eaction, pp. 10-11. 17 about much change in th e re lig io u s clim ate of th e country. In to le ra n c e began to d isap p ear and s e c ta ria n p ersecu tio n s became a th in g of th e p a st. Being Spanish was no longer synonymous w ith being fe rv e n tly C ath o lic . R eligion was, o f course, re sp e c te d , but i t was now p o ssib le to sm ile o r s c o ff a t extrem es o f devotion. N evertheless, th e m ajo rity o f the people had n o t broken w ith the s p ir itu a l h e rita g e o f the M iddle Ages. The innovators were mainly Encyclo p e d is t "philosophers" encouraged and p ro tec te d by th e ro y a l m in is te rs , Aranda and F lo rid ab lan ca. Aranda worked hard and su c c e ssfu lly to have the J e s u its ex p elled , f i r s t from Spain and h e r co lo n ies and, s ix years l a t e r , from a l l o f 1 / Christendom . That th e J e s u its could have been banned in Spain, the most C ath o lic n a tio n in the w orld, a t t e s t s to th e serio u sn e ss of th e n ascen t re lig io u s stru g g le which was to te a r Spain asunder in th e next cen tu ry . By th e n in e te e n th century the a llia n c e o f the Church w ith the s t a t e was more apparent than r e a l . And both faced th e fu tu re ill-e q u ip p e d to d e a l with each o th e r and w ith B ertrand and P e trie , The H istory o f Spain. pp. 293-295. 18 th e changing s o c ia l scene: th e growth of a new m iddle c la ss and the r i s e of th e masses. Napoleon*s attem pt to subjugate Spain in 1808 gave g re a t impetus to the growth o f a lib e r a l p a rty . The a n t i c l e r ic a l p o lic ie s o f the French in creased th e number o f lib e r a ls and helped to c re a te a body o f opinion which would never again look w ith to le ra n c e upon any kind o f church- s t a te union in Spain. The French troops very p e r s is te n tly e sta b lish e d Freemasonry throughout th e p en in su la. These lodges became the main m eeting places of men o f li b e r a l ideas and were very in f lu e n tia l in propagating lib e ra lis m a f te r 1814. Menendez Pelayo c ite s reco rd s o f the Holy O ffice to t e s t i f y to th e ex isten ce of masonic lodges in M adrid; to th e o rg a n iz a tio n o f th e F ren ch -in sp ired Gran O riente de Espana y de la s In d ias. independent o f the Gran O riente Portugues, founded in 1805, which owed a l l e giance to B ritis h masonry. Other lodges were founded in , X5 Salamanca, S e v illa and Cadiz. This powerful in je c tio n of freem asonry brought Spanish lib e ra lis m in to e x iste n c e . I t was more p assio n ate "^Menendez Pelayo, H is to ria de lo s heterodoxos esn an o les. VI, 31-32. 19 and more ex tre m ist than in o th e r c o u n trie s . I t liv e d on high-sounding phrases and slogans about th e e q u a lity of men and th e so v ereig n ty of th e people and i t was compounded w ith a v ir u le n t a n tic le ric a lis m . In f a c t, Spanish l i b e r a l ism became so com pletely id e n tif ie d w ith a n tic le ric a lis m th a t th e l a t t e r o fte n became th e only d istin g u ish in g c h a r a c te r is tic o f th e Spanish l ib e r a l . What is the essence o f th is a n tic le ric a lis m ? According to Sanchez, i t is a fe e lin g d ire c te d a g a in st th e clerg y and th e Church as an i n s titu ti o n , p a r tic u la r ly a g a in st th e c le rg y ’s in te rfe re n c e in p o l i ti c a l m atters and in o th e r areas beyond th e s p i r i t u a l realm . In o th e r words a n tic le ric a lis m was brought on by c le ric a lis m . Both ra d ic a l c le ric a lis m and r a d ic a l a n tic le ric a lis m are based on f a lla c ie s : th e a n t i c l e r i c a l contends th a t th e m a te ria l and s p i r i t u a l realm s are com pletely se p a ra te and th a t th e church has no r ig h t to in s tr u c t th e f a it h f u l except in t h e i r p a te n tly re lig io u s d u tie s ; w hile the c l e r ic a l holds th a t th e s p i r i t u a l and ma t e r i a l orders a re so c lo s e ly in te rtw in e d th a t one’s sa lv a tio n hinges d ir e c tly upon every judgment he makes— even on c le a rly n o n s p iritu a l ch o ices, such as forms o f government. Thus, the in h e re n t danger in a n t i c l e r i c a l ism is th a t o f com pletely d iv o rcin g re lig io n from r e a lity , w hile c le ric a lis m is dangerous because i t r e s t r i c t s in d iv id u a l freedom in th o se areas in which th e clerg y have no r ig h t to do so. 16 / Sanchez, Reform and R eactio n , p. 16. 20 A n tic le ric a lis m went to the extreme o f denying the Church1s r ig h t to in s tr u c t th e f a ith f u l in s o c ia l m atters which have a b earin g on p u b lic m o rality and s o c ia l j u s t ic e . The L ib e ra ls ' program c a lle d m ainly fo r c o n s titu tio n a l government and c i v i l l i b e r t i e s , b u t, being s e c u la r is ts , they a ls o sy ste m a tic a lly opposed any form o f re lig io u s in flu e n c e in government and even aimed a t d estro y in g th e C hurch's economic and ed u catio n al in flu e n c e . Finding th is d i f f i c u l t , because o f the stre n g th and p re s tig e o f the Church in Spain and because o f th e staunch f i d e l i t y o f the people to r e lig io n , they became more d o c trin a ire and id e a l i s t i c and more extrem e. They sin g led o u t th e Church as th e ir main enemy. Some became a th e is ts and made o f a n ti- r e lig io n a way o f l i f e . That th e Church should fin d i t s e l f alig n ed on the sid e of th e C onservatives was p a r tly a c c id e n ta l and may even be j u s t i f ie d from the stan d p o in t o f s e lf defense a g a in st th e a tta c k s o f the L ib e ra ls. R eligion has n o t been incom patible w ith lib e ra lis m in Spain nor have churchmen been devoid o f lib e r a l id e a s. The J e s u it h is to ria n , M ariana, fo r example, as f a r back as 1599, a n tic ip a te d R ousseau's C ontrat s o c ia l when he upheld th e r ig h t o f the 21 people to san c tio n th e government under which they would 17 liv e . The Dominican th eo lo g ian , F rancisco de V ito ria , championed many p ro g re ssiv e id eas, in clu d in g th e rig h ts o f 1 8 b arb arian s who had been conquered by C h ris tia n p rin c e s . But th e Church, as a whole, had long been asso c ia te d w ith absolutism as a form o f government. The c le rg y o f th e n in e te e n th century were too quick to equate new p o l i t i c a l ideas w ith re lig io u s heresy and to denounce lib e ra lis m so le ly on the b a sis o f i t s a n tic le ric a lis m . And the lam entable s ta te o f the Spanish c le r ic o f th ese tim es, "que c a re c fa de v ig o r a p o sto lic o y m ostraba mucha ig n o ran cia d e l credo que deb£a e n s e n a r" ^ plus the lack of a vigorous C atholic in te lle c tu a lis m , made i t d i f f i c u l t fo r the Church to m aintain i t s hold on th e new g en eratio n o f th in k e rs and to prevent th e i r going over to th e a n tic le r ic a l camp. Both L ib e ra ls and C onservatives formed d is to rte d R ichard E. Chandler and K essel Schwartz, A New H istory o f Spanish L ite ra tu re (Baton Rouge: L ouisiana S ta te U n iv ersity P ress, 1961), p. 459. 18 D escola, A H istory of Spain, p. 214. ^ J u a n Beneyto, H is to ria s o c ia l de Esnana y de Hispanoamerica (Madrid: A guilar, 1961), p. 347. 22 images o f each o th e r. L ib e ra ls were u n ju s tly accused of atheism m erely fo r c r i t i c i z i n g c e r ta in a sp e c ts o f th e old regim e. They were b e liev ed to be fom enting a grand co nsp iracy to d estro y th e Church and to rob Spain o f h er re lig io u s h e rita g e . In the popular mind, a L ib e ra l was a Jew, a Moor, a L utheran and an A n tic h ris t a l l r o lle d in to one. C onservatives, on the o th e r hand, were looked upon as m edieval fa n a tic s and as enemies o f p ro g ress and en lig htenm ent. The L ib e ra l program c a lle d fo r the " l i b e r a tio n " o f Spain from th e "tyranny" o f p r ie s ts and monks. The "afran cesad o s" o f 1808 looked upon Joseph B o n ap arte's r u le as "p ro g ressiv e" p re c is e ly because i t was a n t i c l e r i c a l. The m in o rity o f s in c e re l ib e r a ls who r e a lly u n d er stood and b eliev ed in th e "new id eas" were faced w ith th e d is t a s t e f u l choice o f throw ing in th e i r lo t w ith th e French, thus b e tra y in g Spain b u t being tru e to t h e i r id e a ls , o r o f opposing th e n a tio n a l enemy and v io la tin g th e ir co n v ic tio n s by su p p o rtin g th e tra d itio n a lis m they d esp ised . P a trio tism won out in most c a se s. The common 5 enemy was France; p o l i t i c a l and re lig io u s problems could be s e ttle d l a t e r . 23 The u p risin g o f 1808 was p r ie s t- le d from th e begin ning. Menendez Pelayo c ite s th e v a rio u s ju n tas headed by c le r ic s in V alencia, S e v illa , Cadiz, Granada and Santan- 20 d e r. This was one o f the Spanish C hurch's g re a te s t moments o f g lo ry . I t was s im ila r to th e days o f th e recon- q u is ta when Church and n atio n were one. The re lig io u s n a tu re o f th e s tru g g le was m an ifest everywhere. At Zara goza s o ld ie rs , c iv ilia n s and p r ie s ts defended th e c ity house by house, c a rry in g c ru c ifix e s and singing hymns as they manned w alls and b a rric a d e s. The defenders o f Zara goza were fig h tin g p rim a rily f o r th e ir f a ith . Noteworthy is the statem ent made by M arshall Lannes, the c i t y 's conqueror, " I t is a grave e r ro r to a tta c k men's convic- ,,21 t io n s . L ib e ra ls, although a m in o rity , made th e ir presence f e l t . The C o n stitu tio n of 1812 was, a f te r a l l , t h e i r handiwork, even though they never got a r e a l chance to put i t in to p ra c tic e . O ffic ia l documents o f the Aranjuez ju n ta d e lib e ra te ly om itted th e name o f God, s u b s titu tin g vague ^^Menendez Pelayo, H is to ria de lo s heterodoxos esp an o les. VI, 9. ^ D e s c o la , A H istory o f Spain, p. 359. t i t l e s such as Providence, F ortune, e tc . R eferences to C ath o lic r e lig io n and worship were made in such a way as n o t to d is tin g u is h them from pagan r i t e s o r Jew ish and 22 Mohammedan p ra c tic e s . This was harm less enough, being no th in g more than th e "p h ilo so p h ical" a f fe c ta tio n o f the tim es, but th e a n tic le ric a lis m fo ste re d by such a ttitu d e s was to produce some o f the most v io le n t scenes o f Spanish h is to ry . The men who forged th e C o n stitu tio n o f 1812 were alm ost a l l from the group which had been influenced by th e Encyclopedism of th e la t e e ig h te e n th cen tu ry , and many were Freemasons. Yet, so aware were they of the C ath olic fe rv o r of t h e i r own people th a t they d id n o t dare in s e r t a re lig io u s to le ra n c e clau se in to the C o n stitu tio n . F ur therm ore, they took pains to in su re th e in c lu sio n o f a statem ent th a t th e r e lig io n o f the Spanish n a tio n must be C ath o lic . I t was s t i l l too e a rly to suggest th a t th e re m ight e x is t in Spain any re lig io n o th e r than the one which had been w ritte n in blood on th e Ib e ria n s o il . Spain was M enendez Pelayo, H is to ria de lo s heterodoxos e sp a n o le s. VI, 41. 25 s t i l l overwhelmingly C ath o lic, co n serv ativ e and t r a d i t i o n a l is t . The C o n stitu tio n d id , however, a b o lish the In q u is itio n , lim it th e s iz e o f a l l re lig io u s communities to tw elve members, and provided th a t a l l unused Church lands and b u ild in g s be ap p ro p riated by the government. This p re c ip ita te d a ru p tu re o f diplom atic r e la tio n s between th e Holy See and the Spanish government. Even i f Fernando V II had n o t abolished i t in 1814, th e C o n stitu tio n o f 1812 would not have la s te d long in C atholic Spain. Furtherm ore, the ideology o f lib e ra lism , w ith i t s economic d o c trin e o f la is s e z - f a ir e , i t s fre e tra d e , fre e thought and c o n s titu tio n a l government, demanded a flo u ris h in g economy and a la rg e , educated middle c la s s in o rd er to be c a rrie d in to p ra c tic e . The reform s i t o ffe re d were m eaningless to the Spanish people who con tin u ed to look upon th e new id eas as a th r e a t to th e ir t r a d itio n a l way o f l i f e . Then, too, lib e ra lis m was h in dered in p ra c tic e by th e patronage o f m ilita ry men who o fte n did not understand the workings o f democracy. Fernando's n in e te e n -y e a r re ig n brought to Spain once again th e fa m ilia r union of church and s ta te , w ith th e form er determ ined to dominate th e l a t t e r and to e ra d ic a te lib e ra lis m once and fo r a l l . The In q u is itio n was r e in s ta te d , diplom atic r e la tio n s w ith th e Holy See were resumed, the p riv ile g e s o f the clerg y were re sto re d and C harles I l l ' s e d ic t a g a in st th e J e s u its was abrogated. The m inutes o f the C ortes of Cadiz were destroyed in a p u b lic b o n fire . The L ib e ra ls now became more entrenched in th e ir a n tic le ric a lis m and more open in t h e i r enmity toward the Church. They turned to Freemasonry, which now became th e c h ie f v e h ic le o f lib e ra lis m . Because o f the governm ent's p ersecu tio n o f L ib e ra ls and th e l a t t e r 's r e tr e a t in to the secrecy of lodge m eetings, lib e ra lis m never obtained the adherence o f th e m asses. The Masons had never been more a c tiv e nor more hunted and persecuted by the p o lic e than under Fernando V II. They, n e v e rth e le ss, i n f i l t r a t e d the government and the army; they even counted m in iste rs and high ranking o f f i c ia ls among th e ir ad h eren ts. But when, in 1820, Riego proclaim ed th e C o n stitu tio n of 1812 and marched on Madrid, Spain r a lli e d again around th e C ross. The f a ith f u l, led by th e i r p r ie s ts again as in 1808, and c a llin g them selves " a p o s to lic o s ,” went to do b a t t l e a g a in st th e " a th e is ts " shouting "Long liv e 27 r e lig io n ! " and "Long liv e th e a b so lu te king!" L iberalism , i t seemed, was s t i l l only a seed on b arren ground, i t lacked th e v i t a l i t y and dynamic im pulse and th e popular support th a t i t had in o th e r c o u n trie s . Faced w ith th e in te rv e n tio n o f the Holy A llia n c e and th e presence o f French tro o p s, th e L ib e ra ls sought refu g e in Cadiz, tak in g th e king w ith them as h o stag e. But, i t was a l o s t cause. The country sim ply was not in sympathy w ith t h e i r a n tic le r ic a lis m . The L ib e ra ls had, by th is tim e, s p l i t in to two groups: th e m oderates and th e r a d i c a ls , o r "e x a lta d o s. I f Fernando had n o t been so in te n t on seeking revenge, he m ight p o ssib ly have been a b le to u n ite rep u b lic a n m oderates and a b s o lu tis ts in a tem porary c o a litio n . But, h is purge was t e r r i b l e . C o n s titu tio n a lis ts were hunted down lik e anim als, Freemasons were d ec la red enemies o f the s ta t e and l i a b l e to th e d eath p en a lty . He made but one concession, forced on him by th e Holy A llia n c e , and th a t was th a t th e In q u is itio n rem ain d isso lv e d . The more re a c tio n a ry of th e "a p o sto lic o s" looked upon th is as a 23 D esco la , A H isto r y o f S p ain , p. 366. 28 d r i f t toward lib e ra lis m and decided they needed a monarch of t h e ir own choosing in o rd er to safeguard th e Church. This fe e lin g had deep ro o ts in Spain; th e re had always been those who favored Church dom ination o f the s ta te . They were n o t c a lle d C a rlis ts u n t i l 1833 a t which tim e they threw th e ir support to Carlos* claim to the th ro n e. These people sin c e re ly b eliev ed t h a t a theocracy would be a g re a t improvement over the c iv il governments Spain had ex p eri" enced over th e p a st two c e n tu rie s . B esides, a re a c tio n a g a in st both L ib e ra ls and Fernando was to be expected. Fernando had proved him self to be le s s than co n serv ativ e and the L ib erals were, of course, an abom ination in the eyes o f th e t r a d i t i o n a l i s t elem ent. Even w ithout th e problem of successio n to the throne, the C a r lis t war would have taken p lace sooner o r l a t e r . The m e r c a n tilis tic c e n tr a l i s t p o lic ie s o f the Bourbon monarchs had, fo r a century, run counter to a g ra ria n and p a s to ra l in te r e s ts and to Basque and C ata lo n ian s e p a r a tis t ten d en c ie s. A n ti-lib e ra l, tr a d i t io n a l i s t sentim ent came to be c r y s ta lliz e d in C arlism , which a ttra c te d w idespread support in b a s ic a lly a g ra ria n Spain. At F ernando's death, h is b ro th e r, C arlos, la id claim to 29 th e throne and th e C a r lis t war began. The regency of M aria C ris tin a continued to re p re se n t th e "en lig h ten ed despotism " o f th e Bourbdns and receiv ed th e support o f most o f th e L ib e ra ls , whose prim ary concern was to sto p C arlism a t any p ric e . The creed o f the C a r lis ts was summed up in r e lig io n , fu e ro s, union o f throne and a l t a r , and h a tre d o f lib e ra lis m . In 1834 th e re occurred in Madrid the f i r s t incidence o f mob v io le n c e a g a in s t th e Church. A severe epidem ic o f c h o le ra had broken out th a t y ear and th e rumor was passed around th a t th e J e s u its had been poisoning th e w e lls. M onasteries and J e s u it churches were burned and between eig h ty and one hundred c l e r ic s were m urdered. The s i g n ific a n c e o f th is in c id e n t, c a lle d th e matanza de f r a i l e s . l i e s in th e f a c t th a t th e members o f th e mob were n o t L ib e ra ls b u t Madrid w o rk in g -class people. Such was th e e x te n t to which th e m asses had become a lie n a te d from th e Church. This ra p id spread o f lib e ra lis m and a n t i c l e r i c a l ism was n o ta b le a ls o in th e army and was helped by th e absence o f most o f th e o f f ic e r s , who had gone to the Car l i s t c a m p .^ ^ B e rtra n d and P e tr ie , The H isto ry o f Spain, p. 325. By 1835 th e "Two Spains" were in d e lib ly d e fin e d . Each sid e was irre v o cab ly conm itted to i t s own program. The L ib e ra ls were more a n t ic le r ic a l than ever and more i d e a l i s t ic and d o c trin a ire . They kept ..up a continuous, monotonous s tru g g le w ith th e Church, which seemed to be th e ir main preoccupation. The C a r lis ts , in tu rn , were more re a c tio n a ry , more f a n a tic a l and more determ ined than ever to impose th e ir th e o c ra tic ideas on the n a tio n . One of th e te n e ts o f L ib eralism --lan d reform --w as put in to p ra c tic e in 1835 by the L ib era l m in iste r Mendi- zab al. He began the desam ortizacion of Church-held lan d s; th a t is , he co n fisc ated them and put them up fo r p u b lic s a le . This move was considered necessary to th e economic reform of th e country. M endizabal had liv e d fo r a tim e in England and he understood the economic b a s is o f li b e r a l theory. He hoped to b rin g about comnerce and land sp ecu la tio n and to c re a te a r u r a l m iddle c la s s which would jo in th e L ib e ra l p a rty and stre n g th e n i t . The plan was n o t su cc essfu l in th is re sp e c t: th e abundance o f land reduced i t s p ric e and i t was bought up by a sm all group o f L ib eral sp ec u la to rs and C onservative landowners and remained con c e n tra te d in a few hands. I t was th is move, however, 31 which helped to decide th e C a r lis t war in fav o r of th e i L ib e ra ls .25 In so fa r as th e growing d is u n ity of Spain was con cerned, th e desam ortizacion served only to widen th e breach. I t a lie n a te d more C ath o lics from th e L ib eral cause, and i t fu rth e r com plicated th e L ib eral-C o n serv ativ e stru g g le by lay in g th e foundation fo r a new d iv is io n in Spanish so c ie ty between o lig arch y and p r o le ta r ia t. The w ealthy landowners who had been su p p o rters of C arlism and who had jo in ed in th e purchase o f th e c o n fisc a te d lands now withdrew from th e p re te n d e r’s cause and supported the L ib e ra l governments, in o rd er to p ro te c t th e ir investm ents. They were jo in ed by w ealthy L ib e ra ls, who now became con se rv a tiv e , and w ith them formed th e new landed o lig arch y . This d e s e rtio n from th e ranks o f id ealism l e f t both L ib e r a ls and C a rlis ts weakened in numbers, though n o t in stre n g th o f c o n v ic tio n . The rem aining C a r lis ts took up th e cause of th e Basque and C atalonian s e p a r a tis t movements and attem pted a lso to i n f i l t r a t e th e Madrid government. The L ib e ra l movement was taken over la rg e ly by the r\ c Sanchez, Reform and R eaction, p. 24. 32 I n te lle c tu a ls and th e lower m iddle c la s s . T heir b asic program remained th e same, b u t added a new emphasis on government re g u la tio n o f w orking-class co n d itio n s. As the century wore on. the m id d le-o f-th e-ro ad L ib era ls and Con se rv a tiv e s tended to resem ble each o th e r more and more u n t i l th e only d istin g u is h in g fe a tu re was th e L ib e ra ls ' a n tic le ric a lis m . On th e frin g e s o f th ese groups were th e extreme, or "dem ocratic" L ib e ra ls, and the C a r lis ts . The desam ortizacion had a d isa stro u s e f f e c t on the Church. I t l e f t th e clerg y w ithout means o f support and forced th e s ta te to provide them w ith s a la r ie s . This made them more dependent on the s ta te , and a source of unending tro u b le and i r r i t a t i o n to the s ta te . In th e ir concern fo r fin a n c ia l s e c u rity and in th e i r e f f o r ts to o b tain funds fo r schools, h o s p ita ls and o th e r estab lish m en ts, the clerg y turned to the w ealthy C ath o lic s. This was unwise, b u t they could see no o th er re co u rse. By thus seeming to tu rn th e ir backs on the people, they began the a lie n a tio n o f the p r o le ta r ia t which was alm ost complete by the end o f th e cen tu ry . This c u ltiv a tio n of the ric h , coupled w ith th e in tra n sig e n c e o f t h e ir a ttitu d e toward new id eas, earned them th e h o s t i l i t y o f th e people and o f the i n t e l le c tu a l c la s s . A fter 1839, th e year o f th e end o f the C a r lis t war, th e re were some serio u s e f f o r ts to b rin g about in te rn a l peace, p a r tic u la r ly by the C onservative government th a t came in to power in 1844. Pope Pius IX was re sto re d to the Q u irin al in 1848 w ith th e help o f Spanish tro o p s. Subse quent good r e la tio n s w ith the Holy See brought about the concordat of 1851, which remained in fo rc e, except fo r b r ie f in te r v a ls , u n til the f a l l o f th e monarchy in 1931. This agreement recognized th e desam ortizacion and gave th e Church th e r ig h t to acquire p ro p erty in the fu tu re . C atholicism was d eclared th e only r e lig io n of th e Spanish n a tio n , th e Church was given c o n tro l of education, and the clerg y were granted stip en d s to be paid by the s ta te . The s ta te , in re tu rn , gained the r ig h t to nom inate Church ap p o in tees. T his, n a tu ra lly , re s u lte d in a h iera rch y sym pathetic to th e government. The concordat was in te rru p te d tw ice by L ib e ra l governments, once in 1855-59 and again in 1869-76. A fter th e re s to r a tio n of Alfonso X II in 1874, the c o n s titu tio n o f 1876 re sto re d the concordat w ith a p ro v isio n allow ing to le ra n c e o f non-C atholics as long as they made no public d isp la y o f th e ir re lig io n . 34 The changing s o c ia l and in te lle c tu a l clim ate o f the n in e te e n th cen tu ry , p a r tic u la r ly a f te r 1876, made th e concordat an outmoded document. The C hurch-state union i t provided f o r , based on C o n se rv a tiv e -C a rlist id e a ls , was a prolongation o f the m edieval arrangem ent which helped to fo rge the u n ity o f th e Spanish people, b u t which simply did n o t f i t in to the new n in eteen th -c en tu ry world. The long L ib eral-C o n serv ativ e stru g g le was d e t r i m ental to both sid es in th a t i t made re a c tio n a ry movements o f b o th . The L ib e ra ls were so tie d to a n tic le ric a lis m th a t i t d is to rte d t h e i r v is io n and hobbled t h e i r movements to the ex te n t th a t r e a l reform became alm ost im possible. Some L ib e ra ls were so obsessed w ith t h e ir h atred o f the Church th a t i t became th e ir c h ie f concern in l i f e . The C ath o lics, on the o th er hand, were o fte n opposed to s o c ia l and eco nomic reform s sim ply because such reform s were proposed by L ib e ra ls and were u su a lly accompanied by a n t ic le r ic a l m easures. The c o n tro l of education was one o f the main bones o f conten tio n between th e Church and L ib e ra l governments. The Church in s is te d on i t s rig h t to educate. Because of th e n a tu re of C ath o lic d o c trin e and philosophy, which sees 35 m an's l i f e on e a rth in te rn s o f h is s tru g g le to a tta in e v e rla s tin g l i f e , th e Church demands th a t a l l education be re lig io n -o rie n te d . The L ib e ra ls, p re c is e ly because they wanted to e ra d ic a te th e hold of re lig io n on th e people, fe e lin g i t to be harm ful, wanted education to be com pletely s e c u la r. By th e m iddle of th e century many o f them had come under th e in flu en ce o f th e philosophy of Kant and h is d is c ip le Krause, as in te rp re te d by the sc h o la rly Sanz d e l Rio. In Spain, Krausism came to be more than a p h ilo so p h ical theory. I t rep resen ted a com bination o f many shades of r a t i o n a l i s t thought in p o litic s and r e lig io n and i t assumed Spanish a n tic le ric a lis m , although in a su b tle and n o n -v io le n t form. In the f ie ld o f education i t stood in o p p o sitio n to the s c h o la s tic tr a d itio n . According to th e K rau sists th e m oral law did n o t sp rin g from God, i t was elab o rated independently by man. The human m oral law created a n e c e s sity fo r th e id ea o f God which, in tu rn , became a device to f o r ti f y th e in flu en ce of th e moral law. The "Son o f God" was only th e idea of p e rfe c t man. F a ith in Jesus was th e re c e iv in g by th e w ill 36 2 f i of th e id ea o f m oral p e rfe c tio n . To understand th e impact of such "advanced id eas/* i t must be remembered th a t in Spain C atholicism was a way o f l i f e ; i t was p a rt o f the a i r one b reath ed . Even some of th e most ra b id a n t i c l e r i c a ls never doubted the e x iste n c e o f God o r th e d iv in ity of C h rist. "No parece sin o que la s v ie ja s y lo s parvulos han sido lo s unicos que han creid o en su d iv in id a d !" exclaimed Menendez Pelayo upon read in g Pi y M arg a ll’s d isc u ssio n of Jesu s as a "philosopher . . ■ . q u ite advanced fo r h is ,,27 tim e s. The In s titu c io n L ibre de Ensenanza. founded by Giner de lo s Rios, c a rrie d on a su b tle w arfare a g a in st th e in flu en ce o f C ath o lic d o c trin e . I t abolished th e observance o f re lig io u s holidays and s u b s titu te d a weekly h a lf-h o lid a y . A ll su b je c ts were c a re fu lly tau g h t w ith in a se c u la r con te x t. G reat a tte n tio n was "given to c le a n lin e s s and m atters o f p erso n al ca re and refinem ent, b u t m oral tra in in g was 26 J . B. Trend, The O rigins o f Modem Spain (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1934), pp. 40-41. 27 / Menendez Pelayo, H is to ria de lo s heterodoxos esp an o les. VI, 357. 37 l e f t e n tire ly to th e in s p ir a tio n a l e f f e c t o f the p ersonal intim acy in which the p u p il liv e d w ith h is m asters during the day. Giner would have re lig io u s in s tru c tio n confined to the home and to the church. He wanted schools to c re a te an atmosphere s e n s itiv e to philosophy and h is to ry which 28 would awaken the need fo r id e a ls and b e lie f s . Such ideas and p ra c tic e s , so fo re ig n to th e r e l i gious tr a d itio n s and th e b e lie f s o f the Spanish people, were feared and hated by C onservatives, and by th e Church. Since th e s e c u la riz a tio n of the u n iv e r s itie s in 1837 p r ie s ts were tra in e d in sem in aries. Being out o f co n tact w ith la y stu d en ts and te a c h e rs, they remained ign o ran t and in to le ra n t of the philosophic trends o f the times and were unable to understand and analyze these new id eas, o r to a d ju st C atholic a ttitu d e s and p ra c tic e s to them. Students were taught simply to condemn lib e ra lis m as e v il, and th a t to a sso c ia te w ith L ib era ls was a sin . Those who defended the Church came to be known as A p o lo g istas- T heir theme was th a t o f C arlism : th a t tr a d i tio n a l C atholicism was th e Spanish way and th a t i t was the O Q Trend, The O rigins of Modem Spain, pp. 68-69. only way accep tab le to Spain. T heir concern w ith l i b e r a l ism and w ith P ro testan tism d iv e rte d th e ir a tte n tio n and energy from th e re a lly p ressin g s o c ia l problems o f th e tim e. In stead of m atching th e e f f o r ts o f the L ib e ra ls w ith p ro je c ts fo r so c ia l reform , the C ath o lics engaged in p o l i t i c a l a c tio n designed to r e s to r e and stren g th en th e p o s itio n of th e Church. The s o c ia l q u estio n has been very serio u s in Spain and has aggravated th e p o l i ti c a l and re lig io u s problem s. Behind i t l i e s the a g ra ria n problem. A perv erse clim ate and geography have made hardship the normal way o f l i f e fo r the Spanish p easan t. R a in fa ll is the c r i t i c a l fa c to r; the n o rth , with poor s o il, re ceiv es the bulk o f the r a i n f a l l , w h ile the so u th and th e e a s t, w ith the b e s t s o i l , liv e in a co n d itio n of p e rp e tu a l drought. The region o f poor s o il and abundant r a i n f a l l is c h a ra c te riz e d by sm all h o ld ings which b a re ly m aintain the men who work them, w hile in th e south, where th e re are la rg e holdings and seasonal v a r ia tio n o f crops, huge armies o f farm la b o re rs liv e on su b sisten ce wages. U n til th e n in e te en th centu ry most o f the n orth and c e n te r o f th e p en in su la was predom inantly p a sto r a l ra th er than a g ra ria n . During th e eig h teen th cen tu ry some o f the e s ta te s o f th e le s s e r n o b ility were d is e n ta ile d in an attem pt to break up the p a s to ra l hold on th e lan d . This was f in a lly accomplished by M endizabal's desam ortizacion in th e n in eteen th cen tu ry . However, as s ta te d above, th is measure created alm ost as many problems as i t solved. The peasants who had held communal lands were d is in h e rite d . Some of them d r if te d to th e c i t i e s and in creased the alread y growing urban lab o r c la s s . Most o f the e s ta te s , in ste a d o f being broken up, m erely changed hands. The new o lig arch y brought th e u su al abuses o f absentee landlordism , p opulation in c re a se brought lower liv in g stan d ard s, and th e sm aller landowners were forced to r e ly more and more 2Q on th e o lig arch y fo r c r e d it. The urban c la sse s lik ew ise su ffe re d a low ering o f liv in g standards and a l l th e o th e r m iseries o f th e machine age. A deep chasm was formed between th e landed and in d u s tr ia l o lig arch y and th e p r o le ta r ia t, and Spain f e l l behind the o th e r European c o u n trie s in s o c ia l p ro g ress. The upper c la ss e s managed th e a f f a ir s o f the n a tio n w hile 29 * Sanchez, Reform and R eaction , pp. 39-40. 40 the workers and peasants kept m ostly to them selves, forming alm ost a world a p a rt. There was l i t t l e , i f any, movement from one c la s s to an o th er. Most of the poor men who had come up in th e world were indianos who had made th e ir f o r tunes in the New World. The lower c la s s e s in Spain have always been unique. The p easan t, no m atter how poor, m aintains h is d ig n ity w ith a q u ie t s e l f assurance and seems not a t a l l to envy th e r ic h . The working c la s s e s have a c e r ta in s o lid a r ity w ith th e i r own kind, the peasan ts m aintain th e tr a d itio n a l way of l i f e they have in h e rite d , and show no d e s ire to copy th e ways o f th e ir s o c ia l su p e rio rs. The in d u s tr ia l re v o lu tio n was slow in coming to Spain. The in d u s tr ia l p ro le t a r i a t was sm all, working co n d itio n s were m iserable and o p p o rtu n itie s fo r improving o n e 's economic s itu a tio n were p r a c tic a lly n o n e x iste n t. For a l l th ese reaso n s, so c ie ty 30 remained h o p elessly d iv id ed . P o litic s understandably were c o rru p t. The people, convinced th a t they had no stak e in p a r tie s o r can d id ates, Sanchez, Reform and R eaction , p. 41, and Brenan, The Spanish L ab yrinth , p. 8 8 . were a p a th e tic . The government o f th e n a tio n was n o t th e ir b u sin ess. They voted as they were to ld to vote by th e ir union boss o r p o l iti c a l le a d e r. They d id n o t understand lib e ra lis m or dem ocratic government o r th e "sovereignty o f the people" (nor, fo r th a t m atter, did many L ib e ra ls ). They were s k e p tic a l or in d if f e r e n t reg ard in g proposals fo r reform ; they were convinced th a t p o litic s were c o rru p t and th a t p o litic ia n s e x iste d fo r t h e ir own s e lf is h p u rp o s e s .^ I t was in e v ita b le th a t h a tre d o f th e ric h should grow and th a t a fe e lin g o f c la ss s o lid a r ity among th e p r o le ta r ia t should f o s te r so cialism and anarchism . The S o c ia lis t p a rty was founded in Spain in 1879 and became the la rg e s t w orking-class p a rty . In 1888 th e S o c ia lis ts founded the Union General de T rabaiadores (U .G .T.). Anar chism was introduced in 1868 and became stro n g in B arcelona and among the a g r ic u ltu r a l workers o f A ndalusia. In these movements, e s p e c ia lly in anarchism , the working c la ss e s found something th a t had been m issing from th e ir l i v e s : a cause ,to which they could d e d ic a te them selves w ith some th in g lik e ev a n g elic al fe rv o r. Anarchism o ffe re d the 31 Brenan, The Spanish L abyrinth, p. 88. d e s tru c tio n of everything th a t was c o rru p t and oppressive, a re tu rn to s im p lic ity , equal d is tr ib u tio n of p ro p erty and in d iv id u a l freedom. A llied w ith syndicalism , the an a r c h is ts organized th e Confederacion N acional d e l Trabaio (C.N .T.) in 1910, d edicated to th e v io le n t overthrow o f the e x is tin g p o l iti c a l and s o c ia l o rd e r. Such was th e p ro le t a r i a t 's answer to th e s o c ia l problem. Brenan p o in ts out th e s im ila r itie s between th e A narchist system o f v illa g e a d m in istra tio n , as i t a c tu a lly operated during th e C iv il War of 1936, and the m edieval v illa g e communes. Both were s t r i c t l y dem ocratic and o p er ated on th e p rin c ip le s of popular e le c tio n and re p re s e n ta tiv e government. Thus, th e A narchists were u n w ittin g ly re s to rin g th e groundwork o f m edieval s o c ie ty , which was th e b a sis o f S p ain 's form er g re a tn e ss. The A narchist creed happened to express the dem ocratic in s tin c ts of th e people and th is accounted fo r i t s success. The urge to d estro y sp rin g s from the in s tin c tiv e b e lie f th a t as soon as tyranny has been removed, so c ie ty w ill a u to m atically organize i t s e l f in fre e communes.^ ■^Brenan, The Spanish L abyrinth, p. 202. The response of the upper c la s s e s to the problem was f i r s t to m ain tain peace and o rder a g a in st th e v io len ce of th e mob and th en to jo in w ith the Church in h e r fig h t a g a in s t se c u la r so c ia lism and a th e is ti c anarchism . I t is tru e th a t the Church trie d to implement th e s o c ia l en c y c lic a ls of Pope Leo X III, b u t, because o f the m agnitude of th e problem, th i s was not enough. In order to stem th e r is in g tid e o f s o c ia l d isc o n te n t th a t was te a rin g the n a tio n asunder, a sweeping program of governm ental le g is la tio n and reform would have been n ecessary . Then, too, lack o f u n ity in th e Church hampered i t s e f f o r ts to deal w ith th e s itu a tio n . The low er clerg y , who were c lo s e to the people, were n o t a t one w ith the h ie ra rc h y in the l a t t e r ’s o p p o sitio n to the a c tio n of re fo rm is t groups. Poorly educated, w ith o u t money and w ith o u t the backing o f th e ir su p e rio rs, they could do l i t t l e b u t atten d to th e ir p a rish d u tie s and promote pious works and d ev o tio n s. C ath o lic laymen who responded to the teach in g s o f Leo X III were a m in o rity and were suspected by t h e i r fello w Catho lic s o f being re v o lu tio n a rie s . They t r i e d to f o s te r C ath o lic tra d e u n io n s, sy n d icates and c o o p e ra tiv e s. These g e n e ra lly met w ith f a ilu r e fo r obvious reasons: la c k of 44 w holehearted support by the h ie ra rc h y , la c k o f funds, and, o fte n , the f a c t th a t they were ’’company u n io n s." Sanchez blames the Church’s f a il u r e to o rganize th e p r o le ta r ia t on the economic e f f e c ts o f th e d esam o rtizacio n . The church had to co u rt th e w ealthy to re g a in i t s economic power, and i t had to support them to see peace and order m aintained. This meant i t had to approve, t a c i t l y o r o th erw ise, th e oppressio n of th e lower c la s s e s . And, to th e lower c la s s e s , what sealed the argument a g a in s t the church and i t s stand on th e s o c ia l q u estio n was th a t church so eag erly sought. Such were th e p o l i t i c a l , re lig io u s and s o c ia l prob lems which b e s e t Spain in th e n in e te e n th century and which in e v ita b ly le d to two Spains and to c i v i l war in 1936. The body p o li tic o f the n a tio n was s p l i t beyond hope o f com prom ise and th e Church i t s e l f e x h ib ite d a deep id e o lo g ic a l d iv is io n . C arlism was s t i l l v ery much a liv e and more determ ined th an ever to prevent lib e ra lis m from tak in g over in Spain. I t s adherents formed the T r a d itio n a lis t p a rty and anathem atized a l l lib e r a l and m oderate C ath o lics who d id not agree w ith them. They continued to f o s te r th e id e a th a t C atholicism was c o n s u b s ta n tia l w ith monarchy, th a t both were eq u ally sa c re d , and th a t no o th e r form o f same economic power tn a t tn e \3 q O Sanchez, Reform and R ea ctio n , p . 48. government o r r e lig io n could be to le r a te d . This breach among C ath o lics was never h ealed . By 1930 i t was beyond r e p a ir , and th e Church was unable to stan d u n ite d a g a in st a n tic le r ic a lis m and a n tir e lig io n . CH APTER I I TH E LIFE A N D IDEAS OF PEREDA The in te n t of th is c h a p te r i s n o t to give a com plete biography of Pereda, b u t to d iscu ss h is l i f e in th e lig h t o f h is p o l i ti c a l , re lig io u s and s o c ia l ideas and to show the in flu en ce of h is environm ent on th e ir form ation. For a com plete l i f e of Pereda, the re a d e r is re fe rre d to th e work o f R icardo G ullon, Vida de Pereda (Madrid: 1944). Pereda was a thorough-going co n se rv ativ e. Almost every circum stance of h is l i f e and c a re e r s p e ll conserva tism - -even h is p h y sical appearance and manners. His h id alg o lin e a g e , h is C a s tilia n d ig n ity and a r is to c r a tic u rb a n ity give him th e appearance o f a tru e re p re s e n ta tiv e o f tr a d itio n a l, u p p e r-c la ss Spain. The f i r s t years o f h is l i f e and n e a rly a l l h is a d u lt l i f e were spent am idst th e p la c id , r u s tic surroundings o f Polanco, h is n a tiv e v illa g e , where the n o ise and fury o f a tem pestuous n a tio n a l l i f e were but d is ta n t rumors. 46 47 He was favored w ith w ealth enough so th a t he never had to stru g g le fo r a liv e lih o o d . Follow ing th e p recep ts and example of both h is p a re n ts, he was a devout C ath o lic. The p o l i tic a l opinions he held as an a d u lt were s t r i c t l y C a r lis t, although they were determ ined more by re lig io u s c o n sid e ra tio n s than by p o li tic a l ideology. Both h is p aren ts were o f hidalgo d escen t. His fa th e r, Don Juan F rancisco Pereda y Fernandez de Haro, . . . fue varon ejem plar e irre p re n s ib le en la conducta, tenazmente apegado, aunque de modo p lato n ico y no a c tiv o , a la s ideas tr a d ic io n a lis ta s , como cuadraba a sus antecedentes fa m ilia re s y a su condicion de hidalgo re tra fd o en aldea to talm en te a le ja d a entonces de toda c o rrie n te de novedad.^- There can be no doubt th a t Pereda in h e rite d h is f a th e r ’s t r a d i t i o n a l i s t id eas, but i t was h is m other, Dona Barbara Sanchez de Porrua, who r e a lly formed him. She i n s t i l l e d in him the deep-rooted re lig io u s f a ith which never l e f t him and which was th e b a s is o f h is t r a d i ti o n a l ism. She was a woman of c h a ra c te r and of o utstanding v ir tu e . She ru led h er household firm ly and w ith order and took personal charge o f the education of h er c h ild re n . "Kjose Marfa de Cossfo, Obras com pletas de Pereda. Estudio P relim inar (Madrid: A guilar, 1959), I, 12. 48 "Junto a una so lid a e inconmovible fe c r is tia n a le ts ] tra n sm itio poco a poco sus gustos y p re fe re n c ia s por la s costuxribres puras, los h a b ito s de v irtu d y b ien obrar, la s * , 2 le c tu ra s s e le c ta s ." This rem arkable woman m arried a t th e age of fo u rteen and gave b ir th to no le s s than twenty-two c h ild re n , o f whom Jose M aria was th e l a s t . She had a good education, was w ell read in th e S iglo de Pro c la s s ic s and p a r tic u la r ly in th e m ystics, Fray Luis de Leon and Santa T eresa. She was a flu e n t c o n v e rs a tio n a lis t and a good correspondent. F ervent in the p ra c tic e o f h er re lig io n , b u t w ithout reaching extremes o f fa n a tic ism , she attended th e annual s p i r i t u a l e x e rc ise s a t th e Dominican convent in Las Caldas accompanied by h er husband and o ld e r c h ild re n . Formed by such p aren ts as th e se , and re ared in an atmosphere o f s e c u rity , o rder and w ell-b e in g , Jose Marfa developed a stro n g c h a ra c te r and an im perturbable re lig io u s co n v ictio n . The fam ily enjoyed freedom from want, due la rg e ly to th e energy and in d u stry of the e ld e s t son, 9 Ricardo Gullon, Vida de Pereda (Madrid: E ditora N acional, 1944), p. 11. o Jose Montero, Pereda (Madrid: Sucesores de Her nando, 1919), p. 22. 49 A gapito, who had m igrated to Cuba and re tu rn ed , having made a fo rtu n e . Agapito was lik e a second fa th e r to Jose M aria and, n ex t to h is mother, probably had most to do w ith h is form ation, e sp e c ia lly a f t e r the d eath of th e ir fa th e r. The c h ild re n o f Doha B arbara had been taught to face l i f e w ith tr a n q u ility and p atien ce and n o t to give way to anguish in tim es of trag ed y . They su stain ed each o th e r in th e ir sorrow s. L ife in th e Pereda household m aintained a sw eet, monotonous tempo. Los d ia s eran cuentas de un larg o ro s a rio , en que la s f ie s ta s im plicaban lig e ro cambio; acatada con rig o r la Ley d el descanso, e llo , unido a que se v e stfa n lo s t r a je s de lo s domineos. c o n s titu ia la u n ica d ife re n c ia r e a l. Y tambien e l quehacer de la s jornadas fe s tiv a s era, dentro de e s ta s , id e n tic o . As Pereda was extrem ely s e n s itiv e and nervous by tem pera ment, i t was p ro v id e n tia l th a t he was bom and reared in such a home, fo r th is circum stance gave him th e stre n g th he needed to overcome h is weakness. Upon the in s is te n c e of Juan Agapito, th e fam ily moved from Polanco to Santander in o rd er b e st to atten d to the form al education o f the c h ild re n . Jose Marfa was te n years old a t th e tim e he was e n ro lle d in th e school 4 / Gullon, Vida de Pereda. p. 12. 50 o f M aster R o ji. L a te r he com pleted h is secondary stu d ie s a t the I n s titu to C antabro. This was a happy tim e fo r th e young sc h o la r. He was h e a lth y and ro b u st, he was ’'a l l boy" and took p a rt in th e s t r e e t games and gang fig h ts on th e Santander w ater fr o n t. He grew so f a s t th a t a t th e age o f fo u rte en he had th e appearance o f a n in e te e n -y e a r-o ld . This perio d of h is l i f e is re c a lle d in th re e o f the sketches th a t make up the c o lle c tio n Esbozos v rasgunos ("R em iniscencias," "Mas re m in iscen c ia s" and "El prim er som brero"), published in 1881. Pereda enjoyed a childhood w ithout poverty o r any undue s tr e s s or s u ffe rin g . He was n o t an o u tstan d in g sc h o la r, b u t he learn ed h is L atin w e ll under th e s te m tu te la g e o f Don Bemabe S ainz, whose pedagogical method follow ed th e tr a d i t io n a l philosophy: " la l e t r a con sangre e n tra ." ^ He l e f t th e I n s titu to s a tu ra te d w ith L atin and philosophy b u t w ith no in d ic a tio n o f a l i t e r a r y v o catio n . His s e n s ib ility fo r the w orld of a r t had y e t to be 5 * "Mas re m in isc e n c ia s," Obras com pletas de Pereda (Madrid: A g u ilar, 1959), I, 1224-1233. (In fu tu re c i t a tio n s th is e d itio n w ill be re fe rre d to as Pereda, Obras.) 51 awakened. He was only vaguely aware th a t th e re were asp ects o f r e a l i t y th a t had n o t been opened to him. One Sunday aftern o o n , h is su sp icio n th a t th e re must be a l i f e i o th er than th e p ro sa ic , drab and even b r u ta l l i f e he had seen around him, was confirm ed. . . . o tro o lo r de aq u ello s tiempos me im presiono mas to d av ia . . . e l o lo r d e l te a tro l a prim era vez que me d io en la s n a ric e s , un domingo por la ta rd e . Fui so lo , y cuando e n tre , comenzaba a b a ja r l a arana por e l agujero de la techumbre, encendidos sus mecheros de a c e ite ; y segun ib a bajando, ib a yo, a su lu z, o rie n - tandome en aq u el, poco an tes y aun mucho despues, m is te rio conmovedor. Vi e l te lo n de boca, con las nueve Musas y Apolo pintados en e l . De pronto c re fa que a q u e lla s fig u ra s eran toda la funcion, y c a s i me daba por s a tis fe c h o ; o que s i algun perso n aje mas se n e c e sita b a , ap a re c la e n tre e l te lo n y la s c a n d ile ja s , y entonces me sent£a h a s ta reconocido, y aun h a lla b a muy holgado e l te rre n o en que, a mi entender, habxan de moverse. Despues sono la rausica: la polca p rim itiv a y e l himno de Vargas. iQue so rp re sa , Dios m£o! jPor ultim o, se alzo e l te lo n : que m a ra v illa s en e l esce- n a rio ! . . . y empezo la re p re se n ta c io n de El hombre de la Selva N eera. Con d e c ir que me f a lto poco para i r a l despacho de b i l l e t e s a p reg u n tar s i se hab£an eq u i- vocado a l llevarm e tan poco d in ero por ta n ta fe lic id a d , digo lo que sen tx en tan supremos in s ta n te s , y cuan por lo s e rio tome lo que en e l escen ario sucedxa.^ Thus he discovered th e world o f the s p i r i t , where beauty e x iste d , where passions played and where one could a c t and speak in a way q u ite d if f e r e n t from th a t of ''R em in iscen cia s,” Esbozos v rasgufios. Pereda, Obras. I, 1222-1223. 52 everyday e x iste n c e . A door had been opened fo r him which would n o t be clo sed again. In 1852 he was sen t to Madrid to study m athem atics, h is l i te r a r y v o catio n s t i l l undiscovered. I t had been decided fo r him th a t he would prepare to e n te r the Academy of Segovia and become an a r t i l l e r y o f f ic e r . During h is years in Madrid he made a s in c e re e f f o r t to co n cen trate on h is s tu d ie s, but i t was of no use. M athematics was too dry and too d u ll fo r h is s e n s itiv e soul. He decided ag a in st a m ilita ry c a re e r and re tu rn ed to h is beloved Santander. In Madrid he had w itnessed mob v io len ce on the occa~ sion o f th e lib e r a l re v o lt o f 1854. He had seen churches burned and heard th e im passioned o ra to ry of l ib e r a l a g i t a to r s . Given h is p re d is p o s itio n to conservatism , the e f f e c t of th e se experiences was to make him more conserva tiv e and t r a d i t i o n a l i s t than ev er. Back in h is own p ro v in c ia l home again, he found h is place and everything he needed both p h y sic a lly and s p i r i tu a lly . During the rem ainder o f h is l i f e he was to make b u t two t r i p s abroad; one to France and one to P o rtu g al. In Santander he began a jo u r n a lis tic c a re e r as a c o lla b o ra to r on La Abeia M ontanesa. During 1861-66 he produced fiv e p lay s. He was n o t s a tis f ie d w ith them nor w ith th e p o lite applause they re c e iv e d . They were pub lish e d in a p riv a te e d itio n o f only tw en ty -fiv e copies intended fo r h is frie n d s and co lleag u e s, under th e t i t l e o f Ensavos d ra m a tic o s,^ b u t they have n o t been included in subsequent e d itio n s o f th e a u th o rfs com plete works. One of th ese th e a tr ic a l works, a z a rz u e la e n title d Terrones v peream inos. is considered by Cossio to be th e most s i g n i f i c a n t. I t d ea ls w ith popular customs o f th e Santander reg io n and foreshadows PeredaT s l a t e r cuadros de costum- O b re s. His ta le n t lay more in th e d ire c tio n o f c h a ra c te r p o rtra y a l and in th e d e s c rip tio n o f customs and p laces than in th a t o f dram atic a r t . Furtherm ore, Pereda was a r e a l i s t . And, as he, him self, w rote in 1892 (La semana comica o f B arcelona), reg ard in g th e use o f v e rse in drama, "es una impropiedad enorme, s i e l te a tro ha de s e r, como debe, r e f le jo exacto y f i e l de la re a lid a d de l a v id a 9 humana." I t is tru e th a t th is statem ent was made when n a tu ra lism was in f u l l vogue, but we have th e assurance ^Jose M aria de C ossio, La obra l i t e r a r i a de Pereda (Santander: Imp. J . M artinez, 1934), pp. 45-46. 8 I b id . . p. 45. ^I b id . . p. 55. 54 o f C osslo, who has read P e re d a 's dramas, th a t th e above q u o ta tio n re p re s e n ts th e a u th o r 's view point a t the tim e they were w ritte n (1861-1866). Pereda was i r r e s i s t i b l y a ttr a c te d to jo u rn a lism as a means o f propagating h is c o n se rv a tiv e ideas and o f mold ing p u b lic opinion ac co rd in g ly . By th e tim e he began w ritin g in La Abeia M ontanesa, freedom o f th e p ress was an e s ta b lis h e d r ig h t in Spain. In 1858 he became one o f the co-founders o f El Tio C ayetano, a h u m o ristic , s a t i r i c a l review . Pereda was in charge o f th e a tr ic a l review s and a lso c o n trib u te d many m iscellaneous a r t i c l e s , some of which were in co rp o rated in to h is l a t e r published w orks. P u b lic a tio n was suspended a f te r tw elve is s u e s and was resumed again in 1868. The occasion o f i t s reappearance was th e September re v o lu tio n which swept th e Bourbon dynasty from th e th ro n e. What had been mere en terta in m e n t b efo re now became deadly p o l i t i c a l and r e lig io u s s a t i r e d ire c te d a g a in st lib e ra lis m and defending r e lig io n and t r a d i t i o n a l ism. In h is a r t i c l e s Pereda was moved, as alw ays, more o fte n by re lig io u s m otives than by p o l i t i c s . He defended conservatism because conservatism re p re se n te d tr a d itio n a l C atholicism . In "Por lo que v alg a" he a tta c k s R enan's 55 Vie de Jesu s on th e grounds th a t such a book, c irc u la te d in a C atholic country and read by th e g en eral p u b lic , could cause g re a t harm to th e f a it h o f the people and to the re lig io u s u n ity o f th e n a tio n . Freedom o f w orship, p e r m ittin g th e p ra c tic e o f non-C atholic re lig io n s in Spain, comes under h is f i r e in an a r t i c l e e n title d "Para l a h is - t o r i a ." "Dos redenciones" thunders a g a in st th e re v o lu tio n a rie s o f 1868, who, according to Pereda, are d estro y in g Spain, "abriendo nuevas c a te d ra s a la pred icacio n de todas la s blasfem ias y empenandose mas y mas en arra n c a r de lo s corazones c a to lic o s l a f e . " ^ In "La f r u ta de septiem bre" h e p ro te s ts the d e s c a to liz a c io n of Spain by the n a tio n a l P arliam ent. In h is p o l i t i c a l a r ti c l e s he chides th e lib e r a ls fo r th e ir la c k of u n ity and fo r th e ir f a ilu r e to p u t fo rth a d e f in ite plan as to how Spain should be governed. He t r i e s to re fu te th e ir proposals fo r n a tio n a l e le c tio n s by c itin g th e ir own c o n tra d ic to ry statem ents to th e e f fe c t th a t th e masses a re not s u f f ic ie n tly en lig h ten ed to decide th e ir own f a te . ^No e sta , senores dem ocratas m onarquicos, b a sta n te ilu s tra d o el pueblo espanol para e le g ir con a c ie rto "^Pereda, Obras, I, 135. y por s£ so lo e n tre e l b ien y e l mal? Luego n e c e s lta una tu te la ; luego no es l i b r e ; luego no lo seran la s C ortes C o n stitu y en tes, porque no seran e le g id a s por la volu n tad U b errim a d e l pueblo, sin o por un rebano de mansos conducidos por una le g io n de p a s to re s ; luego e l su fra g io u n iv e rs a l no e x is te de h e c h o .^ And y e t, in an o th er a r t i c l e , M E1 fu tu ro C ongreso," Pereda seems to favor dem ocratic e le c tio n s . A fte r c r i t i c i z i n g th e v a rio u s p a r tie s o f th e li b e r a l camp fo r t h e i r ex cessiv e p a rtis a n s h ip he ad d resses h im self to a l l S paniards who belong to no p o l i t i c a l p a rty b u t who long to see good government in Spain. ^Q uereis Hacienda, d e te s ta is l a p o lf tic a , os oprimen y esquilm an lo s p a rtid o s ? Pues ahora es la o casion, o nunca l a te n d re is , de que se cumplan v u e stro s an h elo s. Venced esa a p a tia que os enerva en lo s momentos mas c r f tic o s para la p a tr ia , acudid a la s u m as cuando sea lle g a d a l a h o ra, y votad segun v u e s tra s p ro p ias in - c lin a c io n e s ; nada de banderas p o litic a s ; nada de ch a r- la ta n e s . V osotros mismos os so b ra is p ara e le c to re s y p ara e le g id o s. Ninguno como v o so tro s, in d u s tr ia le s , com erciantes, p ro p ie ta rio s y h a s ta b racero s que ganais e l pan con v i g i l i a s y sudores, puede sab er lo que a l pa£s conviene. E legid e n tre v o so tro s e l hombre mas probo, e l mas d is c re to , e l mas honrado, y no os apene e l que carezca de lo s h a b ito s ap arato so s d e l tip o p a rla m e n ta rio . Con re c to corazon y sano ju ic io se hacen la s buenas le y e s, no con b e llo s d isc u rso s y m alas in ten c io n e s. ^ " P r e lim in a r e s ," Pereda, O bras, I, 103. 12 Pereda, Obras. p. 110. There i s , in th is q u o ta tio n , som ething o f the s p i r i t of m edieval Spanish democracy, as in te rp re te d by th e n in e te e n th cen tu ry C a r lis ts . I t is tru e th a t C arlism meant id e o lo g ic a l agreem ent and u n ity o f thought and b e lie f , b u t, a ls o , given such u n ity and agreem ent, th e re could be a re tu rn to re g io n a l and p erso n al independence and to th e s p e c ia l brand o f rugged in d iv id u a lism th a t c h a ra c te riz e d 13 e a rly Spanish communal o rg a n iz a tio n . P ereda’s appeal is ap p a ren tly d ire c te d to h is countrymen in th e s p i r i t o f tr a d i t io n a l Spanish democracy. S everal a r t i c l e s in El Tio Cavetano in tro d u ce th e c h a ra c te r P a tric io R ig ilelta, who appears l a t e r in P ere d a's p o l i t i c a l novel, Don Gonzalo Gonzalez de la G onzalera. R ig iielta is a p s e u d o -lib e ra l, p ro v in c ia l p o litic ia n who in c a rn a te s P e re d a 's bad opinion o f th is ty p e. R ig iielta, under P ere d a's tu te la g e , speaks f o r h im self, re v e a lin g th e a u th o r's main o b je c tio n s to lib e r a lis m - - th e growing in flu e n c e o f th e ig n o ran t masses in th e a f f a i r s o f th e n a tio n , th e th r e a t to law, tr a d itio n , c u ltu re and r e lig io n which he feared such an in flu e n c e would b rin g : 13 Gerald Brenan, The Spanish L abyrinth (Cambridge: U n iv e r s ity P ress, 1 9 6 0 ), p. 205. Si por v o so tro s Xlego a e n tra r en e l Congreso de la s C ortes, por darvos gusto se re capaz de v o ta r por e l mismo P a te ta s i le q u e re is. Por supuesto, na de q u in ta s, na de cu ras, na de Papa, na de Rey, na de ensenanza, na de m o rtalizac io n , na de h ip o te c a s, na de com ercio, na de tra b a jo , na de g a rro te v i l y na de contrebucion. jAbajo con e lla ! iViva la lib e r ta d l El que sea mas l i s t o que mas apande y buen probecho le haga, que as£ nos h izo D ios, y por eso lo s dedos de la mano no son i g u a l e s .^ Moved by a sense of duty Pereda consented to become a deputy to th e C ortes during th e re ig n o f Amadeo, re p re sen tin g th e d i s t r i c t of Cabuerniga. Again he was ac tin g from re lig io u s m otives, fo r he b eliev ed th a t h is C a rlis t fa c tio n rep resen ted th e C atholic r e lig io n in i t s p u r is t form. A fter a sh o rt term he re tu rn ed home again, more d is illu s io n e d than ever w ith p o li tic s , and reso lv ed to remain a lo o f from p u b lic l i f e . La v id a p arlam en taria, aquel m undillo de pasiones, de am istades fin g id a s y de odios disim ulados, no e ra n i podia s e r e l suyo; e l sistem a de personalism os, e l regimen de rum ores, la s d isc o rd ia s e n tre lo s compa- neros de m inoria . . . le quitaban gusto y humor por la p o lf tic a . - * - 5 In 1864 Pereda made a t r i p to P a ris, the only t r i p abroad he was to make in h is l i f e , w ith th e exception of ■^"C orrespondencia,M Pereda, Obras, I, 122. ■^Gullon, Vida de Pereda. p. 89. 59 one s h o rt v i s i t to P o rtu g al. His opinions of th e c a p ita l of France are ex actly what one might ex p ect from a proud, C ath o lic, Spanish h id a lg o . P a ris is a . . . to rb e llin o de v ile s p asio n es, de v ic io s y m iserias de todas especies . . . un enjambre de p e tite s dames que, en v u eltas en sedas y plum ajes, subastan sus encantos en c a lle s y c a fe s; la s que pueblan lo s b a ile s publicos y e n tre los s a lv a je s movimientos d e l cancan mas parecen b e s tia s de la s c iv ia que s e re s de la misma e sp e c ie que la s m ujeres honradas. ° I t is a c ity o f a thousand d a ily o rg ies, where money is lav ish ed sham elessly on in o rd in a te and i l l i c i t p le a su re s; a c ity where sharps and sw indlers o p erate in broad d a y lig h t and where one can g et anything one wants provided one is w illin g to pay fo r i t . Pereda has s lig h t p ra ise , indeed, fo r P a ris, but he c a re fu lly p o in ts out t h a t the French provinces a re much more wholesome and t h a t one must not * ■ - a judge a l l of France by i t s m etro p o lis. S t i l l , P ereda’s a ttitu d e toward th is fo re ig n co u n try c o n tra s ts sh a rp ly w ith G aldos’ more lib e r a l and sym pathetic a t t i tu d e toward the many European c o u n trie s he v is ite d during h is life tim e , as we s h a ll see la te r . Although r e tir e d from a c tiv e p o l i ti c a l l i f e , Pereda 16 / "C orrespondencia p u b lic a ,M Pereda, Obras. I , 91. 60 continued to serve th e C a r lis t cause w ith h is pen, urged on by h is frie n d and com patriot, Menendez Pelayo, and by h is own strong c o n v ic tio n s. B esides, i t was alm ost im possible fo r a s e n s itiv e and educated Spaniard o f the polem ical n in e te e n th century n o t to be involved in the in te rn a l stru g g le o f h is country. Add to th is P ereda's stro n g m oralizing tendency which, according to Cossio, was alm ost in s tin c tiv e in him, "Pereda . . . aun en la s ocasiones apa- rentem ente mas friv o la s tie n e una en tra n a m oral, una in - tencion docente en e l cen tro mismo de su v ita lid a d , en e l 17 propio germen novelesco de sus fic c io n e s ." Pereda m arried, in 1869, Diodora de la R e v illa , daughter o f a prom inent fam ily o f Santander, "que le in sp iro suave e in a lte r a b le amor. No rom antica y desm ele- nada pasion, sino a fe c to lle n o de serenidad y de co nfianza ✓ 18 m utua." His home l i f e was ap p aren tly happy, p ea cefu l and s ta b le . This success was due, perhaps, to h is fam ily tra in in g as a c h ild . Pereda l e f t th e Montana o c c a sio n a lly . In 1884 he 1 7 C ossio, La obra l i t e r a r i a de Pereda. p. 83. ^ G u llo n , Vida de Pereda. p. 83. was in Madrid on b u sin e ss. He went to V alencia and Barcelona where he was receiv ed e n th u s ia s tic a lly by th e C atalonian w rite rs because o f h is sympathy w ith th e ir reg io n alism and t h e i r a s p ira tio n s toward lo c a l autonomy. The follow ing year he was in Madrid again to p a r tic ip a te in a n a tio n a l homage to Mesonero Romanos. He spoke in b e h a lf o f th e re g io n a l n o v e lis ts and co stu m b ristas of Spain. S h o rtly afterw ard s he tra v e lle d to P ortugal accom panied by h is frie n d Galdos. They passed through G a lic ia * 19 and Leon, where they v is ite d Leopoldo A las. In 1885 El A tla n tic o . an organ of C antabrian re g io n alism , was founded in Santander. Pereda, o f course, was a c o lla b o ra to r. During th e follow ing years r e g io n a lis t a c tiv ity increased and in 1891 Pereda was persuaded to v en tu re in to p o litic s again as a s e n a to ria l can d id ate, backed by th e r e g io n a lis t Real Sociedad Economica C anta- 20 b ric a . Pereda’ s reg io n alism was n o t opposed to n a tio n a l u n ity . On th e c o n tra ry , i t was supposed to stren g th en n a tio n a l fe e lin g : Montero, Pereda. pp. 64-65. 20I b id .. pp. 66-68. El grande amor a la p a tr ia coraun . . . tie n e todas sus ra ic e s y sus elem entos n u tr itiv o s en e l entusiasm o por la p a tr ia ch ica; que no puede s e r ciudadano de ningun Estado quien no re p u te a su te rru n o n a ta l, por pobre y mxsero que sea, por e l m ejor pedazo d e l mundo conocido. 1 What he r e a lly feared were fo re ig n in flu e n c e s, such as V o ltairian ism , French n a tu ra lism , Krausism, P ro testan tism , e t c ., which he b eliev ed were making inroads on the t r a d i tio n a l C atholic h e rita g e of h is people. Since th ese c u r re n ts reached th e provinces by way o f M adrid, reg io n alism was supported by t r a d i t i o n a l i s ts as th e b e s t defense a g a in st them. Pereda was d efeated , however, and th is was h is l a s t v en tu re in to pub lic l i f e . He now r e tir e d to Polanco and, except fo r o ccasio n al b u sin ess t r ip s to Madrid, the rem ainder o f h is l i f e was spent in th e Montana. He had no w orldly am bition o th er than to continue w ritin g . He p re fe rre d the q u ie t l i f e a t Polanco, h is books and th e co n v ersatio n o f a few se le c te d frie n d s . He abhorred Madrid and was d is illu s io n e d w ith p u b lic l i f e . P alacio V aldes, who knew th e w rite r p e rso n a lly , ^Q uoted by Gullon, Vida de Pereda. p. 222. (From a speech made in C a ta lo n ia .) 63 makes th e follow ing o b serv atio n s reg ard in g Pereda*s con- serv a tiv ism in h is l i t e r a r y a r t : th a t he never s a c rific e d e sta b lish e d and proven l i t e r a r y forms fo r th e sake of mere o r ig in a lity ; th a t he w rote in th e c la s s ic s ty le , knew what he was about and was co n fid en t o f h is a b i li ty ; th a t he did not f e e l the in s e c u rity th a t im pels many w rite rs to seek the stra n g e and th e b iz a rre in th e ir attem pts to be 22 d if f e r e n t. A read in g o f Pereda*s works w ill b ea r th is o u t. Galdos, however, pays tr ib u te to h is frie n d as the f i r s t n o v e lis t of th e cen tu ry to in tro d u ce popular speech 23 in to l i t e r a t u r e in an a r t i s t i c way. The re a d e r i s r e fe rre d to Pereda*s sketch "E l concejo de mi lu g a r ," which w ill adequately i l l u s t r a t e th e tr u th of G aldos’ ju d g m e n t.^ Pereda never doubted or wavered in h is b e lie f s . He remained serene in h is s p i r i t u a l tower high above th e id e o lo g ic a l ferm ent below. Secure in h is C ath o lic f a ith 22 € D iscursos lefd o s a n te la R eal Academia Espanola en la recepcion p u b lica d e l Excmo. S r. D. Armando P alacio Valdes e l d ia 12 de diciem bre de 1920 (Madrid: 1920), p. 27. no Luis Anton d e l Olmet and A rturo G arcia C a rra ffa , Galdos (Los grandes espanoles) (Madrid: Im prenta de "A lre- dedor d e l Mundo,” 1912), p. 184. ^ P er ed a , Obras. I, 54-5 7 . 64 and h is tra d itio n a lis m , he was c e r ta in th a t th e so lu tio n s to a l l the n a tio n 's problems lay in h er g re a t p a st. Renovation must come from w ith in and must be autochthonous. Away w ith fo re ig n id e a s; th e Spanish people in the p u rity of t h e i r own being know how to solve th e ir problems in the Spanish way. There must, then, be a re tu rn to the Spanish way of th in k in g and fe e lin g . The v i r i l i t y of th e old C a s tilia n h id alg o s must be red isco v ered . The French manners and id e a s, im ported during th e la s t two c e n tu rie s , must be done away w ith. ^Que buscar soluciones fu e ra d e l re c in to p en in su lar? ^Donde mas f a c i l d e s c u b rirla s que dentro de s£? m ejor c r i s t a l que la p ro p ia alma para v e rse intim a- mente? Espana e s ta en s£ misma. Sola, u n ica, t o t a l . En e l l a l a fu e rza, e l v a lo r, l a riqueza m oral que h a rto reclam e su corazon, p e rle sia d o de ta n to a le ja r s e de su propio la tid o . En e ll a , tambien, v e tu s ta s y g lo rio s a s , l a lanza y adarga d e l id e a l c e rv a n tin o . Enmohecidas de ansiedad, esperan a que l a m oderacion, la prudencia, e l e q u ilib rio , la s empunen. Y s a l i r , itiem po e s !, por lo s caminos de la p a tr ia para deshacer e l encantam iento en que la tie n e hechizada e l in d iv i- dualism o anarquico de sus h ijo s .^ -3 Such was Pereda1s way of th in k in g . ^ L a z a ro S eig el, Pereda: T radicion v re a lid a d de Espana (La P la ta : Ediciones M ensaje, 1953), p. 26. CH APTER I I I THE LIFE A N D IDEAS OF G A L D O S As in th e p a rt o f th i s d is s e r ta tio n devoted to Pereda, th e d isc u ssio n o f Galdos w il l be lim ite d to h is l i f e in terms o f h is id e o lo g ic a l developm ent. The most com plete work on the l i f e o f Galdos is a biography by H. Chonon Berkowitz, Perez G aldos: Spanish L ib era l Cru sader . The re ad er is a ls o re fe rre d to th e follow ing: Clemente Cimorra, Galdos. Cesar E. Arroyo, G aldos. Joaquin C asalduero, Vida v obra de Galdos. Luis Anton d el Olmet and A rturo G arcia C a rra ffa , Galdos (Los grandes esp an o les), Perez V id al, Galdos en C anarias. and R afael de Mesa, Don B enito Perez G aldos. A utobiographical m a te ria l on th e l i f e o f Galdos is ra th e r sc a rc e . His Memorias de un desmemoriado are sketchy and c o n ta in nothing on h is childhood and youth, "que carece de in te re s o se d ife re n c ia poco de o tra s de c h iq u illo s 65 66 o de b a c h ille re s a p lic a d ito s." * ' He was bo ra in Las Palmas, Canary Isla n d s, in 1843, te n y ears a f te r Pereda. Like Pereda, he was th e youngest of a la rg e fam ily. His fa th e r, Don S eb astian P erez, was a lie u te n a n t c o lo n e l, who had fought in the War of Independence. Don S ebastian was the son of a w e ll-to -d o farm er and owned land on th e southern 2 ^ p a rt o f th e is la n d of Gran C anaria. Don S ebastian played a minor r o le in th e fam ily, which was dominated by h is w ife, Dona M aria Dolores Galdos, daughter o f a se c re ta ry o f the In q u is itio n . Dona Maria Dolores was vigorous, in d e pendent, stro n g -w illed and dom ineering. She stro v e to bend everyone and everything to h er w i l l. In th e p ra c tic e of h er r e lig io n she was s t r i c t , le g a l is t ic and in to le ra n t. I t is obvious th a t G aldosf c re a tio n , Dona P e rfe c ts, i s the r e -c re a tio n of h is own m other, Dona D olores. Berkowitz has the most com plete d e s c rip tio n of Galdos* mother: Her dom ineering n a tu re , h e r stro n g w ill, h er sense of th e profound serio u sn ess o f l i f e , h e r im perious \to n o ria s de un desmemoriado. Obras com pletas (Madrid: A guilar, 1961), VI, 1655.^ (This e d itio n w ill h e r e in a fte r be re fe rre d to as Galdos, O bras.) ^Jose Perez V idal, Galdos en C anarias (1843-1862) (Madrid: El Museo Canario, Incorporado a l Consejo S uperior de In v estig acio n es C ie n tffic a s , 1952), p. 58. 67 demand fo r an ordered ex isten ce , h er i n f i n i te re sp e c t fo r the f itn e s s o f th in g s, and h er keen p ercep tio n o f a l l b asic moral v a lu e s - - tr a its which h e r son in h e rite d in generous m easure--these did n o t sp rin g from a p e r v e rte d conscience and a fa n a tic a l s p i r i t . They were ra th e r th e in e v ita b le im pressions o f grave experiences on a temperament th a t would n o t allow i t s e l f to be c a rrie d i r r e s i s t i b l y by th e c u rre n t o f l i f e ; a tem perament th a t stru g g led to re ta rd th e c u rre n t so th a t i t might contem plate d e lib e ra te ly a l l th e d e ta ils of th e landscape on both sid es o f th e stream . M aria de los Dolores Jo se fa Galdos de Perez forged h er c h a ra c te r and conscience out o f the weapons which she found e f fe c tiv e in h er f ig h t a g a in s t f r u s tr a tio n and d e sp a ir. I f h er son fa ile d to understand h er, i t was perhaps because he d id n o t know h er background in tim a te ly .^ B enito y ield ed to h er d is c ip lin e and became, in appearance, a subm issive, w ell-behaved boy. Yet h is shyness and tim id ity only cloaked an in te r io r ly a c tiv e p e rso n a lity liv in g in a world o f h is own. His sm all, p e n e tra tin g eyes observed everything and sto red away im p re ssio n s. To h is playm ates he was tim id and s ic k ly . They c u ltiv a te d h is frie n d sh ip because h is a p p re c ia tiv e n a tu re was f la tt e r in g to them and a lso because he could e a s ily be 4 taken advantage o f. B en ito ’s uncle, Don Domingo Perez, was a p r ie s t . 3 , Perez Galdos: Spanish L ib e ra l C rusader (Madison: The U n iv ersity o f W isconsin P ress, 1948), p. 19. 4 I b id . . pp. 21-39. 68 He had served as ch ap lain w ith a Canary u n it on th e main land during the s tru g g le a g a in st Napoleon’s tro o p s. B enito was c lo se to h is uncle and when he departed fo r Madrid to study, he c a rrie d w ith him the m anuscript o f Don Domingo's Memorias. from which he had obtained h is e a r l ie s t im pres sio n s of C astile."* C asalduero hazards th e statem ent th a t Galdos acquired h is re sp e c t and a ffe c tio n fo r p r ie s ts from Don Domingo.** Although Galdos became alm ost ra b id ly a n t i c l e r ic a l, e s p e c ia lly in h is l a t e r y e a rs, and the m ajo rity o f the p r ie s ts in h is novels a re p ain ted w ith somber c o lo rs, th e r e f le c tio n of Don Domingo Perez must c e rta in ly be p re se n t in Don C elestin o d e l M alvar of th e f i r s t s e rie s o f Episodios n a c io n a le s. and in Don Pedro H illo of th e th ird s e r ie s . The l a t t e r , e s p e c ia lly , is tre a te d q u ite sy m p ath etically by th e au th o r. Galdos spent h is e n tir e childhood and youth in th e Canary Islan d s and receiv ed h is prim ary and secondary schooling in h is n a tiv e town, Las Palmas. He f i r s t Clemente Cimorra, Galdos (Buenos A ires: Ed. Nova, 1947), pp. 11-12. * * Vida v obra de Galdos (Buenos A ire s: Ed. Losada, 1943), p. 9 . 69 atten d ed a prim ary school c a lle d Las Amieas where he began th e study of E nglish. During th is perio d he showed a p t i tudes fo r drawing, p a in tin g , a rc h ite c tu re and m usic. He acquired th e h a b it of in te n se o b serv atio n o f everything about him: n a tu re , b u ild in g s, s ty le s o f c lo th in g , fa ces, p e r s o n a litie s , c h a ra c te rs .^ He was a ta le n te d a r t i s t and sketched much o f what he observed. (Many of th e drawings in th e il lu s t r a te d e d itio n o f Episodios n acio n ales a re th e g work o f the au th o r h im s e lf.) As a boy, Benito was probably sp o iled by h is b ro th e rs and s i s t e r s , being th e youngest of th e fam ily. The atm osphere o f h is home was, a t th e same tim e, severe and abounding w ith a ffe c tio n . The boy was surrounded by women: m other, s is t e r s , aunts and se rv a n ts. One of h is fa v o rite pastim es was to cu t paper fig u re s and p ro file s and p a s te them to g e th e r, " e n tre d u lces, p apeles, goma y manos fem eninas, e l nino, tan m odosito, iba creciendo y creando su mundo; un mundo, p ro d ig io so , de fa n ta s ia y ^Cimorra, G aldos. pp. 8-13. Q j , Cesar E. Arroyo, Galdos (Madrid: Sociedad General Espanola de L ib re ria , 1930), p. 55. papel. Although q u ie t and d o c ile , B enito was by no means slow o r d u ll. He began h is secondary stu d ie s a t th e age o f th ir te e n in th e Colegio de San A gustin. He stu d ied fo reig n languages, fo re ig n and Spanish l ite r a t u r e , h is to ry , a r t and m u s ic .^ G ifted w ith a prodigious memory, he read v o ra cio u sly and w ithout o rd e r o r d ire c tio n , showing e a rly signs o f a l i t e r a r y v o ca tio n . A dults were amazed by h is i n te l li g e n t conversatio n and m arvelled a t h is knowledge o f l i te r a r y and p h ilo so p h ic a l s u b je c ts. In th e Colegio he was le s s in te re s te d in th e formal su b je c t m a tte r than in h is own reading and o b serv a tio n . R ather than study th e lesson assigned, he would s i t in a spraw ling p o s itio n and dream, observe, sp e c u la te o r sketch. He used the c la s s room, h is teach ers and fe llo w -stu d e n ts fo r th e development 11 o f h is l i t e r a r y ta le n ts . Perez V idal p o in ts to the prevalence o f lib e r a l in fluence in the schools of Las Palmas, e s p e c ia lly among some 9 ' * Perez V id al, Galdos en C anarias. p. 62. ■^Casalduero, Vida y obra de Galdos. p. 9. ■^Berkowitz, Perez G aldos, p. 28. 71 € 12 o f th e p ro fe sso rs o f th e C olegio de San A g u stin . The tone o f Galdos* y o u th fu l l i t e r a r y e f f o r ts in stu d e n t p e rio d ic a ls shows th a t he was a lre ad y sym pathetic to the l i b e r a l and a n t i c l e r i c a l c u rre n t o f th o u g h t. His pro se, p o etry and drama a re f i l l e d w ith c r itic is m d ire c te d a t th e conservatism o f th e Church. In th e follow ing e x c erp t he w rite s about th e d i f f i c u l t i e s put in th e way o f c le r ic s who tr y to d e v ia te from t r a d itio n a l concepts and to d e a l w ith modern problems in a modern way: Los p red icad o res no se en tra n en esas asp e reza s, so pena de una carga de sordas r e c h if la s y de c a u s tic a s murmuraciones que no le s d e ja r ia n punto de reposo. I n f e liz m il veces e l sac erd o te que se d e sv ia re un ta n tic o de l a u n iv e rs a l c o stu m b re .^ Galdos published a r t i c l e s in two Las Palmas p e r io d i c a ls , La A ntorcha y El Omnibus, and, by th e tim e he l e f t fo r Madrid h is name was a lre a d y known, even on th e m ainland among h is own countrymen. He went to th e c a p ita l in 1862 where he r e g is te r e d a t th e U n iv e rsity to study law. He began h is s tu d ie s w ith very l i t t l e enthusiasm , fo r he knew in h is own mind he would never p ra c tic e th e le g a l p ro fe s sio n . He was determ ined to be a w r ite r . B esides, he knew ■^Perez V idal, Galdos en C an arias, pp. 11-52, 76-77. 13Ib id . . pp. 119-125. 72 a lso th a t th e r e a l reason fo r h is being sen t to Madrid by h is mother was to c u t sh o rt h is amorous r e la tio n s w ith h is ille g itim a te cousin, S is ita , daughter o f an u n cle, Jo se M arfa Galdos, and one Adriana Tate o f C h arlesto n , South 14 / C arolina. I t is lik e ly th a t Galdos never forgave h is mother fo r t h i s . A study o f th e r e la tio n s between Dona Dolores and h er son w ill re v e a l a s ig n if ic a n t p a r a lle l between G aldos’ lib e ra lis m and a n tic le r ic a lis m and th e y re v o lt o f li b e r a l Spain a g a in st th e hold o f tra d itio n a lis m . F rancisco Ruiz Ramon, in a re c e n t work, Tres p e rso - 15 n a ie s g ald o sian o s. s tu d ie s th e n o v e l i s t's c re a tio n , Angel Guerra, from th e novel of th e same name, and h is mother Dona S ales. This woman is a second e d itio n o f h er p red e c e sso r, Dona P e rfe c ts, "con su amenazador empaque, tie s a de cuerpo d en tro de l a fe rre a raaquina d e l co rse, que daba a su busto la rig id e z e s ta tu a r ia , seca y a lta n e ra de lenguaje, in f le x ib le en su o rg u llo y en l a dignidad de su 16 nombre." Her world was th e old Spain, th e proud, hidalgo ^B erk o w itz, Perez G aldos. p. 58. ^ (M ad rid : R ev ista de O ccidente. 1964). 1 Ck Galdos, Obras. V, 1235, c it e d by Ruiz Ramon, Tres p erso n a ies g a ld o sia n o s. p. 19. 73 and C ath o lic Spain. She never m issed an o p p o rtu n ity to say so. Somos personas b ien n ac id a s, c r is tia n a s , d ecen tes, y tenemos p ara v i v ir s in haber q u itad o nada a nad ie, sin tram pas n i enredos, sin <jue la m aledicencia pueda poner tach a a l buen nombre mio n i a l de mi m arido. No queremos suponer, n i echam os facha; no usamos escudos n i garabatos en n u e stra s ta rje ta s ;" somos pueblo h id alg o y acomodado; pagamos relig io sam en te la s con- trib u c io n e s y obedecemos a quien manda; nos preciam os de c a to lic o s a p o sto lic o s y romanos, y vivimos en paz con Dios y con e l C esar. Angel G uerra, on h is way to h is mother on h er d e a th bed, im agines the co n v ersatio n he m ight have w ith h e r. He th in k s of what he would say to j u s t i f y h is lib e r a l ideas and to r a tio n a liz e h is liv in g in ille g itim a te union w ith h is lo v e r, Dulcenombre (th e two causes o f h is estrangem ent from Dona S a le s ). Angel knows by h e a rt th e arguments h is mother would use a g a in st him and he re a liz e s the f u t i l i t y o f try in g to persuade h e r to understand h is p o s itio n . This co n v ersatio n (which takes p lace only in h is im agination) sym bolizes th e lack o f communication between mother and son—and between th e two Spains, which th ey each re p re s e n t. Doha Sales had a compulsion to make h e r w ill p re v a il over ^ ^Galdos, Obras, V, 1235, c it e d by Ruiz Ramon, Tres p erso n a ies g a ld o sia n o s. p. 2 0 . \ 74 th a t of h er son. Because of th is th e re b e llio u s s p i r i t of Angel turned a g a in st th e world she re p resen ted . He became a re v o lu tio n a ry . "Soy re v o lu c io n a rio por e l odio que tome a l medio en que me c r ia s te y a la s in f in ita s tra b a s que I Q poner q u erias a mi pensam iento." Galdos experienced a s im ila r re v u lsio n a g a in st th e s t r i c t and sev erely re lig io u s environm ent created by h is own m other. He l e f t Las Palmas, i f not a re v o lu tio n a ry , a confirmed lib e r a l. Of the -p a ra lle l between Angel Guerra and h is c re a to r we can be reasonably c e r ta in . As most c r i t i c s ag ree, and as Sainz de Robles p o in ts out in h is prologue to the novel, "Angel Guerra es uno de los h ijo s p re d ile c to s de Galdos con e ste su Angel Guerra enseno un ppquito la o r e ia . . . . El credo p o litic o de Galdos es e l de su h ijo Angel. Sus temperamentos coinciden como dos p la n tilla s de un mismo • „19 p i e . Upon h is a r r iv a l in Madrid, Galdos breathed th e a i r o f freedom. I f he su ffe re d any n o s ta lg ia i t would be fo r ■^Galdos, Obras. V, 1251, c it e d by Ruiz Ramon, Tres p erso n a les g a ld o sia n o s. p. 27. ^ F e d e r i c o C arlos Sainz de Robles, Prologue to Angel G uerra. Galdos, Obras. V, 1198. S is ita , not f o r h is home l i f e , o r fo r h is m other. Madrid was "made to o rd er" fo r him. The c ity was growing and changing; tr a d itio n and the new c u rre n ts o f thought were m eeting head-on and fig h tin g t h e i r id e o lo g ic a l b a ttle s in th e open. L ife was te n se and e x c itin g . I t appealed to Galdos and to th e many o th ers from the provinces who were flo ck in g to th e c ity . Giner de los Rfos was among those 0 ft who a rriv e d th e same y ea r as Galdos. Kraus ism had a l ready begun to take shape during the y ears 1857-59. I t was not th e o rig in a l Krausism; i t came to Spain in lim ited sp h eres. I t re su lte d in a hodge-podge o f ideas, a l l ten d ing toward th e vague id e a of freedom of thought and of in v e s tig a tio n , and u n ited only in the common search fo r 21 tr u th . Many lib e r a ls took up Kravis ism as a philosophy of l i f e , some were merely in flu en ced by i t s id eas, some made up t h e ir own v e rsio n of i t . In M adrid, a kind of p riv a te club known as the Ateneo provided a refuge and m eeting ground fo r men who held these id e a s. I t was here th a t Galdos spent much tim e A A C asalduero, Vida v obra de Galdos. p. 14. ^C im o rra, Galdos. p. 30. 76 lis te n in g (he was n o t a good c o n v e rs a tio n a lis t) to C aste- l a r , G iner de lo s r£os and o th e rs . A v iv id d e s c rip tio n of th e Ateneo is found in Prim. . . . e ra . . . como un tem plo in te le c tu a l . . . te n ia un am biente de serie d ad p e n sa tiv a , p ro p ic io a l e stu d io , y sus techos desnudos daban sombra sem ejante a l a de los p o rtic o s de Academos. Iban a l i i personas de todas edades, jovenes y v ie jo s , de d ife r e n te s id e a s, dominando los lib e r a le s y dem ocratas, y los moderados que habian afin ad o con v ia ja ta s a l e x tra n je ro su c u l- tu ra ; iban, tam bien, neos. no de lo s enfurrunados e in to le r a n te s ; la s d isp u ta s eran siem pre c o r te s e s , y la fra te m id a d suavizaba e l vuelo ag resiv o de la s opiniones o p u estas. Sobre la s d iv erg e n cias de c r i - te r io flu c tu a b a , como e l e s p f r itu de una madre c a r i- nosa, la estim acion g e n e r a l . ^ 2 The U n iv e rsity l e f t l i t t l e im p rin t on G aldos. His y ears o f study in Madrid were more im portant to him, i n t e l le c tu a lly , because o f th e c o n ta c ts , a s s o c ia tio n s and o b serv a tio n s he made o u tsid e th e classroom s. B esides th e A teneo. he atten d ed th e t e r t u l i a in th e Cafe U n iv ersal, which was one of h is fa v o r ite o b serv a tio n p o sts. But, i t was th e Ateneo th a t developed h is s p i r i t o f to le ra n c e and re s p e c t fo r ideas and persons and h is love of f r e e d is c u s sio n o f p o l i t i c a l and r e lig io u s q u e stio n s. In Memorias de tin desmemoriado Galdos re co u n ts h is 22G aldos, Obras, I I I , 562-563. 77 im pressions of some o f the p o l i t i c a l d istu rb an ce s he w it nessed, such as th e s tr e e t fig h tin g on th e n ig h t o f S ain t D aniel, A p ril 10, 1865, and th e re v o lt of the serg e an ts of San G il barracks on June 22 o f the follow ing y ear, and he gives fu rth e r testim ony of h is sympathy fo r those who re b e l ag a in st tyranny and fo r those who s u f f e r . The f a ilu r e o f th e San G il re v o lt re su lte d in a death sentence fo r those involved. They were then led in p ro cessio n through the s tr e e ts to th e ir p lace of execution. Transido de d o lo r, lo s v i p asar en companfa de o tro s amigos. No tu v e v a lo r p a ra se g u ir l a funebre t r a x l l a h a sta e l lugar d e l s u p lic io , y c o r r i a mi ca sa, t r a - tando de buscar a liv io a mi pena en mis amados lib ro s y en lo s dramas im ag in ario s, que nos embelesan mas que los r e a le s. ^ As we can see, Galdos was not a man of a c tio n . He compensated fo r th is by p ro je c tin g h im self in to h is c h a ra c te r s . His Lazaro in La Fontana de Pro is the au th o r as he would have lik ed to see h im self, the li b e r a l man of a c tio n . Since to be Lazaro in r e a l l i f e , th a t i s , to be a con s p ira to r o r an a g ita to r , was n o t h is v o catio n , Galdos sought to serve the cause of reform in another c a p a c ity . He became convinced th a t he was to become S p ain 's a p o stle 23G aldos, Obras. VI, 1655-1656. of new id e a s. He saw th e g re a t need fo r reform and was f ir e d w ith y o u th fu l am bition to h elp b rin g i t about by w ritin g fo r the th e a te r . He composed drama a f te r re v o lu tio n a ry drama, m odestly h id in g th e m anuscripts in h is desk draw er. He atten d ed the th e a te r assid u o u sly , e sp e c ia lly on opening n ig h ts . "En e l te a tro te n ia puesta [su] ilu - „ . ' „24 sio n . In th e summer of 1867 "una persona de [su] f a m ilia ," probably one of h is o ld e r b ro th e rs, a rriv e d in Madrid and OC took him to P aris to see th e U niversal E xposition. In P aris Galdos read Eugenie Grandet and thereby was in tr o duced to th e work o f B alzac, whose Cornedie Humaine he was to p a r a lle l in Spain. During subsequent t r i p s to the French c a p ita l he eag erly sought and acquired the eig h ty - odd volumes o f B alzac’s works, which he re ta in e d as one of 9 c h is most tre a su re d p o ssessio n s. From th is time on, Galdos knew th a t th e novel, ra th e r than th e drama, would 24 ✓ t Luis Anton d el Olmet and A rturo G arcia C arraffa , Galdos (Los grandes espanoles) (Madrid: Im prenta de "Aire dedor d e l Mundo," 1912), p. 29. 25Gald6s, Obras. VI, 1656. 26I b id . . p. 1656. 79 be the v e h ic le of h is id e a s. In w ritin g h is e a rly novels Galdos discovered and d e lin e a te d what he saw as the fo rces of absolutism . P er ceiv in g a ls o th a t so c ie ty is made up of in d iv id u a ls, he understood th a t th e ta sk of reform ing s o c ia l in s titu tio n s 27 must be concen trated on changing th e in d iv id u a l. So he s e t about th e v a s t p ro je c t o f educating and en lig h ten in g h is fellow countrymen. This was h is purpose in w ritin g the Episodios n a c io n a le s. He wanted to make Spaniards aware o f th e n a tu re o f absolutism and to understand why i t was a b le to m aintain i t s hold on th e n a tio n . He b eliev ed , too, th a t i f enough in d iv id u a ls would come to understand th e n a tu re o f tra d itio n a lis m and conservativism (as he saw them) the country would n a tu ra lly and lo g ic a lly choose lib e ra lis m . Em ilio G. Gamero y L a ig le sia suggests th a t th e novels o f Erckmann and C hatrian w ith th e ir h is to r ic a l themes gave Galdos th e id ea of w ritin g h is Episodios n a c io n a le s. He p o in ts out th a t many of them are w ritte n in au to b io g rap h ical form, as is th e f i r s t s e rie s o f th e 0 7 Berkow itz, Perez G aldos. p. 92. E p iso d io s. In 1871 he went to S antander. His o ld e s t b ro th e r, Ignacio, was m ilita r y governor of th e province. I t was - * 1 - . during th is t r i p th a t Galdos and Pereda met f o r the f i r s t tim e. They formed a life tim e frie n d sh ip based on the k in ship o f vocation and on c e r ta in o th e r a f f i n i t i e s of s p i r i t . In 1875 Galdos b u i l t a house in Santander to which he o fte n r e tir e d to do h is w ritin g . During h is p ro tra c te d stay s in th is house, he and Pereda saw much o f each o t h e r . ^ oim et and G arcia C a rra ffa , r e f e r r in g to G aldos' frie n d sh ip w ith Pereda, quote from the fo rm e r's Prologue to P e re d a 's El sabor de la tie r r u c a : "Vease por donde lo que se d asa ta en la t i e r r a de la s c re e n c ia s, es atado en los c ie lo s puros 30 d el A rte ." Both men h ated in ju s tic e , d is o rd e r, and th e abuse o f a u th o rity . This was th e ir common denom inator in th e realm of p o l i t i c a l and s o c ia l id e a s . Pereda wrote, reg ard in g h is frie n d sh ip w ith Galdos: "He deducido siem pre, que fu e ra de la p o lx tic a y de c ie r ta s m aterias r e lig io s a s , 28 / Galdos y su obra (Los E pisodios n a c io n a le s) (Madrid: B lass, S.A ., 1933), I, 21-24. 29 ✓ Arroyo, G aldos. p. 97. •^ Galdos (Los grandes e s p a n o le s ), p. 181. 81 en todas la s cosas d e l mundo, chicas y grandes, estamos los Q < 1 dos perfectam ente de acuerdo." Galdos pays th e follow ing tr ib u te to Pereda: . . . n u e stra am istad ha ido endureciendose con los anos y a c riso la n d o se icosa extraha I con la s d isp u ta s . Antes de conocerle, habfa ofdo d e c ir que Pereda era a rd ie n te p a r tid a r io d e l absolutism o, y no lo q u erfa c re e r. Por mas que me aseguraban h ab e rle v is to en M adrid, nada menos que figurando como diputado en la minor fa c a r- l i s t a , sem ejante id ea se me h acfa absurda, im posible; no me cabia en la cabeza, como su ele d e c irs e . Tra- tan d o le despues, me c e rc io re de la fu n e sta verdad. El mismo, echando p estes co n tra lo que me e ra sim patico, lo confirm o plenam ente. Pero su firm eza, su teson puro y d esin tere sad o , y la noble sin cerid a d con que d ec la rab a y defendfa sus id eas, me causaban t a l asombro y de t a l modo inform aron y com pletaron a mis ojos e l c a ra c te r de Pereda, que hoy me c o s ta rfa tra b a jo im agi- n a r le de o tro modo, y aun creo que se d e s fig u ra rfa su perso n alid ad v ig o ro sa s i p e rd ie ra la acentuada conse- cuencia y aquel tono adm irablem ente sombrfo. En su manera de pensar hay mucho de su modo de e s c r ib ir : e l mismo h o rro r a l conveneionalism o, la misma sin c e rid a d . O tra c irc u n s ta n c ia hace excepcional su p ro se litism o , y lo exime de la s censuras a que v iv e expuesta toda opinion ra d ic a l en n u estro s d f a s : me r e f ie r o a su pre~ cio sfsim a independencia, que le a f s la de lo s manejos de todos los p a rtid o s , in clu so e l s u y o . ^ 2 As a stu d en t, Galdos gained more from h is indepen dent e f f o r ts o u tsid e the classroom s than he d id in fo llo w ing the U n iv ersity c u rric u la . He sp en t h is tim e read in g , 31 , Cimorra, Galdos. p. 56. ■^Olmet and Garcfa C arraffa, G aldos, p . 183. 82 observing and m ed itatin g . His c h ie f d e s ire was to compre hend f u lly th e r e a l i t y of Spain. He had w ith him the Memorias o f h is u n cle, Don Domingo (see page 68). He wandered a l l over Madrid observing th e types o f th e v ario u s s o c ia l c la ss e s and trad es and th e p ro v in c ia ls who had come in from a l l p a rts o f Spain. A ll during h is l i f e he p ra c tic e d th is custom o f wandering and observing, n o t only in Spain but in o th e r p a rts o f Europe, as w e ll. He u su a lly tra v e lle d th ird c la s s in o rd er to come in to c lo s e r c o n ta c t 33 w ith th e people. Recuerdo que goce mucho en un v ia je que h ic e de B rib iesca a Burgos. R ealice la jo m ad a en un tre n de mercanc£as que llev ab a so lo un coche de te rc e ra y que llaman la b u rra . En todas la s estac io n e s se d e te n ia e l convoy larg o s ra to s y debido a e sto y a su escasa velo cid ad , ta rd o en h acer e l re c o rrid o muchas h o ras. Pero a mi la excursion me re s u lto amenisima con e l co n stan te e n tra r y s a l i r en e l vagon de aq u e llas gen- te s aldeanas, con los dialo g o s que entablaban y con la s costum bres p in to re sc a s que me ib a descubriendo. En una de la s estac io n e s monto en mi departam ento un hombre ya v ie jo , a lto , todo a fe ita d o , de ap o stu ra g a lla rd a y aspecto noble. M irandolo, me p a re c ia con- tem plar a l Condestable de C a s t i l l a .3^ He tra v e lle d through Europe se v e ra l tim es and knew every co rn er o f Spain, but h is s p e c ia lty was Madrid, which •^Arroyo, G aldos. p. 57. 3 4 t , Olmet and G arcia C arra ffa , G aldos. p. 60. 83 he knew as he knew h is own house. At tim es he would d i s g u ise h im self as a policem an, d o cto r o r la b o re r, and then m ingle w ith th e populace. By th is method he was ab le to cap tu re popular speech in a l l i t s sp o n tan eity . He would make pretended busin ess excursions to gypsy camps, and he would p e n e tra te the most hidden and so rd id ta v e rn s. Or, posing as the agent o f a paper company, he would v i s i t rag shops to observe th e ir manner o f o p e ra tio n . A fte r taking notes and w ritin g down h is im pressions, he would r e t i r e to h is house in Santander (which he had b u i l t in 1875) and begin to w rite . Even in Santander he would spend hours c h a ttin g w ith m erchants, fisherm en, fishw ives, people of a l l occupations and walks o f l i f e , le a rn in g the d e ta ils of th e ir liv e s and b u sin e sse s. I t i s because of such methods th a t G aldos' works a re so s u rp ris in g ly r e a l i s t i c . His encyclopedic knowledge and h is fa n ta sy and dram atic sense helped him c re a te th e v a s t comedia humana which he gave to 35 the Spanish n a tio n . 36 / Upon h is re tu rn from P aris in-1868 Galdos a rriv e d in Spain and found h im self in th e m iddle o f the "G lorious 35 ✓ Arroyo, G aldos. pp. 90-98. 36 See page 78 o f th is d is s e r ta tio n . 84 R evolution." He reached Madrid in time to w itn ess the a r r iv a l o f General Serrano and of General Prim a few days l a t e r . In October he had th e good fo rtu n e to be included among th e group o f jo u r n a lis ts and w rite rs who accompanied G eneral Serrano and h is p a rty to Zaragoza. Sin d eten e rse pasaba e l tre n por la s e sta c io n e s, y en la de Sigtienza o cu rrio un gracioso caso. En e l anden esta b a e l pueblo en masa con todas las au to rid ad e s, y e n tre e llo s e l obispo y una rausica que tocaba d esa- foradam ente e l Himno de Riego. Serrano, que a l paso veloz d e l tre n reconocio en e l obispo a su amigo Benavides, raando p arar y re tro c e d e r. Escena tum ultuosa y p a te tic a . Se abrazaron e l g en e ral y e l prelado, y e l pueblo prorrum pio en aclam aciones fre n e tic a s , m ien- tr a s e l chinchin de la musica amalgamaba compases d e l Himno de Riego con la M a rse lle sa . Although Galdos never lo s t h is enthusiasm fo r th e p rin c ip le s o f democracy, and though he looked longingly toward republicanism , he was convinced th a t Spain lacked, fo r the p re se n t, th e ca p acity fo r self-governm ent. He w el comed the re s to r a tio n of 1875 and looked upon c o n s titu tio n a l monarchy a s, a t le a s t, a d e te rre n t to absolutism . A ccordingly, in 1886 he was p re v a ile d upon to become a can d id ate to C ortes under th e banner o f S a g a sta 's C o n stitu tio n a l P arty . He was e le c te d as re p re s e n ta tiv e fo r th e 37 / Galdos, Memorias de un desmemoriado. O bras, VI, 1658. 85 Puerto Rican d i s t r i c t o f Guayama. During one o f h is journeys to I ta ly , Galdos made th e follow ing r e f le c tio n on th e p o l i ti c a l philosophy o f M acch iav elli: El a r te p o litic o es en sus manos un instrum ento sum inistrado por lo s hechos, y en e l cu al no hay n i puede haber r e s o r te alguno te o ric o . Las maximas de l a an tig u a f i lo s o f i a son p ara e l cosa enteram ente i n u t i l que no re su e lv e lo s graves problemas d e l momento. El estado s o c ia l y moral de un pais tie n e que s e r siempre la fu e n te de que d e riv e sus id eas y sus p ra c tic a s e l poder encargado de r e g ir lo . La re a lid a d se impone siem pre a la s form ulas te o ric a s en e l gobiem o de lo s pueblos. S eria lo cu ra pensar que a un pueblo a r t i s t a , devorado por la s pasiones, e l p a n d illa je y l a anarqufa, se le puede gobem ar con las ideas a u ste ra s de lo s p u rita n o s d e l N orte. El gobiem o de un pueblo es e l pueblo mismo, con sus v ic io s y v i r - tudes, con su temperamento puesto en accion.38 During the rem ainder o f h is l i f e he held to h is l i b e r a l - m onarchist p ersu asio n because he b eliev ed i t to be th e only form o f government th a t s u ite d th e Spanish people such as they were. S o cial change was so slow th a t he re a liz e d he m ight n o t liv e to see an e f f e c tiv e s o c ia l re v o lu tio n th a t would perm it tru e dem ocratic government in Spain. His pessimism in th is reg ard is m an ifest in some o f h is l e t t e r s and statem en ts. In a l e t t e r w ritte n to th e p a in te r OQ J V ia ie a I t a l i a . G aldos, Obras. VI, 1632. A ureliano de B eruete in 1896 he was depressed about h is own f a ilu r e to dem onstrate the m erits o f lib e ra lis m and to push Spain in to the secu larism which he b eliev ed would 39 * r e s u lt in an e ra o f enlightenm ent. In Galdos* mind th e re could be no democracy as long as c le ric a lis m held sway. Another l e t t e r , dated A p ril 8, 1908, addressed to A lice H. Bushee o f W ellesley C ollege, s ta te s th a t the in to le ra n c e and b ig o tism o f Spain had changed l i t t l e sin ce 1896 (the d a te o f the sta g in g o f Doha P e rfe c ta ) .^ When questioned by Olmet and G arcia C arra ffa (in 1912) reg ard in g h is p o l i t i c a l b e lie f s , he showed d is illu s io n and pessimism in h is answer: ”Creo poco, nada en e l l a [ la p o lltic a ] . Nues- tro s p a rtid o s p o litic o s no tie n e n id e a l. Se van e llo s buscando medros p erso n ales. Romanticism©, amor a l p a ls. . . . Esos son conceptos arcaico s en lo s que n u e stra p o lltic a 41 no cree . . . desgraciadam ente." N evertheless, h is love o f th e people and h is d e s ire fo r republicanism never changed. He re a liz e d th a t ra d ic a l 39 ✓ Robert J . Weber, "Galdos and O rb ajo sa," H ispanic Review. XXXI (O ctober, 1963), 348-349- ^O lm et and G arcia C arraffa , Galdos. p. 109. 87 . change could not be brought about w ithout v io len ce and th is he abhorred. A fter th e d is a s te r o f 1898 Galdos f e l t th e need to become more a c tiv e in p u b lic l i f e . The s e n sa tio n a l success ° f E le c tra in arousing lib e r a l sentim ent convinced him th a t he was r ig h t in h is b e lie f th a t c le ric a lis m was th e p a ra mount problem in Spain. Furtherm ore, he saw him self as a p o te n tia l le a d e r of th e younger g en e ratio n . He began to w rite p o l i ti c a l a r ti c le s in defense of the ideas he had expounded in E le c tra and o th er p lay s. F in a lly , in March, 1907 he was persuaded to come over to th e Republican p arty as a can d id ate fo r a s e a t in C ortes. His preoccupation was w ith c le ric a lis m . "Sin treg u a combatiremos la b a rb a rie c le r ic a l . . . ," he w rote to A lfredo V ice n ti, d ire c to r of El L ib e ra l, "h a sta desarm arla de sus v ie ja s a rg u eias; no descansaremos h a sta desbravar y a lla n a r e l te rre n o en que debe cim entarse la ensenanza luminosa, con base c ie n tf f ic a , in d isp en sab le para la c ria n z a de generaciones fe c u n d a s ." ^ By 1911 h is enthusiasm fo r republicanism began to wane and in 1912 he made a public re c o n c ilia tio n w ith 42 * , Olmet and G arcia C arraffa, Galdos. pp. 117-118. 8 8 th e monarchy. The e a rly estrangem ent of Galdos from th e Catho lic is m in to which he was b o m has been re fe rre d to in th is 43 c h a p te r. Inform ation from h is biographers in d ic a te s , however, th a t he attended Mass fre q u e n tly , a t le a s t during c e r ta in periods o f h is l i f e . Berkowitz says th a t he was accustomed to observing h is sa in t* s day w ith solem nity, fre q u e n tly in th e San Clemente convent chapel in Toledo, where he atten d ed Mass ’’ w ith alm ost m ystic r a p t u r e ." ^ Olmet and G arcia C arra ffa re p o rt having seen a c r u c ifix above th e bed in h is room, a fa c t which they were a t a lo ss to ex p lain . "^Por que te n d ra Galdos ese C risto sobre su cabecera? ^Es creyente? ^Cedio a l in f lu jo de sus h e r- manas, daxnas r e lig io s a s y ho n estas? ^Es una im pulsion in e v ita b le de lo s s ig l o s ? " ^ In s p ite o f th ese sig n s of re lig io u s fe e lin g (and a study of h is works w ill show th a t he held sin c e re re lig io u s b e lie f s ) , Galdos was, n e v e rth e le ss, always an a n tic le r ic a l, 43 See pages 71-74. ^ B e r k o w itz , Perez G aldos. p. 109. ^ O lm et and G arcia C a rra ffa , G aldos. p . 161. and in c re a sin g ly so as he advanced in y e a rs. He had a s p e c ia l d is lik e fo r th e J e s u its . He could n o t b e lie v e th a t they were moved by anything o th e r than p o l i t i c a l and s o c ia l am bitions. He once jo k in g ly to ld a frie n d th a t i f he could have th e p o s itio n o f In sp ec to r of Nuns, he would see to i t A £ th a t both sexes were u n ited in contem plative l i f e . (In h is novel Angel Guerra he had h is p ro ta g o n ist propose ju s t such an o rd er, in which men and women would liv e in the same c l o i s t e r .) L ate in 1919, when Galdos was su ffe rin g h is l a s t illn e s s i t was re p o rted th a t a p r ie s t v is ite d him to ask i f he wished to co n fess, but ap p aren tly met w ith a re b u ff. His b io g rap h er, R afael de Mesa, who happened to be near by, became very u p set and, w ith a n ti c le r i c a l fe rv o r, tr ie d to keep th e p r ie s t from re tu rn in g . Dr. G regorio de Mara- non, who was tr e a tin g Galdos, took the m atter w ith more detachment and re p lie d th a t, in th e p a tie n t's s t a t e of sem i-consciousness, i t made l i t t l e d iffe re n c e whether he confessed o r n o t. In any case, a co n fessio n would A6 , , Berkowitz, Perez Galdos, p. 126. 90 47 c e rta in ly n o t annul h is l i f e 's work. During h is l a s t period o f agony Galdos a lte rn a te d between sem i-conscious - ness and d eliriu m . He d ied January 4, 1920. His death evoked a tremendous re a c tio n of sympathy from th e m asses. O ffic ia l Spain had refu sed him b u r ia l in th e Panteon de Hombres I l u s t r e s . but h is body was accompanied by thousands o f men, women and c h ild re n o f the lab o rin g c la s s e s to th e Almudena Cemetery, fo r they had always considered him th e ir own. 47 * * R afael de Mesa, Don B enito Perez Galdos (Madrid: 1920), pp. 57-61. CH APTER IV THE POLITICAL, RELIGIOUS A N D SOCIAL IDEAS O F PEREDA A S REFLECTED IN HIS LITERARY W O R K S Pereda, l ik e most o f the n o v e lis ts o f h is p erio d , put h is pen a t th e se rv ic e o f h is id e a s. His tra d itio n a lis m and h is C atholicism permeate n ea rly a l l o f h is w ritin g s , even th o se works which were not w ritte n ex p ressly as propa ganda p ie c e s. F or Pereda, however, tra d itio n a lis m was not m erely th e p ast held in rev eren ce, or a n o s ta lg ic longing fo r v enerable old custom s; i t was a v iv id r e a l it y , a way o f l i f e , a m oral concept, to be preserved and to be liv ed here and now. The p a tr ia r c h a l system, f o r example, based on 1 m edieval communal o rg a n iz a tio n and on the su p p o sitio n th a t th e p easan t needs th e su p erv isio n and guidance of an ^Gerald Brenan, The Spanish L abyrinth (Cambridge: The U n iv ersity P re ss, i960), pp. 206 and 336-338. 91 92 educated h id a lg u fa . had held sway fo r so long, th e re seemed to Pereda to be no reason why i t should be abandoned. The union o f throne and a l t a r had coincided w ith and, according to th e C a r lis t p o in t of view, had fo ste re d the g re a te s t flow ering of Spanish c iv iliz a tio n , hence, i t should be m aintained now and foreverm ore. This id e a was based on a more o r le s s em otional attachm ent to the p o l i t i c a l , r e l i gious and s o c ia l s tr u c tu r e which Pereda and o th er Spaniards had come to th in k of as i n t r i n s ic a ll y Spanish. Now, whereas Pereda was nom inally a C a r lis t, and, as such, is presumed to have h eld f a s t to the C a r lis t ideology in re lig io u s and p o l i t i c a l m a tte rs, the th e s is o f th is d is s e r ta tio n is th a t he was c lo s e r to a c tu a l lib e r a l th in k in g in many re sp e c ts than is g e n e ra lly supposed. Upon c lo se exam ination and comparison o f c e r ta in ideas in the w ritin g s o f Pereda and Galdos, i t w ill be shown th a t they had more a f f i n i t i e s , one w ith th e o th er, than they them- _ j selv es perhaps re a liz e d . Pereda’s p o l i t i c a l ideas, although m anifest through out h is work, a re summed up, to a larg e e x te n t, in two n ovels, Los hombres de pro (1876) and Don Gonzalo Gonzalez de la G onzalera (1879). In lie u o f p o l iti c a l " id e a s ,” 93 we m ight alm ost say Pereda*s repugnance fo r p o litic s and p o litic ia n s , as th is a ttitu d e is most ev id en t in h is f ic tio n . I t w ill be shown to be based on a fe e lin g o f moral in d ig n a tio n over th e abuses o f bad p o litic ia n s , r a th e r than over th e ir p o l i ti c a l ideology as such. In Los hombres de pro th e author is in te n t on demon s tr a tin g th e a b s u rd itie s brought about by th e p arliam entary system. Since Pereda*s own p o l i t i c a l experiences were n eg ativ e, he does not d e a l w ith p o litic s sy m p ath etically . Speaking of p o l i t i c a l m eetings, we read such d e sc rip tio n s as, "nadie se en tien d e a ll£ , porque todos g r ita n y se revuelven y manotean, armandose un tum ulto ta n espantoso que me r io yo de lo s que se promueven cada dxa en e l templo de n u e stra re p re se n ta c io n n a c io n a l.1 1 In Pereda*s works we u su a lly see only th e seamy s id e of p o l i t i c s . Don Pedro M ortera, the o ld -s ty le p a tria rc h o f Cumbrales (El sabor de la tie r r u c a 1 ) . t r i e s to d issu ad e h is frie n d , Don Juan de Prezanes, from being dragged in to lo c a l p o l i ti c s . His reason is more moral than p o l i ti c a l ; by a sso c ia tin g w ith " in tr ig a n te s ,” he would degrade h im self p e rso n a lly and Los hombres de pro. Pereda, Obras, I, 613. 94 would h elp to d e liv e r Cumbrales in to th e hands of "aventu- r e ro s ," "que tu , hombre honrado, independiente, bueno y generoso, p ac ta ras a lia n z a s con esa c a n a lla , y que e n tre todos hay ais convertido a Cumbrales en feudo desdichado de 3 dos a v e n tu re ro s." According to Pereda, the n a tio n 's re p re s e n ta tiv e s were so involved in p a rty m atters and personal b ick erin g , they had l i t t l e tim e to concern them selves w ith le g is la tio n th a t m ight be of b e n e fit to the people. . . . a q u e lla tem pestad no se h ab ia re v u e lto porque la fra c c io n de tin p a rtid o i n u t il iz a r a p ro p o sito s d e l o tro , encaminados a proporcionar algun b ien a los pueblos. Cuando de e sto se tra ta b a , ya sab fa don Simon que los bancos se quedaban d e s ie rto s y e l p re - sid e n te dorm itando. Semejantes tum ultos siempre eran provocados por alguna p alab ra s u e lta que no e ra d e l agrado de la fra c c io n a la cu a l se d ir ig f a .^ P arliam entary debates were m erely a show fo r th e p u b lic. Behind th e scenes, those who had re c e n tly been b i t t e r enemies in a stormy sessio n would d rin k c o ffee to g e th e r and sn o rt a t th e p u b lic: "jE stupidos! iV einte veces nos han v is to h acer lo mismo, y todavfa no se convencen de que todo 3 El sabor de la tie rru c a . Pereda, Obras. I, 1285. 4 Los hombres de pro, p. 653. 95 5 e llo es una fa rs a !" A ltruism was a lie n to th ese d ip u ta - d o s ; i t was an accepted fa c t th a t no one was in C ortes except to fu rth e r h is personal am bitions. "Aqui no hay mas que am biciones p erso n ales, con la s que es im posible £ todo g o b iem o ." Though Pereda*s s a t i r e appears to be aimed a t li b e r a l p o litic ia n s , th a t Los hombres de pro r e f le c ts , in p a r t, the a u th o r’s experiences among h is C a r lis t co n freres during the e le c tio n campaign o f 1871, is an e sta b lish e d 7 f a c t. This leads to th e su sp icio n th a t, p a rtis a n fe e lin g s n o tw ith stan d in g , h is in d ig n a tio n was f e l t more fo r c e rta in human f a ilin g s and fo r abuses committed by members o f both fa c tio n s r a th e r than fo r lib e r a l d o c trin e . No fo rth r ig h t d e c la ra tio n o f p o l i t i c a l opinion is expressed in Los hombres de pro, e ith e r fo r conservatism o r a g a in s t l i b e r a l ism. A tte n tio n is d ire c te d , however, to Pereda*s statem ent in support o f the p e o p le 's ca p a c ity to choose th e ir own ~ * Los hombres de p ro , p. 653. 6Ib id ., p. 654. * 7 Jose F. M ontesinos, Pereda o la novela id i li o (Berkeley and Los Angeles: U n iv ersity of C a lifo rn ia P ress, 1961), p. 54. 96 government (a li b e r a l idea) quoted in Chapter I I of th is d is s e r ta tio n (page 56). T his, of course, does n o t make a lib e r a l o f our m an--he was, a f t e r a l l , a candidate o f th e T r a d itio n a lis t p a rty in 1 8 7 1 --it sim ply in d ic a te s h is b e lie f in th e p rin c ip le of n a tio n a l se lf-d e te rm in a tio n . Pereda, in a l e t t e r to Galdos, in d ic a te s , b esid es h is pessim ism regarding S p ain 's p resen t and immediate fu tu re , h is lack o f p o litic a l p a rtis a n s h ip . A ll he can say fo r c e r ta in is th a t th e new tre n d s mean slow d eath fo r th e n atio n . N o a todas la s razas y a todos lo s pueblos se adaptan todas la s costum bres. Cuando se tra ta b a de d ar c in ta - razos y de acom eter fab u lo sas av en tu ras, Espana e stab a en prim era f i l a , porque nacimos cortados para e llo . Quiza se cumplio entonces n u estro d e stin o . Desde que los pueblos han tornado o tro s rumbos mas p ro saico s, Espana no sabe que h acerse para m atar e l tiempo que la consume, y por eso co n sp ira y g u e r r ille a . . . . Pensar que e sto s males que forman p a rte de n u estro c a ra c te r se han de cu rar con la lib e rta d de concien- c ia , n i con o tra s lib e rta d e s . . . es cuando menos tan in o cen te como e l p roposito de haceraos f e lic e s re s u c i- tando l a ronda de nan v huevo. N uestra decadencia . .. es o tr o d estin o que se cumple h a sta que anos o s ig lo s andando suene de nuevo la trom peta de la s conquis- tas . . . ; no cjuiero meterme a av erig u ar s i lo s v ie jo s sistem as podrian a liv ia m o s . . . la enfermedad; lo que no tie n e duda es que la s m edicinas modemas nos van matando poco a poco.® ^ L e tte r to Galdos, quoted by Jose M arla C osslo, La obra l i t e r a r i a de Pereda (Santander: Imp. J . M artinez, 1934), pp. 146-147. 97 The p ro ta g o n ist o f Los hombres de pro is Simon Cerojo, a tavern keeper in a sm all town. Driven by th e am bition o f h is w ife, he r is e s to a p o s itio n o f w ealth and p o l i ti c a l prominence only to s u ffe r d is a s tro u s economic re v erses and the h u m ilia tio n of having to re tu rn , poor and humble, to h is p la c e of o rig in . The m oral is th a t, being o f lowly s ta tio n , and not having th e ed ucation and c u l tu r a l background req u ired o f men in p u b lic l i f e , he should never have asp ired to r i s e to such h e ig h ts . Don Simon says as much, h im self, in th e l a s t paragraph o f the n o v el. "El mal no e sta en que, por casu alid ad , saig a de un mal tab em ero un buen m in istro , o un p e rfe c to modelo de hombre de la sociedad; l a d esg ra cia de Espana, la d e l mundo a c tu a l, c o n siste en que q u ieran s e r m in istro s todos lo s c a ld is ta s o como yo." As we see, Pereda was not a g a in st the id ea of a man o f a b i l i t y and c h a ra c te r r is in g to a p o s itio n o f power; what he feared was a " re b e llio n of th e m asses." He saw the modern b o u rg e o isie, the new -rich commercial and in d u s tr ia l c la s s e s , ill-p re p a re d fo r t h e i r new r e s p o n s ib ilitie s , 9 Los hombres de pro, p. 677. pushing th e i r way to the top in alarm ing numbers. Because o f th is fe a r, he u su a lly p o rtrayed members o f th is c la ss as mercenary ty p es, lack in g co n v ictio n s, f a ith o r enthu siasm ; seeking only to safeguard th e ir own s e lf is h i n t e r e s ts . Through t h e ir ascendancy and th e ir in cre asin g in flu en ce upon the p o l i ti c a l and s o c ia l l i f e o f th e n atio n , they were degrading l i t t l e by l i t t l e the Spanish c h a ra c te r, once the epitome o f c a b a lle ro s id a d . That many may have been e a rn e s tly and h o n estly try in g to b e tte r th e ir condi tio n and to help them selves to a b e tte r way of l i f e appar e n tly did n o t minimize the danger o f a d is a s tro u s inunda tio n of m ed io crity . He overlooked th e f a c t th a t a so ciety in which in c e n tiv e fo r perso n al betterm en t is lacking is , a t b e st, s t a t i c , i f n o t decadent. The main s o c io - p o litic a l id e a m anifested in Don Gonzalo Gonzalez de la G onzalera. and which stands out in se v e ra l o th e r n o v els, as w e ll, is th e benevolent p a tria rc h - ism re fe rre d to above (page 91). I t is based on a t r a d i tio n a l s tru c tu re o f so c ie ty , wherein the self-g o v ern in g v illa g e , under th e patronage o f th e lo c a l h id a lg u ia , is th e b a sic u n it. The R evolution of 1868 im pelled Pereda 99 10 to w rite h is novel. Seeming to ignore th e le g itim a te a s p ira tio n s o f the R evolution, he se iz e s upon the theme of tr a d itio n a l p a tria rc h ism and holds i t up as a hope o f s t a b i l i t y a g a in s t th e confusion, tyranny and demagoguery th a t accompanied th e upheaval. Don Roman Perez de la L lo sia is th e p a tria rc h o f th e v illa g e o f Coteruco, hidden in a remote v a lle y in n o rth ern Spain. The re v o lu tio n has n o t y e t p e n e tra te d th is f a r . The people liv e in "holy ignorance" in s o fa r as th e o u tsid e world is concerned. Of th e re c e n t p o l i t i c a l developments they know l i t t l e o r n o th in g . Don Roman's domain is a v e r ita b le s e lf-c o n ta in e d l i t t l e w orld. He, h im self, takes ca re to see th a t th e i r m a te ria l and s p i r i t u a l needs a re m et. He h elp s them w ith money and advice, when needed, and he provides them w ith employment. During th e n ig h tly t e r t u l i a s in h is own k itch en he in d o c trin a te s them w ith such m ade-to-order s o c ia l and p o l i ti c a l ideas as he deems n ecessary to th e ir s p i r i t u a l w elfare and happiness. "Uni- camente le s o cu ltab a cuanto se re la c io n a se con e l fango de la p o lf tic a a l raenudeo. Para don Roman, lle v a r e s ta ^ C o s s io , La obra l i t e r a r i a de Pereda. p. 116. 100 p o l£ tic a a una ald ea e q u lv a lfa a e n c e rra r una v£bora en un 11 nido de palom as." He would expound to them h is ideas on the s ta te . A fte r d e sc rib in g a well-made clock, in which each p a rt c a rrie s out i t s s p e c ific fu n c tio n , and w ithout which th e clock would n o t work, he sa y s: No es o tra cosa una nacion. M ientras e l sabio e stu d ie , y e l zapatero haga zapatos, y e l lab rad o r c u ltiv e la t i e r r a , un nino puede encargarse d e l gobierno de todos los pueblos; pero s i e l zap atero a s p ira a g en eral, y e l lab rieg o tosco a pronunciar d isc u rso s y a desen- tra n a r m is te rio s de la p o l£ tic a , y e l sacamuelas a p r e s id ir e l Gobierno, y todos lo s ciudadanos a se r ra in istro s, e l Estado no ten d ra p ies n i cabeza.12 A concern fo r p u b lic a f f a i r s on the p a rt o f the people would only b rin g about disharmony and n e g le c t o f d u tie s on a l l s id e s . "Por la s n o tic ia s a l menudeo se lle g a a lo s com entarios; por los com entarios, a la d isp u ta ; de la d isp u ta a la pasion, y por la pasion, a l olvido de lo s deberes p ro p io s." Don Roman, speaking fo r the author, is n o t a g a in st th e id ea o f a man o f th e lower c la sse s a tta in in g to a high p o s itio n through h is own e f fo rts , p ro vided he has th e education and th e ta le n t. A p o litic a l ^ Don Gonzalo Gonzalez de la G onzalera. Pereda, O bras. I, 855. 12I b id . , p. 862. 13I b id . 101 re v o lu tio n , however, cannot m agically tu rn farmers in to statesm en. La educacion, e l ta le n to n a tu ra l y o tra s mil cau sas p ro v id en ciales pueden, enhorabuena, h a c e r de la madera de un ru s tic o lab rieg o un gran le g is la d o r; pero e s ta preem inencia no se adquiere manejando l a esteva, y algo la re v e la que yo no he v is to todavxa lu c ir en la fre n te de ninguno de mis convecinos de Coteruco, n i la espero a merced de cuatro n o tic ia s d e otros ta n to s sucesos p o litic o s , o de media docena de d iscu rso s de un e s ta d is ta v u lg a r o de un novelero am bicioso y desau- to riz a d o . The a f f a i r s of government are b e s t l e f t to those who a re , by c u ltu re and tr a in in g , q u a lifie d fo r th e r e s p o n s ib ility . Don Roman ex e rcised a p erso n al ru le in which h e sought to come down to th e people, to become one w ith them, in o rder b e s t to d ir e c t and guide them. . . . a e sto s hombres no se le s domina p o r e l p re s tig io d e l saber n i de la a lc u m ia , n i aun p o r e l in te re s de la dadiva; hay que p en e trar en su te rre n o , b a ja rs e h a s ta e llo s , a s im ila rs e , digam oslo as£, su propia n a tu ra le z a , y despues a v e n ta ja rlo s en todo . . . h a s ta en fu e rza b ru ta . Asx lleg u e yo a dom inarlos. . . . Y asx se los ha dominado siem pre en to d as p a r t e s . ^ Galdos, too, from h is own stan d p o in t, understood th is need fo r a sy n th esis and fe e lin g of s o lid a r ity among the s o c ia l 14 / Don Gonzalo Gonzalez de l a G onzalera, p. 862 15I b id .. p. 917. 102 c la s s e s of Spain. I t is one o f the most observable tenden c ie s in h is work, as we s h a ll see l a t e r . Don Roman was re lu c ta n t to face th e fa c t th a t times were changing. The R evolution o f 1868 had already begun to e f fe c t changes in th e Spanish s o c ia l and p o l iti c a l scene. The f a c t th a t Don Roman’ s l i t t l e empire was upset so quickly and e a s ily by a l i t t l e band o f a g ita to rs working among th e people would in d ic a te th a t th e l a t t e r were not as secure in t h e ir ignorance as he had supposed. A d ia logue between two v illa g e r s , which forms the substance of Chapter XIV, b e lie s th e su p p o sitio n s o f Don Roman. "Lo que yo digo es que habiendo en la p o l i ti c s ta n to que nos impor- tab a, no debio ese hombre c e rra m o s los ojo s a l auto de 16 e l l o . ” Had th e v illa g e r s o f Coteruco been more informed about p o l i ti c a l p ra c tic e a n ^ jia tio n a l a f f a i r s , they might n o t have been so e a s ily m isled by fa ls e lib e r a ls such as Don Gonzalo and P a tr ic ia R ig d elta . This is ap p aren tly the I co n ten tio n of Pereda, and i t re p re se n ts an honest c r i t i - = cism, on h is p a r t, o f a system w ith which he agrees in p rin c ip le . Coss£o re p o rts th a t c e rta in c r i t i c s took him 16 / Don Gonzalo Gonzalez de la G onzalera. p. 923. to ta sk fo r "unas im prudentes expansiones . . . sobre la sa n ta y b e n e fic io sa ig n o ran cia de las ald eas perturbada 1 por la re v o lu c io n .M He c ite s a l e t t e r by the c r i t i c , R icardo O laran, in which the l a t t e r c r it i c i z e s Pereda*s a lle g e d stand in fa v o r o f th e ignorance o f the p easan t. "Persona que, como u sted ta n to sabe no puede, sin in c u r r ir en palraaria co n tra d ic cio n , s e n ta r como un axioma . . . que 18 la suprema fe lic id a d de c ie r ta s gentes es la ig n o ra n c ia ." Pereda re p lie d , affirm in g th a t i t was a m is in te rp re ta tio n 19 to say th a t he favored ignorance over education. Regard ing th e a lle g e d p o li tic a l theme o f h is novel, he exclaim ed in an o u tb u rst of nervous i r r i t a t i o n : "Niego en redondo que ese lib ro haya sido engendrado con in te n to de que n a c ie ra s a t i r a p o lx tic a . A mis ojos y en mis p ro p o sito s, l a polx- ti c a hace en e l un papel muy secundario y muy i n s ig n if i- _ „20 c a n te . Pereda*s enmity toward lib e ra lis m i s , in r e a l i t y , a f e a r of th e abuses and the tyranny of uneducated and •I ~ ] C ossio, La obra l i t e r a r i a de Pereda. p. 117. 18I b id . , p. 119. 19Ib id . 20Ib id . 104 s e lf-se e k in g demagogues. Again Pereda does n o t propose a p a r tic u la r p o l i t i c a l idea n o r does he in d ic a te support o f a p a r tic u la r p a rty . Don Roman, as he converses w ith the c u ra te , Don F ru to s, d e c la re s th a t th e problem they are confronted w ith is men, n o t id eas: No son la s ideas lo que a mi me causa miedo, sino lo s hombres. . . . En la necesidad de que preddminen c ie r ta s id e a s, cuando lo s hombres que la s proclaman son e s c la - vos de e lla s , podemos, lo s que profesamos o tra s muy d i s t in ta s , v iv ir bajo su im perio; mas cuando d e tra s de la s ideas se o cu ltan v u lg ares am biciones y odios de se c ta , no hay defensa p o sib le n i o tra e lec cio n que e l m a rtirio o la s catacum bas. ^ Don F ru to s concurs w ith th is o p in io n . M Las id eas no son o tra cosa que asid ero s para tre p a r a la cumbre d el im perio cod iciad o , digo que ta n to me dan lo s hombres como la s 22 id e a s ." While Pereda may have n o t been, a f te r a l l , th e furibund co n serv ativ e we had imagined him to be, n ev e rth e le s s , most o f h is " lib e r a ls ," w ith some n o ta b le ex cep tio n s, which w ill be discu ssed subsequently, a re p ain ted in dark c o lo rs. They a re u su a lly d e fe c tiv e in c h a ra c te r and alm ost always moved by base and s e lf is h m otives, seldom by a tru e 0 1 Don Gonzalo Gonzalez de la G onzalera. p. 941. 22Ib id . 105 concern fo r lib e r a l id e a ls . Pereda’s tendency to make them seem odious, asid e from th e reasons discussed above, is , o f course, due p a r tly to h is p a rtis a n s p i r i t as a member o f th e T r a d itio n a lis t p a rty . P a tric io R igtielta (see page 57), a f te r the success o f the l i t t l e re v o lu tio n in C oteruco, being one o f the lead e rs o f th e new regim e, has access to th e m unicipal a rc h iv e s. He takes advantage of h is p o s itio n to bum c e rta in documents which are com prom ising to him p e rso n a lly , and to seek any inform ation which he m ight use to ty ran n ize th e v illa g e r s , who a re now under h is power. Don Gonzalo is an indiano (a type fo r which Pereda had a s p e c ia l d is lik e ) , who had made a fo rtu n e in th e New World and re tu rn ed to Coteruco w ith illu s io n s of p assing h im self o f f as a gentlem an. Like Simon Cerojo, he was u n le tte re d and i l l - f i t t e d to occupy such a place in s o c ie ty . The thought th a t such a person could become p o l i ti c a l ly pow erful must have been depressing to Pereda, and obviously accounts fo r h is a n tip ath y to th is ty p e. The fa c t th a t Don Gonzalo has alig n ed h im self w ith the lib e r a l camp has nothing to do w ith h is own ideology o r p o l i ti c a l c o n v ic tio n s. In th e f i r s t p lace, th e co n serv ativ e h id a l- guxa would have no th in g to do w ith him; c u ltu r a lly , they 106 had nothing in coninon w ith him. The au th o r shows him as eaten up w ith envy and shaking w ith rage as he jo in s with the re v o lu tio n a rie s and p lo ts h is revenge a g a in st Don Roman fo r having denied him s o c ia l e q u a lity . M Y don Gonzalo, cuando esto decxa, estab a fu e ra de s f; te n ia lo s ojo s in- yectados de sangre, le temblaba la b a r b illa y ap retab a los „23 punos. * Don Roman, the h e re d ita ry h id a lg o , is , by c o n tra st, a model of a r is t o c r a t ic gentlem anliness and v ir tu e . "Era a le g re , campechano, c a r ita tiv o , modesto en e l v e s t i r , fru g a l en la comida, forzudo e in te lig e n te en e l tra b a jo , e l c u a l acom etfa a veces para p re d ic a r con e l ejem plo a sus c ria d o s y c o lo n o s."24 He is magnanimous and fo rg iv in g when the re p e n ta n t v illa g e r s come back to th e fo ld a f t e r having abandoned him to jo in th e re v o lu tio n . Lucas, th e nephew o f the hidalgo Don Lope de Roble- d a l, i s an orphan, ra is e d w ith n e g le c t and even c ru e lty by his u n cle. L e ft w ithout moral form ation o r c h a ra c te r tra in in g , he becomes re b e llio u s , and tu rn s to lib e ra lis m 23 / Don Gonzalo Gonzalez de la G onzalera, p. 909. 24Ib id . . p. 854. 107 as an o u tle t fo r h is f r u s tr a tio n s . Having ju s t retu rn ed from the u n iv e rs ity (from which he had been suspended fo r excessive re v o lu tio n a ry z e a l), he a p p lie s h is new ly-learned li b e r a l jarg o n to Coteruco, whose in h a b ita n ts he d esc rib es as "un rebano de b e s tia s fa n a tiz a d a s por e l cura y ex- p lo tad as por l a tir a n ic a fila n tr o p f a d e l h ip o c rita don Roman." In a dialogue w ith h is frie n d Gildo R igttelta he attem pts to explain th e "new id e a s ." - - jLabradores! . . . i"i quien te ha dicho a t i que lo s hay ya? . . . La nueva c iv iliz a c io n no reconoce c la s e s , o fic io s n i p ro fe sio n e s; para e l la no hay mas que ciudadanos con l a o b lig acio n de il u s tr a r s e para e n tra r en e l co n c ie rto de los pueblos lib r e s . --£Y que es eso, s i se puede saber? —Eso es la co n q u ista de lo s derechos in d iv id u a le s , im p re sc rip tib le s, in a lie n a b le s , a n te rio re s y supe- rio re s a toda le g is la tio n . — Tampoco lo en tien d o , Lucas, y perdona. —Dime pobre ig n o ran te, £que hace e l prospero Coteruco sin o dar sus economias a l e r a rio y sus h ijo s a l E je rc ito ? —Poco mas que nada. —Y en cambio de esos s a c r if ic io s , ^que in te rv e n tio n tie n e en la ad m in istracio n de lo s caudales d el Estado? ^Que in ic ia tiv a es la suya en lo s arduos problemas de la p o litic a nacional? —Verda es que no tie n e nada de eso. --Pues hay que c o n q u ista r para Coteruco esa in te r - vencion y esa in ic ia tiv a . --^Y como se conquistan? --H aciendo, por de pronto, que se bajen lo s adarves y se alcen los m uladares. 25 / Don Gonzalo G onzalez de la G onzalera. p. 879. 108 --^Adonde estan esas cosas? —E stas cosas son una fig u ra r e to r ic a . --Vamos, q u iere d e c ir que todo e llo no pasa de una fig u ra c io n . —Todo e llo q u iere d e c ir que es p re c iso e le v a r lo que e s ta ca£do y a b a tir lo que e s ta a lto ; mas c la ro : hay que romper e l doble yugo d e l co n fesio n ario y e l feudalism o que pesa hoy sobre e sto s lab rie g o s y dar o tra d ire c c io n a sus a sp ira c io n e s . . . ; en una p alab ra: tenemos que d e sb a ra ta r e l absurdo p re s tig io d e l cu ra y de don Roman y s u s t i tu i r l o con e l n u e stro . --Como quien d ic e , h a c e rle s cam biar de yugo. --Eso, no, porque con n o so tro s seran lib r e s , y cuando lo sean, lo s ilu stra re m o s para que lleguen a e r ig ir s e no en m iserab les la b rie g o s de Coteruco, sino en ciudadanos a c tiv o s de l a p a tr ia . --Y pregunto yo, Lucas, y perdona: cuando todo e sto sean, ^tendran m ejor camisa? --Tendran, desde luego, l a conciencia de su v a le r y la dignidad de sus derechos. Me parece que bien v a le e sto una camisa, y aun e l m ejor de lo s capotes. --Sobre todo s i no a r r e c ia mucho e l fr£ o . --Juzg ab ale yo menos in cred u lo , G ildo.26 Lucas, although mouthing slogans and re p e a tin g ideas he has only h a lf learned, does manage to express some o f the le g itim a te a s p ira tio n s o f th e lib e r a ls , such as reco g n itio n of th e rig h ts o f man, and th e r ig h t of c itiz e n s to p a r tic ip a te in government. Pereda, thereby, in d ic a te s h is awareness of th e se a s p ira tio n s , y e t, i n s i s ts on the p o s i tio n th a t th e p easan t, a t le a s t as he stan d s, is in d i f f e r ent to the a f f a ir s o f government, n o t having been educated 26 , Don Gonzalo Gonzalez de l a G onzalera. pp. 879-880. 109 to understand them. In the fa c e o f Lucas' " la co n cien cia de su v a le r y la dignidad de sus d erech o s," G ild o ’s response shows he is concerned only fo r th e m a te ria l asp ects o f liv in g and has l i t t l e in te r e s t in th e l i b e r a l ’s high-flow n, a b s tra c t id ealism . Lucas then shows h is tru e co lo rs as he o u tlin e s h is plan to b rin g th e re v o lu tio n to Coteruco. His s tra te g y c a lls fo r a d e lib e ra te campaign o f calum niation a g a in st th e c u ra te , Don F ru to s, and a g a in st Don Roman and h is d aughter. He co u n ters G ildo’s shocked p ro te s t w ith th e r a tio n a liz a tio n : "todos lo s medios son 27 buenos cuando e l f in es san to . Once again a tte n tio n is d ire c te d to th e fa c t th a t human f a ilin g s , r a th e r than s p e c if ic p o l i ti c a l id eas, a re th e c h ie f o b je c t o f P ere d a's c r itic is m . This suggests a m oral, r a th e r than a p o l i ti c a l preoccupation. That th ese human f a ilin g s a re a ttr ib u te d to lib e r a ls should n o t s u r p r is e u s. Pereda drew h is moral concepts from C atholicism , and lib e ra lism --b y h is t o r ic a l accident--loom ed as th e d eclared enemy o f C atholicism . A fte r th e re v o lu tio n Coteruco i s never th e same. 27 - Don Gonzalo G onzalez de la G onzalera, p. 881. 110 The lib e r a ls have a lle g e d ly brought a p e s tile n c e w ith them which has contam inated th is one-tim e c e n te r of v ir tu e and in d u stry , and which th re a te n s to spread to o th er towns in the v a lle y . The people have lo s t th e ir love of work, th e ir r e lig io n has been co rru p ted , d isco rd has sprung up among them. A ll th is because o f th e meddling o f those "a p o stle s o f e v il" who, according to Pereda, would lib e r a te th e peasan ts from the " s la v e rie s " of f a ith and honest la b o r. P o litic a l m atters a re n o t lack in g in El sabor de la tie r r u c a (1881), although they a re not i t s main preoccupa tio n . The p a te r n a lis tic p a tria rc h ism o f Don Roman is con tinued in th e person o f Don Pedro M ortera, who, lik e h is c o u n te rp a rt, would h in d er as f a r as p o ssib le th e e x e rtio n of p o l i ti c a l in flu en ce upon the v illa g e r s . As he remarks to h is frie n d Don Juan de Prezanes, he w ill n o t have any th in g to do w ith the p o litic ia n s from o u tsid e h is v illa g e who would lik e to e f fe c t re g io n a l cooperation w ith the c e n tr a l government. "C on tig o --d ecia e l te sta ru d o lab rad o r a don Juan de P rezan es--, co n tig o , y para hacer e l bien de e s te pueblo, cuando q u ieras y donde q u ie ra s. Con esos v iv id o re s in tr ig a n te s , que te e sta n chupando l a honra, I l l ✓ 28 jam as." Don Pedro was, in tu rn , suspected by th ese "v iv id o res in trig a n te s " because he was "[un] hombre form al, 2 Q apegado a la tra n q u ilid a d y a l so sie g o ." Don Pedro h au g h tily d esp ises h is enemies and th e ir p a tr io tic slogans, which he c a lls "se n sib le rx a s c u r s is ." His ideas a re echoed by h is son Pablo, who, having stu d ied fo r a w hile a t the u n iv e rs ity , has decided th a t he p re fe rs th e p eacefu l, p a tr ia r c h a l l i f e o f Cumbrales. . . . e sto es lo que me g u sta, y para e llo me creo nacido: . . . no me esto rb an lo s sab io s. Ni e llo s sirv e n para la v id a d e l campo n i yo para e l estu d io , porque Dios no ha querido que todos sirvam os para todo. Cada cual a su o fic io , pues no le hay que, siendo honrado, no sea u t i l , y u t i l e s y honrados podemos se r, e llo s en e l mundo con la pluma y la p alab ra y yo en Cumbrales con mis t i e r r a s y ganados . . . porque mi padre que nunca quiso hacerme sabio a la fu e rza, pien sa como yo. ^ Pablo w ill be a worthy h e ir to h is f a th e r 's legacy. He w ill take up the re in s from Don P ed ro 's hand and, in accordance w ith e sta b lish e d tr a d itio n , w ill ru le h is colonos and e x e rt h is benevolent a u th o rity on lo c a l govern ment. He w ill do h is b e st to h elp th e community oppose p o l iti c a l in te rfe re n c e from o u tsid e , and to m aintain lo c a l 23E1 sabor de la tie rru c a , p. 1282. 29Ib id . , p. 1283. 3QIb id . . p. 1274. 112 autonomy and s o c ia l and re lig io u s tr a d itio n . P ereda’s genuinely sym pathetic treatm en t o f th e l i b e r a l h id a lg o . Don V alen tin G u tierrez de la P em ia a v e te ra n o f the b a t t l e o f Luchana, re v e a ls h is to le ra n c e o f lib e ra lis m , when i t is p rofessed by sin c e re and noble men. I t t e s t i f i e s to th e a u th o r's a p p re c ia tio n and esteem fo r th e good q u a litie s o f those who hold ideas to which he is opposed. In a d d itio n , Don V alen tin voices P ered a's own e x h o rta tio n to both co n serv ativ es and lib e r a ls to take upon them selves the r e s p o n s ib ilitie s which the law o f progress imposes. —No hay modo de convencer a e sto s z a fio s d e s trip a - te rro n e s de que l a le y d e l progreso impone d eberes, lo mismo que la ley de Dios * . . . Y e l progreso es fru to n a tu ra l de la lib e rta d , y la lib e rta d padece persecuciones en e l p re se n te momento h is to r ic o . . . y e l honor de los padres es e l honor de los h ijo s , y donde padece la lib e r ta d , s u fre e l progreso; y s i muere la una, acabase e l o tro . . . . Pero la lib e rta d es in m o rtal, porque Dios puso e l sen tim ien to de e l la en e l corazon de lo s hombres; y siendo la lib e rta d in m o rtal, e l progreso no puede m o rir. 1 While Pereda could never have subscribed to the program of th e lib e r a ls in i t s e n tir e ty - - f o r i t s a n t i c le ric a lis m , i f fo r n o th in g e l s e - - i t need hard ly be pointed ^ El sabor de l a tie rru c a . p. 1291. 113 out th a t he would be much a t home in th e company of Don V alen tin G u tierrez de la P e m ia . And Don V ale n tin could e a s ily be taken fo r a fa v o rite G aldosian ty p e. That Pereda and Galdos could have been such good frie n d s , in s p ite o f th e ir id e o lo g ic a l d iffe re n c e s , is re a d ily u n d erstan d ab le. Don V alen tin had fought under E sp artero and v e n e r ated h is memory w ith a q u ix o tic fe rv o r. Now th a t th e C a r lis t war has broken out ag a in , h is o b sessio n is to defend Cumbrales a g a in s t th e bands o f C a r lis ts hovering in th e v i c in i ty . Don Pedro, the mayor and o th e rs in th e v i l lag e, p reten d in g p o l i t i c a l n e u tr a lity , d isre g a rd h is warn ings and p roposals fo r defense u n t i l th e day a C a r lis t p a tro l a c tu a lly e n te rs the v illa g e . Don V alent£n s a l l i e s fo rth alo n e to do combat, although he i s old and a ilin g . A chance sh o t f ir e d from somewhere in th e v illa g e p u ts th e p a tro l to ro u t, b u t Don V ale n tin , exhausted by h is e f f o r t, d ie s . El sabor de l a tie r r u c a evokes no problems o r con f l i c t s . I t i s , as th e t i t l e su g g ests, a p ro lo n g atio n of PeredaT s id y l li c v is io n of r u r a l l i f e , which reached i t s cu lm in atio n in Penas a r r ib a . I t is h is answer to th e "decadent’1 c iv iliz a tio n of th e c i t i e s and to th e l i b e r a l 114 attem pt a t progress and democracy. P ered a's a n ti-u rb a n sentim ent, which seems to be so c lo se ly linked to h is p o l i t i c a l and s o c ia l o rie n ta tio n , f i r s t appears in th e sh o rt sto ry "Suum cuique" (Escenas m ontanesas.). Don S ilv e s tre S etu ras, having re c e n tly a rriv e d in Madrid, gives h is ev a lu a tio n of the lam entable s t a te o f p o l i ti c a l a f f a i r s , in which we may read P ered a's own fe e lin g s o f d isillu sio n m e n t. Bajo dos aspectos me in te re sa b a la c o rte . . . como ce n tro en que se elaboraba esa p o litic a en que tan ciegam ente c r e ia y como p a tr ia coraun a todos lo s hombres de la lib e rta d s o c ia l y enemigos de lo s mez- quinos c h is te s de c o r r i ll o . Muy pocos d ias he n e c e s i- tado para conocer, a p esar de mi poca ex p e rien cia d e l mundo, que la t a l p o l£ tic a es una indigna fa rs a ; que sus p a rtid o s , le jo s de re p re s e n ta r ideas de salu d ab les recu rso s para l a p a tr ia , no son mas que posicio n es que lo s am biciosos ocupan p ara c o n q u ista r m ejor lo s grandes d e stin o s, que son e l m ovil p rin c ip a l de todos lo s p o litic o s . De aqui que e l Poder tenga ta n to s o p o sito res y que e sto s no convengan e n tre s i mas que en h acer la oposicion. . . . E ntre e l Con^reso de Dipu- tados y e l Concejo de mi lu g ar no hay mas d ife re n c ia que e l t r a j e de lo s co ncurrentes y la fndole de la s cu e stio n es: la in te n c io n es la misma: prim ero, yo; despues, mi p a r tid o : lo ultim o, e l p a i s . 32 This may, perhaps, be th e p o in t a t which the au th o r began to have a g re a te r a p p re c ia tio n fo r h is n a tiv e prov ince and to re v is e h is opinion o f r u s tic l i f e and o f th e 32 Escenas m ontanesas. Pereda, Obras. I, 265-266. 115 p easan t. Don S ilv e s tr e con tin u es: No por e llo me pesa e l v ia je , pues . . . he conocido lo que v a le e l in c u lto rin co n de mis mayores, tr o - candolo por la c iv iliz a c io n . E sta v a ld ra lo que q u ie ra s, pero a mi lu g ar me atengo; en e l estoy como e l pez en e l agua, y a mi lu g a r me v u e l v o . ^ 3 The anti-M adrid theme is again expressed in a scene from Pedro Sanchez, rem in iscen t o f Pereda*s own experience as he glim psed th e m etro p o lis fo r th e f i r s t tim e from th e window o f a stagecoach. Don S erafin Balduque, long-tim e government employee, v en ts h is pent-up b itte r n e s s : Aquello es M adrid. . . . iAh, s i yo tu v ie ra poder para ta n to l . . . Un re c a d ito se c re to a la s gentes honradas para que e s c u rrie ra n e l b u lto ; luego, una llu v ia espesa de polvora fin a ; en seguida o tra llu v ia de resco ld o . . . y como en la g lo r ia todos lo s e s p a n o l e s . - ^ Pereda*s h o s t i l i t y toward the c a p ita l stems from c e r ta in ideas h eld by him. Madrid re p re se n ts re v o lu tio n , d iso rd e r, e x p lo ita tio n by demagogues — . . . como saben ya n u estro s le c to re s de la c a p ita l, en Santander no se ha turbado e l orden publico e l d fa senalado n i es probable tampoco que se tu rb e por ahora, porque Santander re sp e ta como n ad ie a l Poder c o n s ti- tu id o legalraente, comprende cu al es la p rin c ip a l m ira de esos zu rcid o res de m otines que, engahando a l pueblo con locas y pomposas p alab ras, pretenden, de los 33 Escenas m ontanesas. pp. 265-266. Q I Pedro Sanchez. Pereda, Qbras, I I , 39• 116 escombros de un cataclism o s o c ia l, e x tra e r, p ara colmo de su egoismo, e l b o tin que ha formado e l sudor de sus hermanos. S antander, lo repetim os, n i p ien sa en pronunciaraientos n i en su re c in to hay, a Dios g ra c ia s germenes b a s ta n te re v o lu c io n a rio s para que reto n en a l prim er soplo de ese am biente que so lo se r e s p ir a en la s p la z u e la s de la s poblaciones s in v id a p r o p i a . ^ 5 - - a l l o f which is avoided in Santander because o f th e atmo sphere o f tr a d itio n th a t p re v a ils th e re . C ity l i f e , in g e n e ra l, re p re se n te d a way o f l i f e which Pereda thought to be e s s e n tia lly immoral, as opposed to th e "pure" and "wholesome" l i f e o f th e co u n try . (See pages 58-59 fo r P ereda’s view o f l i f e in th e French c a p i t a l .) The a u th o r's a p p re c ia tio n o f h is own Santander i s voiced by C asallen a in Nubes de e s tfo (1890) as he argues w ith a jo u r n a lis t from Madrid over th e r e la ti v e m e rits o f l i f e in th e m etro p o lis versu s l i f e in th e p ro v in c ia l c a p ita l. He lam ents th e pow erful in flu e n c e e x e rte d by Madrid upon th e s o c ia l customs o f th e province, which, though le s s so p h is tic a te d and le s s b r i l l i a n t , a re more wholesome. The people, he d e c la re s , a re b e tt e r educated in g en e ral and more s o lid in c h a ra c te r than th e m ad rilen o s. 35 "S antander, 18 de ju n io ," La Abeia M ontanesa. 22 de j u l i o de 1859, Pereda, O bras, I, 60. 117 . . . tenemos fa m ilia s acaudaladas y s e n o rita s prim oro- s a s , amen de m odestas y muy m ujeres de su casa, __ tenemos tam bien m adres, y de buen v e r, y g alan e s, s i no mas feos y peor v e stid o s que lo s de u ste d e s, q u iza raejor educados y menos holgazanes, y mas u t i l e s a l cabo. ” Pereda f e l t , a ls o , th a t country l i f e was m orally su p e rio r to th a t o f th e c it y ; th e more ordered and tra n q u il a l i f e i s , th e more conducive to contem plation and to a m oral and r e lig io u s outlook i t i s bound to be. Agueda, th e h ero in e of De t a l nalo t a l a s t i l l a (1880), had been tau g h t by h e r m other to "read ” id eas in n a tu re . . . . le h ab ia ensenado a le e r en la s extensas paginas d e l hermoso su elo p a tr io , convenciose la p ersp ic az educanda de que d ic e mucho menos l a ciudad con sus estruendos que la a g re s te N atu raleza con su m edita- bunda tra n q u ilid a d . No exageraba su madre cuando le aseguraba, con un famoso n o v e lis ta , que en todo p a i sa j e hay id e a s . jCuantas encontraba Agueda e n tre lo s h o riz o n te s de su lin d o v a lle !^ ? In Pedro Sanchez th e Simon Cerojo sto ry is r e to ld . Pedro Sanchez is a young man from a sm all town in the n o rth , who would have been b e t t e r o f f i f he had remained in h is n ich e and served as m unicipal s e c re ta ry , a p o st o b tain ed fo r him by h is f a th e r . But th e prom ise of a ^ Nubes de e s tfo . Pereda, O bras. I I , 848. ^ D e t a l p alo t a l a s t i l l a . Pereda, O bras. I, 1031. 118 p o sitio n in Madrid, made to him by a v acatio n in g p o l i t i c ia n , Don Augusto de V alenzuela, b rin g s him to the c a p ita l, where, a f te r many s tru g g le s and adventures, he manages to marry Don Augusto1s daughter C lara and, ev e n tu a lly , ascends to the high p o s itio n of p ro v in c ia l governor. The a d u lte ry of h is w ife involves him in a duel w ith h is r i v a l . F inan c i a l and p o l i t i c a l re v erses b rin g h is dow nfall and h is e x ile from M adrid. A fte r many more adventures in and o u t o f Spain, he re tu rn s to h is n a tiv e v illa g e , re p en tan t o f ever having l e f t i t . He s e t t l e s down to a q u ie t l i f e , fre e o f passion and tu rm o il, and w rite s h is memoirs, in o rd er th a t " e l ejemplo de [sus] desenganos lleg u e a s e r v ir a O Q alguno de escarm ien to ." The p o litic ia n s of th e m etro p o lis come in fo r a goodly share o f c a u s tic comment and c r itic is m on the p a rt of the au th o r. V alenzuela is th e i r p ro to ty p e. According to P edro's frie n d , M atica, th e case o f V alenzuela is proof th a t any man o f l i t t l e in te llig e n c e can r i s e to a high p o s itio n . "B asta con s e r mal in clin ad o y te n e r poca v e r- giienza; anada u ste d , s i q u ie re , c i e r ta tra v e su ra , buena ^ P ed ro Sanchez, p. 185. fachada, raucho e n fa s is , algo de abnegacion, crim in al por 39 supuesto, y h e te a V alen zu ela.M The a u th o r's p o r tr a it o f th e lib e r a l newspaper e d ito r, Redondo, is n o ta b le fo r i t s honesty and r e la tiv e freedom from s a r c a s tic comment. I t provides y e t another example of P ered a's w illin g n e ss to a p p ra ise th e good q u a litie s o f those w ith whom he d isag re es id e o lo g ic a lly . Yet, during th e s t r e e t r io tin g o f 1854, d escrib ed in the novel by th e au th o r, who had been an eye w itness (see page 52), Redondo, in h is re v o lu tio n a ry en thusiasm , cannot b rin g h im self to blame th e people fo r th e excesses th a t were committed. He re lu c ta n tly approves of th e r e s u lts o f th e i r a c tio n because he d e s ire s so stro n g ly th e advance o f th e lib e r a l cause. " iEsos monstruos no son e l pueblo!" he exclaim s, "pero aceptaba lo s hechos en odio a lo s a iu s tic ia d o s . como un ejemplo n e c e s a rio ." 4® S o tile z a . w ritte n in 1885, was, according to the au th o r, an attem pt to re v iv e the l i f e and customs o f San tan d er as they were p rio r to 1850: . . . r e s u c ita r g entes, cosas y lu g ares que apenas e x iste n ya, y re c o n s tru ir tin pueblo sepultado de la 39 ' Pedro Sanchez, p . 85. 4 0 Ib id . . p. 126. 120 noche a la manana, d u rante su p a tr ia r c a l reposo, bajo la balumba de o tra s ideas y o tra s costunibres a r r a s tr a - das h a sta aqui por e l to rre n te de una nueva y ex tran a c i v i l i z a c i o n .^ He proposed to co n fro n t th e p resen t and fu tu re g en eratio n s w ith evidence o f th e worth o f th e ir p red ecesso rs, "o fre c e r a la co n sid eracio n de o tra s generaciones algo de lo que hay de p in to re sc o , s in d e ja r de se r c a s tiz o , en e s ta ra za p e jin a que va desvaneciendose e n tre la ab ig arrad a e in s u ls a confusion de la s modernas costum bres."42 This p o in ts up P ere d a's concern over th e in c re a sin g "decadence” of Spanish so c ie ty . The way of l i f e he remembered from h is childhood and e a rly youth was " r e a lity " to him and he seemed nos ta lg ic a lly u n w illin g to adm it th a t i t must change. He had, ap p aren tly , convinced h im self th a t th e new ideas re p re sented a re tro c e s s io n from th e sc a le of v alu es to which he h eld , and th a t they were a r e a l danger to a l l th a t he con sid e re d good in Spanish tr a d itio n . The costumbrismo exem plified in S o tile z a is a lso P ered a's way of re a ffirm ing h is a n t i - c e n tr a li s t id e a s, sin ce "la s modernas costura- b res" coming, as they do, from th e m etro p o lis, coincided 41 S o tile z a . Pereda, Obras, I I , 187 42Ib id ., p. 196. 121 w ith an unwelcome im position of c e n tr a l is t power (pages 114-116). The e n th u s ia s tic re c e p tio n of th e novel by the C atalonian c r i t i c s was due as much to i t s reg io n alism as 43 to i t s l i te r a r y m e rit. As though to c a s tig a te Madrid fo r h er s in s , Pereda w rote, in 1887, and published th e follow ing y ear, La Mon- ta lv e z . a s a t ir e o f l i f e among th e upper c la s s e s , in the s ty le of Coloma’s Peoueneces, which i t a n tic ip a te d by fo u r y ea rs, and exceeded in the b itte r n e s s o f i t s s a t i r e . The same theme had been d e a lt w ith in an e a r l ie r sh o rt novel, La m uier d e l Cesar (1870). The two works r e f l e c t th e a u th o r's fe e lin g a g a in st a way o f l i f e which, in h is opinion, s t i f l e d v ir tu e and made C h ristia n fam ily l i f e im p o ssib le . Both a re concerned w ith m oral and re lig io u s problems p rim a rily and w ill be d iscu ssed fu rth e r in an o th er p a rt o f th is c h a p te r. Nubes de est£ o (1890) renews th e a u th o r’s h o s t i l i t y toward o u ts id e rs , in th is case th e ric h m adrilenos who flo c k to Santander to escape th e summer h ea t of th e c a p ita l, b rin g in g w ith them th e c o rru p tin g in f l u ences o f th e g re a t c ity . A1 prim er vuelo (1891) re p e a ts ^ C o s s io , La obra l i t e r a r i a de Pereda. p . 230 th e same theme w ith v a rie d circum stances. Don Roque B rezales (Nubes de e s tfo ) is y e t another Simon Cerojo, who, fo r the sake o f s o c ia l and p o l i t i c a l advantage, promises h is daughter in m arriage to th e son of the Duke of Casa- G u tierrez, a pow erful p o l i t i c a l fig u re . Pereda seemed to have, in common w ith o th e r in te lle c tu a ls o f Santander, a c e rta in d isd a in fo r th e commercial middle c la s s , as e v i denced by h is s a t i r i c a l p o rtra y a l o f Don Roque. The pub lic a tio n o f Nubes de est£o occasioned a vigorous p ro te s t led by one Don Fermfn Bolado Zubeldxa in b e h a lf o f th e commercial community of Santander, which n e a rly re s u lte d in a law s u i t . ^ - P ered a's s a ti r e , however, is n o t s a t i r e of a s o c ia l c l a s s , i t is d ire c te d so le ly a g a in st a c e rta in type o f in d iv id u a l: " e l tip o de la vulg arid ad e n riq u e c id a .1 1 . . . e l mismisimo senor de lo s B rezales, como e l se firm aba, o B rezales a secas, como le llam aba todo e l mundo. Ya se ha dicho de e s te su je to que e ra e l tip o de la v u lg arid ad en riq u ecid a; y aqu£ se confirm s e l a s e rto , con la ahadidura de que e ra as£, no solo en conjunto, sin o en cada uno de sus pormenores fis ic o s y m orales: v u lg ar de pelo, y de o re ja s, y de p ie s, y de b ig o te s, y de esp ald as, y de o jo s, y de ropa . . . v u lg a r, en f in , h a s ta en la manera de a tre v e rs e a se r chancero y g racio so , o solemne y profundo, segun lo s casos, e n tre gentes "de poco mas o menos," con la ^ C o s s fo , La obra l i t e r a r i a de Pereda, pp. 302-307. 123 o sad ia que da a los hombres de escaso m eollo la pose- sio n d e l d in ero atrapado con la e s c o b illa d e l a t r i l . 4- * Don Roque is an indiano who had to ile d and sweated in America fo r f i f te e n years w ith one thought in mind: to make money. N ow he has money, and p o l i ti c a l power, because of h is money, but he lacks education and c u ltu re . "Pago, por- que no se d ig a, la su scrip c io n de tr e s perio d ico s de Madrid, que no le o ; estoy abocado a una gran cruz, y no 46 conozco o tro s lib ro s que lo s de mi casa de comercio, he brags. I t is p re c is e ly th is v u lg a rity which seems to irk Pereda, plus th e fa c t th a t i t is p o ssib le fo r such a man to have p o l i ti c a l power (see pages 97-98). Pereda’s l a s t im portant work is Penas a rrib a com posed between 1891 and 1894. The a c tio n is s e t around 1870, when the mountain v a lle y s of th e C antabrian re g io n were beginning to fe e l th e rep ercu ssio n s of th e upheaval of 1868. Pereda, speaking through th e mouth o f a v illa g e d octor, sees th e remote mountain areas as a bulwark a g a in st the encroachments of c e n tr a lis t p o li ti c a l power, " la maldad de ahora [que] alcanzaba mayor hondura que la de an tes en 4 " * Nubes de e st£ o , p. 763. 46Ib id ., p. 779. 47 e l cuerpo s o c ia l." I t was, as he saw i t , the re sp o n si b i l i t y of the e l i t e , "lo s hombres de luces y de buena 48 v o lu n ta d ," to work toward the u n ific a tio n of th e r u r a l a re a s, " la u n ific a c io n de m iras y de voluntades de todos * 49 para e l bien coraun, toward the c o n stru c tio n of a "gran obra de defensa c o n tra la s oleadas m aleantes que lle g a n h a sta aqui en epocas determ inadas desde los absorbentes cen tro s p o litic o s y ad m in istra tiv o s d e l E s ta d o ." ^ The "oleadas m alean tes," or th e new lib e ra lis m , was c a llin g in to q u estio n th e p rin c ip a l of a u th o rity v ested in an h e re d ita ry a ris to c ra c y . A com plete change in th e s tr u c tu re of tr a d itio n a l Spanish so c ie ty was envisioned. But, as th e old h iera rch y began to crumble, and th e c le a r o u t lin e s o f a new o rd er were n o t y et tra c e a b le , the sp e c te rs o f demagogy, d iso rd e r and tyranny th re a te n e d . P ered a's answer to the th re a t was to e x a lt th e p a tria r c h a l l i f e of the r u r a l areas and to exhort Spaniards to renew the id e a ls and the p ra c tic e o f th e "Spanish way of l i f e . " Pereda’s 4 ^Penas a rrib a . Pereda, O bras. I I , 1157. 48Ib id .. p. 1158. 49Ib id . 50Ib id . 125 in te r p r e ta tio n of th is way of l i f e is sometimes more s e n t i m ental than id e o lo g ic a l. In Penas a r rib a we fin d a roman t i c evocation of th e w ild s p i r i t o f the old C antabrian m ountain tr ib e s "en toda su b arb ara grandeza . . . bebiendo sangre de c a b a llo . . . su m irar poderoso e im perturbable . . . su r e s is te n c ia de s e is ahos co n tra la s in v en cib les leg io n es de Augusto . . . [p re firie n d o ] la m uerte en cruz antes que e l yugo d e l co n q u istad o r. Here in the m ountains th e re is good h e a lth and sim ple liv in g . La ra z a es de lo mas sano y hermoso que he conocido en Espana, y yo creo que son p a rte s p rin c ip a lisim a s de e l l a la continua gim nasia d e l monte, la abundancia de la leche y la honradez de la s costum bres publicas y dom esticas, . . . no hab£a en e l lu g ar mas que una ta b e m a , y esa de l a propiedad d e l Ayuntamiento que vendia vino c a s i con re c e ta y para que cada consumidor lo b e b ie ra en su casa; . . . e ra muy mal mirado e l hombre que m ostraba in s tin to s ta b e m e ro s, y mucho peor e l que se dejaba a r r a s t r a r de e llo s , aunque fu e ra pocas v e c e s. 52 The mountain fo lk a re co n ten t w ith th e ir l o t and are sup posed n o t to have any in te r e s t in what li e s beyond th e ir horizon. 5 1 Penas a rrib a . p. 1120. 52Ib id ., pp. 1148-1149. 126 Yo h able con hombres de e s to s, re c ie n llegados a l v a lle tra s de muchos meses de ausencia de e l, y no h a lle la menor d ife re n c ia que lo s d is tin g u ie r a en e l v e s t l r y en e l h a b la r, n i en la manera de conduclrse en todo, de sus o tro s convecinos; n i tampoco he h allad o despues, buscandolas de in te n to , muy n o to ria s sen ales de que le s in te re s e , fu e ra de sus hogares, mas que e l asunto que los saca de e llo s , como s i so lo tu v ie ra n ojos y corazon para v e r y s e n tir e l te rru n o n a tiv o . In Pereda*s opinion, th is s o c ie ty would have l i t t l e use fo r the dem ocratic p rin c ip le s o f 1868. As long as the a u th o rity of th e h id a le u fa was passed from f a th e r to son, th e re would be order, but no p ro v isio n was made fo r a break in th e lin e ; th e re was no ru le of law to tak e over in the in te rim . The in h a b ita n ts o f Tablanca were aware of th is and tr ie d to p ress upon M arcelo the urgency o f h is p re p a r ing h im self to succeed h is dying u n cle. Another of Pereda*s o ld -s ty le p a tria rc h s , on the order o f Don Roman de la Llos£a, is th e lo rd o f Provedano, whose domain is a d a y 's journey from Tablanca. He is an e ru d ite gentleman, who has seen much of the w orld, b u t, conscious of h is duty, p re fe rs to is o la te h im self in h is mountain fa stn e ss and ru le h is peasants w ith a firm and ju s t hand. ^ Penas a rrib a . p. 1148. 127 The p o licy o f the c e n tr a l government a t th is tim e, 54 according to NeTuco C e lis, th e v illa g e d o cto r, was to attem pt to break down the a u th o rity o f th ese landed h id a lg o s. The su rv iv a l o f th e p a tria r c h a l way of l i f e depended upon the w its and courage o f the l a t t e r . Neluco explains h ere to Marcelo how the government uses the law to p en alize the hidalgo. F igurese u sted que, segun d eclaran la s leyes funda- m entales d e l Estado, todo ciudadano tie n e la fa c u lta d de e v ita r un d e lito , siem pre que pueda, y presuponga en seguida que n u estro hombre toma e l precepto le g a l a l p ie de la l e tr a , y t r a t a de cum plir en la prim era ocasion que se le va a la s manos. Ya e s ta evitando e l d e lito , con todas la s consecuencias n a tu ra le s de una r e s is te n c ia o bstinada, y muy n a tu ra l tam bien, de p a rte d e l d e lin c u e n te . Pero a lz a se e s te en queja d e l " a tro - p e llo ," y comienzan lo s tra m ite s reg lam en tario s, y viene l a ley , con sus d is tin g o s y s u tile z a s c a s u x sti- cas, y h ete a n u estro hombre pagando los v id rio s ro to s y quiza a la s p u ertas de la c a rc e l, como un s a lte a d o r de caminos. Y hay casos de e llo . . . . Fues . . . "esa es la l e y ," que parece hecha de in te n to para amparar d e lin c u e n te s. The "senor de Provedano" is portrayed as a m artyr o f the stru g g le to m aintain tr a d itio n . According to him, customs and laws must not be changed by men but must be allowed to evolve "por su propio peso, digamoslo asx, de 54 See a ls o Brenan, The Spanish L abyrinth, p. 206. ^ Penas a r r ib a . p. 1195. 128 l a n a tu ra le z a de la s cosas raismas; que la s ley es se acomo- den a l modo de s e r de los pueblos, no lo s pueblos a la s Cg ley es de o tr a p a r te ." An analogy may be drawn between the l a t t e r s t a t e ment, "que la s ley es se acomoden a l modo de s e r de lo s pueblos, no lo s pueblos a la s leyes de o tra p a r te ," and a s im ila r lin e of th in k in g propounded by Galdos in h is tra v e l memoirs: "El estado s o c ia l y moral de un p ais tie n e que se r siem pre l a fu en te de que d e riv e sus ideas y sus p ra c tic a s e l poder encargado de r e g ir lo . . . . El gobierno de un pueblo es e l pueblo misrao, con sus v ic io s y v irtu d e s , con su tera- peramento puesto en accio n ." (See page 85.) The lo rd o f Provedano would say to the government: Tomate, en e l concepto que mas te plazca, lo que en buena y e s t r i c t a j u s t i c i a te debemos de n u e stra pobreza para le v a n ta r la s cargas comunes de la P a tria ; pero dejanos lo s demas para h acer de e llo lo que m ejor nos parezca; dejanos n u estro s bienes comunales, nues- tra s sab ias ordenanzas, n u estro s tra d ic io n a le s y lib r e s Concejos; en f i n (y diciendo a la moda d e l d£a), nues tr a autonom£a m unicipal, y C risto con todos.^7 This is a su c c in c t expression of the s o c io - p o litic a l id ea, which, by h i s t o r i c a l ac cid en t, is c a lle d C arlism : communal ^ Penas a rrib a . p. 1188. 129 m unicipal o rg a n iz a tio n , o ld -s ty le Spanish democracy, ru le of lo c a l law and custom, lo c a l autonomy, and a minimal CO re la tio n s h ip w ith the n a tio n a l government. I have not been ab le to find in P ereda’s works any evidence th a t he was a b e lie v e r in a b so lu te monarchy. His support o f the C a r lis t p a rty was ap p aren tly based on h is assum ption th a t the way o f l i f e defended by th e lo rd of Provedano would be p o ssib le only under a C a r lis t regim e. I f , in h is b r ie f p o l itic a l c a re e r, he gave support to the p rin c ip le o f absolutism , i t would be sim ply because o f lo y a lty to the p arty o f which he was a re p re s e n ta tiv e , and not because o f personal co n v ictio n . According to Galdos, he was not the " a b s o lu tis t ty p e ." Antes de conocerle habfa o£do d e c ir que Pereda era a rd ie n te p a r tid a r io d e l absolutism o, y no lo quer£a c re e r. Por mas que me aseguraban h a b e rle v is to en Madrid, nada menos que figurando como diputado en la m inoria c a r l i s t a , ssm ejante id ea se me hac£a absurda, im posible; no me cabfa en la cabeza. . . . T ratandole despues, me c e rc io re de l a fu n e sta verdad. El mismo, echando p e ste s c o n tra lo que me e ra sim patico, lo confirmo plenam ente. Pero su firm eza, su teson puro y d esin teresad o y la noble sin c e rid a d con que me d eclarab a y defen d ia sus id eas, me causaban t a l asom- bro y de t a l modo inform aron y com pletaron a mis ojos 58 Brenan, The Spanish L abyrinth, pp. 206 and 336-338. 130 e l c a ra c te r de Pereda, que hoy me c o s ta r ia tra b a jo im aginarle de o tro modo. . . . O tra c irc u n s ta n c ia hace excepcional su p ro se litism o y le exime de la s censuras a que v iv e expuesta toda opinion r a d ic a l de n u estro s d fa s: me r e f ie r o a su p recio slsim a independencia, que le a i s l a de lo s manejos de todos lo s p a rtid o s , in clu so e l suyo. In summing up Pereda’s p o litic a l id eas, i t becomes c le a r th a t he does n o t f i t so e a s ily in to th e C a r lis t and t r a d i t i o n a l i s t mold. His tra d itio n a lis m is seen as a concern fo r the p re se rv a tio n o f moral v a lu e s. When he d e c la re s h is b e lie f in the r ig h t of th e people to decide th e ir own form o f government through fre e e le c tio n s (pages 56-57), he leaves the door open fo r p o s s i b i li t ie s -v. ' w ' o th er than a b so lu te monarchy. He did n o t b lin d ly advocate C arlism as th e form o f government which should hold sway over a l l o f Spain, nor did he in d ic a te u n a lte ra b le opposi tio n to a lib e r a l form of government, as such. He did up hold th e p rin c ip le s o f popular sovereignty and lo c a l au to n omy, and o f freedom, which he declared to be God-given, and a necessary co n d itio n of p ro g ress. His h o s t i l i t y toward p o litic s and p o litic ia n s is , in r e a l ity , a r e s u lt of h is in d ig n atio n over the v e n a lity 59 / Galdos, Prologue to El sabor de la tie rru c a . I, 1264. of men in p u b lic l i f e . He m istru ste d u n trie d ideas and new systems o f government which did n o t seem to be working too w ell, and which, in h is view, endangered th e moral and c u ltu r a l l i f e o f th e n a tio n . Pereda hated m ed io crity and feared the ascendancy o f m a te r ia lis tic a lly minded men who would impose th e ir shabby, bourgeois values on a so c ie ty which, h e re to fo re , had belonged to th e a r is to c r a tic e l i t e . I t seemed to him th a t the lib e r a l movement had opened th e flo o d g ates, so to speak, and allowed the p o l i tic a l and s o c ia l world to be inundated by u n le tte re d , s e lf-se e k in g demagogues, thereby in c re a sin g the p o s s i b i li t ie s o f c o rru p tio n in n a tio n a l l i f e . Pereda r e lie d h eav ily on the p a tria r c h a l system, as a b a sis fo r m aintaining moral v alu es. A necessary ad ju n ct to h is p a tria r c h a l philosophy was h is e x a lta tio n o f r u r a l l i f e over urban l i f e . I t seemed to him th a t p o l i ti c a l a f f a ir s were bound to be more c o rru p t in the c ity than they could be in th e country, e s p e c ia lly in th e areas where the com bination of r e lig io n , tr a d itio n and p a tria rc h ism held sway. He asso c ia te d re v o lu tio n and the breakdown of law and o rd er w ith th e c i t i e s , e s p e c ia lly M adrid. In Penas a r rib a he exhorted "lo s hombres de luces y de buena 132 voluntad" to stand firm a g a in s t p o l i t i c a l c o rru p tio n and the in v asio n of r u r a l Spain by th o se who would change the t r a d itio n a l p o l i t i c a l and s o c ia l p a tte rn o f the towns and v i l la g e s . The m a n ife sta tio n s o f re lig io u s sentim ent in Pereda are in th e tr a d itio n o f Feraan C aballero and Coloma-- d e s c rip tio n o f re lig io u s custom s, m oral in te n tio n , sympa th e tic p o rtra y a l o f exemplary p r i e s t s . His r e l i g i o s i t y is ro o ted in orthodox C atholicism and h is in te r p r e ta tio n of human n a tu re is in accord w ith the C ath o lic d e f in itio n : th a t man is e s s e n tia lly good, b u t has a f a lle n n a tu re , which, w ith o u t th e consciousness o f God, could make a b e a st o f him, "nino es e l hombre y aun, con fre c u e n c ia , es angel; pero tam bien es tig r e c a m ic e ro en cuanto a r ro ja a Dios de 60 su c o n c ie n c ia ." He shares th e th e o lo g ic a l view o f the Church th a t "condicion es de toda humana obra e l s e r e f i - 61 mera y pereced era, . . . " and th a t m an's u ltim a te d e stin y lie s beyond th is e a rth ly l i f e . As an orthodox C ath o lic he was concerned about s t r i c t adherence to re lig io u s p ra c tic e s 60 Esbozos v rasgun os. Pereda, Obras. I, 1240. 61 Escenas m ontahesas. p. 329. 133 and about the p u rity of th e F aith . In "La buena g l o r i a ," which d esc rib es th e popular C antabrian eq u iv alen t of the I ris h wake, a barbarous fu n e ra l custom, he condemns i t as 62 s a c rile g io u s . "Las b ru ja s ," a sh o rt sto ry , s trik e s a g a in st popular b e lie f in w itches, showing i t s cru el conse- 63 quences. Two s to r ie s from Escenas m ontanesas. "La noche 6A - de Navidad" and "Arroz y g a llo m u erto ," d e a l w ith t r a d i tio n a l re lig io u s custom s, w ith ev id en t r e lis h on the p a rt o f the au th o r. Empezada l a misa, no cesaron lo s tir o s en e l p o rta l de l a ig le s ia , y la g a ita sig u io tocando en e l coro, acompanando a lo s c a n to re s. . . . Toco su tu m o a l p re - d icad o r, cuyo sermon e ra e l gran acontecim iento d e l d ia . No d ire que con muy b r illa n te s form as, pero con un pulmon adm irable, con palab ras s e n c illa s y con una d o c trin a pura y lle n a de paz y de consuelo. . . . Libreme Dios de no adm irar ta n to fe rv o r. jO jala tu v ie ra cada ald e a y cada semana, por lo menos, un orador de aquel genero, que conservara v iv a y consoladora en e l pecho de lo s pobres aldeanos la fe de sus m ayores. To Pereda r e lig io n i s the most im portant fa c to r in th e liv e s of the poor. With f a ith , poverty and m isery 62 Escenas m ontanesas. pp. 292-300. 'w' ^ Tipos v n a is a ie s . Pereda, Obras, I, 395-412. ^ Escenas m ontanesas, pp. 231-234 and 304-307. 65Ib id .. p. 308. 134 can be made a t le a s t b earab le. R eligion i s more im portant than p o li tic a l rig h ts o r dem ocratic government. Con [la re lig io n ] unicam ente son p o sib les la paz y la v en tu ra e n tre ta n ta s p riv acio n es y m ise ria s. Los derechos p o litic o s , l a c iv iliz a c io n autonomica nunca produciran e n tre e llo s mas que envidias y e sc isio n e s, hambre y d esesperacion. Ser pobre y honrado es la mayor de la s v irtu d e s ; y e l pueblo, para se r v irtu o so , n e c e s ita , a n te s que derechos y titu lo s pomposos que lo ensoberbezcan, pan que le alim ente y fe que lo re sig n e a l tr a b a jo .66 As a C ath o lic, Pereda was always c a re fu l to show h is re sp e c t fo r p r ie s t s . Almost every p r ie s t in h is novels and sh o rt s to r ie s is a model of p r ie s tlin e s s and, w hile rem aining human, never e x h ib its se rio u s d e fe c ts of ch a rac te r . The sp e c ta c le of a p r ie s t attem p tin g to seduce a h e lp le s s young woman, as in G aldos' La Fontana de Pro. would have been u n thinkable to Pereda. Even to h in t th a t a p r i e s t could have grave perso n al problems of h is own or serio u s doubts in h is mind w ith which he must stru g g le , as in G aldos' Tormento, appears to be out o f th e q u estio n , probably because Pereda d id not w ish to r i s k scan d alizin g h is pious re a d e rs. A p r ie s t, g e n e ra lly speaking, must be looked upon as a re p re s e n ta tiv e o f God, and, as such, 66 Escenas m ontanesas. p. 308. 135 remains o u tsid e th e sphere o f human c r itic is m . Don P er- fe c to in "Las b ru ja s" is a p rototype of P ereda’s p r ie s ts . Don P erfecto no e ra uno de esos sacerd o tes id e a le s que se ven a menudo en e l te a tro y en la s laminas de la s entregas de a c u a rto , con lo s ojos v u e lto s a l c ie lo y lo s brazos en cruz, que hablan en sonetos y van seguidos de un enjambre de ninos a quienes ensenan la d o c trin a y re g alan c a sta n a s: e ra un tip o b a sta n te mas te r r e n a l, asx en. fig u ra como en e s t i l o , s in que por e llo fu e ra menos v irtu o s o . Predicaba e l Evangelio d e l d ia todos los fe s tiv o s , y s i en su elocuencia no era un pico de oro, en los efecto s de su p la tic a podia a p o s ta rs e le a l mas in sp irad o , porque conocia, como la s suyas p ro p ias, h a s ta la mas liv ia n a flaq u eza de sus f e lig r e s e s , y siem pre le s h e r ia en lo v iv o . Dar a l pobre lo que le sobraba a e l y v i v i r con lo mas in d isp en sab le, le p a re c ia un deber s o c ia l, cuanto mas de co n cien cia para tin sac erd o te; s a c r if ic a r h a s ta su v id a por la d e l projim o, la cosa mas n a tu ra l d e l mundo, y c o n q u ista r a l demonio una alma para Dios, e l colmo de sus am biciones. Por lo demas, le gustaba h a b la r de cuando en cuando con sus fe lig re s e s de lo s azares de la cosecha de e sto s ; o irlo s d is c u r r ir sobre analogas c u e stio n e s; c o r re g irle s mas de cu atro d e sa tin o s, y h a s ta a tu fa rs e un poco con lo s mas d fsc o lo s. En cam- b io , todos le quer£an b ien ; y eso que nunca le h a lla ro n en la tab em a, n i re co rrien d o la s tie n d a s o lo s m erca- dos de la s inm ediaciones. ^ The p r ie s t o f Coteruco (Don Gonzalo Gonzalez de la Gonza- le r a ) , c a s t in th e same mold, is an example o f a man o f cle a n liv in g and d e d ic a tio n to h is v o c a tio n --th e id e a l p a rish p r ie s t. 67 Tipos v n a is a ie s . p. 407. 136 . . . no e ra un santo n i blasonaba de s e rlo , y para sabio le fa lta b a mucho; pero e ra v irtu o s o , in fa tig a b le en e l e je r c ic io de su d elicad o m in is te rio y no carec£a de elocuencia p ersu asiv a para d i r i g i r fre cu en tes y opor- tunas p la tic a s a sus f e lig r e s e s ; daba a lo s pobres cuanto le sobraba, y alg o mas, y no se separaba de la cabecera de lo s enfermos en p e lig ro de m uerte. Sus recreo s eran b ien s e n c illo s : c u ltiv a r un huerto que ten£a, pasear por la s praderas d e l v a lle . . . . Ni mas tab em a, n i mas b a ra ja , n i mas esc ope ta , n i mas t e r - t u l ia . Rayaba en lo s se se n ta anos; se llam aba Don F ru to s, y pod£a g lo ria rs e de que lo s recog£a muy saneados, en e l pueblo, de la se m illa de su ejemplo y de sus p re d ic a c io n e s. F ath er A polinar (S o tile z a ’ ). based on a liv in g m o d e l,^ is one of th e a u th o r's most n o ta b le c h a ra c te rs . This "w aterfro n t" p r ie s t pu ts h is ta le n ts and energy to th e ta sk o f teaching and c a te c h iz in g th e s t r e e t u rc h in s. He provides them w ith s h ir ts and p an ts, even removing h is own c lo th in g from h is body when n ecessary . F ath er Dom£nguez, frie n d o f th e B rezales fam ily in Nubes de est£ o . b esid es d isp la y in g a l l the u su al v irtu e s of Pereda’s p r ie s ts , adds th a t of prudence. Iren e, n o t w ishing to go through w ith a m arriage which was being forced on h e r, pleads w ith th e p r ie s t to dissuade h er 68 / Don Gonzalo Gonzalez de la G onzalera. p. 867. ^ R ic a rd o Gullon, Vida de Pereda (Madrid: E d ito ra N acional, 1944), pp. 76 and 158. 137 f a th e r from com pelling h e r to marry a g a in st h e r w ill. Oyola e l padre . . . aprobo su r e s is te n c ia . . . l e re co - mendo la p a c ie n c ia , M pero lo de h a b la r a tu padre, h i j a mia, ya es h a rin a de o tro c o s ta l. Esto de m eterse en la s casas ajen as a f a l l a r en asuntos de fa m ilia s es mas de lo que a t i te p arece. . . . Ahora, s i tu padre me llam ara, o tu madre . . . entonces ya s e r ia o tra co sa. The a t t itu d e o f t h i s p r ie s t o f Pereda, who does n o t meddle in fam ily a f f a i r s , stands d ia m e tric a lly opposed to th a t o f Galdos* F ath er P a o le tti (La fa m ilia de Leon Roch). whose in te rfe re n c e in th e m a rita l a f f a i r s o f Leon Roch was p a r tly re sp o n sib le fo r th e f a ilu r e o f h is m arriage. Again, as a C ath o lic, Pereda f e l t o b lig ed to look a t many problems from th e i r th e o lo g ic a l and sacram ental a sp e c ts . In tr e a tin g o f d e a th , fo r example, being con cerned f o r the s a lv a tio n o f th e so u l of even the b la c k e st o f h is v i l l a i n s , Pereda would see to i t th a t they re c e iv e a t le a s t a c o n d itio n a l a b so lu tio n b efo re allow ing them to s l i p in to the n ex t w orld. Don B a lta sa r in La Puchera, hanging from a c l i f f , h ears th e "ego te absolvo" from the lip s o f Don A lejo seconds b e fo re he plunges to h is d eath . In El sab o r de la t i e r r u c a , Don V alentfn, th e v e te ra n ^ Nubes de e s t f o . pp. 820-821. 138 o f Luchana (see page 112), befo re " d e liv e rin g h is so u l to God," "se confeso despacio y b ie n . . . . R ecibio despues e l * * 71 V iatico y luego la U ncion." D escribing the manner of death in such terms was im portant to Pereda, and c o n tra s ts s ig n if ic a n tly w ith Galdos* freq u en t "pasados los cinco / + 72 m inutes . . . no e x i s t i a ," or "dejo de e x i s t i r ." This is n o t to say th a t Galdos d id not have re lig io u s b e lie f s . M y purpose in making th is comparison is to c o n tra s t Pereda*s s t r i c t l y orthodox r e li g i o s i ty and d id a c tic in te n t w ith G aldos' li b e r a l a ttitu d e and g en eral unconcern fo r o rth o doxy. Pereda believed in the in d is s o lu b ility of m arriage, in accordance w ith h is C atholic teaching, and could never countenance a loose in te r p r e ta tio n o f the holy bond of matrimony, such as is found in Galdos* F o rtu n ata v J a c in ta . nor even th e p o s s ib ility of a "mixed" m arriage between persons o f d iffe re n t f a ith s or between a C h ristia n and an a th e is t, as he showed in h is answer to G aldos' G loria. 71 El sabor de la tie rru c a . p. 1391. 7 O Un faccioso mas v algunos f r a ile s menos. Galdos, Obras com nletas (Madrid: A guilar, 1963), I I , 264 and 269. 139 De t a l palo t a l a s t i l l a . Pereda, ap p aren tly , had no p erso n al re lig io u s prob lem s. His doubts were solved fo r him; he was sa fe on h is rock of C atholic d o c trin e . His duty, as he saw i t , was to re a ffirm th is d o c trin e and to combat th e "im pious" a lle g a tio n s and th e a n tic le ric a lis m o f th e li b e r a ls . Like most co n se rv ativ es o f h is tim e, he did n o t d isc e rn th a t th e l ib e r a l movement went beyond mere a n tic le ric a lis m ; th a t i t was not r e a lly m ilita n tly a th e is tic in essence (being a c tu a lly concerned more w ith s o c ia l reform than w ith r e lig io n ) ; th a t, in s p ite o f th e ir im passioned in v e c tiv e a g a in st th e Church and clerg y , the u ltim a te goal o f most lib e r a ls was simply to d estro y r e lig io n 's stra n g le h o ld on s o c ia l, c u ltu r a l, economic and p o l i ti c a l l i f e , so th a t a l l a sp e c ts of l i f e , even the p ra c tic e o f r e lig io n i t s e l f , could be more fre e and n a tu ra l. But, sin c e r e lig io n was such an e s s e n tia l fa c to r in P ered a's own l i f e , and he con sid ered i t to be o f prim ary im portance fo r th e w elfare of Spanish so c ie ty , he saw lib e ra lis m 's a n tic le r ic a l stan ce as th e looming menace o f the tim es. This preoccupation moved him to w rite De t a l palo t a l a s t i l l a . In a l e t t e r to Menendez Pelayo, dated February 15, 1877, he accuses 140 Galdos, in G lo ria, o f a lig n in g h im self sq u arely w ith the " V o lta iria n 1 1 enemies o f the Church, o f tr e a tin g th e Catho l i c sid e u n fa ir ly , and o f try in g to c re a te a r e lig io u s " li b e r a l u n io n ,1 1 th a t i s , to develop a li b e r a l r e lig io n in o p p o sitio n to t r a d itio n a l C atholicism . El amigo Galdos cayo a l f in a l lado a que se i n c l i - naba. Su u ltim a (y por c ie r to p re c io sa ) novela t i t u - lad a G lo ria l e mete de p a tita s en e l lo d a z a l de la novela v o lte ria n a . As£ se lo he dicho a e l, que me lo n ie g a en redondo, asegurandome que le jo s de eso, se propone a r r a ig a r la s c re e n c ia s r e lig io s a s , tan a l a ir e en la c a to lic a Espana; pero a d v ie rte tu que lo s p e r- sonajes de G lo ria son un Obispo c a s i to n to , un cura barbaro y d esaten tad o ; un neo h ip o c r ita , tin senor que cree s in razon n i conveneim iento y una joven que duda d e l in fie m o y d e l p u rg a to rio . Esto d e l lado d e l c a to lic ism o . Del o tro , un ju d io en que se reunen todas la s p o sib le s p erfeccio n es f£ s ic a s y m orales. D£me s i por e s te camino, d u ra n te e l c u a l se c r u c if ic a cin cu en ta veces la d ich o sa h ip o cres£ a c a to lic a , se puede lle g a r a a r r a ig a r en e l le c to r la verdadera c re e n c ia . Se me a n to ja por e l a ir e de l a priraera p a rte y algo que para la segunda me promete e l a u to r, que e s te se propone n a r t i r l a d ife re n c ia creando una esp ecie de union l i b e r a l en e l campo r e lig io s o . D octrinarism o puro en a p a rie n c ia , pero en e l fondo v o lte ria n ism o seco. Es una verdadera l a s t i m a .^ In P e re d a 's novel the h ero in e , Agueda, re p re se n ts what G lo ria f a ile d to be: th e stro n g C h ris tia n woman, v irtu o u s and s te a d f a s t in h er f a it h . She p e rs o n ifie s •7 0 E p is to la rio de Pereda v Menendez Pelavo (S antan d e r: Consejo S uperior de In v e stig a c io n e s C ie n tx fic a s, Sociedad de Menendez Pelayo, 1953), pp. 21-22. 141 C atholic orthodoxy as opposed to th e la titu d in a ria n is m in to which G loria in a d v e rte n tly f a l l s . I t seems th a t liv in g in th e country strengthened h er f a ith , which i s , somehow, a sso c ia te d w ith ru ra l l i f e . The c ity is too noisy and too busy; th e peace and tr a n q u ility o f the country f o s te r m ed itatio n . "Dice mucho menos la ciudad con sus estruendos que l a a g re ste N aturaleza con su meditabunda tra n q u ilid a d . . . en todo p a is a je hay id eas. jCuantas encontraba Agueda 74 e n tre lo s h o rizo n tes de su lin d o v a lle ! " (See page 111.) Agueda*s education was based on th e law of God " s in sa lv e - 7 S dades acom odaticias n i com entarios s u t i le s ." She had the f a ith of a m artyr, . . . h ero ic a, in v en cib le, pero risu e n a y a tr a c tiv a ; cie j|a en cuanto a sus m iste rio s no en cuanto a la razon de que esto s sean im penetrables y c re fb le s . Es de gran monta e s ta d is tin c io n que no q u ie re p ro fu n d i- z a r la m a lic ia heterodoxa, y de que tampoco sabe d arse c la r a cuenta la o rtodoxia a puno cerrad o . ^ The upshot of the sto ry i s th a t Agueda, r ig id and in tra n s ig e n t, s a c r if ic e s human love to h er f a ith and re fu se s to marry Fernando because o f h is atheism . She p laces her r e lig io n above a l l e ls e in her l i f e . 74. De t a l palo t a l a s t i l l a , p. 1031. 76I b id . t pp. 1030-1031. 142 Y £que es tan hombre sin e lla ? ^Que es un hogar s in esa lu z y sin ese ca lo r? jC ielo santo! Yo me ima- gino tana fa m ilia que jamas invoca e l nombre de D ios. iQue c a rc e l . . . que lobreguez! Aquellos d o lo res s in consuelo, aq u e llas co n tra ried ad es sin la re sig n a cio n c r is tia n a , aqu ello s h ijo s creciendo sin m irar jamas h ac ia a r rib a , aq u ello s ninos s in e l c u lto a la V irgen, aqu ello s la b io s de ro sa mudos p ara la oracion d e l Angel de la Guarda . . . £en que se emplean? porque ^que puede ensenar una madre a sus h ijo s en esa edad, s i no lo s ensena a rezar?^? Pereda does n o t take th e tro u b le to analyze th e c h a ra c te r of Fernando beyond s ta tin g th a t he is the son of an agnos t i c d o cto r who is g u ilty o f th e ’’crim e" of n o t accepting th e extreme conservatism of th e Spanish Church. Fernando was ra ise d w ith com plete d isreg a rd fo r re lig io u s in s tr u c tio n . No c a re was taken to is o la te him from th e c u rre n t o f a n tic le r ic a l propaganda. As a r e s u lt , h is idea o f the Church is r a th e r uncomplimentary. La fe c a to lic a , segun e l habia estudiado y comba- tid o le ofrec£a e l sig u ie n te cuadro: una nube de curas ign o ran tes y e g o ista s socavando la sociedad por e l agujero d e l confesonario y con la fab u la d e l p u rg a to rio . O tra nube de f r a ile s g ro sero s, holga- z a le s, com ilones y la sc iv o s, saqueando lo s hogares, perturbando la paz y m ancillando e l honor de las fa m ilia s . O tra nube de je s u rta s am biciosos, i n t r i gantes y envenenadores, c o rru p to re s de la s concien- c ia s y opresores de lo s Estados; una gusanera de monjas rebelandose c o n tra la s leyes de l a N aturaleza y cantando con voz gangosa salmos en la tf n c o n tra - hecho; un tro p e l de b eatas chism osas, haraganas y ^ De t a l p alo t a l a s t i l l a . p. 1061. 143 so b erb ias; o tro rebano de crey en tes invadiendo los templos p ara d ar c u lto a su fanatism o, y poblando a o tra s horas la s casas de juego, los salo n es de b a ile , la s plazas de to ro s, lo s lupanares . . . y la In clu sa; rauchos Obispos d isip an d o , en tre lo s relum- brones o sten to so s d e l cargo p a rte d el b o tin de las rap in as de curas y f r a i l e s , y un Papa en Roma, tr e s veces coronado y sobre esplendente so lio , cobrando en oro de buena ley e l perdon de todas esas in iq u i- dades, y derrochandolo en orgxas y bacanales con l a tu rb a corrom pida de lo s purpurados perso n ajes de su C orte . . . que e l c a to lic ism o , conjunto de e s ta s repugnant es in d ig n id ad es, habxa sido negra mazmorra d e l entendlm iento humano en lo s tr e s ultim os s ig lo s , y aun tra ta b a en e l p re se n te de s e r remora a todo progreso legxtim o, d esv irtu an d o asx los generosos a lie n to s d e l e sp x ritu dem ocratico d e l F ilo so fo de Ju d e a .78 Pereda, in a ttr ib u tin g th is opinion to Fernando, wished, ap p aren tly , to dem onstrate th e ab su rd ity of the a n tic le ric a lis m of the day, fo r i t i s not probable th a t a man o f th e education and c u ltu re o f Fernando, would have held such a d is to r te d id e a o f C atholicism . For Pereda, however, th ere is no m iddle ground between f a it h as he sees i t and o u trig h t atheism . A ll u n b eliev ers must be liv in g in an agony o f d e sp a ir, w ithout th e co n so latio n o f r e l i gion. Agueda doubts th a t Fernando, c u t o ff th e source o f m o ra lity , could be honorable: "S i a l v e rte tan apartado 70 De t a l p alo t a l a s t i l l a . pp. 1071-1072. 144 de la verdad, h a sta dudo de la honradez de tu s p ro p o si- t o s ." 79 The th eses of th is novel, then, a re th e lack o f f e a s i b il i t y o f m arriage between persons o f c o n tra d ic to ry b e lie f s and th e hopelessness of l i f e w ithout re lig io n , in what Pereda seem ingly b eliev ed was a d ir e c t c o n tra d ic tio n of th e th e s is o f Galdos in G lo ria . The u n b eliev er i s seen as weak in c h a ra c te r, lack in g d ire c tio n in h is l i f e , unable to face problems and prone to d e sp a ir. Fernando, o v er whelmed by h is sorrow a t lo sin g Agueda, and n o t knowing th e so la c e o f r e lig io n , ends h is own l i f e . To have converted him in order th a t he and Agueda could " liv e happily ever a f te r " would have weakened the moral of the sto ry . I t was n ecessary th a t F ernando's fa th e r be punished fo r h is agnos tic ism through th e lo ss of h is so n --th e m oral im p lic it in th e t i t l e , De t a l palo t a l a s t i l l a . A s im ila r punishment is meted out by th e auth o r in La Montalvez (1887) to Nica M ontalvez when, a f te r a l i f e of debauchery, she s u ffe rs th e loss o f h er innocent daughter, Luz. The death o f Luz is supposedly caused by h er le a rn in g ^ De t a l p alo t a l a s t i l l a . p. 1063. 145 the tr u th about h e r m o th e r's way o f l i f e . She d ie s in o rd er th a t the re a d e r m ight be e d ifie d w ith th is example of sin and punishm ent. As we have seen, Pereda was a "sacram ental" C atho l i c . He adhered s t r i c t l y to th e l e t t e r and th e s p i r i t of th e Church and co n sid ered i t im portant th a t a l l r e lig io u s ideas be p resen ted in th e lig h t o f orthodoxy. Not so , Galdos, who, more o r le s s , ignored th e sacram ental n a tu re o f m arriage, th e p rie sth o o d , and th e Church' s theology concerning sin , p re fe rrin g to t r e a t such m a tte rs in th e i r n a tu r a l and s o c ia l c o n te x ts. Pereda was in c lin e d to be in to le r a n t o f ir r e li g io n and agnosticism . He became e s p e c ia lly in d ig n an t over attem p ts by li b e r a ls to propagandize p u b lic ly th e ir "im pious" id e a s. (See pages 5 4 -5 5 .) He was of the opinion th a t th e Spanish peasan t, because o f lack o f ed u catio n , was n o t prepared to d isc u ss such ideas w ith o u t se rio u s danger to h is f a ith . I t is w ith in th e realm o f r e lig io u s id eas th a t Pereda d i f f e r s most s e rio u s ly w ith G aldos. As we tu rn to an a n a ly s is o f P e re d a 's s o c ia l id e a s, we see th a t they ru n in th e same v e in as h is p o l i t i c a l b e lie f s ; they a re re la te d to the C a r lis t p o litic o - s o c ia l 146 concept o f th e communal m u n ic ip a lity . For th is reason, as th e re a d e r w ill have no ted , I have found i t unavoidable a t tim es to r e f e r to s o c ia l ideas in the p a rt of the c h a p te r given to the d isc u ssio n of Pereda*s p o l i ti c a l id e a s. The same benevolent p a tria rc h ism p a te n t in Don Gonzalo Gonzalez de la G onzalera and in E l sabor de la tie rru c a . which we have alread y seen as forming th e b a s is o f h is p o l iti c a l o pinions, a lso su p p lies him w ith a framework fo r much of h is s o c ia l thought. P ered a's h o s t i l i t y a g a in st th e "raundo e le g a n te ," th e urban a ris to c ra c y , is f i r s t seen in La m uier d e l Cesar (1870) and l a t e r in La M ontalvez (1888). Isa b e l, the in d is c re e t w ife in La m uier d e l C esar, is censured fo r h e r excessive preoccupation w ith s o c ia l su ccess, a t the expense of h er m arriage and of h er dom estic d u tie s . "La m ujer que lo consagra todo a lo s triu n fo s liv ia n o s d e l mundo e s ta muy proxima a a r r a s t r a r por lo s salones su propio decoro 80 y la honra de su m arido." Her husband C arlos found i t n ecessary to work day and n ig h t in o rd er to be ab le to a ffo rd h is w ife 's spending. Extravagance was another ^ La m uier d e l C esar. Pereda, Obras, I, 550. 147 f a ilin g h e a r tily condemned by Pereda, as he says in an asid e : "jHe aqui un caudal d e s p ilfa rra d o que, como todos lo s d e s p ilfa rro s , por c a s tig o de Dios, no ha tra id o so b r^ e l d e s p ilfa rra d o r mas que desventuras y ta rd io s a rre p e n ti- 81 m ientos!" I s a b e l's in o rd in a te love o f o s te n ta tio n makes her c a re le s s ly accept a g i f t o f jew elry from another man, thus compromising h er honor and th a t o f h er husband. The m oral o f th e sto ry is th a t "a la m ujer . . . 'no le b a sta s e r h o n ra d a ,' sino que, como la d e l C esar, 'n e c e s ita pare- 82 c e r l o . 'M A fter th e a f f a i r has been s e ttle d and a l l has been fo rg iv en , C arlos decides to tak e h is w ife to the country fo r a w hile to give h e r a ta s t e of wholesome country l i f e , as he b e lie v e s th is w i ll stren g th en her m orally and prepare h er to resume h e r l i f e in the c ity where "con ta n ta fa c ilid a d se mancha e l honor mas lim pio 83 con la s a p a rie n c ia s d e l deshonor." La M ontalvez continues th e theme of th e im m orality o f o s te n ta tio n and o f re c k le ss spending. The M archioness o f M ontalvez, mother of th e p ro ta g o n is t, belongs to a 81 , La m uier d e l C esar, p. 554. 82Ib id . . p. 557. 83I b id . . pp. 557-558. 148 new -rich bourgeois fam ily; she has never known a l i f e o th e r than th e w aste fu l, s p e n d th rift l i f e o f h er p a re n ts, in to which she had been bom . Her own daughter, V eronica, th e '’ M ontalvez" of th e t i t l e is a v ictim o f her p a re n ts ' in d iffe re n c e . They "farm h er out" to th e care o f n u rses so th a t th e ir in te n se s o c ia l l i f e w ill n o t be in te rru p te d . One of P ered a's main th eses is im p lic it in the development o f th is sto ry of crim e and punishment (see page 140)—th e im portance o f p a re n ta l love, a good fam ily l i f e , and the proper education o f ch ild ren --an d is s ta te d by V ero n ica's g ra n d fath er in th e follow ing words: "Pues m ira, y no lo o lv id e s: h i j a que se acostumbra a v iv ir e n tre la esquivez y e l desamor de sus padres, s i sa le honrada es un m ilagro 84 / de D ios." In Don Gonzalo Gonzalez de la G onzalera the p lig h t o f th e unloved c h ild i s seen in th e case o f Osmunda, th e orphaned n iece o f Don Lope. Cuando trasm onto los ce rro s de su pueblo y en tro en e l co leg io , donde ve£a ninas a le g re s y madres que de cuando en cuando la s v is ita b a n p ara b e s a rla s , y padres que se reg o cijab an en e lla s ; cuando supo que en lo s usos o rd in a rio s d e l raundo no se imponran a los ninos c a stig o s barbaros por f a lta s propias de la edad; que no se a c a lla b a un llo ro con una b ofetada, n i se ^ La M ontalvez. Pereda, Qbras, I I , 383. 149 curaba e l miedo que infunde a un in o cen te un cu arto oseuro encerrandole en e l por toda una noche; cuando se penetro en suma, de que e l carin o tie n e sus mani- fe sta c io n e s propias e inequxvocas, y que jamas son e s ta s la c a ra hosca, la mano a ira d a o la p alab ra seca y punzante, s in tio su corazon oprimido y algo como vergdenza de d e c ir quien era su fa m ilia y en que r in - con de la T ie rra se guarecxa; envidio la su e rte de aq u e llas companeras que gozaban una dicha qjue jamas e l l a habxa conocido n l conocerxa ya, y noto que su e s p f r itu se embravecxa d e la n te d e l bien ajeno. Asx v iv io en e l co leg io , desvelandose en e l tra b a jo , no por deseo de in s tr u ir s e , sin o por sab er mas que sus companeras, que la temxan y no la amaban, y asx v o lv io a Coteruco.85 The r e s u lts o f such a v o id in th e l i f e of Osmunda were the development o f a p e rso n a lity c h a ra c te riz e d by envy and v in d ic tiv e n e s s . She is a ttra c te d to Don Gonzalo because she sees in him a chance to become r ic h and place h e rs e lf above th e o th er la d ie s o f the community. V eronica, in La M ontalvez. although n o t an orphan, is an unwanted c h ild . When o ld enough she is se n t to a boarding school in P a ris. Here she comes under th e in flu en ce of two o ld e r g i r l s , who are c y n ic a l and w orldly-w ise beyond th e ir y ears, an in f lu ence which proves harm ful to V eronica. Upon h er re tu rn to Madrid, she throws h e rs e lf, as though by compulsion, in to the v a in and w astefu l l i f e , of which h er parents had s e t QC ^ Don Gonzalo Gonzalez de la G onzalera. p. 876. 150 th e example. In accordance w ith th e then c u rre n t theory o f love and m arriage among th e in h a b ita n ts o f th e "gran mundo,1 1 " e l v i v i r con e l marido y e l gozar con e l amante 86 . . . ," she m arries a banker fo r f in a n c ia l s e c u rity and has a c h ild by h e r lo v er, Pepe Guzman. Though she claim s to love h er daughter, h e r love is n o t stro n g enough to make h e r change h e r way o f l i f e . Luz is cared fo r by governesses away from M adrid to keep h e r ig n o ran t o f th e fa c ts o f h er own b ir th and o f h er m otherfs debauchery. A ll is in v ain , however, as Luz e v e n tu a lly d ie s o f th e shock o f le a rn in g the tr u th (see pages 144-145). Thus Pereda i l l u s t r a t e d what he considered to be a most im por ta n t s o c ia l problem . He holds th e n e g le c t o f fam ily l i f e and th e moral tra in in g o f c h ild re n to be re sp o n sib le fo r ruined liv e s and th e d eg en eratio n o f s o c ie ty . This a t t i tude forms a p a rt o f P ereda’s anti-M adrid theme—he b eliev ed th a t m oral and s o c ia l d eg en eratio n proceed from urban lif e - - a n d fu rth e r dem onstrates how h is m oral p re occupations seem to be woven in to h is e n tir e s o c ia l and p o l i ti c a l o utlook. 86La M ontalvez, p. 410. Pereda*s a ttitu d e toward b u co lic l i f e and toward th e peasant c la s s underwent a ra d ic a l ev o lu tio n , an "evolu- cion a l re v e s," M ontesinos c a lls i t ^ because i t began as a le s s than e n th u s ia s tic , sometimes d esp ectiv e, a ttitu d e , and l a t e r became a w hole-hearted acceptance and championing o f the peasant and h is way o f l i f e . In h is e a rly works, Escenas montahesas and Tipos v p a is a ie s . th e re is some very h arsh s a t i r e a g a in st country liv in g and a g a in st v u lg ar speech and b a rb a ric custom s. "Las b ru ja s" (page 133), fo r example, is a stro n g condemnation of b e lie f in w itc h c ra ft. I t r e la te s the tragedy o f an old woman o f exemplary C h ris tia n v ir tu e , who d ie s o f wounds in f lic te d on h er by a mother who b eliev ed she had c a s t a s p e ll on h er son. "P asacalle" (Tipos v p a is a ie s ) d esc rib e s tavern braw ls, obscene s t r e e t songs, and the n o ise , d i r t and confusion o f th e l i f e o f th e people in a c ity b a r r io . Pereda*s opinion in th is sketch is th a t th e people are incapable o f c re a tin g beauty. R ather, they tend to d is fig u re i t , a l l th e more so as they come in to c o n ta c t w ith modern c iv iliz a tio n . "M illones de hechos . . . prueban con toda evidencia que 87 Pereda. o la n o v ela i d i l i o , p. 167. 152 e l pueblo, es d e c ir, la masa in d o cta, no solam ente no es capaz de c re a r nada b e llo , pero n i aun de co n serv arlo . . . n i s iq u ie ra de d is tin g u ir lo . Escenas montanesas d ea ls fo r th e most p a rt w ith the p ro v in c ia l c ity . ”Suum cu iq u e," one o f th e s to r ie s in th is c o lle c tio n , con tain s an a n t i b u co lic theme, r e la tin g the tro u b le s and discom forts o f a c ity d w eller in the country. "El e s p ir itu modemo," th e l a s t of the E scenas. shows the beginning o f the a u th o r's ev o lu tio n toward a d if f e r e n t view point. In th is a r t i c l e th e r u r a l areas a re p ictu resq u e , th e more so, the fa r th e r they a re lo cated from th e works o f modem c iv iliz a tio n . Now, th e sim ple p a tria r c h a l l i f e o f th e country is defended a g a in st th e invasion of ra ilro a d s and fa c to rie s which, to Pereda, re p re se n t th e impious " e s p ir itu modemo." Es muy p o sib le que algun le c to r de mi lib r o , a l d is tr a e r sus ocios por la s b e lla s praderas de l a Mon tan a, q u ie ra buscar en e l l a lo s modelos de la s escenas cam pestres que yo he p in tad o . Si no q u iere can sarse en vano, s i realm ente desea e n c o n tra rlo s , tenga p re sen te cuanto queda dicho en la s a n te rio re s l£neas de e s te c a p ftu lo : huya de toda comarca en que haya un paso de n iv e l, un tu n e l, una fa b ric a de te jid o s a l vapor o un hom o de c a lc in a c io n . Por a ll£ ha pas ado e l e s p ir itu modem de los p a tria r c a s . o y se ha llev ad o la paz y la poesia 88 Tipos v p a is a ie s , p. 511. O n ^Escenas m ontanesas, p. 347. 153 El sabor de la tie r r u c a (1882) b rin g s out th e a u th o r's most in te n se fe e lin g fo r th e enchantments o f r u ra l l i f e . The co u n try sid e is p ictu resq u e and p le a sa n t, l i f e i s sim ple and wholesome. The in h a b ita n ts of Cumbrales and Rinconeda liv e in "holy ig n o ran ce," contented w ith a l i f e devoid of c u r io s ity o r concern fo r th e o u tsid e w orld, or fo r scien ce and le a rn in g , o r fo r m a te ria l p ro g ress. The id e a l is th e p a tria r c h a l so c ie ty in which a l l c la s s e s are u n ited by th e bonds o f common in te r e s ts , "una mancotounidad 90 de in te re s e s y de a fe c to s . . . " based on m utual re sp e c t, " e l in q u eb ran tab le re sp e to de los de abajo a lo s de a r rib a * * 91 y en la c o rd ia l estim acion de esto s a los de a b a jo ." This id e a liz e d v e rsio n of p a tria rc h ism serves as P ered a's "base of o p e ra tio n s ," so to speak, in h is campaign o f defense a g a in st progress and lib e ra lis m . In th e sto ry "Biasones y ta le g a s" (Tipos v p a is a ie s ) (1871), Pereda tr e a ts of th e fu sio n of the n o b ility and th e newly r is in g m iddle c la s s - - a supposedly lib e r a l id ea, to which Galdos a ls o gives much emphasis. He ap p aren tly 90 El sabor de la tie rru c a . p. 1305. 91Ib id . 154 b eliev ed th a t an in fu sio n of new blood in to the decaying a ris to c ra c y was necessary to in su re i t s re g e n e ra tio n and continued h e a lth . The f u t i l e h id a lg u ia o f the poverty- s tric k e n Don Robustiano T res-S olares de la Calzada is seen in th e lig h t o f i t s t e r r i b l e e f f e c t on h is daughter, who is denied th e joy of m arried l i f e because th e re a re no s u ito r s a v a ila b le who a re s u f f ic ie n tly " illu s tr io u s " to s a t i s f y her proud fa th e r. Que una v id a como l a suya, h a sta a l l f consagrada a l recuerdo t r i s t e , monotono y m iserab le de su ra n c ia progenie, era una abnegacion estu p id a y un s a c r if ic io e s t e r i l , a l paso que, com partida con la de un hombre honrado, carinoso y pudiente, ten fa que se r mas u t i l , mas p la c e n te ra , mas g ra ta a Dios que se la h ab la dado. Don R obustiano, who has passed h is l i f e in s t e r i l e contem p la tio n of h is noble h e rita g e , i s admonished by h is frie n d Don Ramiro: Veo, don R obustiano, que u ste d no se ha convencido aun de una t r i s t e verdad. De que ya paso n u estro tiempo; de que estamos de sobra en e l mundo, y es una quimera sonar en a lia n z a s y menos en re sta u ra c io n e s; d e que no hay mas remedio que en tre g a rse a d is c re - c io n . Don Ramiro convinces him to adopt a more lib e r a l a ttitu d e 92 Tipos v p a is a ie s . p. 434. ^ Ibid. , p. 445. 155 and allow h is daughter to marry th e man o f h er choice, even though he be a "commoner.” In the end Don Robustiano f in a lly adm its "que e x is te una nobleza mas il u s t r e , mas grande, mas venerada, que l a de la sangre, que la de los t 94 pergaminos: l a nobleza d e l co razo n .” In Penas a rrib a th e idea o f th e n o b ility descending to th e people to become more id e n tifie d w ith them is r e p eated , as M arcelo tak es fo r h is w ife the r u s tic L itu ca, granddaughter of th e now r e tir e d Don Pedro Nolasco, a c le rk who had worked h is way up to th e p o s itio n of a lc a ld e . M arcelo chose to liv e th e sim ple and p rim itiv e mountain l i f e w ith h e r, when he could have taken h er to Madrid and made of h er a gran dama. In order th a t the p a tria r c h a l organism of Tablanca might remain in ta c t, M arcelo u n ite s h im self to i t and becomes i t s head. He dem onstrates Pereda*s id e a l of th e renewal of a tr a d itio n which he saw as th e only s a lv a tio n from the s o c ia l and m oral breakdown of th e re v o lu tio n o f 1868, and w ithout which h is beloved Spain might undergo such d r a s tic changes in s tru c tu re , in th e troublous times th a t lay ahead, as to ren d er h er tan- reco g n izab le. ^ T ip o s v p a is a ie s . p. 445. CHAPTER V THE POLITICAL, RELIGIOUS A N D SOCIAL IDEAS O F G A L D O S A S REFLECTED IN HIS LITERARY W O R K S G aldos1 f i r s t novel, La Fontana de Pro (1870), s e ts th e tone of h is lif e - lo n g war a g a in st re lig io u s , p o l i t i c a l and s o c ia l conservatism . Beginning w ith th is work he became and remained an e n th u s ia s tic defender o f e q u a lity and o f independent expression of thought. While h is t r e a t ment o f conservatism is , in g en e ral, more d isp a ssio n a te and le s s p reju d iced than is P e re d a ^ treatm en t o f lib e ra lis m , he never l e f t a doubt as to h is love fo r freedom and democracy. But Galdos hated extrem es. He d id n o t d isg u ise h is lack o f sympathy w ith th e an arch ic and lib e r ta r ia n r h e to r ic heard in th e p o l i t i c a l clubs o r w ith th e excesses committed by re v o lu tio n a ry mobs. Speaking through th e m outhpiece o f Lazaro, the hero of La Fontana, he denounces the v io le n t plans of li b e r a l fa n a tic s who in ten d to provoke the populace to re v o lt. 156 157 Yo^no quiero para mi p a tr ia lo s h o rro res de la Revolu- cion fra n cesa . Despues de tin t e r r o r no puede v e n ir sin o la d ic ta d u ra . Yo no quiero que pase aqu£ lo que en F ran cia, donde, a causa de lo s excesos de la rev o - lu cio n , la lib e rta d ha muerto para siem pre. L ib erty is a le g itim a te goal and should be won through le g a l means, "yo quiero que se lle g u e a ese fin por lo s 2 medios le g a le s ." The lib e r a l m ilita ry o f f ic e r Bozmediano seconds th is view. He speaks, too, of th e value o f lib e r ty and of how i t must be tr ie d and proved, in s p ite o f the in e v ita b le abuses i t may b rin g a t f i r s t . "La lib e rta d p o litic a , a p lic a c io n a l gobierno d e l mas b e llo de lo s a t r i - butos d e l hombre, es e l id e a l de lo s e sta d o s. . . . Hay que te n e r p ersev eran cia y fe , e sp e rar a que l a L ib ertad de sus fru to s y no condenarla desde e l prim er d x a." Even in s p ite o f i t s abuse by th o se who lack th e sense o f re sp o n si b i l i t y i t demands, i t is worth prom oting i f only fo r th e b e n e fits i t may b rin g to one en lig h ten ed man who would use i t p ro p e rly . "No privemos de la lib e r ta d a un d is c re to ✓ 4 por q u ita rs e la a c ie n im prudentes." El audaz (1871) was ^La Fontana de P ro . Galdos, Obras, IV, 168. 2Ib id . 3I b id . , p. 25. 4 Ib id . , p. 26. 158 w ritte n , ad m itted ly , to c r i t i c i z e c u rre n t events through the p re se n ta tio n o f the events o f another age; to censure M un gobierno p erso n al, . . . tan regimen ab so lu to , como e l que hoy se recomienda ta n to por c ie r ta escu ela p o l i t i c a ." ” * The "gobierno perso n al" re fe rre d to is th e m in istry o f Godoy, th e "regimen ab so lu to " i s obviously th a t proposed in 1871 (th e d a te of the n o v e l), by th e C a r lis t fa c tio n , the only p o l i ti c a l body advocating absolutism a t th a t tim e. The so c ie ty Galdos c r it i c i z e s in the novel is , as he s ta te s , Spanish so c ie ty of th e tu rn o f the century (1800), . . . a q u e lla sociedad que rezaba e l ro s a rio todas la s noches y se a r ra s tra b a por la s mahanas en la s a n te - sa la s d e l p rin c ip e de l a Paz; que te n ia lo s pueblos lle n o s de conventos y los caminos in fe sta d o s de s a lte a d o re s ; que abrigaba todos lo s v ic io s y todos lo s escandalos de l a n u e stra , con o tro s mas, ante lo s cu ales se su b lev arian hoy h a s ta la s p i e d r a s . ^ In El audaz th e lib e r a l hero is M artin M artinez M uriel, " h ijo de un horabre cuya v id a fue s e r ie no interrum - p ida de d e sv e n tu ra s. . . . Fueron sus prim eros anos ag itad o s y t r i s t e s , . . . y siendo nino tuvo que h acer esfuerzos de hombre y de heroe para so b re lle v a r l a v id a ." He becomes ~ * E1 audaz. G aldos, Obras. IV, 231. 6 I b id . 7I b id . . p. 232. 159 an extreme ra d ic a l and burns h im self out in a rev o lu tio n ary frenzy, ending h is days h o p elessly insane. Galdos ask s h is re ad ers to pardon him, along w ith th e o th er ra d ic a l fa n a t ic s o f the tim e fo r t h e ir extremism. T heir zeal, he says, is wholly understandable in the l i g h t of th e c o n tra st between th e r e a l i t y o f Godoy's ty ra n n ic a l regim e and th e ta n ta liz in g id e a ls held up by th e French Enlightenm ent and R evolution. Fray Jeronimo de Matamala, a graduate of Salamanca, was one o f the f i r s t re c ip ie n ts o f th e wave o f new id eas th a t had invaded the U n iv ersity a t th e end o f the cen tu ry . He understood Rousseau, he knew a l l the arguments o f atheism , he understood and believ ed in the rig h ts of man, b u t he closed h is eyes to a l l th is , fo re seein g in th e im p act of th ese ideas on t r a d i t i o n a l i s t Spain th e th r e a t of c i v i l war. . . . guardabase muy b ien de m o strar lo que habfa apren - dido, matando en f l o r en su entendim iento la n a c ie n te p ro te s ta , . . . querxa o lv id ar lo que habfa aprendido, y l e p arecfa que, olvidandolas, aq u e llas ideas d e ja - rfa n de e x i s t i r . Cerraba los o jo s ante e l abismo, esperando de e s te modo, s i no e v ita r lo & v iv ir tr a n - q u ilo h a sta que lle g a ra la c a ta s tr o fe . Q El audaz. p. 239. 160 Such must have been the dilemma o f many p r ie s ts and lay C ath o lics throughout th e lib e ra l-c o n s e rv a tiv e s tru g g le o f the n in e te e n th cen tu ry . According to Galdos, i t provoked the apostasy o f Blanco White and the "afrancesam iento" of Marchena and G allardo, to name b u t a few h is to r ic a l c a se s.^ M uriel was one o f th e "audacious ones" who could n o t q u ie t h is longing fo r tr u th and ju s tic e and would come to no compromise. Galdos, though not approving o f h is v io le n t a c tio n , applauds h is rig h teo u s in d ig n a tio n over th e govern m ent's p ersecu tio n of lib e r a ls and over th e s t i f l i n g of lib e r ty in Spain by t r a d i t i o n a l i s t and co n se rv ativ e e le m ents. In the follow ing im passioned o u tb u rst, M uriel d e c la re s him self a g a in st tyranny: . . . a ll£ donde e s te uno que ju r e e l exterm inio de ta n ta s infam ias a l l f e s ta re yo, cu a le sq u ie ra que sean lo s medios de que se ha de h acer uso. Las c irc u n - sta n c ia s me han reducido a l a d esesperacion. . . . Solo, sin re c u rso s, perseguido injustam ente, m a ltra - tado sin m otivo, la sociedad me empuja h acia e l bandolerism o. Si yo tu v ie ra d is tin to s sentim ientos de lo s que tengo, mi v id a fu tu ra e s ta r ia traz ad a, y no v a c ila rx a ; pero yo no puedo t r a n s ig ir con l a mal- dad; yo soy bueno, yo soy honrado, y a pesar de toda la fu erza de mis odios no mancharfa con ningun crim en la s ideas que p rofeso. iMalvados! iDespues de corrom per a l pueblo y de in s p ir a r le toda c la se de ^E1 audaz, p. 234. 161 d e lito s , re lle n a n con e l lo s p re sid io s y la s c a rc e le s de la In q u isic io n ! ^Que podemos hacer en e s ta so c ie - dad? S i lu ch ar con e l l a es im posible, provoquemosla h a s ta que acabe de tana vez con n o so tro s, o huyamos a t i e r r a e x tra n je ra donde lo s hombres puedan e x i s t i r s in s e r cazados y enjaulados como f ie r a s . ^ M uriel is in c o rru p tib le , s e l f - s u f f ic ie n t and secure in h is own p erso n al d ig n ity and in te g r ity . D espising the n o b ility o f b ir th , he d e c la re s th a t h is own pergaminos a re h is p rid e and h is b e lie f s . The sig n ific a n c e o f h is l i f e is th a t i t stands as a neg atio n o f the co rru p tio n th a t surrounds him. He f a i l s , however, to liv e up to the moral h e ig h ts assigned him by th e author; in ste a d of re v e a lin g the tru e a ris to c ra c y o f th e s p i r i t , he goes out in a b laze of d o u b tfu l g lo ry in a w ild orgy of v io le n c e . His end is p a th e tic ; he becomes insane and b e lie v e s he i s R obespierre. His re v o lu tio n a ry e f f o r t had u ltim a te ly been moved more by a s p i r i t o f p erso n al vengeance than by id ealism . In him th e au th o r censures th e exaggerations o f so -c a lle d "V o ltairian ism " and of atheism , which were both in g re d ie n ts in the form ation of M uriel. "Cundio e l v o lterian ism o y la dem ocracia p la to n ic a de Rousseau. Como la exageracion ~^E1 audaz, p. 332. 162 acompana siem pre fatalm ente a todo movimiento re v o lu c io - n a rio , no fa lta r o n en e s ta c o rrie n te in v aso ra la s d o c trin a s d el mas b e s t ia l y rid ic u lo a te is m o ." ^ The two novels, La Fontana de Pro and El audaz are p recu rso rs o f th e Episodios n a c io n a le s, and th e ir treatm en t of h is to ry is e s s e n tia lly th e same. The h is t o r ic a l vein runs as a substratum throughout most o f G aldos' n o v els. Each c h a ra c te r co n tain s w ith in him self to a g re a te r or le s s e r degree, the germ o f th e in te rn a l c o n tra d ic tio n of Spain. The p riv a te passions liv e d by each in d iv id u a l are th e causes t h a t led to th e v io le n t p o l i t i c a l and re lig io u s explosions ch ro n icled by h is to ry . The Episodios were conceived by th e author as a supreme attem pt to ex p lain the meaning o f th e n a tio n a l tragedy of Spain and to exhort h is fellow countrymen to liv e in freedom and o rd e r. A dilemma of Galdos, which he never q u ite re so lv e d , i s the c o n f lic t between re v o lu tio n and o rd e r. He d e sire d to reform so c ie ty through re v o lu tio n and th e establishm ent o f freedoms, but, a t th e same tim e, he abhorred th e v io len ce which re v o lu tio n b rin g s and ^ E1 au daz. p. 234. 163 deplored th e in a b ility o f the people to adapt them selves to th e ways o f freedom. His love o f the people and h is d e s ire fo r republicanism never changed, however. Solo en la plebe h a llo un re s to de nobleza y de v irtu d . Hoy la plebe, con todos sus v ic io s , v a le mas que la s o tra s c la s e s , y con e l la sim patizo mas, no solo por lo que en e ll a encuentro de bueno, sino porque aborrece todo lo que yo ab o rrezco . And, i t was p re c ise ly from th e Episodios th a t th e common man in Spain gained the h is t o r i c a l and s o c ia l knowledge of h is country th a t made p o ssib le the p o l i t i c a l and s o c ia l advances th a t were made in th e l a t t e r p a rt o f th e cen tu ry . " I t i s , indeed, d i f f i c u l t to o v e r-e stim a te th e im portance of t h e i r work in c re a tin g a sound, dem ocratic pub lic 13 opinion in Spain." The f i r s t s e rie s is epic in n a tu re . I t t e l l s o f Spanish bravery a g a in st th e French invader in a p a tr io tic tone. The f i r s t two E p iso d io s. T ra fa lg a r and La c o rte de C arlos IV o u tlin e th e s ta te o f Spanish so c ie ty and th e ~^El audaz. p. 267. 1 *5 L e slie B an n ister Walton, Perez Galdos and th e Spanish Novel of the N ineteenth Century (New York: 1927), p. 63. (R eprint o f th e o r ig in a l e d itio n , produced by M icrofilm -Xerography by U n iv ersity M icrofilm s, In c ., Ann Arbor, M ichigan, 1963.) 164 ideas th a t p re v aile d during th e period preceding the re v o lt a g a in st the French. The rem aining episodes p re se n t the v ario u s stag es and h ig h p o in ts of th e stru g g le . Much of th e n a rra tiv e is given over to the recounting o f m ilita ry a c tio n . In Cadiz, however, we see th e beginning o f th e p o l i ti c a l tran sfo rm atio n i n i tia t e d by the C ortes of Cadiz. The f u l l expression o f G aldos1 p o l i ti c a l lib e ra lis m in th e Episodios does n o t appear u n t i l the second s e r ie s , which i s le s s ep ic in to n e. In th i s s e rie s he begins h is account o f th e stru g g le between re v o lu tio n and re a c tio n , with i t s accompanying p erse cu tio n s, c o n sp ira c ie s, e tc . The th ird and fo u rth s e rie s d ea l w ith th e c i v i l wars over d y n astic, p o l i ti c a l and re lig io u s q u e stio n s. The epic grandeur of th e f i r s t s e rie s is absent. The f a it h of men in th e ir causes has dim inished, even degenerated in to compromise and pragmatism. The th ird s e rie s is concerned m ostly w ith th e C a r lis t War and i t s re lig io u s and p o l i ti c a l issu es, w hile th e fo u rth s e rie s d ea ls w ith th e p o l i ti c a l develop ments leading up to the R evolution of 1868. The la s t s e r ie s , which was u n fin ish e d , covers th e R evolution, the re ig n of Amadeo, the .F irs t Republic and the R e sto ra tio n . In th e f i r s t s e r ie s th e author tra ce s th e l i f e o f 165 G ab riel A raceli as he fig h ts h is way through th e v ario u s campaigns o f th e war a g a in st Bonaparte and r is e s in rank in the Spanish army u n t i l, a t th e end o f th e war, he fin d s h im self a g en e ral. His p u rs u it o f h is beloved In es, who tu rn s out to be th e daughter o f a countess, lends rom antic in te r e s t and suspense to th e s to ry , which was pub lish e d in in sta llm e n t form, according to th e custom of th e day. Through th e c h a ra c te r o f G abriel A ra c e li, Galdos expresses the c o lle c tiv e a s p ira tio n s o f th e m asses; th e ir longing fo r perso n al d ig n ity in th e face o f the h augh tiness o f th e n o b ility , th e ir in te n se n a tio n a l fe e lin g and stro n g p a trio tis m . G abriel, in th e se rv ic e o f th e countess Amaranta, ponders h er a ttitu d e toward him: Su in d ife re n c ia h a c ia m£ e ra ta n marcada, <jue tocaba los lim ite s d e l m enosprecio. Entonces eche de v er claram ente por prim era vez, m aldiciendola, la humildad de mi condicion; tra ta b a de explicarm e e l derecho que ten ian a la su p erio rid a d los que realm ente eran supe- rio r e s , y me preguntaba, lle n o de a n g u stia , s i era ju s to que o tro s fueran nobles y ju s to s y sab io s, mien- tr a s yo te n ia por abolengo la C aleta, por m ic a fo rtu n a mi persona y apenas s i sab ia le e r . Viendo la recom- pensa que te n ia mi a rd ie n te carin o , comprendi que a nada podria a s p ira r en e l ramdo, y so lo mas ta rd e a d q u iri la firm e conviccion de que un grande y constante esfuerzo mio me d a ria q u iza todo a q u e llo que no po- s e ia . ^ ■ ^ - ^ T r a fa lg a r . G aldos, Obras, I, 220-221. 166 As th e s e rie s p ro g resses, G ab riel develops c le a re r id eas regarding p a trio tism , honor, and h is own p ersonal w orth. Los que hayan le id o en e l prim er lib ro de mi v id a e l c a p ftu lo en que d i cuenta de mi i n u t i l p re se n cia en e l cornbate de T ra fa lg a r, reco rd aran que en ta n a l t a ocasion, y cuando la grandeza y m ajestad de lo que pasaba a n te mis ojos parecfan s u t i l i z a r la s fa c u lta - des de mi alma, pude con ceb ir de tan raodo clarfsim o la id ea de l a P a tria . Pues b ien : en l a ocasion que ahora r e f ie r o , y cuando l a d e sa stro sa c a ta s tr o f e de tan rid fc u la s ilu sio n e s habfa conmovido h a s ta lo mas p ro - fundo mi n a tu ra le z a toda, e l e s p x ritu d e l pobre G abriel hizo una nueva ad q u isicio n , una nueya con- q u is ta de inmenso v a lo r: la idea d e l honor. Through th e e x e rc ise o f v ir tu e he develops c h a ra c te r and grows in s ta tu r e and becomes capable of ep ic deeds o f v a lo r. In th is way he sym bolizes th e growth o f th e Spanish lower c la ss e s toward g re a te r m atu rity and toward more re sp o n sib le p a r tic ip a tio n in n a tio n a l a f f a ir s . This i n c re a sin g consciousness on th e p a rt of th e people becomes more evident as th e s e rie s p ro g re sses. "Debemos e s ta r preparados, porque de n u e stro s reyes nada se debe e sp e ra r 16 y todo lo hemos de h acer n o s o tro s." The au th o r, in h is own words, r a t i f i e s th e peo p le’s r ig h t to " i n f l u i r en lo s ^ La c o r te de C arlos IV. G aldos, Obras. I, 354. 16I b id . . p. 342. 167 ~ 17 d e stin o s de e s ta n u e stra bondadosa madre Espana." The Mason, Santorcaz, haranguing a group o f s o l d ie r s , review s re c e n t h is to r ic a l developm ents, in an e f f o r t to convince them (th e people) th a t they a re th e r e a l mas te r s in deciding th e d e s tin ie s o f Spain. Lo que pasa en Espana ^que es? Es que e l re in o ha tenido voluntad de hacer una cosa y la e s ta haciendo, co n tra e l p arecer d e l rey y d e l emperador. Hace tr e s meses hab£a en Aranjuez un mal m in istro , sostenido por un rey bobo, y d i j i s t e i s : "No queremos ese m in istro n i ese re y ," y Godoy se fue, y C arlos abdico. Despues Fernando Septimo puso sus tro p as en manos de Napoleon, y la s au to rid ad es to d as, asx como lo s g en erales y los je f e s de l a g u am icio n , re c ib ie ro n orden de d o b la r la cabeza a n te Joaqufn M urat; pero lo s m adrilenos d ije ro n : "No nos da l a gana de obedecer a l rey, n i a lo s i n fa n te s, n i a l Consejo, n i a la Ju n ta, n i a M urat," y a c u c h illa ro n a lo s fran eeses en e l Parque y en la s c a lle s . iQue pasa despues? El nuevo y e l v ie jo rey van a Bayona, donde le s aguarda e l tira n o d el mundo. Fernando le d ic e : "La corona de Espana me p erten ece a mi; pero yo se la reg alo a u sted , senor B onaparte." Y C arlos d ic e : "La c o ro n ita no es de rai h ijo , sino mfa; pero para acabar d isp u ta s, yo se la reg alo a u ste d , senor Napoleon, porque aq u ello e s ta muy r e - v u e lto , y u sted solo lo podra a r r e g la r ." Y Napoleon cojsje la corona y se la da a su hermano, m ientras v o l- viendose a u ste d e s, le s d ic e : "Espanoles, conozco v u estro s males y voy a re m e d ia rlo s." Pero u sted es se e n c a b rita n con aq u ello , y co n te sta n : "No, camarada; aqu£ no e n tra u ste d . S i tenemos sam a, n o so tro s nos la rascarem os; no hay mas rey de Espana que Fernando Septim o." Fernando se d irig e entonces a los espanoles ^ E1 19 de marzo v e l 2 de mayo. G aldos, Obras, I, 395. X68 y le s d ic e que obedezcan a Napoleon; pero e n tre ta n to , muchachos, un senor que se t i t u l a a lc a ld e de un pueblo de doscientos vecinos e sc rib e un papelucho, diciendo que se armen todos c o n tra lo s fra n cese s; e s te papelucho va de pueblo en pueblo, y como s i fu e ra una mecha que prende fuego a v a ria s minas esp a rcid as aqux y a ll£ , a su paso se va levantando la nacion desde Madrid h a s ta Cadiz. Por e l Norte pasa lo propio, y lo s pueblos grandes, lo raismo que lo s pequenos, forman sus Ju n tas, que dicen : "No; s i aqu£ no manda nadie mas que noso- tr o s . S i no reconocemos la s abdicaciones, n i ad m iti- remos de rey a ese don Jose, n i nos da la gana de obedecer a l emperador, porque lo s espanoles mandamos en n u e stra casa, y s i lo s reyes se han hecho para gobem araos, a nosotros no nos han parid o n u e stra s madres para que e llo s nos lle v e n y nos tra ig a n como s i fueramos manadas de c a m e ro s ." . . . Y ahora con- testenm e lo s alcom oques que me oyen: £quien manda, quien dispone la s cosas, quien hace y deshace, e l rey o e l re in o ? 1 G a b rie l1s frie n d , C h in ita s, a p leb eian lik e h im self, fo re sees Napoleonfs plan to dom inate Spain and has no i l l u sions reg ard in g th e th ro n e. He expresses th e growing awareness o f th e people th a t they them selves must decide th e ir co u n try T s f a te . "Ya v e ra s, ya v eras, G a b rie lillo , lo que te digo. Aqu£ vamos a v e r cosas gordas. Debemos e s ta r preparados, porque de n u e stro s reyes nada se debe 19 e sp e rar y todo lo hemos de h acer n o s o tro s." 18B ailen. G a l d o s Obras. I, 522-523. ^ La c o rte de C arlos IV. p. 354. 169 When th e mobs of Aranjuez invade Godoy's p alace, however, A raceli fin d s i t d i f f i c u l t to hide h is d is g u s t. "Era a q u e lla la prim era vez que v e ia yo a l pueblo haciendo ju s t i c ia por s i mismo, y desde entonces le aborrezco como 20 ju e z ." This c o n f lic t between th e d e s ire fo r re v o lu tio n and the h o rro r o f v io len ce, reappears throughout th e Epi- so d io s. N evertheless, Galdos, g e n e ra lly , placed a g re at d eal o f t r u s t in th e good sense o f th e people. In Napoleon en Chamartxn, he has a p r ie s t, F ath er C a s tillo , argue th e p o in t, w ith th e a r is to c r a tic Amaranta, th a t th e people must be fo rg iv en c e r ta in b a r b a r itie s , when they are m otivated by p a trio tism . El pueblo es ig n o ran te, y en vano se le exige una decencia y compostura que no puede te n e r, razon por la cu a l yo me in c lin o a perdonarle e sta s c h o c a rre rfa s s i conserva la dignidad de su alma, donde e l grande sentim iento de la p a tr ia d isim ula y oscurece lo s re n c o rc illo s pequenos y v itu p e ra b le s . ^ In the episode Cadiz (1874) much a tte n tio n is given to th e Cortes which convened in th a t c ity during th e French in v asio n . There th e cry " iViva la Nacion!" is heard in 20 El 19 de marzo v e l 2 de mayo, p . 402. 21 / ^ Napoleon en Chamart£n. Galdos, Obras. I, 580. 170 22 p lace of th e tr a d itio n a l "iV iva e l re y !" s ig n a llin g th e o f f i c i a l b i r t h of l ib e r a l Spain. The C ortes o f Cadiz saw a d e f in ite alignm ent o f two p a r tie s in Spain: th e C o n stitu t i o n a l i s t s , who d ec la red th a t the n a tio n a l so v ereig n ty re s te d in th e C ortes, and th e A b s o lu tis ts , who clung to th e idea o f th e d iv in e r ig h t of th e k in g . - -Veremos q u ien puede m as--dec£an unos. --Veremos quien mas puede—respondian lo s o tro s . Los dos bandos, que habian nacido ahos an tes y crec£an lentam ente, aunque todav£a d e b ile s , to rp es y sin b r£ o s, iban sacudiendo los andadores, so lta b a n e l pecho y l a p a p illa y se llev ab an la s manos a la boca, sin tie n d o que le s nac£an lo s d i e n t e s . ^ Galdos d e sc rib e s in d e t a i l th e b o ilin g p o l i ti c a l l i f e o f Cadiz and t e l l s o f th e dozens o f p a r tis a n p e rio d ic a ls th a t sprang up as a r e s u l t of th e newly e s ta b lis h e d freedom o f th e p re ss, "algunos a b s o lu tis ta s y enemigos de la s r e f o r mas; los mas lib e r a le s y d efen so res de la s nuevas le y e s ." 24 But he d ep lo res the extrem es reached by both sid e s in th is propaganda war, which presaged th e b i t t e r d is p u te s which were to mar Spanish p o l i t i c a l l i f e throughout th e cen tu ry . "A ll£ se tra b a ro n la s prim eras d isp u ta s . . . signos c la ro s 22 C adiz. G aldos, Obras. I, 874. 23I b id . . p. 878. 2 4 I b id . , p. 901. 171 de la gran re y e rta y ca ch etin a que en e l re s to d e l s ig lo se hab£a de armar e n tre los dos fanatism os que ha tiempo vienen luchando y lucharan por larg o espacio to d av ia. Although G aldos' lib e r a l p a rtis a n s h ip is ev id en t, i t remains subdued in th e f i r s t s e rie s of th e E piso d io s. and a n tic le ric a lis m is alm ost n o n e x iste n t. Both elem ents come to the su rfa c e in the second s e r ie s , which is more dram atic in n a tu re . The p erso n al c o n f lic ts of th e main c h a ra c te rs re p re se n t the h is to r i c a l stru g g le between re v o lu tio n a rie s and re a c tio n a rie s . The b i t t e r enmity between Salvador Monsalud, the lib e r a l hero, and h is h a lf - b ro th e r C arlos Navarro, th e fa n a tic defender o f a b s o lu t ism- - in te n s if ie d by th e f a c t th a t Salvador is in love w ith C arlo s' w ife Jenara--sym bolizes the p o l i ti c a l r iv a lr y o f th e fa c tio n s o f reform and re a c tio n . Jen a ra obviously re p re se n ts Spain, whom they both love. She becomes e s tranged from h e r husband and is a ttr a c te d to Monsalud; she was once fa n a tic and re a c tio n a ry and g ra d u ally becomes converted to lib e ra lis m . Galdos deplores the h a tre d he sees between th e fa c tio n s , which s p l i t s fa m ilie s and causes 25C adiz, p. 901. 172 b ro th e rs and fa th e rs and sons to k i l l one an o th er. . . . icuantos se re s habra que . . . m aldeciran la mano co rp o ra l con que h irie ro n e l uno a l h ijo , e l o tro a l hermanol La a c tu a l g u erra c i v i l , ° por sus cruen- to s h o rro re s, por los t e r r ib le s casos de lucha e n tre hermanos, y aun por e l fanatism o de la s m ujeres, que en algunos lugares han a fila d o sonriendo e l punal de lo s hombres, p re se n ta cuadros an te cuyas encendidas y cercanas tin ta s p alid ece ran , t a l vez, los que re p ro duce e l n arrad o r de cosas de antano.^7 Monsalud, sin ce he re p re se n ts G aldos’ own l i b e r a l ism, is portrayed most sy m p ath etically . An ille g itim a te c h ild , he is forced by poverty to e n te r the se rv ic e o f the French in v ad ers. Though considered a t r a i t o r by h is countrymen, he had sworn f i d e l i t y to Napoleon, and he con sid ered i t a m atter o f honor to keep h is o ath . He d u t i fu lly follow s th e d efeated French troops acro ss th e Pyrenees in to e x ile . L ater he re tu rn s to Spain as a con s p ir a to r , dedicated to th e cause o f re v o lu tio n . In c h a ra c t e r he is noble and generous; he fo rg iv e s h is h a lf-b ro th e r. But C arlos, re p re se n tin g th e o th e r Spain, is in tra n s ig e n t and u n fo rg iv in g , p assio n ate and f a n a tic . His h a tre d fo r Masons, fre e th in k e rs , lib e ra ls--a n y o n e whom he co n sid ers 26 The second C a r lis t war. ^ E1 eq u ip a ie d e l rey J o se. G aldos, Obras. I, 1245. 173 to be an enemy of Spain--dom inates h is th in k in g and h is a c tio n s to th e p o in t o f o b sessio n . C a rlo s’ fa th e r, F e r nando "G a rro te ,” as he is c a lle d , is a lso a re p re s e n ta tiv e o f a b s o lu tis t Spain, as Galdos sees i t . He b e lie v e s th a t a se p a ra te H ell e x is ts fo r Spaniards who f ig h t on th e sid e of lib e ra lism , which he equates w ith h eresy . Anyone who q u estio n s r e lig io n or th e r ig h t of th e king to ru le is to be looked upon as an agent o f Satan. A lla en lo profundo, lo s condenados o rd in a rio s no han de qu erer h a b ita r con lo s renegados y tra id o re s . . . . Los renegados venden a sus hermanos, entregan a la p a tr ia a l enemigo para que e s te la despoje y la deshonre a su an to jo , estirp an d o en e l l a la fe r e l i - g io sa, fa ro d e l mundo y unico consuelo de la s buenas alm as. ° Those who fav o r ”J a c o b in ic a l” laws and "democratismo” a re h elp in g to ensnare th e Spanish people in webs o f heresy, lic e n s e , p rid e and d is o rd e r. ’’Pero Dios e s ta con n o so tro s. 29 . . . Dios es esp a n o l." This kind o f confusion of n a tio n alism w ith r e lig io n , which makes fo r a dubious in te r p r e ta tio n o f the C h ristia n sentim ent, to say the le a s t, was e s p e c ia lly repugnant to Galdos. 28 El eo u ip aie d e l rev Jo se, p. 1258. 29Ib id . 174 Another fa c e t of Galdos* conception of co n serv ativ e Spain is shown in h is p o rtra y a l of an hidalgo gentlem an, Don Miguel de Baraona. Caught in th e cru sh o f a s tr e e t crowd during a re v o lu tio n a ry dem onstration, he shouts im p recatio n s a t th e dem onstrators and provokes them in to m auling him, u n t i l they r e a liz e he is a harm less old man and leave him alone. As someone t r i e s to h elp him a r is e from th e pavement where he had been l e f t ly in g , he shouts h is in d ig n atio n , re v ealin g a haughty p rid e in h is s o c ia l s ta tu s and a contempt fo r th e people whom he co n sid ers to be beneath him. —A parta tu s manos de m {--repuso con d e sp re c io -- y ve a coger la s t i j e r a s , s a s tr e . No abras tu boch para hablarm e, y ve a mascar la su ela, za p atero . No me toques y ve a espumar lo s pucheros, pinche. Soy un c a b a lle ro . Senores s a s tr e s , za p atero s, pinches y a lb e ita r e s , que h aceis rev o lu cio n es, y q u ita is a l rey sus derechos, y enmendais la obra de Dios, buscad para v u e s tra m iserab le obra un re in o que no sea e s te re in o de Espana, e s ta t i e r r a de c a b a lle ro s, de sa n to s, de so ld a d o s.i0 In th e second s e rie s o f th e Episodios th e re is a lso a n o tic e a b le mellowing of Galdos* rep u b lican enthusiasm . I t becomes in c re a sin g ly c le a r th a t he now favors c o n s titu tio n a l monarchy. He would have the king su b je c t to th e law A A La segunda ca sa ca . G aldos, Obras. I, 1433. 175 o f the land r a th e r than above i t , ru lin g , w ith the consent of th e governed, n o t as a lo rd , b u t as a " c h ie f .” He b e lie v e s th a t men should b e fre e to express th e ir opinions w ithout fe a r of p e rse c u tio n . G ab riel A ra celi expresses th ese opinions f o r the a u th o r, as h e makes a b r ie f appear- 31 ance in Memorias de un co rtesan o de 1815. He d ec la res h is m is tru s t of th e C o n stitu tio n o f 1812 on th e grounds th a t i t is too r a d ic a l f o r Spain. While adm iring th e ze al o f i t s c re a to rs, he b e lie v e s they lacked prudence and a r e a l i s t i c view o f th e tem per of th e n a tio n . He b e lie v e s th a t Fernando V II, even though he d id not f e e l obliged to keep the C o n stitu tio n of 1812, should have introduced a t le a s t some li b e r a l p rin c ip le s and reform s in to h is govern ment. By so doing, he would have avoided th e lib e r a l excesses of 1820-23, which seemed to be m otivated by l i t t l e more than pure vengeance. Los lib e ra le s se p resen taro n con la ra b ia d el vencedor y la h ie l c r ia d a en e l d e s tie r r o . iQue lo s im pulsaba en 1812? La le y . en 1820? La venganza. Con- tinuaban e l v ic io , la co rru p cio n , la crueldad; pero e l absolutism o de u sted es hab£a sido ta n rematadamente malo, que en lo s lib e r a le s d el tr ie n io famoso podia ^\lem orias de un co rtesan o de 1815. Galdos, O bras, I, 1333-1334. 176 haber crueldad, ambicion, rapacidad, venganza, impru- dencia y aun d o sis no pequena de to n te r£ a . 2 The author thus t e s t i f i e s c o n sta n tly to h is preoccupation w ith extremism, which p u lls th e "two Spains" fu rth e r a p a rt and makes re c o n c ilia tio n more and more d i f f i c u l t . He d ep lo res th e r e s u lta n t c i v i l w ars, which impede s c ie n tif ic and in d u s tr ia l progress in Spain, and keep h e r in a back ward and p rim itiv e s ta te . The follow ing dialogue between Don Benigno Cordero and Soledad i l l u s t r a t e s th e im patience o f l i b e r a l men, who would lik e to see th e ir own country enjoy the conveniences o f modem c iv iliz a tio n : Pues te d ir e : no hay c a b a llo s. Todo aquel ro s a rio de coches e s ta movido por un endemoniado a r t i f i c i o o mecanismo, que tie n e d en tro fuego y vapor, y so p la que so p la, va andando. Yo no se como es e llo . Me lo ha explicado don Salvador; pero no lo he podido entender. — lY esa manera de i r aca y a l i a no se pondra en o tra s p a rte s? --s£: d ic e n u estro amigo que se va extendiendo; que en In g la te rra e sta n haciendo mas de esos ben d ito s caminos de h ie rro , y que en F ran cia van a empezar a ponerlos tam bien. --Y en Espana, £no los pondran? Cordero dio un su sp iro . --Ahora va a empezar una g u erra, s i Dios no lo re m e d ia --d ijo m elancolico. —Cuando coneluya . . . —t^uiza empiece o tra . . . . Pero, a l f in y a l cabo, tambien tendremos aqu£ e sto s cam initos, aunque so lo de tin co rtesa n o de 1815. p. 1334. 177 sea para rauestra. Don Salvador d ic e que se extenderan por toda la t i e r r a , y que h a s ta la s regiones mas in - c u lta s lle g a ra esa maquina que co rre a so p lo s. --^Y la veremos por aquf, por e s te caminejo? —^Por que no? --Y podremos d e c ir: "A Madrid . . . " —s£ ; pero ese p ro d ig io no aco n tecera manana, h ija q u erid a—d ijo Cordero so nriendo—. Por ahora nos con- tentarem os con la s tr e s m u litas de P e ra lv illo . ^ In El Grande O riente (1876), th e fo u rth Episodio of th e second s e rie s , Galdos rid ic u le s the r i t e s and c e re monies o f masonry and accuses Masons o f engaging in p o l i t i c a l in trig u e , fo rg e ttin g th e hum anitarian p rin c ip le s upon which they had been founded. As fo r th e contemporary (1876) lodges, "se reducen a unas j u n t i l l a s disem inadas e irre g u la re s , s in orden, s in ley , s in unidad, aunque cumplen medianamente su o b jeto de d ar de comer a tr e s o cu atro A / h ie ro f a n te s . ,f Although Galdos shows h im self to be le s s than sym pathetic toward masonry in g en eral, he p o in ts out th a t modem dem ocratic ideas f i r s t entered Spain through th e lodges e sta b lish e d by th e French in 1809 and a f t e r wards. 33 / , Un faccio so mas v algunos f r a ile s menos. Galdos, Obras. I I , 269. 34 / El Grande O riente, Galdos, Obras. I, 1463. 178 Entremetiendome en la Gran Logia n acio n al . . . o£ h a b la r mucho de p o l£ tic a , de igualdad; entonces fue cuando anduvo de boca en boca y 11ego a s e r muy de moda la p a la b ra dem ocratism o. . . . De la la rv a de a q u e lla s lo g ia s no es aventurado aflrm ar que s a lio a l poco tiempo la c r is a lid a de lo s clu b s, lo s c u a le s, a su vez . . . d iero n de s£ l a m ariposa de lo s com ites. ^ The com bination of c le rg y , s o ld ie rs and people of th e " e je r c ito de la F e ," which, in 1823, jo in ed w ith French tro o p s to h elp d e fe a t th e lib e r a ls and rescu e Fernando V II from h is c a p tiv ity a t Cadiz, no longer in c ite s Galdos* adm iration, as i t d id in 1808 when th e issu e was Spain*s su rv iv a l as an independent n a tio n . The com bination now seems lu d ic ro u s. Yo vexa a q u e lla procesion chabacana, h o rrib le parodia d e l levantam iento n acio n al de 1808, y aq u e llas espan- to sas fig u ra s de curas confundidos con g u errero s, como se ven la s fic c io n e s horrendas de una p e s a d illa . Tal esp ectacu lo e ra excesivam ente desagradable a mi e s- p £ ritu , y la b u lla d e l pueblo me ponia lo s n erv io s en lastim oso desorden. ® The above words are those of Jen ara, th e w ife of C arlos Navarro, who, in Galdos* symbolism, re p re se n ts Spain. They a re in d ic a tiv e o f the gradual change o f f e e l ing among a t le a s t a p a rt o f th e Spanish p u b lic toward q c Napoleon en Chamart£n. p. 562. 36 / Los c ie n m il h iio s de San Luis. Galdos, O bras. I, 1625. 179 the p a rtis a n s o f ab solutism . The author seems to f e e l p erso n al shame over th e f a c t th a t these S paniards, en deavoring to defend t h e i r id e a ls and th e ir F a ith , should have accepted th e c o lla b o ra tio n o f a fo re ig n power and have in v ite d the in v asio n o f t h e ir tro o p s. Jenara in d i c a te s how h er p o l i t i c a l ideas have undergone m o d ificatio n (which is a r e f le c tio n o f the g en eral change o f a ttitu d e in S pain). Mis ideas habfan cambiado mucho desde mi v ia je a Franc i a . Conservando e l mismo resp eto a l Trono y a l Gobiemo fu e rte , habfa perdido e l entusiasm o r e a l i s t a . . . aunque seguf creyendo que uno solo gobiem a mejor que d o scien to s, e l absolutism o popular me in s p iro av ersio n y repugnancia in d e c ib le s. ' The o u tlin e s o f th e ’’two Spains" a re e a s ily d is c e rn ib le in th is s e rie s of th e E pisodios. Monsalud c le a r ly re p re se n ts rep u b lican o r c o n s titu tio n a lis t Spain, w hile Navarro, h is h a lf-b ro th e r, stands fo r th e a u th o r's concep tio n o f a b s o lu tis t Spain. Galdos was, perhaps, more aware and more anguished over th e in te r n a l d iv is io n of h is country than were o th e r men of h is tim es, who were id eo lo g ic a lly o r em otionally involved w ith one fa c tio n o r the o th e r. I t is in te r e s tin g to n o te, in th is re s p e c t, the 37 Los c ie n m il h iio s de San L uis, p. 1660. 180 in te rp re ta tio n placed on th e above-named c h a ra c te rs by Blanco G arcia, a co n serv ativ e c r i t i c , contem porary o f G aldos: Monsalud, c a lc u la d o r y re fle x iv o , tie n e concentradas en la cabeza la s energias d e l corazon, y no se apasiona por ninguna cosa; Navarro es la p e rso n ific a c io n d e l fanatism o por un id e a l: cenudo, aspero e inquebran- ta b le , pero capaz de amar y de s e n tir . El uno es la se rp ie n te a s tu ta que sabe f i n g i r y re sg u a rd a rse ; e l o tro es e l leon enfurecido que n e c e s ita l a lu ch a para v iv ir . La h is t o r i a de los dos, lo mismo que l a de cuantos se re la cio n an con e llo s , reproduce en breve la de toda Espana. 8 He accuses Galdos o f p re ju d ice in h is p o rtra y a l of Navarro whom he, him self, i n s i s ts on seein g as a p a ssio n a te id e a l i s t , w hile d esp isin g M onsalud's alleg ed la c k of s p i r i t and co n v ictio n . Monsalud . . . es a la vez l ib e r a l ex altad o y esc ep tic o m enospreciador de todos lo s p a rtid o s; aborrece a su enemigo [N avarro], y pone en juego todos los medios de s a lv a rle con una abnegacion d e sin te re sa d a , que s e r ia adm irable s i no r e s u lta r a absurda. . . . A [Navarro] . . . le toca pagar la s riialas in ten cio n es d e l n o v e lis ta , que se ha empenado en hacer de e l una c a ric a tu ra de brocha gorda, o mas b ien un borron de tin ta , aunque en opuesto sen tid o que Monsalud, una f i e r a sin en tran as que paga en odio los b e n e fic io s, y un fan atico s in co nviccio- 39 nes. 38 P. F rancisco Blanco G arcia, La l i t e r a t u r a espanola en e l s ig lo XIX (3ra e d ., P arte segunda; M adrid: 1910), p . 404. 39I b id .. p. 405. 181 W hile th e re i s some tr u th in Blanco G arcia1s a s s e rtio n th a t i Galdos showed p re ju d ic e in h is p o rtra y a l o f the a b s o lu tis t Navarro, the c r i t i c , being of th e co n serv ativ e persuasion, ap p aren tly d id not d isc e rn the a u th o r’s more all-em bracing v is io n of th e problem o f Spain and h is in te n se d e s ire fo r a r e c o n c ilia tio n of th e opposing camps, which would c a ll fo r compromise on th e p a rt o f b oth sid e s. Galdos saw the problem as n a tio n a l, not fa c tio n a l, blaming the e te rn a l d issen sio n s on the n a tu re of th e Spanish people, ra th e r than on conservatism alone. Hay pueblos que se transform an en sosiego, charlando y d iscu tien d o con al^arad as sa n g rie n ta s de t r e s , cu atro o cinco anos, pero mas b ien turbados por la s lenguas que por la s espadas. El n u estro ha de seg u ir su camino con s a lto s y ca ld a s, turaultos y a tro p e llo s . Nuestro mapa no es una c a r ta g eo g rafica, sin o un e je r c ito . Nuestro Gobiemo no gobiem a: se d efien d e. N uestros p a rtid o s no son p a rtid o s m ientras no tie n e n g en e rales. N uestros montes son trin c h e ra s por lo cu al e sta n sa b ia - mente d esp ro v isto s de a rb o le s. N uestros campos no se c u ltiv a n , para que pueda c o rre r por e llo s la a r t i l l e - r l a . En n u estro comercio se a d v ie rte una tim idez se c u la r o rig in ad a por la id ea f i j a de que manana habra ja le o . Lo que llamanos paz es e n tre n o so tro s como la fria ld a d en fx sic a ; un estado n eg ativ o ; la ausencia de c a lo r, la tregua de la g u erra. La paz es aq u l un p re p a ra rse para la lucha, y un ponerse vendas y lim p iar armas p ara empezar de nuevo. ^ ^ Los a p o s t o lic o s . Galdos, Obras, I I , 122. 182 Galdos* d e s ire fo r re c o n c ilia tio n and amalgamation o f th e "two Spains" is o fte n expressed in th e id ea of m arriage between persons o f d if f e r e n t s o c ia l c la s s e s . Roughly speaking, th e upper c la s s e s and th e a ris to c ra c y re p re se n t co n serv ativ e and C atholic Spain, w hile democracy and progress a re g e n e ra lly a sso c ia te d w ith th e m iddle c la s s e s and the p r o le ta r ia t. In th e f i r s t s e rie s of the Episodios n acio n ales we w itness th e ev en tu al m arriage of A ra c e li, th e self-m ade man from th e low est stratum of so c ie ty , to Ines, th e daughter o f a co u n tess. The fa s c in a tio n f e l t by Susana fo r M artin M uriel in El audaz is n o tab le because o f th e d iffe re n c e in th e ir re sp e c tiv e s o c ia l c la s s e s , although no m arriage r e s u lts from th e ir re la tio n s h ip , due to circum stances beyond th e ir c o n tro l. Susana sees in him a man o f substance and o f a c tio n , and p re fe rs him to th e young men of h er s o c ia l group, who a re , fo r the most p a rt, s i l l y , u se le ss fops. "Gustaba mas de la conversacion de M artin, cuya fe ro z a n tip a tia a lo s 41 p etim etres y a los f r a ile s no le causaba mucho h o rro r." In him she sees the in te g r ity and perso n al d ig n ity she ^ B1 audaz. p. 271. fin d s lacking among those of h er own c la s s . She hears him giving v o ice to some o f h er own fe e lin g s o f p ro te s t a g a in st th e s o c ia l and p o l i t i c a l c o rru p tio n of th e tim es. En e l fondo d e l pensamiento de la dama e x is tia tam bien, aunque algo atenuada por la educacion, una p ro te s ta c o n tra , lo que esta b a viendo a su lado desde que te n ia uso de razon. De c la r a in te lig e n c ia , de temperamento apasionado, de e s p f r itu tambien osado y v i r i l , ningun s e r e x ist£ a mas propio para r e c ib ir lo s sentim ientos y la s ideas de M artin, y fecu n d arlas dandoles nueva v id a y d e s a r r o l l o .^ Being endowed w ith the p rid e o f h er c a s te , however, she would n o t descend to him. She must b rin g him to h e r le v e l. M No podia descender; era p re ciso e le v a rle a e l h a s ta e lla , y he aqui cu a l fue su id ea dominante. . . . Determino poner en p ra c tic a cuantos medios estuvieran- a su alcance para 43 e le v a r le .” But M u rie l's ra d ic a lism and stubbornness b lin d him to w hatever may be o f value in h e r world and he spurns the idea of making h im self a p a rt o f th a t world in o rder to marry h e r. In stead , he ch allen g es h er to leave everything and follow him. C arried away by h is s p i r i t and courage, she consents, although subsequent events co n sp ire to prevent th e i r union. 4 ^E1 audaz. p. 367. 4 3 I b id . . pp. 367-368. 184 In El d o cto r Centeno th e re is a m arriage between a daughter o f th e i l l u s tr io u s fam ily of H errera y Godoy and a c e r ta in Pedro M iquis. " iAbominacion!" comments th e f i author s a r c a s tic a lly , "Los Miquis habian sid o criad o s de los Godoyes." In F o rtunata v J a c in ta he d escrib es th e m utual a ttr a c tio n between Ju a n ito Santa Cruz and F o rtu n ata, sym bolizing h is d e s ire to see th e even tu al amalgamation of a l l segments o f so c ie ty . He seems to f e e l th a t a l l c la s s e s have something to c o n trib u te to each o th e r, and th a t a l l stand to gain through m utual a sso c ia tio n and rapprochem ent. In La loca de la casa Galdos proposes a union o f th e popular c la s s w ith th e a ris to c ra c y to h elp b rin g about a re g en era tio n o f th e l a t t e r , and to r a is e th e c u ltu r a l le v e l of th e form er. Cruz, the v u lg ar parvenu, d e c la re s: . . . los que nos elevamos rapidam ente por n uestro propio esfu erzo , o ayudados de una lo ca fo rtu n a , gustamos de en la z a r e l pasado con e l p re se n te, y de empare^arnos con los que ya eran poderosos cuando n o so tro s eramos hum ildes. . . . Y yo, hombre rudo, endurecido en la s luchas con la N aturaleza; yo, que f u i y quiero se g u ir siendo pueblo, deseo que e l pueblo se confunda con e l sen o rfo , porque as£ se hacen la s revolu cio n es . . . s in rev o lu cio n . . . quiero d e c i r . ^ ^ E 1 do cto r Centeno. Galdos, Obras. IV, 1353. ^•*La loca de la casa. Galdos, O bras. VI, 580. V ic to ria , the daughter o f th e a r is t o c r a t ic but fin a n c ia lly bankrupt Don Juan de Moncada, who has committed h e r s e lf to marry Cruz in o rd er to save h er fa th e r from ru in , fin d s, to h er s u rp ris e , th a t she is m y sterio u sly a ttr a c te d to him. "Hasta que me sep are de e l no he conocido que hay algo que h acia e l me im pele. A traccion m is te rio s a que no compren- deras q u i z a ." ^ V ic to ria and Cruz a re two symbols, re p re sen tin g th e ideas and p re ju d ic e s o f th e ir re sp e c tiv e c la s s e s . Galdos dram atized th e ir m utual a ttr a c tio n to each o th er, th e ir a n tip a th ie s and th e ir f in a l re c o n c ilia tio n , as an expression o f h is longing fo r th e re c o n c ilia tio n of the "two S pains." What each one d e s ire s from the o th e r in th e ir p erso n al re c rim in a tio n s summarizes what Galdos sees as the main com plaints o f th e "two Spains" a g a in st each o th er. VICTORIA--Quiero mas, mucho mas. Tu av ersio n a l projim o, tu crueldad, tu c o d ic ia , tu b a rb a rie , son una b a rre ra in fran q u eab le <jue me separa de t i . CRUZ— . . . Tu tambien tie n e s d e fe c to s, V ic to ria ; a l menos, yo veo d efecto s en lo que o tro s ven p er- fe ccio n es. Eres demasiado r e lig io s a ; me acosas, me mareas con tu id ea de l a ca rid ad , tan d i s t i n t a de la s m fas; me sermoneas, me c o n tra d ic e s, me abrumas. . . . Y, s in embargo, yo me lle v o b ien con tu s d e fe c to s, _ ^ La lo c a de la c a s a . p. 595. y te quiero a p esar d e 'e llo s , y quiza por e llo s . . . . Aceptame tu a mi con mis asperezas, como yo te acepto a t i con las tu y as.^ ^ In summing up G aldos’ p o l i t i c a l id eas, ve fin d he occupies a ra th e r m oderate p o s itio n . He was f a r from the ra d ic a lism of the " e x a lta d o s ,” o r extreme lib e r a ls . He abhorred re v o lu tio n a ry v io len ce; he p re fe rre d the more p ea cefu l, though slow er, s o c ia l re v o lu tio n which would b rin g b e n e fit to b o th upper and lower c la s s e s . His f e e l ing a g a in st lib e r a l extremism, however, was surpassed by h is h o s t i l i t y to tyranny and to a l l forms of r e s tr ic tio n of freedom. He was a frie n d o f th e common people; he loved to recount th e ir e p ic deeds and th e ir q u ie t heroism . He tra c e s t h e i r growth in m atu rity and in re s p o n s ib ility and t h e i r in cre asin g involvem ent in a f f a i r s o f government. He supports th e ir r ig h t to s e lf d eterm in atio n . Galdos lamented the backwardness o f h is country, and th e c o n stan t b ick erin g s and d issen sio n s which prevented h e r from keeping pace w ith the march o f c iv iliz a tio n . He was e s p e c ia lly concerned w ith the problem o f th e "two S pains” and sought a so lu tio n to th is p o l i t i c a l problem in ^ La lo ca de l a ca sa . p. 600. 187 a sy n th e sis o f th e s o c ia l c la s s e s and in a compromise o f th e p o s itio n s h eld by the opposing p a r tie s . S p a in 's re lig io u s problem was uppermost in Galdos* mind. F iv e of h is most famous n o v e ls, Dona P e rfe c ta (1876), G lo ria (1877), La fa m ilia de Leon Roch (1879), Angel G uerra (1890-91), and N azarin (1895), a re based on r e lig io u s themes. E le c tra . probably h is best-know n drama, is a lso th e most vigorous exp ressio n o f h is a n t i c l e r i c a l ism. There is h a rd ly a novel or play th a t does n o t r e f l e c t in some way, la rg e o r sm all, th e a u th o r's r e lig io u s p re occup atio n . Galdos was as much aware o f th e in te n s ity o f Spanish r e l i g i o s i ty and o f th e extrem es i t could reach , as he was concerned over th e lukewarmness o f many S paniards and th e ir f a ilu r e to tr a n s la te r e lig io u s b e li e f in to s o c ia l j u s t ic e and s o c ia l reform . One o f h is fa v o r ite themes was to r id ic u le p e rv e rte d r e l i g i o s i t y . With th is in te n tio n in mind he p re se n ts " la s tr e s ru fn a s ," th e Porreno s i s t e r s , in La Fontana de P ro . In h is p o rtra y a l o f them he condemns narrow th in k in g d i s guised as m o ra lity , fa n a tic ism , and c r u e lty meant to be r e c titu d e . Dona P a u lita , th e "m y stic," th e le a s t r e p u l siv e o f th e th re e , is portrayed as a "sa n ta de p a lo ." 188 "Examinando atentam ente su fig u ra , se observaba que la ex p resio n m fstic a que en toda e l l a re sp la n d e c fa e ra mas b ie n debida a un h a b ito de co n tra ccio n es y movimientos que „ 48 a n a tu ra l y co n g en ita form a.1 1 This th in d is g u is e o f p ie ty m erely conceals a suppressed s e x u a lity , as is shown l a t e r , when she becomes in fa tu a te d w ith Lazaro. Dona P a u lita is one o f th e abnormal types so abundant in G aldos’ works. She re p re s e n ts h is conception o f f a ls e m ysticism . Desde n in a habfa sid o rep u tad a como un an g el: no h acfa mas que re z a r y c a n ta r a e s t i l o de coro, remedando lo que o fa en la s C arboneras. Los domingos d ecfa m isa en un pequeno a l t a r que e l l a misma habfa formado, y tam bien p red icab a desde lo a lto de una mesa con gran regodeo de toda la servidum bre, que acudfa para o f r la desde lo s c u a tro polos de la c a sa . Ya mas g ra n d e c ita , m an ifestab a un vehemente h o rro r a lo s sarao s y a los te a tr o s ; lo unico que pudo a g ra d a rla un poco fue una funcion de to ro s a que l a lle v o su padre, gran a f i cionado. Solamente ib a dona P a u lita a l te a tr o cuando se re p re se n ta b a algun auto en la Cruz por f i e s t a s de Corpus, pero siem pre ib a con perm iso de su co n feso r. 9 The th re e s i s t e r s liv e an in s ip id , a r t i f i c i a l l i f e ch a rac te r iz e d by outward sig n s o f d ev o tio n . ofan tr e s m isas y p a rte de una c u a rta . S i e ra domingo, confesaban y despues v o lv fan a ca sa, quedandose gene- ralm ente dona P a u lita en e l lo c u to rio a h a b la r de la s 4^La Fontana de P ro, p. 75. 49I b id . . p . 76. 189 lla g a s de San F ran c isc o . . . . Llegada la noche, rezaban a t r i o por espacio de dos h o ra s, y despues se a c o sta - b a n T ^ J But in th e ir a c tio n s they were c ru e l and e g o t is t ic a l. When C lara is e n tru ste d to t h e ir ca re by h e r ad o p tiv e fa th e r, they make a v i r t u a l p ris o n e r o f h e r. Under th e p re te x t of keeping h er o u t o f tro u b le and of fom enting h e r m oral form ation she i s made to work in t h e i r house as though she were a se rv a n t, never to show h e r s e lf a t a window o r b a l cony, never to speak to stra n g e rs o r v i s i t o r s , and, in g e n e ra l, to "behave h e r s e l f ." One day, having discovered th e presence o f C aptain Bozmediano in th e house, they f a ls e ly accuse h e r o f im m orality and tu rn h e r o u t in to th e s t r e e t . As fo r Dona P a u lita , she ends h e r days in a convent where h e r m ental unbalance i s m istaken fo r s a n c tity . Her s a in tlin e s s , as Galdos s a r c a s tic a lly rem arks, was proved by e ig h t th eo lo g ian s by means o f e ig h t hundred s y llo g is m s .^ Thus does th e au th o r s a t i r i z e f a ls e d ev o tio n . He d e sc rib e s th e outward forms and exp ressio n s o f r e li g i o s i t y ~ * ^La Fontana de Pro, p. 77. 51I b id ., p. 187. 190 and sees them as mere hypocrisy, o r, a t b e s t, a form o f s e lf-d e c e p tio n . He w ill n o t, as y e t, p e n e tra te more deeply in to th e problem of m ysticism . L ater he d eals more s e rio u s ly w ith the su b je c t (Angel Guerra. N azarfn). b u t he never succeeds in coming to terms w ith th is kind o f re lig io u s ex p ressio n . In El audaz Galdos s tr ik e s a blow a t th e In q u is i tio n . He reminds Spaniards th a t, as la te as th e n in e te e n th cen tu ry , i t was p o s sib le fo r a person to be denounced by an unknown accuser, to be thrown in to prison and w ait fo r as long as two years b efo re being brought to t r i a l . He sees the in q u is ito r ia l idea as a stro n g c o n tra d ic tio n to th e s p i r i t o f C h ris t. Siempre he experimentado una sensacion ex tran a y h a s ta una esp ecie de a lu c in a c io n a l v e r en cuadros o d ib u jo s e l C risto que rem ata la decoracion de un T ribunal d e l Santo O fic io . Temo d e c irlo , no sea que parezca una irre v e re n c ia , que no lo e s; pero a l ver la imagen sa - grada extendiendo sus brazos sobre e l madero donde ex p ira , no puedo figurarm e que e s ta c ru c ific a d o , sin o que ab re los brazos para d a r de bofetadas a sus m in is- t r o s .52 G aldos' a n tic le ric a lis m remained subdued in the f i r s t s e rie s of the E p iso d io s. Even in th e second s e r ie s ~ * ^ E1 audaz. p. 393. th e author appears to be more or le s s in sympathy w ith popular re lig io u s sentim ent, and he shows how th a t s e n t i ment among the people is c o n s u b sta n tia l w ith p a trio tism , as i t was during th e s tru g g le a g a in st French dom ination. In 1808-1814, to be a iurado in the se rv ic e o f the French was equal to being a h e r e tic . To re tu rn to p a trio tis m was 53 "ab razarse a la cru z de la p a tr ia ." A French uniform j was c a lle d "esos h a b ito s i n f e m a l e s . Y e t , in h is ample, all-encom passing v is io n of Spain, Galdos was capable o f tre a tin g w ith sympathy th e afrancesam iento o f Monsalud, who became a firm b e lie v e r in Napoleon’s ideas fo r th e re g en er a tio n of Europe. In th e second s e rie s o f the Episodios th e re i s more outspoken c r itic is m o f the c le rg y . Galdos ap p aren tly b eliev es th a t p r ie s ts could have been so much b e tte r than they were. The "w arrio r p r ie s t" R esp ald ija, fo r example, im prisoned and condemned to death, along w ith h is companion G arrote, i s more concerned w ith h is own w elfare and sa fe ty than he i s w ith h earin g th e co n fessio n of h is companion, ~^E l equipaie d el Rev Jo se , p. 1203. 192 or even w ith preparing h im self fo r a C h ristia n d eath . O ccasionally Galdos recognizes the ex isten ce of goodness in th e person of a p r i e s t, such as in th e case of Padre A le li: Acostumbraba e l buen sacerd o te v i s i t a r a los presos para co n so larlo s u o irlo s en confesion, y fre c u e n te - mente pasaba largos ra to s con alguno de e llo s hablando de cosas f e s tiv a s , con lo cu al se amenguaban la s tr is te z a s de la c a rc e l. Era e l padre A le li un varon realm ente santo y c a r ita tiv o ; su bondad se m ostraba en dos esp ecies de m anias: d ar alm endras a los mucha- chos de la s c a lle s y p aliq u e a los p re so s. D irxase que unos y o tro s eran su fa m ilia y que no podia v iv ir s in e llo s . This meek and m ild goodness was n o t enough, however. In the f i r s t p lace , in d iv id u a ls lik e F ath er A le li were too ra re ; th e ir presence was hard ly f e l t in th e s o c ia l body. Secondly, th e i n s t it u ti o n which they re p resen ted had, according to Galdos, lo s t touch w ith th e human s p i r i t ; form ulas and stereo ty p ed phrases had taken th e place o f C h ristia n c h a rity and u nderstanding. F in a lly , the Church had f a ile d to keep pace w ith th e changing s o c ia l and p o l i ti c a l p a tte rn s of the n in e te e n th cen tu ry . Galdos would have lik e d to see the Church become more involved ^ E1 te r r o r de 1824. G aldos, Obras, I, 1771. in s o c ia l reform ; to see h e r throw h er w eight behind the s tru g g le fo r ju s tic e and th e betterm en t o f s o c ie ty . He d id n o t advocate, w ith the more ex tre m ist of th e lib e r a ls , th e e x tirp a tio n o f th e C h ris tia n id ea from n a tio n a l l i f e , b u t he seemed convinced th a t th e Church had done more harm than good to th e n a tio n . P a tric io Sarm iento, a c h a ra c te r who appears in El te r r o r de 1824. obviously speaks fo r th e au th o r when he says, n o t w ithout re sp e c t, to F ath er A le li, who bas come to h ear h is l a s t co n fessio n : "Yo soy enemigo d e l in s tin to que re p resen tan esos fra ilu n o s t r a j e s . F a lta - r i a a mi co n cien cia s i d ije s e o tra cosa; yo aborrezco ahora la in s titu c io n como la a b o rre c i toda mi v id a, por c r e e rla * 56 altam ente p e m ic io sa a l b ien p u b lic o .1 1 F ath er A le li t r i e s to remind him th a t he is about to d ie and th a t he ought to place h is thoughts e n tir e ly on God. Sarmiento r e to r ts th a t he knows very w ell how to prepare fo r death, th a t he looks upon h is d eath as g lo rio u s because he is dying fo r the "d iv in e id e a l" of lib e r ty , and th a t he has every in te n tio n o f dying a C h ristia n d eath (w ithout th e help of the Church). He then d e c la re s h is forgiveness ~ * ^ El te r r o r de 1824. p. 1780. 194 o f h is enemies and execu tio n ers and s ta te s th a t he w ill pray fo r them ’’para que muden de conducta trocando sus ideas a b s o lu tis ta s por e l c u lto puro de la L ib e rta d ." ” ^ Sarmiento is co n fid en t of th e u ltim a te trium ph o f lib e ra lis m and of th e doom o f absolutism , "porque los pueblos, una vez que han a b ie rto los o jo s, no se resig n an 58 a c e r r a r lo s ." F ath er A le li in te rru p ts Sarm iento’s d i s course on s o c ia l m atters to remind him once again th a t he is th in k in g o f w orldly th in g s a t a tim e when he should be prep arin g h is so u l fo r death . Thus Galdos in tim a te s th a t, in h is opinion, th e Church is so c lo s e ly tie d to h e r t r a d i tio n a l re lig io u s concepts th a t she has blinded h e r s e lf to modern s o c ia l problem s, and re fu se s to d iscu ss them, or even to co n sid er them as problem s. To make m a tte rs worse, she stu p id ly and stubbornly backs re a c tio n a ry and abso l u t i s t governments. Sarm iento, defending the r ig h ts of secularism , co n tin u es: Yo nada le q u ito a Dios. No se q u ite nada tampoco a la s id eas, que son mi p ro p ia v id a, mi razon de se r en e l mundo, porque, entien d ase b ie n , son la m ision ~ * ^ El te r r o r de 1824. p. 1782. 195 que Dios mismo me ha encargado. Cada uno tle n e su d e stin o : e l de unos es d e c lr m isa; e l de o tro s es ensenar e ilum inar a los pueblos. £1 mismo que a su p atem id ad reverendfsim a le dio la s c re d e n c ia le s, me la s ha dado a rai.59 Sarmiento is G aldos' id ea of th e fu tu re c itiz e n , in which the sound and p ro g re ssiv e p rin c ip le s o f en lig h ten ed secu larism C.filosofxa) would harmonize w ith C h ris tia n ity , " e l filo s o fo y^el c r is tia n o se ju n ta n , se compendian y amalga- man en mx m aravillosam ente. The a ttitu d e o f Galdos toward C arlism was unsympa- th e tic , as we can imagine i t would be, b u t, re a liz in g , as he d id , th a t i t s ideology of n a tio n a l u n ity under Throne and A lta r held m illio n s o f Spaniards under i t s sway, he would counsel understanding and p atien ce ra th e r than the war of e x tin c tio n advocated by many of those in the "isa b e lin o " fa c tio n . "La idea a b so lu tista ," la in tr a n s i- gencia r e lig io s a h allab an se fan hondamente in cru stad as en lo s cereb ro s y en lo s corazones de una gran p a rte de los h ijo s de Espana, que era ceguedad c re e r que podrxan se r ex tirp ad a s de un t i r o n . " He observes th a t in the C a r lis t ~ * ^E1 te r r o r de 1824. p. 1783. 60Ib id .. p. 1785. ^^'Vergara. Galdos, Obras. I I , 1049. 196 camp th e re does n o t seem to be much s tre n g th of co n v ic tio n o r r e a l b e li e f in th e cause except on th e p a rt o f th e people, who in n o cen tly b e lie v e t h a t they a re r e a l ly f ig h t ing on th e sid e o f God and th e Church. And i t is they who b ear th e b ru n t o f th e war. Falso es todo lo que ves, . . . y en e s ta C orte dim inuta no h a lla r a s mas verdad que en la grande de M adrid; fa rs a es la re lig io s id a d de l a m ayorfa de e s to s c o rte - san o s; h ip o c r ita l a c re e n c ia en e l derecho d iv in o de e s te pobre re y de comedia; enganoso e l entusiasm o de lo s que man^onean en e l e j e r c i to y en la s o fic in a s . Solo es v e rid ic o e l pueblo en su ig n o ran c ia y candidez; por eso es e l b u rro de la s c a rg a s. E l lo hace todo: e l p e le a , e l paga lo s g asto s de la campana, e l muere, e l se pudre en l a m iseria p a ra que e s to s fantasmones vivan y s a tis fa g a n sus a p e tito s de mando y r i q u e z a s . ^ 2 The appearance o f Dona P e rfe c ta (1876) caused a fu ro r in C ath o lic Spain, p a r tic u la r ly among the ad h eren ts o f C arlism . Such open c r itic is m o f the p o s itio n o f the Church, as is found in th is novel was, h e re to fo re , unknown in Spain. The way had been c le a re d somewhat by th e p o l i t i c a l upheaval o f 1868; th e re was a c e r ta in s p i r i t u a l u n re st brought on by the new p h ilo so p h ic a l concepts intro d u ced by Krausism, b u t a n tic le r ic a lis m in l i t e r a t u r e was s t i l l new enough to be s e n s a tio n a l. 62 De Onate a la G rania, G aldos, Obras, I I , 593. 197 The themes o f Dona P e rfe c ta a re re lig io u s , p o l i ti c a l and s o c ia l, b u t th e f i r s t seems to predom inate. G aldos' co n ten tio n appears to be th a t re lig io n , because o f i t s f a ls e w orship of th e form a t th e expense of th e id ea, i t s subversion to p o l i t i c a l ends, and i t s s t i f l i n g in flu en ce on so c ie ty , should be elim inated from the se c u la r phases of l i f e . The lo c a le (O rbajosa) is Spanish so ciety on a sm all sc a le , as Galdos sees i t . I t is made to f i t h is p re ju d ice a g a in st t r a d i t i o n a l i s t Spain. The sto ry concerns Pepe Rey, a young engineer w ith p ro g re ssiv e id eas, who comes to O rbajosa to marry h is cousin R osario, a m arriage which had been prearranged by h is fa th e r and Dona P e rfe c ta , R o sa rio 's m other. Not long a f te r h is a r r iv a l a t O rbajosa, Dona P e rfe c ta , swayed by th e in sin u a tio n s o f h e r s p i r i tu a l a d v ise r, Don Inocencio, who o b je c ts to h is "atheism ," tu rn s a g a in st th e p ro jected m arriage. She becomes more and more d is ta n t u n t i l she reaches th e p o in t o f open h o s t i l i t y toward Pepe. In th e meantime, Pepe and R osario have f a lle n in love w ith each o th e r. As h e r m o th er's o p p o sitio n to th e m arriage in c re a se s, R osario fin d s h e r s e lf a v i r t u a l p riso n e r in her room, Dona P e rfe c ta 's plan to keep h er from seein g Pepe. 198 To h er own h o rro r, she r e a liz e s she has come to h a te h er m other. Pepe breaks openly w ith h is aunt and makes plans to kidnap R osario from h e r room. In th e meantime, a C a r lis t u p risin g , in s tig a te d by Dona P e rfe c ta h e r s e lf, has occurred in O rbajosa and Madrid has se n t troops to p acify th e a re a . Pepe a l l i e s h im self w ith th e tro o p s, thereby a lie n a tin g him self s t i l l fu rth e r from Dona P e rfe c ta . During a d esp e rate attem pt to elope w ith R osario, Pepe is k ille d by C aballuco, a C a r lis t c h ie f ta in , a c tin g on th e orders o f Dona P e rfe c ta , h e r s e lf . The death o f Pepe r e s u lts in th e in s a n ity of R osario. In Galdos' symbolism Orbajosa re p re se n ts tr a d itio n a l Spain as a g a in st p ro g re ssiv e , lib e r a l, cosm opolitan Spain. In the eyes of the orbaiosenses. the o th e r Spain, lo c a liz e d fo r the moment in Madrid, th re a te n s t h e i r way of l i f e and, e s p e c ia lly , th e ir re lig io u s tr a d itio n . The m etro p o lis, on th e o th e r hand, sees tr a d itio n a l Spain as a w eight on p rogress and a d e te rre n t to enlightenm ent. Dona P e rfe c ta and Don Inocencio see in Pepe Rey "esa segunda nacion, com- p u esta de los perdidos que gobiernan en M adrid, y que se « 63 * ha hecho duena de la fu erza m a te ria l." Galdos sees Pepe ^ Dona P er fe cta . G aldos, Obras. IV, 481. 199 as in te llig e n c e , reason, scien ce, p ro g ress, to le ra n c e , e tc . But h is lig h t is extinguished as he p e n e tra te s th e obscurantism of O rbajosa. R osario re p re se n ts Spain, d riv en to h atred of h er mother (u ltra -c o n se rv a tism ) because of th e l a t t e r 's excessive r e s tr ic tio n s and s t i f l i n g of l i f e and happiness. The e te rn a l theme of Galdos is th e c o n fro n ta tio n of th ese two w orlds, th e M two S pains." The ten sio n s caused by th is c o n fro n ta tio n lead to th e v io le n c e and tragedy so abhorred by th e w rite r. The love of Pepe and R osario, i f i t had re s u lte d in th e ir m arriage, could have been a ste p toward a re c o n c ilia tio n and an eventual fu sio n of th e two w orlds. This chance was f ru s tra te d by th e fa n a tic ism and in tra n sig e n c e of Dona P e rfe c ta . On th e o th e r hand, Pepe Rey looks upon th e r e l i g i o s ity of R osario w ith a c e rta in a i r o f s u p e rio rity and amused to le ra n c e , which seems to b e tra y G aldos' own a t t i tude. When pressed by Rosario to admit h is b e lie f in God, which to her is an extrem ely im portant m atter, he h e s ita te s and s t a l l s , f in a lly concedes: "R osario, h a sta lo s malvados creen en e l . S i e x iste n a te o s, que no lo dudo, son lo s calum niadores, los in trig a n te s de que e s ta in fe sta d o e l roundo." When she asks him i f he b e lie v e s in the d e v il, another fundamental C atholic b e lie f , " la oscuridad de la c a p illa no p erm itia a R osario v e r l a so n risa con que su primo aco g iera tan ex tran a p r e g u n t a . O n an e a r lie r occasion, Pepe had en tered th e C athedral w ithout g e n u fle c t ing, had passed back and fo rth befo re an a l t a r where the c e le b ra tio n of Mass in progress and, a t th e moment o f th e C onsecration, was absorbed in th e contem plation of th e a r c h ite c tu r a l wonders o f the church. When reprim anded by Dona P erfe c ta fo r h is lack o f c o n sid e ra tio n fo r the devo tio n o f the f a ith f u l, he becomes in d ig n an t th a t anyone should o b je c t to h is a c tio n s, and d e c la re s they are m is taken i f they take him fo r a man of no f a it h . "Hoy es costumbre ad o rar la forma, no la id e a ."^ ^ The tragedy o f m utual a lie n a tio n in Spain is r e fle c te d in Pepe’ s c o n ste rn a tio n over th e b itte r n e s s o f h is q u a rre l w ith Dona P e rfe c ta and th e e f f e c t i t is having on h is own p e rso n a lity . "Era razonable, y soy un b ru to , era resp etu o so , y soy in s o le n te ; e ra c u lto , y me encuentro ^D ona P e rfe c ta . p. 455. 65Ib id . 66I b id .. p. 432. 201 s a lv a je . . . . Hemos venido a s e r tan barbaro e l uno como ^ 67 e l otro y luchamos y nos herimos sin com pasion." Galdos e x h ib its a c e r ta in im p a rtia lity and sympathy fo r the fe e lin g s o f th e orbaiosenses as he condemns, through th e mouth o f a d isp a ssio n a te o bserver o f the scene, th e tendency o f th e government to provoke th e people in to re v o lt by d e lib e ra te ly and s y ste m a tic a lly a tta c k in g th e ir re lig io u s b e lie f s and th e ir tr a d itio n s . Yo deploro e s ta guerra, que va tomando proporciones alarm antes; pero reconozco que n u estro s bravos campe- sinos no son responsables de e lla , pues han sido provo- cados a l cruento b a ta lla r por la audacia d e l Gobiem o, por la desm oralizacion de sus sa c rrle g o s delegados, por la sana s is te ra a tic a con que lo s re p re se n ta n te s d el Estado atacan lo mas venerando que e x is te en la con- c ie n c ia de los pueblos: la fe r e lig io s a y e l a c riso la d o espanolism o. . . . Cuando a un pueblo se le q u iere q u ita r su alma p ara in fu n d irle o tr a ; cuando se le q u iere d e s - c a s ta r, digamoslo a s i, mudando sus sen tim ien to s, sus costumbres* sus id e a s, es n a tu ra l que ese pueblo se d efienda. Dona P e rfe c ta . G lo ria and La fa m ilia de Leon Roch were w ritte n in 1876, 1877 and 1879, th a t is , during th e same period o f the a u th o rfs l i f e , and they form a kind o f '’trilo g y " r e f le c tin g h is re lig io u s th in k in g during th a t ^ Dona P e rfe c ta , pp. 465-466. 68Ib id ., p. 499. 202 p erio d . Each novel d e a ls w ith an asp e c t o f th e re lig io u s problem. Dona P e rfe c ta . as we have alread y seen, c r i t i c iz e s th e undue in flu e n c e upon s o c ie ty of what Galdos conceived o f as a f a ls e r e l i g i o s i ty th a t re v e re s mere fo rm a lity a t th e expense o f tru e re lig io u s sentim ent. G lo ria ta k e s up th e problem o f th e ir r e c o n c ila b ility o f two re lig io u s c re e d s. I t t e l l s the sto ry o f a fr u s tr a te d lo v e between a Jew, D aniel Morton, and G lo ria L antigua, daughter o f a staunch C ath o lic fam ily in th e n o rth of S p ain . Don Juan de L antigua, G loria*s fa th e r, i s a fe rv e n t la y a p o s tle and defender o f th e F a ith . In h is opinion lib e ra lis m is akin to h eresy , th e su re road to atheism . But he i s , a f te r a l l , a C h ris tia n gentlem an and he d is a p proves o f th e ag g ressiv e ta c ti c s o f a c e r ta in group of C ath o lic p a rtis a n s (n e o -C a th o lic s), who are out to win ’’f o r C h rist and h is C hurch,” w hether by f a i r means o r fo u l, and who w il l do anything to h elp th e Church g a in p o l i t i c a l power. Don Juan*s r e l i g i o s i t y is contained in th e sim ple form ula: "Abnegacion, p a c ie n c ia , m a rtirio . . . . Seamos buenos, p ro s, c a r ita tiv o s , fe rv ie n te s c a to lic o s y tendremos 203 69 asegurada la m itad d e l triu n fo ." The bishop Don Angel, G lo ria ’s un cle, is a s a in t in h er eyes. He is an exemplary man o f the Church, and a lso disapproves of th e "m uscular" C h ris tia n ity of the neo- C ath o lic s. He lis te n s p a tie n tly as G lo ria expounds to him some of h er conclusions regarding Spanish tra d itio n a lis m , then, g en tly b u t firm ly , disabuses h e r o f h er l a t i t u d i - narism o, which he t e l l s h er has been condemned by se v e ra l papal e n c y c lic a ls. Dona S e ra fin ita , th e widowed s i s t e r o f Don Juan and Don Angel, is anoth er a s c e tic , "m ystical" type, o f the s tr ip e o f Dona P a u lita Porreno (La Fontana de P ro) . She had had an unhappy m arriage and, a f te r the d eath of h er husband, seemingly d is illu s io n e d w ith l i f e , renounces th e "world" and becomes an a u ste re b e a ta . She becomes the se lf-a p p o in te d s p i r it u a l guardian of G lo ria and advises h e r to avoid a l l c o n ta c t w ith D aniel, th e Jew, fo r a union w ith him would most c e rta in ly mean the lo ss of h er so u l. A fter th e b ir th o f G lo ria 's c h ild (by M orton), S e r a f in ita 's advice is th a t she give up h er c h ild and enclose h e r s e lf 69 * G lo ria. Galdos, Obras. IV, 575. in a convent to do penance fo r h er s in . S e r a f in ita 1s ideas and way o f l i f e a re seen by the au th o r as a v io la tio n of n a tu re . G loria, by h er w ild, " in s tin c tiv e " f lig h t through th e co u n try sid e to be w ith h er c h ild and to save him from those who would take him from her, re a c ts in accordance w ith n a tu re . Her m aternal in s tin c t and h e r "n a tu ra l" love fo r Morton are seen in opposition to the Church which would deny h er th e " rig h t" to motherhood w ithout b e n e fit o f law or Sacrament. This is , I b e lie v e , th e f i r s t m a n ife sta tio n in l i te r a t u r e of G aldos1 "non-sacram ental" view of mar ria g e , which may account, in p a rt, fo r th e tremendous controversy evoked by th e novel on i t s p u b lic a tio n . I t is one th in g to c r i t i c i z e b e a te ria , b u t, in C atholic Spain, i t is q u ite another to d eal w ith Dogma and Sacraments as though they were spurious elem ents o f the Church. The b ro th e r of Don Juan de L antigua, Don Buena v en tu ra, fig u re s in th e novel as a more lib e r a l exponent of th e re lig io u s s itu a tio n in Spain. Like h is c re a to r, he b e lie v e s th a t f a ith should be expressed in p r a c tic a l m o rality , independently of creed or o f e x te rn a l w orship. He b e lie v e s th a t organized re lig io n has become too le g a l i s t i c , and would advocate a re tu rn to "p rim itiv e sim p l i c i t y ." 205 Yo creo que la fe r e lig io s e , t a l como la han entendido n u estro s padres, p ierd e te rre n o de d ia en d ia , y cjue, ta rd e o temprano todos los c u lto s p o sitiv o s tendran que perder e l v ig o r p re se n te . Yo creo que los hombres buenos y c a r ita tiv o s pueden s a lv a rs e , y se salv aran facilraen te, cu a lq u iera que sea su r e lig io n . Creo que muchas cosas e sta b le c id a s por la Ig le s ia , le jo s de a c re c e n ta r l a fe , la dism inuyen, y que en todas las re lig io n e s , y princip alm en te en la n u e stra , sobran re g la s , d isp o sic io n e s, p ra c tic a s . Creo que los c u lto s s u b s is tir f a n m ejor s i v o lv ie ra n a la s e n c ille z p rim i tiv e . Creo que s i los poderes re lig io s o s se empenan en a c re c e n ta r demasiado su in flu e n c ia , la c r i t i c a acabara con e llo s . Creo que l a c o n c ilia c io n e n tre la f ilo s o f f a y la fe es p o sib le , y que s i no es p o sib le , vendra e l caos. Creo que cada vez es menor, mucho menor, e l numero de los que tie n e n fe , lo cu al me parece fu n esto . Creo que ninguna nacion n i pueblo alguno pueden s u b s is tir s in una ley m oral cjue le s de v id a, y s i una ley m oral desaparece, vendra nece- sariam ente o tra . . . . Esto que d e c la ro , e sto que pen- samos, ^a que n eg arlo ?, todos lo s hombres d e l dfa, es de esas cosas que pocas veces se d icen , y yo la s c a lle siem pre, porque la sociedad a c tu a l se so stie n e no por e l fe rv o r, sin o por e l re sp e to a la s creen cias genera te s . . . . Creo, fin alm en te, y p ara d e c irlo todo de una vez, que e l fondo m oral es con c o rta d ife re n c ia uno mismo en la s re lig io n e s c iv iliz a d a s . . . m ejor dicho, que e l hombre c u lto educado en la sociedad europea es capaz d e l su p e rio r b ien . c u a lq u ie ra que sea e l nombre con que invoque a Dios.^® Whereas in Doha P e rfe c ta th e c o n f lic t is between persons who a re , nom inally, o f th e same f a it h , in G loria i t a r is e s between two m utually a n ta g o n is tic r e lig io n s . I t rem ains, however, an a tta c k a g a in st re lig io u s i n tr a n s i gence, w hether i t be Jew ish o r C h ristia n , fo r D an iel’s ^ G lo ria , p. 617. 206 m other, E sther, is even more in to le ra n t than the L antigua fam ily. She w ill go to any len g th to prevent her son from m arrying a C h ristia n , thus compromising h is r e lig io n . R ather than say "nu estro h ijo es c r i s t i a n o ,” she would 71 p re fe r to say, "nuestro h ijo ha m uerto." D aniel Morton, as G aldos' hero, i s , of course, tre a te d sy m p ath etically . He shares the opinion of the author reg ard in g organized re lig io n , creed and tr a d itio n - - th a t i s , th a t human love is above and beyond them, and tak es precedence over a l l d o c trin e . During a d iscu ssio n w ith th e L antiguas, he launches in to a c r itic is m o f Spanish r e lig io s ity , in which he p o in ts to th e g re a t lack o f fe rv o r and sin c e re p ra c tic e of r e lig io n on th e p a r t of a m ajo rity of Spaniards. He v is to e l sentim iento re li^ io s o tan am ortiguado, que lo s espanoles in sp ira n la stim a . . . . En ningun pais d e l mundo hay menos creen cias .". . me ha causado so r- p resa la ir r e lig io s id a d de la mayoria de las personas ilu s tr a d a s . Se p ra c tic a e l c u lto , pero mas b ien como un h ab ito r u tin a r io , por resp eto a l publico, a la s fa m ilia s y a la tra d ic io n , que por verdadera fe .^ 2 Juan de Lantigua, w hile adm itting th e tr u th o f th ese 7^G loria, p. 657. 72Ib id . . p. 548. 207 a lle g a tio n s , lam ely blames the s t a t e of a f f a ir s on " la - 7 < 5 filo s o fx a y en la s lib e rta d e s modernas. Asked to give h is re c ip e fo r th e i l l s o f Spain, Morton p re sc rib e s ex posure o f th e people to th e c u rre n ts of th e tim es, . . . e l a ire lib r e , e l andar s in tregua e n tre toda c la s e de v ie n to s, a r rib a y ab ajo , d e ja rse lle v a r y a r r a s t r a r por todas la s fu erzas que la s o lic ita n ; romper su capa de mendigo o m o rtaja de d ifu n to , y exponerse a l a salu d ab le intem perie d e l s i g l o .'^ The poor ta s te o f church a r c h ite c tu re and o f re lig io u s a r t a lso comes under M orton's f i r e . He points out th a t Madrid has more th e a te rs than London, a b u llrin g which is a v e r ita b le monument, e leg a n t ca fes, sto re s , e t c ., "pero no 7 5 hay una s o la ig le s ia que no sea p o c ilg a ." The a r t i f i c i a l p ie ty , h eld up by re lig io u s c o n f ra te rn itie s as a model fo r men and women to im ita te makes i t extrem ely d i f f i c u l t fo r a sin c e re C atholic to p ra c tic e h is f a ith w ithout appearing rid ic u lo u s . H asta los mismos que defienden a p ie firm e la r e lig io n y se llaman soldados avanzados de la s f i l a s de C risto , cuidan mucho, en sociedad, de d isim u la r todo lo p o s i b le su o rto d o x ia, o, m ejor dicho, de o lv id a rla , so ^ G lo r ia , p . 549 • 74Ib id . 75Ib id . 208 pena de p erd er gran p a rte de la s sim patfas y de la s am istades que, por sus prendas, su fig u ra o sus v i r - tu d es, hayan logrado a l c a n z a r . ' 6 Lantigua then argues the p o in t th a t Spain is th e one n atio n where C ath o lic d o c trin e has been preserved in ta c t, in o rd e r th a t C h ristia n c u ltu re m ight survive and flo u ris h anew; th a t th e re g e n e ra tio n o f c iv iliz a tio n must be based on no th in g but th e unchangeable p rin c ip le s o f C atholicism ; th a t Spain, having survived the re v o lu tio n s and subver sions o f the tim es, w ill be in a p o s itio n to re v iv ify C h ris tia n ity in th e world. The co n v ersatio n i s in te rru p te d a t th is p o in t, and, though Lantigua has had th e l a s t word, Galdos, through Morton, has made an extrem ely h arsh c r itic is m of Spanish C atholicism , which was undoubtedly aimed a t h is com p a tr io ts . F in a lly , th e novel expresses an appeal fo r an end to re lig io u s antagonism s, such as those which have prevented the m arriage o f D aniel and G lo ria. "Los que se aman son de una misma r e lig io n ," d e c la re s G lo ria. "Los que se aman no pueden te n e r r e lig io n d i s t in t a , y s i la tie n e n , su amor 76G loria, p. 550. 209 77 les b a u tiz a en un mismo Jo rd an ." But, as she l i e s dying, in th e f in a l scene o f the s to ry , she re tu rn s again to h er orthodox b e lie f and makes a f in a l a c t o f f a ith . --Creo en Dios, en mi alma in m o rtal, inm erecedora d e l bien s i J e s u c ris to no la h u b iera redim ido d e l pecado o rig in a l; creo en J e s u c r is to , que m urio por salv arn o s, en e l J u ic io f in a l, en la rem ision de los pecados. Con los la b io s, con e l corazon que se le p a r tf a de d o lo r, y expulsando e l ju ic io de s i en aquel in s ta n te supremo, D aniel re p lic o : --Tambien yo c re e re todo lo que tu c re e s. La moribunda hizo un esfu erzo por in co rp o rarse, murraurando: --En J e s u c r is to . --T am bien--dijo Morton, creyendose e l mas c ru e l de lo s hombres s i no lo d e c ia . --En e l unico D ios--ahadio e l l a . — ;Esa, esa . . . esa es la m ejor re lig io n ! . . . --exclam o e l i s r a e l i t a estrech an d o la en sus brazos con d e lic a d e z a --. Creo en t i , en la fu e rza inmensa de tu e s p f r itu d iv in o , a l cu a l espero e s ta r unido para toda la v id a a l i a donde no hay mas que una r e l i gion. - - iLa m ia!—balbucio la moribunda con so n risa in e fa b le . — i La n u e s tr a ! - - d ijo Morton trasp a sad o de angus- tia .7 3 The id ea th a t a man can fin d s a lv a tio n in any r e lig io n , and th a t d o c trin a l d iffe re n c e s a re m erely in c id e n ta l, is ap p ar e n tly th e idea which Galdos d e sire d to b rin g out in to 77G lo ria . p. 557. 78Ib id . . p. 680. 210 the open, in to the realm o f d isc u ssio n . La fa m ilia de Leon Roch (1878) p re se n ts Spanish so c ie ty on a much broader base than does G lo ria . Once again th e o u tlin e s of th e "two S pains” stand out sh arp ly . The c o n f lic t a r is e s out o f th e antagonism s of two tem pera m ents, each re p re s e n ta tiv e o f two c la s s e s . Marfa E gipciaca re p re se n ts th e a ris to c ra c y . She is descended from an old fam ily of A vila, which once possessed ex ten siv e e s ta te s in Extremadura. A vila, th e b irth p la c e of Santa T eresa, is th e h e a rt o f Spanish C atholicism . I t is the c it y o f s a in ts and gentlem en. Leon Roch is th e son o f a ric h in d u s tr ia l i s t from V alencia. Es un sabio de nuevo cuno, uno de e sto s productos de l a U niversidad, d e l Ateneo y de la Escuela de Minas. . . . Mucha c ie n c ia alemana . . . mucha te o rfa oscura y p a la b re ja s r id fc u la s ; mucho a ir e de d esp reciam o s a todos lo s espanoles como a un h a ta jo de ig n o ran tes; mucho o rg u llo , y luego e l t u f i l l o de d escreim iento. ^ He is G aldos1 answer to the decadent a ris to c ra c y , and h is atheism is a sla p a t th e ir s t e r i l e r e li g i o s ity , which has reduced the F a ith to a mere observance of form s. The f a ilu r e o f th e m arriage o f Leon and Marfa Egip c ia c a is brought about by d iffe re n c e s in temperament, as 79 * * La fa m ilia de Leon Roch. Galdos, Obras, IV, 764. 211 w ell as by irre c o n c ila b le a ttitu d e s toward r e lig io n . But d iffe re n c e s in temperament would n o t have su ffic e d to d estro y th is m arriage, in view o f th e p a tie n c e , long- su ffe rin g and d e s ire , on the p a r t of Leon to make h is mar ria g e succeed. L eon's p a tie n c e i s f in a lly s tra in e d to th e breaking p o in t by th e m o iig a te rfa of h is w ife and by th e in te rfe re n c e of h e r s p i r i t u a l d ire c to r , F ath er P a o le tti, and h er a s c e tic b ro th e r, Luis Gonzaga. The good f a ith , honesty and high m oral conscience o f Leon stand in sharp c o n tra s t to th e decadence and shabbi ness o f th e world of Marfa E gipciaca. Galdos denounces the cynicism and se n su a lity o f th e gran mundo of which her fam ily is a p a r t. Leon is th e p ro g re ssiv e hombre fu e rte who stru g g le s w ith th is world and lo se s. The s itu a tio n and c h a ra c te rs are drawn in c a ric a tu re . The m arriage o f Leon and M arfa E gipciaca, w ith i t s ex ten u atin g circum stances, becomes an exaggerated s itu a tio n leading f in a lly to com plete estrangem ent. The m ysticism of M arfa E gipciaca, f a r from being th e u su al m o iig a te rfa of th e Spanish woman is exaggerated to a rid ic u lo u s ex trem e. Her d ev o tio n al p ra c tic e s c o n s is t o f read in g stic k y and sen su al s p i r i t u a l e x e rc ise s and p ra y ers, c o lle c tin g 212 r e l i c s and h oly w ater, spending as much as six hours of the day in p ra y e r. She fin a lly adopts th e h a b it o f a herm it and renounces a l l w orldly p le a su re s. F eeling a p h y sical a ttr a c tio n toward h er husband, she d is c ip lin e s and m o rtifie s h e r s e lf in an e f fo rt to suppress th is fe e lin g , b e lie v in g i t wrong to love him u n t i l he renounces h is 80 atheism . "Mi Dios me manda que no te ame," she d e c la re s to h e r unhappy husband. She t r i e s to make up fo r Leon's lack o f re lig io n by redoubling h e r own, accepting s p i r it u a l d ire c tio n from h er co n fesso r, w hile re fu sin g any advice or guidance from h e r husband. F ath er P a o le tti and M arfa’s b ro th e r, Luis Gonzaga, a re the two in te rlo p e rs . P a o le tti, more concerned th a t M arfa m aintain the p u rity of h e r f a ith than th a t she make her husband a good w ife, in s is ts th a t an in te n se re lig io u s l i f e on h e r p a rt w ill save h er own so u l and convert her husband. Luis Gonzaga, a sem inarian, has co n tra cted an in cu rab le d ise a s e and has come home to d ie . During th e time he spends w ith h is s i s t e r he adds to the d iscord o f th e m arriage by means of th e p ern icio u s advice he o ffe rs her, even recommending eventual sep a ratio n , 80 La fa m ilia de Leon Roch. p. 873. 213 i f Leon should re fu se to be converted. Leon a n g rily accuses him o f o ffic io u sn e ss and hypocrisy: --S o fis ta , b arajad o r de p alab ras, £que sabes tu lo que yo pienso, lo que soy? ^Crees que estamos lo s hombres y las almas a merced de tu dogmatismo de a p o sto l in tru so , y de esa o fic io sid a d evangelica con que re p a rte s cedulas de v id a o m uerte? P o lizo n te de la v id a inm ortal, ^crees que e s ta es una aduana donde se re g is tra n b o ls illo s para v er s i hay tabaco, es d e c ir, genero prohibido por lo s que estancan e l pensa- m ien|^ para venderlo en paquetes a cambio de h ip o cre- These words re v eal Galdos* resentm ent o f th e s p ir i tu a l a u th o rity o f the Church, o r, a t le a s t, o f the manner in which she ex ercises th a t a u th o rity . Galdos a lso sees in a c e rta in a ttitu d e o f the Church, a lack of c h a rity and of tru e C h ristia n s p i r i t . Marfa E gipciaca, follow ing the advice of F ath er P a o le tti, who re p re se n ts the Church, says t 85 to h e r husband, "C onviertete y hablarem os, which is to say to th e a th e is t: "Be converted f i r s t ; meet us on our term s. Only then may you be considered w orthy.'1 Leon, whom we may c a ll an a g n o stic , ra th e r than a tru e a th e is t, b e lie v e s in th e C h ristia n e th ic and in the C h ristia n fam ily fo r purely hum anistic reaso n s, but 8 1 La fa m ilia de Leon Roch. p. 923. 82I b id . . p. 931. 214 remains o u tsid e th e Church in s o fa r as th e Creed and the Sacraments a re concerned. C itin g th e "law o f th e h e a rt" he d e c la re s th a t Pepa Fucar, though le g a lly m arried to another man, belongs to him. "Para mi, e s ta m ujer me ^ 83 p erten ece, la considero m£a por ley d e l co razo n ." He openly and fra n k ly c a lls h im self a re b e l, a subversiv e, an a n a rc h is t, b u t, faced w ith th e pro sp ect o f co n v ertin g h is re b e llio n in to a c tio n , he lacks th e courage o f h is con v ic tio n s . . . . Cuando quiero lle v a r mi anarquia desde la mente a la re a lid a d , tiem blo y me desespero. Quedese en la mente e s ta re b e lio n osada y no saig a de e l l a . Quien no puede transform ar e l mundo y d e sa rra ig a r sus e rro re s , re s p e te lo s . Quien no sabe donde e s ta e l lim ite e n tre la ley y la in iq u id ad , atengase a la ley con p acien cia de esclav o . Quien sin tie n d o en su alma lo s g r ito s y e l tum ulto de una re b e lio n que parece le ^ itim a , no sabe, s in embargo, poner una o rg an iza- cio n m ejor en e l s i t i o de la organ izacio n que d es- tru y e, c a lle y s u fra en s ile n c io . 4 In h is p o rtra y a l o f Luis Gonzaga, Galdos fin d s y et another o p portunity to a tta c k what he regards as an a b e r ra tio n o f tru e re lig io n , th a t is , th e m ysticism p ra c tic e d by some sem inarians and beatos in th e n in e te e n th cen tu ry , 88La fa m ilia de Leon Roch, p. 955. 84Ib id . 215 u su a lly a poor im ita tio n o f th e m ysticism o f th e S iglo de P ro . Luis is an example of th e many abnormal types found in G aldos1 work. He is d e lic a te and n e u ro tic . On le a rn in g th a t he is possessed o f an in c u ra b le d ise a se , he is ov er joyed a t th e prospect of s u ffe rin g , "y . . . contrav in ien d o la s leyes n a tu ra le s , cuidaba su enfermedad como se cuida or una f lo r para que c r e z c a .M He su b scrib es to an exag gerated v e rsio n of th e tr a d itio n a l m y s tic 's d e s ire to e x a lt th e so u l a t the expense of th e body. El mundo no es mas que un fe tid o c a lle jo n , donde la sociedad se a g ita con d e li r io cam a v alesco . Es tamos condenados a p asa rlo v e stid o s con la repugnante m ascara de n u estro cuerpo. B ienaventurados los que lo pasan pronto y pueden arrom ar, a l fin , la mascara para p re se n ta rse lim pios a n te D ios. 1 ° Galdos considers th is type o f a sc e tic ism to be a le fto v e r of th e Middle Ages and com pletely out of p lace in the modern w orld. The sarcasm he employs in h is p o rtra y a l of m ystics and of m ysticism in d ic a te s th a t he takes a dim view o f such a way o f l i f e . He seems to imply th a t the m ystic is a v ic tim of subconscious s e lf-d e c e p tio n . Even th e contem plative in h is m onastery i s , according to Galdos, Or La fa m ilia de Leon Roch. p. 811. 86I b id ., p. 812. w asting h is tim e and depriving so c ie ty of h is ta le n ts . His id e a l of th e re lig io u s l i f e is b e st expressed in the example of a c tiv e c h a rity and s o c ia l a c tio n given by one of h is c h a ra c te rs, G uillerm ina Pacheco (F o rtu n ata v J a c in ta ) who, in r e a l l i f e , was a c e rta in Dona E rn e stin a 87 Manuel de V ille n a . This rem arkable woman, much admired by Galdos, had, a t the age of tw enty, renounced h er s o c ia l p o s itio n and h er w ealth in order to d e d ic a te h e r s e lf com p le te ly to the w elfare o f the poor. En dona Ernes tin a Manuel de V ille n a no solo vexa una m ujer ejem plar, sino e l tip o moderno de re lig io s id a d , pues a le ja d a de toda devocion contem plativa, que no s a tis fa c x a su noble e sp x ritu , se consagro a lo s pobres por com pleto. Admiraba en e lla , a p a rte d e l abandono de todos lo s bienes m a te ria le s, su v a lo r de permanecer en la sociedad con todas sus m o lestias y sufrim xentos, en lu g ar de acogerse a la paz d e l con- v en to . La v id a de e s ta dama produjo im presion tan v iv a en e l e s c r ito r porque e s ta era su manera de concebir la v id a p e rfe c ta . ° G uillerm ina Pacheco (modelled on Dona E rn estin a) f i r s t appears in F o rtu n ata v J a c in ta (1886-87). M La i l u s t r e senora . . . era como tina f ig u r ita de nacxmiento, menuda y ft 7 Joaquxn C asalduero, Vida v obra de Galdos (1843- 1920) (Buenos A ires: Ed. Losada, S.A ., 1943), p. 27. 217 ag raciad a, la c a b e lle ra con b astan tes canas, . . . las m e jilla s , sonrosadas; la boca, risu e n a ; e l h ab la, tra n q u ila y g ra cio sa, y e l v e stid o , hum ildisim o. Although she too p ra c tic e s c e rta in l i t t l e a c ts of s e lf - m o r tif ic a tio n and penance, such as re fra in in g from p arta k in g o f h er fa v o rite d e lic a c ie s , she does i t in an u nobtrusive and p riv a te manner, w ithout making a dram atic and p u b lic d isp la y of her v ir tu e . Her a c tiv e c h a rity c o n s is ts of making s h ir ts , tro u se rs and robes fo r h er hundred-odd " c h ild re n ." Her idea o f the re lig io u s l i f e is c h a ra c te riz e d by two main id eas: a c tio n and lib e r ty . No nacio a q u e lla sin ig u a l mujer para la v id a con- tem p lativ a. Era un temperamento sonador, a c tiv o y emprendedor; un e s p ir itu con ideas p ropias y con in ic ia tiv a s v a ro n ile s . No se le h acfa c u e sta a rrib a la d is c ip lin a en e l te rre n o e s p ir itu a l; pero en e l m a te ria l s i , por lo c u a l no penso nunca en a f i l i a r s e a ninguna de la s ordenes re lig io s a s mas o menos severas que hay en e l orbe c a to lic o . No se reconocia con b a sta n te p ac ie n cia para en c e rra rse y e s ta r todo e l santo d ia botftezando e l g o ri g o ri. n i para se r soldado en los v a lie n te s escuadrones de Hermanas de la C aridad. La llam a v iv isim a que en su pecho a rd ia no le in sp ira b a la sum ision pasiva, sin o a c tiv id a d e s in ic ia d o ra s ^ue debian d e s a rro lla rs e en la lib e rta d . Tenia un c a ra c te r in f le x ib le y un te so ro de dotes de mando y de fa c u lta d e s de organizacion que ya q u isie ra n para s i algunos de lo s hombres que d irig e n lo s d e s ti- nos d e l mundo. Era m ujer que cuando se proponia algo 89 / F ortunata v J a c in ta , Galdos, Obras, V, 75. 218 ib a a su f in , derecha como una b a la , con p e rse v e re n c ia gran d io sa, s in to rc e rs e nunca n i desmayar un momento, in f le x ib le y sere n a. S i en e s te camino r e c to encon- tra b a 'fespinas, la s p isab a y a d e la n te , con lo s p ie s ens an g ren tad o s.90 In N azarin (1895) th e au th o r gives us th e example of a "Don Q u ijo te" o f r e lig io n , Don N azario Z aharfn (o Z aja- rx n ), who goes about p ra c tic in g h is l i t e r a l and naive in te r p r e ta tio n o f C h r is tia n ity , which c o n s is ts of g iv in g alms of ev ery th in g th a t passes through h is hands, even though he may s u ffe r hunger h im se lf. He perform s works of c h a rity and meekly s u ffe rs th e d e ris io n and opprobrium o f th e w orld. He liv e s , or r a th e r e x is ts , on h is Hass s t i pends and on alms which he b eg s. His reading m a te ria l c o n s is ts of th re e d e v o tio n a l books, as he co n sid ers t h i s th e only f i t l i t e r a t u r e fo r a man. (A ll s e c u la r l i t e r a t u r e could b e s t be used as f e r t i l i z e r fo r th e f i e l d s . ) He d i s d ain s a l l i n t e l l e c t u a l endeavor, and he never e n te rs th e p u lp it, p re fe rrin g to do a l l h is preaching by way of example and in q u ie t co n v ersatio n w ith h is fe llo w men. Nazarin i n s i s t s th a t he is com pletely orthodox in h is ideas and procedure. As he s ta te s to an in terv iew in g 9 0 F ortunata v J a c in ta . p. 76. 219 re p o rte r, "Jamas me he desviado de la s ensenanzas de la Ig le s ia . Profeso la £e de C risto en toda su pureza, y nada hay en m£ por donde pueda t i l d a r s e m e . H e adds th a t he has never been su b je c t to c o rre c tio n or d is c ip lin e from h is su p e rio rs. "Ni sospeche nunca que p u d iera m erecer * 92 c o rre c tiv o n i admonicion. In s p ite o f h is p r o te s ta tio n s , however, i t is obvious th a t he is in re v o lt a g a in st th e modem p ra c tic e of r e l i g i o n - - i t s te p id ity , i t s lack o f s p i r i t u a l i t y , i t s h ip o c risy , e tc . While he may p ro fess th e C h ristia n v ir tu e s , and w hile h is r e lig io n may be o rth o dox enough, th is type o f r e li g i o s i ty simply does n o t f i t in to the n in e te e n th -c e n tu ry w orld. I t is h ig h ly probable th a t Galdos erred in h is concept o f th irte e n th -c e n tu ry m ysticism , as he portrayed i t in N azarin, y e t h is p o in t has been made: he abhors m ysticism , as such, and co n sid ers i t anachronous in modem Spain. The re p o rte r, having fin ish e d th e in terv iew , sums up h is fe e lin g s as fo llo w s: Este hombre es un fa n a tic o , un v ic io so d e l p arasitism o , . . . ^Que es, segun u sted , un m istic o , un padre d e l yermo, gastronomo de la s h ie rb a s y d e l agua c la r a , un b u d ista , un borracho de e x ta s is , de la anulacion, d e l ^ N azarin, G aldos, Obras. V, 1685. 220 n irv a n a , o como se llam e eso? . . . La sociedad, a fu e r de tu to ra y enferraera, debe c o n sid e ra r e sto s tip o s como co rru p to res de la Humanidad, en buena ley econom ico-polltica, y e n c e rra rlo s en un a s ilo bene- fic o . Y yo pregunto: e s te hombre, con su altru ism o desenfrenado, ^hace algun b ien a sus sem ejantes? Respondo: no. Comprendo la s in s titu c io n e s r e lig io s a s que ayudan a la B eneficencia en su obra grandiosa. La m ise ric o rd ia , v irtu d p rivada, es e l m ejor a u x ilia r de la B eneficencia, v irtu d p u b lic a . ^Por v en tu ra, e sto s m iserico rd io so s s u e lto s , in d iv id u a le s, medieva- le s , acaso contribuyen a la b ra r la v in a d e l Estado? No. Lo que e llo s c u ltiv a n es su p ro p ia v in a, y de la lim osna, cosa tan sa n ta , dada con metodo y re p a rtid a con c r i t e r i o , hacen una g ra n je ria ind ecen te. La ley s o c ia l, y s i se q u ie re c r is tia n a , es que todo e l mundo tra b a je , cada cu al en su e s f e r a . 9 3 And y e t, we fin d in Nazarfn th e expression of a c e r ta in yearning fo r s p i r i t u a l fu lfillm e n t; a d e s ire to a r riv e a t some s o r t of re lig io u s id e a l. N azarin ev en tu ally adm its th a t he i s in re b e llio n . "Huia . . . de un mundo y de una v id a que no cuadraban a su e s p ir itu , embriagado . . . con la ilu s io n de la v id a a s c e tic a y p e n it e n te ." ^ I th in k we can d isc e rn in Nazarin*s d e d ic a tio n to a com plete, l i t e r a l in te r p r e ta tio n o f th e C h ristia n id ea, something o f the a u th o r's own t h i r s t fo r a b so lu te v a lu e s. N azarin speaks, w ith ab so lu te honesty, o f m o rality and s o c ia l ^ N azarin , p. 1689. 9 4 Ib id . . p. 1707. 2 2 1 ju s tic e w ithout fe a r o f consequences. "No temo nada, y s i alg u ien me im pusiera e l m a rtirio en pago de la s verdades c r is tia n a s , a l m a rtirio ir£ a gozoso."9" * He accuses the fie r c e Don Pedro de Belmonte, to h is face, o f immoral b eh a v io r: --S e n o r--d ijo Nazarfn, re s u e lto a dar una leccio n de c ristia n ism o a l noble caballero,^ sin temor a las consecuencias funest£sim as de su c o le ra —, u sted pen- sa ra de m£ lo que g u ste, y me ten d ra por im pertinente; pero yo re v ie n to s i no le digo que esa manera de t r a t a r a sus serv id o res es a n tic r is tia n a , y a n tis o c ia l, y b arb ara y soez. Tomelo u sted por donde q u ie ra , que yo, tan pobre y ta n desnudo como e n tre en su casa sa ld re de e l l a . Los s ir v ie n te s son personas, no an i- m ales, y ta n h ijo s de Dios como u ste d , y tie n e n su dignidad y su pundonor, como c u a lq u ie r senor feu d al, o que preteride s e rlo , de lo s tiempos pasados y fu tu re s. Y dicho esto , que es en m£ un deber de co n cien cia, deme perraiso para marcharme.9 6 He p ra c tic e d a b so lu te h u m ility , and because o f h is detach ment from w orldly v ic e s and am bitions, was ab le to re jo ic e in a c le a r conscience. His advice to h is d is c ip le , Andara: "S i fu eras buena, a todas p a rte s podr£as i r s in sonro- 97 / j a r t e . " Galdos, who was a j u s t man, and who has given ample evidence o f h is c o n stan t s tr iv in g a f te r the h ig h est good, no doubt envied th e in te g r ity of h is c re a tu re and 9^Nazar£n, p. 1723. 9 6 Ib id . 97I b id . . p. 1718. 222 would have re jo ic e d to be a b le to walk w ith him out o f th is so rd id and m ediocre world "para e n tra r en e l re in o dichoso y lib r e , d e l cual su e s p f r itu anhelaba s e r c iu d a d a n o ." ^ W e have seen G aldos' acceptance o f th e C h ristia n id ea, in s p ite of h is r e je c tio n of C atholicism as he saw i t p ra c tic e d in Spain. Now, w ith Nazarxn as h is m outhpiece, he seems to be c a llin g fo r a com plete reform of th e Church and a re tu rn to the p ra c tic e o f th e elem entary tru th s taught by C h rist. No b a s ta p re d ic a r la d o c trin a de C risto , sin o d a rle e x is te n c ia en l a p ra c tic a e im ita r su v id a en lo que es p o sib le a lo humano im ita r lo d iv in o . Para que la Fe acabe de propagarse, en e l estado a c tu a l de la sociedad, conviene que sus mantenedores renuncien a los a r t i f i c i o s que vienen de la H is to ria , como los to rre n te s bajan de la montana, y que p atro cin en y p ractiq u en la verdad e le m e n ta l.99 A fte r the p u b lic a tio n of th e re lig io u s " t r i l o g y / 1 in which he had e sta b lish e d h is p o sitio n of independence o f C atholic dogma and o f d ire c t in flu en ce o f the Church, Galdos continued evolving h is own s p ir i t u a l id ea which s tre s s e s , above a l l , in d iv id u alism . He had ap p aren tly b e come imbued w ith th e dream o f fin d in g a new s p ir i t u a l ^ Nazarxn. p . 1707. " ib id .. p. 1726. r e a lit y , which would be based on the development o f the in d iv id u a l's own s p ir itu a l energy. With h is Maxi in F o rtu n ata v J a c in ta . he leaves th e world of orthodoxy and advocates a w orld of freedom where only o n e's id eas and thoughts can determ ine o n e's behavior and a ttitu d e . Maxi had su ffe red in l i f e to the p o in t where he wants to w ith draw from r e a l it y , to renounce com pletely the e x te rio r l i f e and follow th e in te r io r l i f e . He comes to b e lie v e in d eath as a lib e r a tio n and, fo r a w hile, c u ltiv a te s th e id ea of su ic id e . But when he re a liz e s th a t h is d e s ire fo r a n n ih i la tio n was nothing more than a sick n ess, brought on by h is fe e lin g s of in f e r io r ity and je alo u sy o f h is w ife, he is immediately cured and adopts a new philosophy of re sig n a tio n . He sees everything now, n o t as i t i s , b u t as i t ought to be, and h is id e a l becomes h is r e a l ity . Sin does not e x is t because people cannot h elp a c tin g according to th e ir n a tu re s. Everything is lo v e, peace, lig h t and f r e e dom; "desaparecieron la s asquerosidades de la re a lid a d , y vivo con mi id o lo en mi id ea. Even though Maxi fin is h e s h is days in th e asylum a t Leganes, he c lin g s to ^ Fortunata v J a c in ta . p. 547. 224 h is new-found s e re n ity . Esto es Leganes. Lo acepto, lo acepto y me c a llo , en prueba de la sum ision a b so lu ta de mi voluntad a lo que e l mundo q u ie ra hacer de mi persona. No en c erra - ran e n tre m urallas mi pensam iento. Resido en la s e s t r e ll a s . Pongan a l llamado M aximiliano Rubin en un p a la c io o en un m uladar. . . . Lo mismo d a .^ 1 Galdos, h im self, was a s p i r i t u a l and p h ilo so p h ic a l "sam pler." He explored th is id ea and th a t, and would c lin g to the ideas he lik e d , b u t, h is b e lie f s seemed always to be p ro v isio n a l and su b je c t to doubt. His search fo r tr u th was always fo r something b e tte r and more b e a u tifu l. As we have seen in C hapter I I I of th is d is s e r ta tio n , Galdos was h o s tile ly in c lin e d toward a u th o rity , and p a r tic u la r ly toward th a t of the Church. This exp lain s h is tendency to p o rtray c h a ra c te rs such as M uriel in El audaz and Angel Guerra in th e novel of th e same t i t l e (see pages 72-74), who re b e lle d and placed them selves o u tsid e th e p ale o f th e so c ie ty in to which they had been bom . G aldos’ work abounds in re b e llio u s " o u ts id e rs ," who give voice to th e ir c r e a to r 's own re b e llio u sn e ss and, sometimes, express h is e f f o r ts to give p o s itiv e d ire c tio n to h is own in d iv id u alism . The m oral id ea th a t stands out most 101 F ortunata v J a c in ta , p. 548. 225 prom inently in Galdos is conform ity to th e law o f n a tu re . When the d o c trin e s o f th e Church (which Galdos sometimes c a lls "th e laws o f s o c ie ty " ) seem to run a g a in s t n a tu re , they must be ignored, fo r n a tu re is th e most i n f a l l i b l e guide to human conduct. F o rtu n ata v J a c in ta t e l l s o f the r iv a lr y of two women fo r th e husband o f one o f them ( J a c in ta ) . F o rtu n a ta , the lo v e r, a woman o f th e people, is p rim itiv e and f u l l of lu s t fo r l i f e , which a s s e r ts i t s e l f in c o n tra d ic tio n to th e conventions o f s o c ie ty . She is b a s ic a lly good; she has a vague n o tio n o f th e n e c e s s ity to re p e n t o f s in in o rd er to be saved, b u t, she i s convinced th a t anything having to do w ith love could n o t be s in . Maxi, follow ing h is own id e a of what an a c t of c h a rity should be, d ecid es to m arry F o rtu n ata, who had led a d is o rd e rly l i f e , in o rd er to g ive h er r e s p e c ta b ility and th e p ro te c tio n o f a husband. Such an id e a of c h a rity , however, does n o t conform to h is fa m ily 's p rin c ip le s o r sense o f p ro p rie ty . Thus, both F o rtu n ata and Maxi a re guided by what seems to them to be th e n a tu ra l th in g to do, brushing a sid e th e d ic ta te s o f s o c ie ty o r r e lig io n . F o rtu n ata d esp ise s 226 h er r i v a l, J a c in ta , because she has no c h ild re n , hence could n o t be a " re a l" woman. At th e same time she fe e ls so rry fo r h er and makes the preposterous (but, to her, n a tu ra l) proposal th a t she share J a c in ta 's husband. She would b ear th e c h ild re n and J a c in ta could r a is e them! F o rtu n a ta 's conscience does not b o th er h e r; anything th a t has to do w ith love is ’’n a tu ra l" and, th e re fo re , l i c i t . She looks upon h er r i v a l 's husband as belonging to h er a lso , according to the "law of n a tu re ." The c h a ra c te rs from the novels of G aldos' n a tu r a l i s t i c p e rio d —beginning w ith La desheredada (1881)—a re u su a lly w eaklings unable to develop th e in te r n a l s tre n g th n ecessary to d eal w ith l i f e and to overcome th e ir moral w eaknesses. Isid o ra in La desheredada. obsessed as she is w ith a tta in in g what she b e lie v e s to be her r ig h tf u l p lace among the n o b ility , re s o rts to p r o s titu tio n in o rd er to liv e , ra th e r than re sig n h e r s e lf to th e d is c ip lin e o f honorable employment, o r marry M iquis, whom she co n sid ers to be beneath h er s ta tio n . In Lo prohibido th e p ro ta g o n is t's compulsion to seek o th e r men's wives is a lso due to m oral weakness and lack o f se lf-m a ste ry . The one m arriage he f a il s to break up is th a t of Camila and in C onstantino, two b e a u tif u l "a n im als," whose sp o n ta n e ity and lu s t fo r l i f e , and d isre g a rd fo r th e conventions of so c ie ty once again e x a lt G aldos* id e a o f human r e l a t i o n sh ip s based on th e law o f n a tu re . Out of a n a t u r a l i s t i c w e lte r of m oral w eaklings Galdos g ra d u a lly develops h is id e a o f s e lf - r e a li z a ti o n and o f th e c o n s tru c tiv e use o f freedom. He has l e f t th e age o f b lin d r e b e llio n a g a in s t t r a d itio n and convention f a r behind and has en tered an e ra o f developm ent o f valu es to supersede them. The in d iv id u a l, no longer so much in r e v o lt a g a in st conform ity, now becomes in c re a s in g ly in d e pendent o f the tr a d i ti o n a l s ta tu s quo. In Casandra (1905), fo r example, R ogelio, who re p re se n ts u n b rid led freedom to liv e according to n a tu ra l law, f i n a l l y comes under th e in flu e n c e o f m o ra lity and convention (sym bolized by R osaura) and consents to marry h is m is tre s s , Casandra. The m o ra lity spoken of h e re i s , however, n o t tr a d itio n a l o r "C ath o lic" m o ra lity , which i s imposed from w ith o u t, b u t a m o ra lity independent o f d o c trin e and based s o le ly on human e th ic s . Rosaura*s advice to Casandra is "Busca la 1 A r t verdad en tu co n cien cia y no adores id o lo s ." She r e f e r s ^^C asandra, G aldos, Qbras. V I, 219. 228 to orthodox C atholics as "gente in q u ie ta y g rito n a . . . los a lta re ro s que, cieg o s, d esa lo jan la s almas, arrojando de e lla s la fe de C r is to ." ^ ^ Galdos c le a rly dem onstrates h is b e lie f th a t a m o rality can be a tta in e d and e x is t o u tsid e th e sphere of in flu en ce o f the Church. He obviously holds r e lig io n to be a perso n al m atter between the in d iv id u a l and God. Some tim es i t is necessary fo r the in d iv id u a l to conform to the ru le s of the Church, as in the case of Nazarin , who s to u tly m aintained h is orthodoxy, but th e Church is an in s titu tio n badly in need of reform , and as i t i s , is le s s than bene f i c i a l to Spanish so c ie ty . In Angel Guerra he in fe rs th a t changes ought to be made in the ru le s of the Church (see page 89). Don P ito (Angel G uerra) proposes th a t Angel e s ta b lis h a se c t s im ila r to th e Mormons, whom he has . t v is ite d , who allow even the " p rie s ts " to p ra c tic e polygamy. The comic v ein in which th is id ea is presented suggests th a t, perhaps, Galdos did not co n sid er i t se rio u s ly , nev er- 1 A / th e le s s , th e opinion th a t "por amor nadie se condena" Casandra. p. 219. ^ ^ Angel G uerra, Galdos, Obras, V, 1427. 229 appears over and over again in h is works. I t has been shown th a t Galdos was not as a n ti- C atholic as has g e n e ra lly been supposed. The fa c t i s , he accepted C atholic teach in g in s o fa r as i t s m oral and e th ic a l content is concerned. He looked upon C atholicism as belonging to Spain: he recognized th a t th e Spaniard and h is so c ie ty had been molded by C atholicism , and had become so imbued w ith i t s s p i r i t and form th a t to e ra d ic a te i t , as some of the more extreme o f th e ra d ic a l lib e r a ls advo cated , would be to te a r out th e very h e a rt of Spain h e r s e l f . Galdos would r e ta in C atholicism , but he would s t r i p i t o f leg alism and o f many o f i t s fo rm a lis tic trap p in g s, and reduce i t to the elem entary Gospel o f C h ris t. He, in fa c t, looked forward to the day o f a g re a t reform of the Church and even p re d ic te d such a reform . N azarin, during a co n v ersatio n w ith Don Pedro de Belmonte, which cannot be in te rp re te d otherw ise than as an ex p o sitio n o f G aldos’ th in k in g , r e fe rs to an impending re lig io u s re v iv a l, which, he d e c la re s, is m ankind's only hope of so lv in g the tra g ic and d ep ressin g problems brought by th e in d u s tr ia l re v o lu tio n . Todo clama por la v u e lta a los abandonados caminos que conducen a la unica fu e n te de l a verdad: la idea 230 r e lig io s a , e l id e a l c a to lic o , cuya perm anencia y p e rd u ra b ilid a d e sta n b ie n probados. . . . La s itu a c io n d e l mundo es t a l . . . que ciego e s ta r a quien no vea la s se n a le s p re c u rso ra s de la Edad de Orb r e l i - g io sa . The le a d e r o f such a re v iv a l would lo g ic a lly be, according to Nazarxn, a Pope: "o mucho me engano, o ese e x tra o rd i- n a rio Salvador se ra un P apa.1 1 I f Galdos were a liv e today, he m ight p o ssib ly be among th o se who now h a i l th e "aggiom am ento" o f Pope John XXIII. G aldos' s o c ia l id e a s, in s o fa r as they r e l a t e to th e problem of th e "two S p ain s," have been d e a lt w ith to a la rg e e x te n t in th e f i r s t p a r t o f th is c h a p te r, in e v ita b ly so, because of t h e i r c lo se r e la tio n s h ip to h is p o l i t i c a l id e a s. W e have seen h is g re a t sympathy w ith th e lower c la s s e s , and h is hope fo r t h e i r redem ption, in th e sto ry o f G ab riel A ra c e li, who ro se from th e lowly s t a t e o f se rv a n t boy to a re sp e c ta b le p o s itio n in p u b lic l i f e . G aldos' warm fe e lin g s toward the people is h is m ost e v i den t s o c ia l a tt i tu d e . Only th e a ris to c ra c y d id he t r e a t u n sy m p ath etically . He considered them to be a la rg e ly ^ ^ Nazarxn. pp. 1725-1726. 231 u se le ss and decadent segment of s o c ie ty . For Galdos, th e only tru e a ris to c ra c y is n o b ility o f c h a ra c te r. In h is p o rtra y a l of Benigno Cordero (Episodios n a c io n a le s, second s e r ie s ) , he e x a lts th e q u a litie s he most admires in a good c itiz e n . Benigno Cordero, as h is name would in d ic a te , is a benign, unassuming man, who, d e s p ite h is puny s iz e and h is o rd in ary lack o f fe ro c ity , d istin g u is h e s h im self in b a t t l e a t Arco B oteros (Madrid, 1822). Aquel hombre pequeno e sta b a decidido a s e r grande por la fu e rza de su fe y de sus co n v icc io n e s: b o rro de su mente l a p e rfid a imagen dom estica que le desvanecxa y no penso mas que en su puesto, en su deber, en su grado, en la in d iv id u a lid a d m i li ta r y p o l£ tic a que estab a m etida den tro d e l don Benigno Cordero de la subida de Santa Cruz. Entonces e l hombre pequeno se tra n s fig u ro . Una id ea, un arranque de la voluntad, una firm e a p lic a c io n d e l sen tid o m oral b astaro n para h acer d e l cordero un leon, d e l honrado y p a c ific o com erciante de encajes un Leonidas de E s p a r t a . ^ 7 Don Benigno is wounded in th e a c tio n , b u t, h ap p ily , does not d ie . "D isfru to por muchos anos de la dulce v id a, ha- ciendo la fe lic id a d de su fa m ilia , de sus amigos y de sus parroquianos en la modesta tie n d e c ita de la subida a Santa Cruz. B oteros, la s Termopilas de e s te hombre pequeno; no lle v a su nombre.1 1 ^ ^ 107 7 de i u l i o . Galdos, Obras, I , 1593. R eference has a lso been made to some of th e m ani fe s ta tio n s of G aldos' d e s ire fo r sy n th esis (see pages 182- 185). He saw the breaking o f b a r r ie r s between th e a r i s tocracy and th e m iddle c la ss as in e v ita b le and n ecessary; th e a ris to c ra c y was decadent and needed re g e n e ra tio n , and th e m iddle c la s s e s were eag erly seeking to r i s e in s ta tu s and to assume th e c u ltu re and th e p re stig e o f th e form er, and to tak e over th e le a d e rsh ip of th e n a tio n , which had h e re to fo re been th e p re ro g a tiv e of th e a ris to c ra c y . In the lower c la s s e s , or pueblo, Galdos saw th e b e s t expression of elem entary human v alu es, unadorned by a r t i f i c i a l s o c ia l conventions and r e s t r a i n ts . In th e love o f Santa Cruz (th e husband o f J a c in ta ) fo r F o rtu n ata, a woman o f th e people, and in F o rtu n a ta 's d e s ire to share J a c in ta 's h u s band, we can read G aldos' d e s ire to see an in te rm ix tu re of th e c la s s e s . The f a c t th a t F o rtu n ata, in th e development of th e novel, ev e n tu a lly r is e s above her low s t a t e of n e a r savagery and acq u ires a c e rta in p erso n al d ig n ity and m oral stam ina, shows th a t th e author saw and tre a te d the ob serv a b le in flu en ce s o f one c la s s upon an o th er. The form idable task undertaken by Cruz, in the Torquemada s e r ie s , to change h er v u lg ar b ro th e r-in -la w 233 in to a reasonable fa csim ile o f a member of h er own c la ss has i t s e f f e c ts , although, w hether or n o t she succeeds in saving h is so u l, is d e lib e ra te ly l e f t in doubt. R osario, th e Duchess o f San Q uintin (La de San Quin ta n ) t as a r e s u lt o f her im poverishm ent, must accep t the h o s p ita lity o f a r ic h b o u rg eo is. Don Jo se de Buendia. During her sta y in h is house, she changes her a r is to c r a tic h a b its and le a rn s some more humble p ra c tic e s , such as ris in g e a rly , iro n in g c lo th e s, baking bread, e tc . In Scene v i i i , Act I I , she and V ic to r, th e supposed i l l e g i t i mate son of Don Cesar, who is working in the household as a se rv a n t, engage in some lig h t b a n te r in which some s ig n if ic a n t sim iles a re employed: Las yemas y e l azucar: a le g o ria de la a r is to c r a c ia de sangre unida con la d e l d in e ro . . . . Luego cojo yo la s a r is to c r a c ia s , y . . . la s amalgamo con e l pueblo, vulgo h a rin a , que es la gran lig a . . . . Y hago una p a s t a . . . . la manteca, c la s e m edia, como quien d ic e ? -^9 As th e dough i s kneaded, the Duchess re v e a ls h e r thoughts in a fu rth e r a lle g o ry : Pero ju ste d no sabe que la de San Q uintin es tambien re v o lu c io n a ria y d iso lv e n te ? S i, senor; creo que todo ^ ^ La de San Q uintin. G aldos, Obras, VI, 678. 234 anda rauy mal en e ste p la n e ta ; que con ta n ta s leyes y fic c io n e s nos hemos hecho un l£ o , y ya n ad ie se en tien d e, y h ab ra que h ac er un r e v o ltijo como e s te (Aroasando con b r io ), m ezclar, co n fu n d ir, b aq u etear encima, re v o lv e r b ien (Haciendo con la s manos lo gue expresan e sto s verbos) p a ra sa c a r luego nuevas f o r - mas • In h is e a r l i e r works Galdos had tended to id e n tif y f a n a t i cism w ith co n se rv ativ es and a r is to c r a ts , w h ile h is b o u r geois and lo w er-class heroes u su a lly re p re se n te d to le ra n c e and reaso n . In th e works o f h is old age, he was a b le to survey th e n a tio n a l scene from more seren e h e ig h ts , and hence is much more com passionate in h is u n d erstan d in g o f th e p lig h t of ru in ed a r is to c r a ts , such as th e Duchess of San Q uintfn. In th e drama, La f ie r a . h is h ero , Berenguer, denounces th e m utual in to le ra n c e o f b o th s id e s , "esa 111 t e r r i b l e b e s tia de la d is c o r d ia ,1 1 and makes a p le a fo r peace and understanding on th e p a rt o f both l i b e r a l s and c o n s e rv a tiv e s . In one o f h is l a s t works, E le c tra (1901), a drama in fiv e a c ts , Galdos has condensed many of th e id eas o f h is life tim e : h is a n tic le ric a lis m , h is s tru g g le a g a in st de San Quint i n , p. 679. ^•*~La f ie r a . Galdos, Obras, VI, 844. fa n atic ism and the extreme a u th o rita ria n ism of th e Church, h is fig h t fo r freedom, to le ra n c e and tr u th . P antoja, the " v i l l a i n ,” who re p re se n ts c le ric a lis m and in to le ra n c e , p resen ts a view point th a t sees l i f e as e s s e n tia lly e v il. "El hombre . . . no hay nada mas malo que e l hombre . . . 112 cuando no es bueno." He would put E le c tra in a convent, where she would b reath e only th e "pure” a i r of a u s te rity , where she could liv e a p a rt from l i f e fo r a w hile and not 113 be contam inated by "ejemplos de liv ia n d a d ." E lectra , as does Jenara in the E pisodios. ap p aren tly re p resen ts Spain, and is loved by P antoja and by Maximo, each in a d if f e r e n t way and fo r d if f e r e n t reaso n s. She complains o f P a n to ja 's a u th o rity , which he has taken upon him self to ex e rcise over h e r. "A utoridad que me abruma, que no me 114 t d e ja r e s p ir a r ." When challenged by Maximo to prove h is rig h t to a u th o rity over E le c tra , he re p lie s a r b itr a r ily , "No n e c e sito p ro b a rla n i contigo n i con nadie, sino hacer 115 / lo que debo." This is Galdos* c r itic is m of tr a d itio n a l ^ ^ E le c tra . Galdos, Qbras. VI, 868. 113 14 Ib id - Ib id . . p. 871. 115Ib id . . p. 880. 236 C atholicism which continues to a s s e r t i t s a u th o rity over th e Spanish n a tio n w ithout fe e lin g compelled to j u s t i f y i t s r ig h t to do so. The ro le of P antoja is drawn in such dark T_16 co lo rs i t e lic ite d stro n g re a c tio n s from the audiences. Driven perhaps by th e u n fo rtu n a te lin e spoken by Maximo, 117 "A ese hombre, a ese monstruo . . . hay que m a ta rlo ," mobs l e f t th e th e a te rs th re a te n in g to bum churches and monas- 1X8 / t e r i e s . Galdos had n o t a n tic ip a te d th i s . He wanted to in flu en ce th e th in k in g o f th e people, to provide a ra lly in g p o in t fo r lib e ra lism , but i t had never been h is idea to exhort them to v io le n c e . I t was an in d ic a tio n th a t th e Spanish p u b lic was not y et ready to re c e iv e c o n tro v e rs ia l ideas w ithout re a c tin g v io le n tly . I t showed th e "two Spains" fa r th e r a p a rt than ever. I t was th is r e a liz a tio n th a t co n trib u ted to the pessimism of G aldos' l a t e r y ea rs. H. Chonon Berkowitz, Perez G aldos. Spanish L ib e ra l Crusader (Madison: The U n iv ersity o f W isconsin P ress, 1948), p. 353. 117 E le c tra . p. 894. ■^^Berkowitz, Perez G aldos, p. 353. CHAPTER VI A COM PA RISON O F THE IDEAS O F PERED A A N D G A L D O S On th e su rfa c e Pereda and Galdos e x h ib it ra d ic a l d iffe re n c e s . Some o f th e se d iffe re n c e s a re r e a l and i r r e c o n c ila b le ; o th ers a re only p a r t i a l or m erely apparent. The follow ing fa c ts stand ou t: Pereda was C a rlis t, Galdos was R epublican; Pereda was co n se rv ativ e, Galdos was l ib e r a l; Pereda b eliev ed in tr a d itio n , Galdos was a r e form er; Pereda was stau n ch ly C ath o lic , Galdos stray ed from orthodoxy and was a n t i c le r i c a l; Pereda appeared s t a t i c and contem plative, Galdos tr ie d to foment a c tiv ity and change. In regard to P ered a's C arlism , i t must be noted th a t he was n o t o f th e f a n a tic a l v a r ie ty . He belonged to the T r a d itio n a lis t group, which occupied a m iddle p o sitio n among th e C ath o lics o f Spain, between th e m oderates, who m ight be d escribed as " lib e r a l" C ath o lic s, and the 237 238 * 1 I n te g r is ts led by Ramon Nocedal. I have been unable to d isc o v e r evidence in h is works th a t Pereda gave su p p o rt to the p rin c ip le of a b so lu te monarchy. He tended to be ra th e r in d iv id u a lis tic in h is o p in io n s. Galdos adm ires Pereda*s "p re c io sa independencia, que le a i s l a de lo s manejos de todos lo s p a rtid o s , in c lu so e l su y o .M The p o l i t i c a l p o s itio n of Galdos flu c tu a te d between republicanism , c o n s titu tio n a l monarchy, and a vague d e s ire fo r so c ia lism . W hatever h is p o l i t i c a l la b e l m ight be a t a given tim e, he was always sq u arely in fav o r o f th e maximum degree o f in d iv id u a l freedom, and o f n a tio n a l s e lf-d e te rm in a tio n . Pereda was co n se rv ativ e and t r a d i t i o n a l i s t , b u t th ese term s, to o , must be q u a lifie d . His co n serv atism was concerned w ith th e p re se rv a tio n of r e lig io u s and m oral valu es which found t h e i r s tre n g th in a tr a d i ti o n a l way o f l i f e . He was n o t in te n t upon re v iv in g th e p a s t, nor was he a g a in st th e id ea o f prog ress o r change. When, in S o tile z a . he attem pted to re c o n s tru c t th e s o c ie ty of ^Jose M. Sanchez, Reform and R eaction (Chapel H ill: The U n iv e rsity o f North C aro lin a P ress, 1964), p. 58. 2 Prologue to El sabor de la tie r r u c a . Pereda, Obras com pletas (Madrid: A g u ilar, 1959), I, 1264. 239 Santander as i t was in h is youth, he was n o t advocating a re tu rn to the p a s t, he was m erely rem inding h is contempo ra r ie s o f the e x iste n c e o f c e r ta in values and wholesome customs which he believ ed to be in sharp c o n tra s t to th e d e te rio ra tio n o f moral standards in contemporary s o c ie ty . His C ath o lic orthodoxy prompted him to come to the defense o f tr a d itio n a l r e li g i o s ity ; to defend i t a g a in st an in flu x o f li b e r a l id e a s, which he thought to be dangerous, i f not h e r e tic a l. G aldos’ a n tic le ric a lis m was probably due as .much to h is home and school background (see pages 66-67 and 70-74) as to h is n a tu ra l av ersio n to fa n a tic ism and to any form o f r e s t r ic ti o n o f freedom, w hether p h y sical or s p i r i t u a l . Pereda was not s t a t i c in th e sense th a t he would stop th e march o f h is to ry . He was i n te llig e n t enough to r e a liz e th a t tr a d itio n is h isto ry -in -th e -m a k in g and th a t i t must in e v ita b ly change. He d e sire d sim ply th a t h is to ry develop along th e lin e s o f a c e rta in id eology—of ideas and v alu es which he held to be e te r n a l. Galdos, having freed h im self from dependence upon tr a d itio n a l and r e l i gious dogma, was not a fra id to e n te r ta in any id ea, no m atter how re v o lu tio n ary o r unorthodox, provided i t gave 240 prom ise of leading toward a b e tte r way o f l i f e . In looking fo r a re c o n c ilia tio n of p o l i t i c a l d i f f e r ences between Pereda and Galdos, one of th e f i r s t n o tic e ab le fa c ts is the av ersio n , on the p a rt o f both men, to p a r tic ip a tio n in p o l i ti c a l a c ti v i ty . Such a re lu c ta n c e was more c h a r a c te r is tic of Pereda than o f Galdos, a fa c t explained by Galdos, h im self. "Y s in esfuerzo de co n je- tu ra s , sino por lo g ic a misma de la s cosas, se viene a comprender que teniendo Pereda su fa m ilia , sus lib ro s y sus amigos, no le im porte una hig a de lo demas."^ Galdos, being fre e o f fam ily r e s p o n s ib ilitie s , and having more tim e and o p p o rtu n ity to observe th e s o c io - p o litic a l r e a l i t y o f h is country, probably f e l t more th e urge to engage p e r so n a lly in th e p o l i ti c a l stru g g le than did Pereda. S t i l l , both w rite rs were convinced th a t they could do more fo r Spain through th e ir l i te r a r y e f f o r ts than through p o l i ti c a l a c tio n . The ta sk Galdos had s e t fo r h im self was th e en lightenm ent of h is countrymen regarding th e s o c ia l, p o l i t i c a l and m oral development o f the n a tio n , in order t h a t .they 3 Prologue to E l sabor de la tie r r u c a , p. 1266. 241 might be made more aware of the issu e s involved in the s tru g g le between tr a d itio n and renew al, and, e s p e c ia lly , th a t they might b e tte r understand th e n a tu re o f th e con se rv a tiv e ^ th re a t to freedom and progress (page 79). Pereda’s c h ie f m otiv atio n fo r w ritin g was d id a c tic , to o . During h is stu d en t days in Madrid he had w itnessed church- burning mobs, unleashed by a lib e r a l r e v o lt (page 52). A fte r th e re v o lu tio n o f 1868, he regarded w ith dismay what he thought to be th e d e sc a to liz a c io n of Spain by th e new l i b e r a l government (page 55). This a n tic le ric a lis m plus th e c o rru p tio n of many o f th e new li b e r a l p o litic ia n s , which he had o p p o rtu n ity to observe during h is term in C ortes, moved him to w ield h is pen in defense of th e Church and o f th e m oral standards fo ste re d by h er and su stain ed by th e tr a d itio n a l Spanish s o c ia l s tr u c tu r e . Galdos noted th is re lig io u s preoccupation in h is frie n d , when he w rote: No se por que me fig u ro que la firm eza de la s ideas de Pereda, b ien an alizad a, re s u lta r £ a mas a fe c ta a l orden r e lig io s o que a l p o litic o , y no se, pero c a s i po d ria afirm ar que gran p a rte de a q u e lla in to le ra n c ia raordaz, de a q u e lla fla g e la n te y despiadada inquina co n tra c ie r ta s in s titu c io n e s , d e sa p a re c e ria s i e l e s- p £ ritu de n u estro a u to r no e s tu v ie ra enviciado y como engolosinado en la observacion de los in f in ito s tip o s de rid ic u le z que sabe v er y c a l i f i c a r como n ad ie; tip o s que e l a trib u y e , con in g en io sa p a rc ia lid a d , a l sistem a p o litic o dominante en todo e l mundo, y que, 242 en re a lid a d , aparecen contenidos en e l por lo mismo que e l t a l sistem a abarca l a poreion mas grande de la so cied ad .^ P ered a's censure o f the abuses and the se lf-se e k in g of the diputados in Los hombres de p ro ,(pages 93-94 o f th is d is s e r ta tio n ) , and th e c r itic is m im plied in h is p o rtra y a ls o f P a tric io R igiielta and Lucas (pages 57-58 and 106-109), of o th er ig n o ran t and fa n a tic types o f l ib e r a ls , have th e ir co u n te rp a rts in G aldos' repeated condemnations o f lib e r a l e x tre m ists in La Fontana de Pro (pages 156-157 o f th is d is s e r ta tio n ) and in El audaz (page 158). Love and sympathy fo r th e people of th e lower c la s s e s , take d if f e r e n t forms in the works o f th e two w r ite r s . Pereda loved th e people, but in the manner o f one o f h is p a tria rc h s , who presumes to know what is b e st fo r them, who fe e ls a deep re s p o n s ib ility toward them. W e see th is in th e a ttitu d e o f Don Roman (pages 99-101) and in M arcelo's d e s ire to id e n tify him self w ith the peasants (page 155). Pereda wanted to help them keep th e ir r e l i gion, which he saw as the supreme good, and th e ir t r a d i tio n a l way of l i f e , which he thought was the b e st way 4 Prologue to El sabor de la tie r r u c a , p. 1266. 2.43 to keep th e F a ith a liv e . G aldos, on th e o th e r hand, e a rn e s tly b eliev ed th a t prog ress toward dem ocratic govern ment would ev e n tu a lly b rin g about th e h ig h e s t good fo r a l l th e people. I t seemed to him th a t r e lig io n would f lo u r is h b e s t in an atm osphere o f freedom, and he, to o , in s p ite o f h is a n tic le r ic a lis m , wanted r e lig io n to f lo u r is h , though h is in te r p r e ta tio n s o f C ath o licism a re n o t p re c is e ly orthodox. The re a d e rfs a tte n tio n is d ire c te d to the d e f i n itio n o f a n tic le r ic a lis m given on page 19 o f t h i s d i s s e r ta tio n . Galdos* fe e lin g s follow ed, more o r le s s , th e same p a tte rn . He was a g a in st th e re a c tio n ism o f the c le rg y , and a g a in s t th e Church’s ex cessiv e dom ination o f c iv ic and s o c ia l l i f e , b u t he was n o t, as we have seen, e ith e r a n ti- r e lig io u s o r a n ti-C a th o lic . Both w rite rs b eliev ed in th e e s s e n tia l freedom o f th e in d iv id u a l and in th e p e o p le 's r ig h t to determ ine, d e m o c ra tic a lly , th e form o f government under which they must liv e . Pereda, in h is a lle g a tio n s th a t th e people a re f u lly capable o f choosing th e i r own government (pages 56-57), must have been co n fid e n t th a t they would, in a fre e e le c tio n , choose a government th a t would ensure th e p re se rv a tio n o f th e ir re lig io u s tr a d itio n , and th e re g io n a l 244 and p ersonal independence they so je a lo u s ly guarded. He was n o t a g a in st th e ir education in the ways of democracy (pages 101-102), nor was he unaware of th e lib e ra ls * demo c r a tic a s p ira tio n s (pages 107-108). He r e a l i s t i c a l l y tr ie d to p o in t out th a t the uneducated peasant simply was not ready to understand th e new concepts which the lib e r a ls tr ie d to th ru s t upon him so suddenly. In the words of h is Don V alen tin , Pereda adm its th e d iv in e o rig in o f the human a s p ira tio n toward freedom -- " la lib e rta d es inm ortal, porque Dios puso e l sentim iento * 5 de e l l a en e l corazon de los hombres . . . " —and the in d is p e n s a b ility o f freedom as a necessary co n d itio n fo r human p ro g re s s --" e l progreso es fru to n a tu ra l de la lib e r - tad> . . . y donde padece la lib e rta d , su fre e l progreso; y £ s i muere la una, acabase e l o tr o ." His concept o f f r e e dom, however, i s expressed in term s o f th e C a r lis t idea o f rugged in d iv id u alism and lo c a l democracy, whereas Galdos yearned fo r a n a tio n a l, o r c o lle c tiv e democracy which, so he thought, would unify Spain and allow h er to catch up ~ * E1 sabor de la tie r r u c a . p. 1201. 6Ibid. 245 w ith th e s c ie n tif ic and in d u s tr ia l advances being made by o th e r European n a tio n s . But th e proponents o f n a tio n a l democracy demanded th e su bordination o f lo c a l autonomy to a c e n tr a l government, which, b esid es having a n t ic le r i c a l overtones, th reaten ed to do away w ith re g io n a l customs and tr a d itio n s . P ered a's Penas a r rib a was an e x h o rta tio n to M los hombres de lu ces y de buena voluntad"^ to r a l l y to th e defense o f th is re g io n a l democracy and th e se lo c a l tr a d itio n s . Galdos would have to fin d him self in agreement w ith th e philosophy o f Pereda, voiced by the lo rd o f Prove- dano, th a t laws by which a people a re governed must proceed from th e n a tu re o f the people them selves and not from a concept o r source a lie n to t h e i r way o f l i f e (pages 127- 128), fo r he su stain ed the same theory h im self in h is m ed itatio n b efo re th e tomb o f M acch iav elli (page 85). The only d iffe re n c e l ie s , o f course, in the fa c t th a t Galdos was re fe rr in g to the Spanish people as a whole, whereas Pereda was defending the rig h ts o f re g io n a l autonomy. Both Pereda and Galdos d esp ised m ed io crity . Pereda alm ost feared i t , i f we may judge by th e space in h is works ^Penas a rrib a . Pereda, Obras, I I , 1158. 246 given over to s a tir iz in g th e fo ib le s o f m id d le-class parvenus. stu p id and decadent a r is to c r a ts , in d ian o s. e tc . Galdos was more to le ra n t, in g en e ral, e s p e c ia lly w ith re sp e c t to the m iddle c la s s , fo r he saw in th is c la s s —in i t s m aturation and development of r e s p o n s ib ility - - a hope fo r a dem ocratic and p ro g ressiv e Spain. In th is sense Galdos was much more ample and fa r-s e e in g than was h is f r ie n d . Galdos, lik e w ise , ex h ib ited a more d isp a ssio n a te a p p ra is a l of th e co n serv ativ e view point than did Pereda o f th a t of th e l i b e r a l s . In th e f i r s t two s e rie s o f the Episodios we fin d Galdos, fo r th e most p a rt, sym pathetic to the re lig io u s fe e lin g s and tr a d itio n s o f the people; h is a n tic le ric a lis m rem ains subdued. The d e s ire fo r syn- th e s is - - th e merging o f th e "two S p a in s" --is stro n g in Galdos* mind, and has receiv ed a wide treatm en t in h is works. The d e s ire on the p a r t of Galdos to see an amalga m ation of the upper c la s s e s w ith th e lower, im plies h is re c o g n itio n o f th e v alu es o f the "o th e r S pain." Galdos* all-em bracing view o f th e n a tio n a l problem enabled him to see i t as tr u ly n a tio n a l in n a tu re , and n o t m erely as a co n serv ativ e problem (pages 175-176). 247 Only in some o f h is l a t e r p la y s, such as E le c tra (1901), does he begin to r e v e r t ag ain to a more c r i t i c a l in te r p r e ta tio n o f re a c tio n a ry Spain. A th e a tr ic a l c r i t i c m ight re a d ily understand th e sym bolic n a tu re o f P an to ja, drawn to c a ric a tu re by th e au th o r, b u t an u n d isc e m in g audience composed o f o rd in ary S paniards, m ostly l i b e r a l s , saw in him a liv in g example o f the obscurantism they had come to h a te . i The a ttitu d e s o f both w rite r s toward th e upper c la s s e s r e f l e c t a d iffe re n c e in approach. Pereda denounces the extravagance and o s te n ta tio n o f th e "tnundo e le g a n te ” (which in clu d es th e r ic h b o u rg e o isie ), and he h i t s hard a t th e m oral la x ity o f m arriage and fam ily l i f e which he sees as a l l too p re v a le n t in th a t w orld. The p lace o f th e h id a le o is not in such a w orld; he belongs w ith th e people, teac h in g , lead in g and guiding them. Galdos sees th e n o b ility , fo r th e most p a r t, as haughty, o verbearing, and in d if f e r e n t to th e r ig h ts o r th e d ig n ity o f th e common people (page 165). His a r is to c r a ts change, however, as they come in to c o n ta c t w ith th e people. At th e end o f th e f i r s t s e r ie s o f th e E n iso d io s. th e co u n tess, Amaranta, i s q u ite re c o n c ile d to th e m arriage 248 of h e r daughter to G ab riel A ra c e li, and even looks to him fo r support in h er tim e o f t r i a l . The Duchess o f San Q uintin undergoes a com plete tran sfo rm atio n as she is ex posed to l i f e in a bourgeois household and f a l l s in love w ith V icto r (page 233). Both Pereda and Galdos propound the id e a th a t th e upper c la s s is in need o f re g e n e ra tio n and th a t m arriage w ith th e low er c la s s e s would be bene f i c i a l in th a t re s p e c t. Don R obustiano, in Pereda*s "Blasones y ta le g a s " adm its th e e x iste n c e o f "una nobleza mas i l u s t r e , mas grande, mas venerada, que la de l a sangre, que l a de lo s pergam inos: l a nobleza d e l corazon" (page 155). Galdos, in h is p o rtra y a l o f Benigno Cordero (page 231), g iv es an example o f th e n o b ility o f c h a ra c te r he admired in men o f th e low er c la s s e s , and in h is many cases o f in te rm a rria g e between th e c la s s e s , he i l l u s t r a t e s h is d e s ire to see th e ir s o lid m oral q u a litie s renewed in th e hidalgu£a and in th e n o b ility . I t is on th is s o c ia l and m oral t e r r a in th a t Galdos and Pereda fin d th e i r common ground. Both sought a u n ity o f th e Spanish n a tio n through an amalgamation o f c la s s e s and a m utual s e lf - id e n tif i c a t io n o f th e same. Each admired th e fundam ental goodness o f th e people. Pereda, due to h is abhorrence of th e v u lg a rity and the se lf-se e k in g of many " li b e r a l 1 1 demagogues, and h is fe a r o f the harm they m ight i n f l i c t upon th e m orals and the r e lig io n of the m asses, gives the appearance o f being a n ta g o n is tic to the m iddle c la s s . Galdos, w hile aware of the same v u lg a rity , shows more to le ra n c e o f i t and looks forward to the even tu a l enlightenm ent and progress o f the people as a whole. He does n o t match P ereda’s concern fo r p ro te c tin g the re lig io u s b e lie f s o f th e people, fo r h is in te r p r e ta tio n o f r e lig io n is q u ite lib e r a l; he does n o t share h is f r ie n d ’s orthodoxy nor does he co n sid er i t im portant. On the con tr a r y , he looks upon a too r ig id orthodoxy as harm ful to p e rso n a lity and d etrim en tal to p ro g ress. He co n c en trates h is pent-up h o s t i li t y toward fa n a tic ism and c le ric a lis m in h is c re a tio n o f P antoja. The fa n a tic a l n atu re o f Spanish C atholicism , as d ep icted in Galdos’ work, does n o t appear in P ereda’s w ritin g s . R eligion, as in te rp re te d by him, is reasonable and serene and seems to be in harmony w ith human n a tu re . He, in f a c t, accuses Galdos o f being overdrawn in h is re p re s e n ta tio n of C atholicism (see pages 139-140). C ath olicism , fo r Pereda, was more than m echanical 250 conform ity to a s e t p a tte rn o f w orship, i t was a m oral concept and an e th ic a l system , by which men should guide t h e i r conduct. His r e l i g i o s i t y was n o t lim ite d to ex te r n a l p ra c tic e s , n o r d id he a s s o c ia te C atholicism w ith a p a r tic u la r p o l i t i c a l system . He saw in th e estab lish m en t of C arlism no more th an a p ro te c tio n o f th e r ig h ts o f th e Church. He placed r e lig io n above any o th e r v a lu e ; he considered i t the source o f a l l v a lu e s, in clu d in g the s o c io - p o litic a l id e a o f in d iv id u a l r ig h ts and freedom . R elig io n was behind h is concept of human n a tu re and i t co lo red h is v is io n o f human ev e n ts. His p o l i t i c a l and s o c ia l conservatism was concerned p rim a rily w ith th e con s e rv a tio n o f r e lig io u s tr a d itio n . R elig io u s customs in th e Spain o f h is youth had been h ig h ly in te g ra te d w ith h is fam ily l i f e and w ith th e s o c ie ty he knew. He viewed w ith alarm a l l l i b e r a l attem p ts to change th is s o c ie ty , to r e duce th e in flu e n c e o f th e Church o r to d e stro y th e r e l i gious customs she had fo s te re d . C e n tr a lis t p o litic ia n s who encroached upon th e autonomy o f th e C antabrian mountain communities were fe a re d by him, n o t because he thought t h e i r p o l i t i c a l system to be e s s e n tia lly e v il, b u t because he saw th a t they, them selves, were, fo r th e most p a r t, 251 v u lg a r, u n le tte re d , u n cu ltu red , am bitious, unscrupulous and a n t i c l e r i c a l . Galdos* su sp icio n th a t h is frie n d was m otivated more by re lig io u s and moral c o n sid e ra tio n s than by p o l i t i c a l co n v ictio n has been pointed o u t (page 240). Galdos* re lig io u s sentim ents and h is e th ic a l p rin c ip le s would correspond roughly to Pereda*s C ath o lic m oral code, but could n ev er have been accepted by the l a t t e r because of th e ir re je c tio n of th e Church. Then to o , as Galdos grew o ld e r, he became more b i t t e r in h is a n tic le ric a lis m . I t seems dou b tfu l th a t he would ever have been reco n ciled w ith th e Church. In th e years th a t followed the events of 1868 the re lig io u s problem became more se rio u s in Spain. D o ctrin al u n ity , even among C ath o lics, fo r a w hile alm ost disappeared from view as d iffe re n c e s of a s o c ia l and p o l i ti c a l n atu re became more pronounced. Rural Spain, c lin g in g to re g io n a l ism and tra d itio n a lis m , became f ie r c e ly co n se rv ativ e and was re lu c ta n t to give up tim e-honored re lig io u s customs and in te r p r e ta tio n s , whereas the newly forming bourgeois and li b e r a l groups were more open to ideas of re lig io u s reform and to the ad ap tatio n o f re lig io u s customs to the changing w orld. Pereda and Galdos, in s p ite of th e ir a f f i n it i e s 252 o f s p i r i t and th e s i m ila r iti e s in s o c io - p o litic a l ideas which have been pointed out in th is d is s e r ta tio n , found them selves on o p p o site sid e s of th e id e o lo g ic a l fence fo r a p u rely s e c ta ria n reaso n . Pereda, fre e d from th e dogmatic in te r p r e ta tio n s o f th e C ath o licism to which he su b scrib ed , would have found no d i f f i c u l t y in ac cep tin g G aldos' e th ic a l and m oral creed , which emphasized love, lib e r ty and the p re se rv a tio n o f a l l worthy human v a lu e s. Galdos, i f he had been more w illin g to look beyond human f a ilin g s in th e Church, would have been more disposed to understand P ere d a's a n x ie ty over th e growth o f a n tic le r ic a lis m . Such a ttitu d e s on the p a rt o f Pereda and Galdos r e f l e c t th e tragedy o f th e "two S pains": C ath o lic dogmatism and in tra n sig e n c e on th e one hand, a n tic le r ic a lis m on th e o th e r. I t now becomes c le a r th a t th e m a tte r o f u n d erstan d ing and in te r p r e ta tio n o f r e lig io n i s a t th e h e a rt o f a l l fundam ental d iffe re n c e s between th e two w r ite r s . C ath o lics them selves were d iv id ed in th is re s p e c t. Many t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s p e rs is te d in b e lie v in g th a t s ix te e n th -c e n tu ry Catho lic is m was s t i l l s u ita b le fo r th e p re se n t and fu tu re and th a t i t was c o n s u b s ta n tia l w ith monarchy. They were n o t a b le to re c o n c ile tr a d itio n w ith modem ways o f th in k in g . L ib e ra l C ath o lics tr ie d to b rin g about s o c ia l reform s and in cu rred upon them selves charges o f h eresy from t h e i r more "orthodox" c o n fre re s. As Spain moved in to th e tw e n tie th cen tu ry , and p a r tic u la r ly in th e y ears im m ediately p re ceding th e C iv il War o f 1936, C a th o lic s, re g a rd le ss o f t h e ir p o l i t i c a l and s o c ia l p o s itio n s , found i t n ecessary to a lig n them selves w ith the p o lic ie s o f th e Church as a m a tte r o f pure d efen se a g a in s t in c re a sin g a n tic le r ic a lis m and a n ti- r e lig io n . In th e e le c tio n o f 1933, th e r ig h t came to power la rg e ly through th e h e lp o f a C ath o lic c o a litio n o f both c o n se rv a tiv e and m oderate elem ents. T h eir u n ify in g theme was th e "defense o f th e s o c ia l o rd e r and th e rig h ts Q o f r e lig io n ." The Popular F ront o f 1936 lo s t many p o ten t i a l su p p o rte rs only because o f i t s a n ti- r e lig io u s com p le x io n . Aside from th e f a c t th a t many C ath o lic s v o lu n t a r i l y c a s t t h e i r l o t w ith th e r i g h t i s t s , th e Spanish Church stepped in to d e fin e th e is s u e . C ard in al Goma issu ed a p a s to ra l ad v isin g th a t " in th e fa c e o f th e union o f th e fo rc e s o f ir r e lig io n , th e r i g h t i s t s have to u n ify g Juan A rrab al, J . M. G il R obles: Su v id a , su a c tu a - j * i i m— i ■■ ■ m ■ i — — i , p ^ i.ii cio n , sus ideas ^Madrid: Imp. Saez Hnos., 1933), pp. 285“ 292, quoted by Sanchez, Reform and R eaction, p. 160. 254 in d efense o f re lig io n . . . a C a th o lic 's f i r s t o b lig a tio n was to v o te fo r th e can d id ate pledged to safeguard the 9 rig h ts o f God in s o c ie ty .1 In view o f th is re d u c tio n o f Spanish C atholicism to th e le v e l o f a s o c io - p o litic a l m a tte r, and th e g ra d u ally in c re a s in g a s s o c ia tio n o f r e lig io n w ith p o l i t i c a l conserva tism , which had alread y begun in th e tim e o f Pereda and Galdos, i t is h ig h ly d o u b tfu l th a t the two w rite rs could have reso lv ed t h e i r d iffe re n c e s in the m a tte r o f r e lig io n . Each rem ains, in s o fa r as r e lig io n is concerned, a symbol o f the two opposing Spains. g / A.B.C. , January 24, 1936, quoted by Sanchez, Reform and R eaction, p. 199. CHAPTER V II CONCLUSION In summarizing my fin d in g s re g ard in g th e s im ila r i t i e s and the d iffe re n c e s between Pereda and Galdos, I s h a ll begin w ith th e p o in ts o f agreem ent and th e a f f i n i t i e s which made them th e b e s t o f frie n d s . Pereda’ s b a sic s in c e r ity and h is s p i r i t o f in d e pendence must have been the q u a litie s most admired in him by G aldos. The l a t t e r found i t d i f f i c u l t to b e lie v e th a t Pereda was r e a lly a C a r lis t. As t h e i r frie n d s h ip grew, however, he would ap p a re n tly have i t no o th e r way, fo r Galdos admired s tre n g th o f c o n v ic tio n , e s p e c ia lly when con v ic tio n s were h eld s in c e re ly and independently, as they were by Pereda (page 129). Galdos seems to have understood Pereda b e tte r than Pereda understood h im se lf. He was aware o f the re lig io u s and m oral preoccupations o f h is frie n d and saw how they tended to dom inate h is th in k in g and c o lo r h is w ritin g to th e e x te n t o f making him seem to be more 255 256 extreme in h is conservatism than he r e a lly was. Home environm ent, education and re lig io u s tra in in g probably combined to make o f Pereda a co n serv ativ e (pages 48-49). His m other, though strong in h er re lig io n , did n o t impose i t so h a rsh ly on h er c h ild re n as d id Dona M aria D olores Galdos. Pereda shows n o t a tra c e of fa n a tic ism in h is w ritin g s . His re lig io u s view point is m anifested always in a reasonable and balanced manner. The co n d itio n s and events o f Galdos* youth, on the c o n tra ry , were o f a n a tu re th a t in sp ire d in him a repug nance toward h is m o th er's s t r i c t in te rp re ta tio n o f r e l i gion. His answer to h e r dom ineering n a tu re was to withdraw q u ie tly w ith in h im self and c re a te h is own w orld --a world th a t grew and ro se up to defy and to c o n tra d ic t the e sta b lish e d s o c io -re lig io u s o rd er o f n in ete e n th -c e n tu ry Spain. Galdos, however, s t i l l c a rrie d in him th e germ o f Dona D olores' p ercep tio n o f moral v alu es, and he never lo s t h is deep longing fo r a re lig io n to f u l f i l l h is a s p ira tio n s . There is even evidence th a t he su ffe re d a c e rta in n o s ta lg ia fo r th e re lig io u s p ra c tic e s of h is childhood (page 88). Galdos must have f e l t e n tir e ly a t home in the com pany o f Pereda, as is in d ic a te d by th e amount o f time 257 they sp en t to g e th e r (pages 61 and 80), and by th e com pli m entary remarks they made from tim e to tim e about each o th e r. Pereda noted th a t, o u tsid e o f p o l iti c s and c e r ta in r e lig io u s m a tte rs, they agreed p e r f e c tly on p r a c tic a lly ev ery th in g (pages 80-81). That they agreed in t h e i r fe e lin g fo r th e s o c ia l s o lid a r ity o f th e Spanish people has been amply demon s tr a te d . Both sought an amalgamation o f s o c ia l c la s s e s and a h e a lin g o f th e n a tio n 's in te r n a l wounds. T h eir p o l i t i c a l d iffe re n c e s may u ltim a te ly be reduced to the sim ple qu es tio n o f n a tio n a l u n ity v ersu s re g io n a l autonomy, sin c e both in d ic a te d th e ir b e l ie f in in d iv id u a l freedom, dem ocratic government and s e lf-d e te rm in a tio n . These l a t t e r b e lie f s , however, a re alm ost overshadowed by th e la rg e r concerns o f n a tio n a l u n ity and re g io n a l autonomy, which, in tu rn , a re co lo red by s o c ia l and re lig io u s q u e stio n s. N atio n al u n ity and democracy were seen by Galdos as p o s sib le only through th e ascendancy o f th e m iddle and lower c la s s e s , and through a lib e r a liz a tio n o f r e lig io n . Pereda saw in th e kind o f n a tio n a l u n ity proposed by th e l ib e r a ls an abridgm ent o f lo c a l autonom ies and lo c a l tr a d itio n s , and the d e s tru c tio n o f a s o c ia l s tr u c tu r e which he thought to be th e only 258 bulwark a g a in st a n tic le ric a lis m and ir r e lig io n . The one irre c o n c ila b le p o in t o f co n ten tio n between th e two w rite r s , then, is th e re lig io u s q u e stio n —th e m atters o f th e ir re sp e c tiv e in te rp re ta tio n s o f C h ristia n d o c trin e and o f th e ir a ttitu d e s toward the C h u rch --th eir p o l i t i c a l opinions being la rg e ly dependent upon these l a t t e r is s u e s . Pereda was a C a r lis t because th e C a r lis t p a rty seemed to provide th e stro n g e st guarantee o f the r ig h ts o f th e Church and of r e lig io n , th e Church and tru e r e lig io n being in se p a ra b le in h is mind. Galdos, w ith h is l ib e r a l ideas o f s o c ia l and p o l i ti c a l reform , and d e s p ite h is re lig io u s longings, could n o t be a f a ith f u l son o f th e Church, p re c is e ly because the Church o f f i c ia ll y opposed those id eas which he held most d e a r. He was o f th e opinion th a t, as long as re a c tio n a ry C atholicism held sway in Spain, th e re would be no hope fo r democracy o r p ro g ress. The q u estio n o f a re a c tio n a ry Church’s ro le in Spanish so c ie ty i s , I b e lie v e , a t th e h e a rt o f Spain’ s in te rn a l d iv is io n . R eligion is an a ll-im p o rta n t human q u estio n , and in Spain i t reaches a s p e c ia l degree o f in te n s ity . Many Spaniards w ill u n h e s ita tin g ly give th e ir liv e s in i t s d efense. Since many of them, lik e Pereda, 259 look upon th e Church as a d iv in e i n s t it u t i o n re p re se n tin g tru e r e lig io n , th e sp e c ta c le of th e Church p lacin g h e r s e lf on th e sid e o f re a c tio n and absolutism , and appearing to stand a g a in s t s o c ia l reform , c re a te s fo r them a dilemma d i f f i c u l t o f s o lu tio n . Pereda never had doubts as to where h is f i r s t lo y a lty la y . Galdos, though he did n o t succeed in so lv in g h is dilemma, dem onstrates more f u lly th e tru e e x te n t and th e anguish o f th e problems o f n in e te e n th and tw e n tie th -c e n tu ry Spain. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Pereda, Jose MarXa de. Obras com pletas. 2 v o ls ., w ith E studio p re lim in ar by Jose Marfa de Cossfo. Madrid: A guilar, S.A. de E diciones, 1959. Perez Galdos, B enito. Obras com pletas. 6 v o ls . In tro duce ion. B io g ra fia . B ib lio g ra fia . Notas v Censo de p ersonales galdosianos by F ederico C arlos Sainz de Robles. Madrid: A guilar, S.A. de E diciones, 1960. Secondary Sources (Works C ited) Arroyo, Cesar E. G aldos. M adrid: Sociedad General Espanola de L ib re ria , 1930. Beneyto, Juan. H is to ria s o c ia l de Espana v de Hispano- am erica. M adrid: A guilar, S.A. de E diciones, 1961. Berkowitz, H. Chonon. Perez G aldos: Spanish L ib e ra l C rusader. Madison: The U n iv ersity o f W isconsin P ress, 1948. B ertrand, Louis, and S ir C harles P e trie . The H isto ry of S pain. London: Eyre and Spottisw oode, 1945. Blanco G arcia, P. F rancisco. La l i te r a t u r a espanola en e l s ig lo XIX. 3ra e d ., P arte segunda. Madrid: 1910. Brenan, G erald. The Spanish L ab y rin th . Cambridge: Uni v e r s ity P ress, 1960. 261 ( 262 Borrow, George. The B ible in S pain. London: T. Nelson and Sons, L td ., 1920. C asalduero, Joaqu£n. Vida v obra de G aldos. Buenos A ires: Ed. Losada, 1943. C handler, Richard E ., and K essel Schw artz. A New H isto ry of Spanish L ite r a tu r e . Baton Rouge: L ouisiana S ta te U nivers i t y Pres s , 19 61. Cimorra, Clemente. G aldos. Buenos A ires: Ed. Losada, 1943. Coss£o, Jo se M aria. La obra l i t e r a r i a de P ereda. San tan d er: Imp. J . M artinez, 1934. de Amicis, Edmondo. Spain and th e S p an iard s. T rans, by W ilhelm ina W . Cady. New York and London: G. P. Putnam*s Sons, 1880. D escola, Jean . A H isto ry o f S pain. T rans, by E lain e P. H alp erin . New York: A lfred A. Knopf, 1963. E p is to la rio de Pereda v Menendez P elavo. S an tan d er: Consejo S uperio r de In v e stig a c io n e s C ie n tffic a s , Sociedad de Menendez Pelayo, 1953. Gamero y L a ig le s ia , Em ilio G. Galdos v su o b ra. Tomo I (Los Episodios n a c io n a le s ). M adrid: B lass, S.A ., 1933. G anivet, Angel. Idearium espanol in El concepto contempo- raneo de Espafia. A ntologia de ensavos. Ed. Angel d e l Rio and M. J . B enardete. Buenos A ires: Ed. Losada, 1946. G ullon, R icardo. Vida de Pereda. M adrid: E d ito rs N acional, 1944. M adariaga, Salvador de. Spain: A Modem H isto ry . New York: F red e rick A. P raeger, P u b lish e rs, 1958. 263 Menendez Pelayo, M arcelino. H is to ria de los heterodoxos esp an o les. Tomo VI. (E dicion n ac io n a l de la s obras com pletas de Menendez Pelayo, Tomo XL, Consejo S uperior de In v estig acio n es C ie n tffic a s .) Santander: Aldus, S.A. de A rtes G raficas, 1948. Mesa, R afael de. Don Benito Perez G aldos. M adrid: 1920. Montero, Jo se. Pereda. Madrid: Sucesores de Hernando, 1919. M ontesinos, Jo se F. Pereda. o la novela i d i l i o . Berkeley and Los Angeles: U n iv ersity o f C a lifo rn ia P ress, 1961. Olmet, Luis Anton d e l, and A rturo G arcia C a rra ffa . Galdos (Los grandes esp an o les). M adrid: Im prenta de "A lrede- dor d e l Mundo," 1912. P alacio Valdes. Armando. D iscursos lefd o s an te la Real * I III 1 1 1 I I -■ ! I . 1 I I . I !» ■ ■ ! m y ■ ■ I II — II ■ ■ ■ ■ I Academia Espanola en la recepcion p u b liea d e l Excmo. S r. D. Armando P alacio Valdes e l d la 12 de diciem bre de 1920. M adrid: 1920. Palmer, R. R. "The Impact of th e French R ev o lu tio n ," in The N ineteenth-C entury World (Readings from th e H isto ry o f M ankind). Ed. Guy S. Metraux and F rancois C rouzet. New York: The New American L ib rary , 1963. Perez V idal, Jo se . Galdos en C anarias (1843-1862). M adrid: El Museo C anario, Incorporado a l Consejo S uperior de In v estig acio n es C ie n trfic a s , 1952. Ruiz Ramon, F ran cisco . Tres p erso n ales g ald o sian o s. M adrid: R ev ista de O ccidente, 1964. Sanchez, Jose M. Reform and R eaction. Chapel H ill: Uni v e r s ity of North C arolina P ress, 1964. Santa T eresa de J e s u s . "A spiraciones de v id a e te m a ," Obras de Santa T eresa de J e s u s . M adrid: E d ito ria l Apostolado de la Prensa, S.A ., 1951. 264 S e ig e l, Lazaro. Pereda: T rad icio n v re a lid a d de Espana. La P la ta : E diciones M ensaje, 1953. Trend, J . B. The O rigins o f Modem Spain. New York: The M acmillan Company, 1934. Unamuno, M iguel de. "El in d iv id u alism o esp a n o l," in El concepto contemnoraneo de Espana. Antologxa de ensavos. Buenos A ire s: Ed. Losada, S .A ., 1946. W alton, L e s lie B a n n iste r. Perez Galdos and th e Spanish Novel o£ th e N ineteenth C entury. New York: 1927. (R eprint o f th e o r ig in a l e d itio n , produced by M icro film Xerography by U n iv e rsity M icrofilm s, In c ., Ann Arbor, M ichigan, 1963.) Weber, Robert J . "Galdos and O rb a jo sa ," H ispanic Review. XXXI (O ctober, 1963), 348-349. Secondary Sources (Works C onsulted) A las, Leopold©. Galdos. Obras com pletas. Tomo I. M adrid: R enacim iento, S.A. E d ito ria l, 1912. A ltam ira y Crevea, R afael. Manual de h i s t o r i a de Espana. Buenos A ire s: Ed. Sudamericana, 1946. B a lse iro , Jo se A . N o v elistas espanoles m odem os. New York: The M acmillan Company, 1947. B arja, C esar. L ite r a tu r a espanola: L ibros y au to res m odem os. Edicion re v isa d a y com pletada. Los A ngeles, C a lif .: C am pbell's Book S to re, 1933. C asalduero, Joaquxn. "G aldos: De Morton a Almudena," Modem Language N otes. LXXIX (March, 1964), 181-185. C orrea, Gustavo. El sim bolism o r e li^ io s o en la s novelas de Perez G aldos. B ib lio te c a Romanics H ispanica. M adrid: Ed. Gredos, 1962. 265 d e l Rio, Angel. Estudios g ald o sian o s. B ib lio te c a d e l H isp an ista, Tomo I I . Zaragoza: Ed. L ib re ria G eneral, 1953. ________ . "Los id e a le s de G aldos," R evista H ispanica Modema. Ano IX, No. 4 (Octubre, 1943), 290-292. Downes, W illiam Howe. Spanish Wavs and Bv-wavs. Boston: Cupples, Upham and Company, 1883. Durand, Frank. "Two Problems in G aldos' Tormento. " Modem Language Notes. LXXIX (December, 1964), 513-517. E off, Sherman. The Novels o f Perez Galdos (The Concept o f L ife as Dynamic P rocess) . S ain t L ouis: Washington U n iv ersity S tu d ies, 1954. Gomez de Baquero, Eduardo ("A ndrenio") . Novelas v nove- l i s t a s . Madrid: Casa E d ito ria l C a lle ja , 1918. Gonzalez Blanco, Andres. H is to ria de la novela en Espana desde e l rom anticism o h a s ta n u estro s d x as. M adrid: Saenz.y Jubera, Hnos., e d ito re s , 1909. G ullon, R icardo. Galdos, n o v e lis ta modemo. Madrid: Taurus, 1960. H err, R ichard. "The Tw entieth Century Spaniard Views th e Spanish E nlightenm ent," H ispania. X LV (May, 1962), 183-191. K eniston, Hayward. "Galdos, I n te r p r e te r o f L if e ," H is pania. I l l (O ctober, 1920), 203-206. M adariaga, Salvador de. The Genius o f Spain. Oxford: The Clarendon P ress, 1923. Menendez Pelayo, M arcelino. Estudios de c r f t i c a l i t e r a r i a . Tomo V. Madrid: T ipografxa de la "R evista de A rchi- v o s," 1908. P a ttiso n , W alter T. Benito Perez Galdos and th e C reativ e P rocess. M inneapolis: U n iv ersity o f M innesota P ress, 1954. 266 Perez Galdos, B enito. C artas de Perez Galdos a Mesonero Romanos. M adrid: A rtes G raficas M unicipales, 1943. Perez M inik, D. N ovelistas espanoles de los sig lo s X X X y XX. New York: E liseo T orres, 1961. Q ualia, C harles B. "P ered a's N aturalism in S o tile z a ." H ispania. XXXVII (December, 1954), 409-413. R u ssell, Robert H. "El amigo Manso: Galdos With a M irro r," Modem Language Notes. LXXVIII (March, 1963), 161-168. Sanchez, Jo se. "Freedom of Choice in M arriage in P ered a," H ispania. XXIV (O ctober, 1941), 321-329. Swain, James 0. "R eactionism in P ered a's Tio C avetano." H ispania. XVII (February, 1934), 83-89.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Reality In The Works Of Unamuno And Ortega Y Gasset: A Comparative Study

PDF

The Nonhistorical Works Of Rafael Altamira

PDF

A Critical Edition And Study Of The Play 'El Rey Don Pedro En Madrid Y Elinfanzon De Illescas'

PDF

Satire In The Prose Of Francisco Zarco

PDF

'El Conde De Sex' By Antonio Coello: A Critical Edition And Study

PDF

A Critical Edition And Study Of The Play 'Privar Contra Su Gusto'

PDF

Edicion Critica Y Estudio De La Comedia De Tirso La Venganza De Tamar. (Spanish Text)

PDF

The Poetic Styles Of Miguel De Barrios

PDF

Magical Realism In Contemporary Argentine Fiction

PDF

Pensamiento Y Poesia De Concha Urquiza. (Spanish Text)

PDF

'Gustos Y Disgustos Son No Mas Que Imaginacion' By Pedro Calderon De La Barca: A Critical Edition And Study

PDF

La Literatura Mejicoamericana Del Suroeste De Los Estados Unidos. (Spanish Text)

PDF

Unity And Development In The Poetry Of German Pardo Garcia

PDF

La Perricholi, Mito Literario Nacional Peruano (Spanish Text)

PDF

A Study Of The Poetry Of Rafael Maya

PDF

The Creative Writing Of Jorge Ferretis: Ideology And Style

PDF

The Indian In The Works Of Gregorio Lopez Y Fuentes

PDF

Existentialism In The Theater Of Alfonso Sastre

PDF

Mexican "Machismo" In Novels By Lawrence, Sender, And Fuentes

PDF

Carlos Solorzano En El Teatro Mexicano (Spanish Text)

Asset Metadata

Creator Bradley, Henry Addy (author)

Core Title Pereda And Galdos: A Comparison Of Their Political, Religious And Social Ideas

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Spanish

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Literature, Modern,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor McMahon, Dorothy Elizabeth (committee chair), Belle, Rene F. (committee member), Hesse, Everett W. (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-224439

Unique identifier UC11360694

Identifier 6700393.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-224439 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 6700393.pdf

Dmrecord 224439

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Bradley, Henry Addy

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA