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A Study Of Delinquency Among Urban Mexican-American Youth
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A Study Of Delinquency Among Urban Mexican-American Youth
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This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 69 - 17,888 RUSK, Marian Terry, 1915- A STUDY OF DELINQUENCY AMONG URBAN MEXICAN AMERICAN YOUTH. University of Southern California, Ph.D., 1969 Education, psychology University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan © Copyright by MARIAN TERRY RUSK A STUDY OP DELINQUENCY AMONG URBAN MEXICAN AMERICAN YOUTH by Marian Terry Rusk A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Education) January 1969 UNIVERSITY O F SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY PARK LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 9 0 0 0 7 This dissertation, written by .......... M ajjan .X eiry.R u sk........... under the direction of Aex.... Dissertation Com mittee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by the Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of D O C TO R OF P H IL O SO P H Y Dean D a t e January_l.% 9 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many faculty members have encouraged, inspired, and assisted me in many ways. I wish to express particular appreciation to Dr. C. E. Meyers, for providing support and professional guidance in many phases of this research and to Drs. McDonagh and Offman for their interest and encourage ment. Gratitude is expressed to Father Murphy and his staff at the Salesian High School for their wonderful coop eration. I am also indebted to the Superintendent of the Southern California Center and Clinic for their outstanding assistance at the facility. The staff, under Supervisor Daily, of the Esperanza Center, also offered much valuable aid and encouragement. To Mr. Angus MacLean I owe a debt of gratitude for the professional statistical counsel in help ing to prepare this manuscript. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION 1 Background of the Problem Importance of the Problem Literature on the Mexican American Review of the Literature Schools of Thought Physiological Theories The Sociological Approach Multiple Causation Delinquency among Higher Socioeconomic Groups American Patterns of Violence The Psychological Viewpoint From Freudian Theory to Ego Psychology Adaptation and Social Development Negative Identity Ethology The Self Psychologists Psychosocial Research Summary of Summaries Statement of the Problem General Hypothesis The Sample The Scales The Hypotheses Further Analyses of Trait Differences between Assaultive and Nonassaultive Delinquents Administration Delimitations of the Study Definitions of Terms and Operational Constructs II. ORGANIZATION 41 III. FINDINGS 61 Introduction The Hypotheses iii Chapter Page Tests of the Hypotheses Both Groups Differ from Norm Overall Effect of Findings ' Correlations among the Scales Further Analyses of Trait Differences IV. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS, Summary Conclusions The Assaultive Cases Recommendations Implications Digest of Research and Delinquency Theory AND IMPLICATIONS 86 BIBLIOGRAPHY 107 APPENDIXES Appendix A 119 Appendix B 124 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Background of the Problem As man is a social animal, so he has his social groups and the pressure to conform to their habits and rules. This has led, in his short history, to the existence of the social deviant of one kind or another. This paper selects one, the urban, deprived delinquent of Mexican American ancestry, of male sex, ages 15 1/2 to 19 1/2 years. He is a minority group within a minority group, for the majority of that group of young men, even in an urban, high- delinquency area, do not become officially delinquent. This research contrasts the personality dynamics, the life condi tions , and the responses of the delinquent with those of the nondelinquent within that Mexican American group. The persistent delinquent has often seemed the hard est of all to understand. For he will not, or can not, con form to accepted lawful standards, often at a cost of great personal tragedy to himself. His behavior resembles that of the psychopath, because of his frequent and determined destructiveness and apparent guiltlessness. He has puzzled other men from time immemorial. The very values and goals which have made society worthwhile to other men, he has rejected or been unable to internalize. He often appears to notice social rules and customs only to be against them (Lindner, 1944; McCord, 1956). To the observer, he appears unaffected by custom and tradition. Destructive, aggres sive, guiltless, and asocial, his goals are individual,, and often remain unknown even to him. They are surely not held in common with other men, for he is the social rogue, the disavower of lawful behavior. Much of what is true of the psychopath is also true of the persistent delinquent. Both are opposed to society, and state it willingly in behavior, and rather openly in verbal discussion. Its rules and customs are not for them, its prohibitions will not be obeyed, though they are at times capable of feeling some respect for them. Although the background of the particular type of delinquent studied in this research makes it easier to understand why he has set himself against society, he still remains a minority among his troubled group, the less than 1.7 per cent (Heller, 1961) which has an official record of any kind of delin quency and the far smaller group of persistent delinquents. Although much has been written about the delinquent, this hard-core, persistent group is particularly poorly understood. Even while Freudian and other insights were giving us new understanding of neurotic and psychotic behav- ior in the earlier decades of this century, psychopathic behavior remained outside of the newer knowledge. As the Gluecks stated: The history book of criminology and penology is blotted with wreckage of oversimplified conceptions of criminal istic behavior and "cures" for crime. (S. Glueck and E. Glueck, 1952, p. xl) Thus, the hard-core delinquent is often the recipi ent of injudicious handling, both in courts and in institu tions. Even worse, his aggressive, destructive, unpredict able behavior results in more severe treatment for the occasional or intermittent delinquents who form the majority of the delinquent group. Only a small percentage of offenders is among those called "persistent delinquents," and presumed deserving of the "tough" treatment which is often meted out to all. The persistent delinquent is neither the "normal" delinquent or criminal, living by the code of his social group; nor is he the psychoneurotic, that anxious, tense, and conflicted individual who has other standards for himself which he wishes he could live by; nor is he the psychotic, that strangely out-of-touch being who lives in his-private, delusional world (Rusk, 1964). The psychopath, as a composite "type" can be distin guished from the "true psychotic" . . . by the long and tough persistence of his antisocial attitude and behav ior and the absence of hallucinations, delusions, manic flight of ideas, confusion, disorientation, and other dramatic signs of psychoses. (S. Glueck, 1944, p. IX) This psychopath is the "tough guy" of the institu tions, having set himself against society as no other human has, himself the victim of aggression when others try to force him to their ways through punishment. This persistent delinquent, this recidivist, is not typical of the delinquent population. The boys in this study, the hardened delinquents, are not in any one category alone. There is much psychopathy among them. However, such a multidimensional pattern as delinquency is determined by the whole human experience. The individual living it makes a total response to a total situation. His perception of his external environment is influenced by his internal demands, needs, desires, and antipathies. It is born of a confluence of circumstances from previous experience, and includes the whole array of psychic phenomena— impelled by the genetic, biological, and biochemical milieu in which the psyche resides. But the psyche itself is of vast impor tance, and, with it, his attitudes, his motivations, are usually what impels him or does not. Interaction with others also comes into play, as does reward and punishment. It is probable, for example, that this same boy, born on the west side of town in a better environment, with a different set of parents of different circumstances, even with similar experiences, but somewhat different rewards, would be a dif ferent sort of person. The interest of several disciplines coalesces around the problem of delinquency among the urban poor, for it pos sesses many broad implications for fields of study as wide apart as education, sociology, psychology, psychiatry, criminology, and penology. Importance of the Problem Theories of delinquency have long tried to explain the phenomenon on the basis of social deprivation, psycho logical disturbance, or physiological inadequacy, yet each group has sat alone, and none has been sufficient to account for the gross deviance which takes place when an individual decides to take an antisocial path. However, with the advent of ego psychology, a different emphasis emerged, focusing on the social experiences through which the indi vidual becomes modified. The importance of identification and ego identity, focused upon by the writings of Heinz Hartmann (1958) and Erik Erikson (195.0, 1959, 1965), empha sized both the individual and the social experiences, trac ing the molding of and the creation of the social individual in one' entity, man himself. The existence of widespread delinquency among our urban youth, and particularly among our minority-group urban youth, to a far greater extent than even official statistics reveal, is one of the greatest dangers to individual liberty as well as group survival in American society today. Esti mates of the numbers of youths involved vary from some three per cent of the total to. forty per cent of Negro boys aged 14 to 15 years in Baltimore (Lander, 1954) . The Los Angeles County Probation Department's own estimate of Mexican-Ameri can referrals to the police department in 1956 was 170.5 per 10,000/ approximately 1.7 per cent of the total Mexican Americans resident in the county (Heller, 1966). However, the Mexican American comprises an unusually young group, inclined to be low in economic status and high in urban residency in Los Angeles County, and the percentage is unfairly high for each of these reasons. Thus crime and delinquency take on a significance greater than that of many disease and handicap categories which receive much more attention. Yet it appears to be the most dangerous of all to the group it afflicts, the most morbid, and the most dif ficult of all handicaps to eradicate or even to understand. However, there are certain known facts, some unknown and many unproven, concerning its etiology, pathology, and prog nosis. There are also many opinions, many of which are mere suppositions, but which enjoy wide acceptance. The wide span of behavioral disciplines interested in the problem brings unique contributions from each, but the resulting findings are often unintegrated, so that we have a prism of opinions, bits of knowledge which need’ re working into a more united approach. For delinquency exists despite philosophical differences of opinion concerning it, and it spreads like many a pathological process by normal social contact. Perhaps disagreements can be put aside for the time being, some basic, functional definitions can be accepted as working hypotheses, and action-oriented problems defined. For delinquency is an action-oriented problem, calling for the "total push" programs which other problems, even cultural deprivation— its close relative in the slum areas, and accepted disease and handicap categories, have been and are receiving. The presence of delinquency in the nation's male youth of Mexican American descent living in urban high- delinquency areas was the emphasis of the present study. Its occurrence is at least five times as great as among femlaes (Heller, 19 66). It is believed that American cul ture demands of its male youth an over-exposition of mascu linity, resulting in displays of violence and ruthlessness, which are, in essence, attempts to deny inadequacies. The Mexican American culture highlights and reemphasizes these particular traits. From a purely statistical standpoint, this is more likely to occur among the great mass of under privileged youth; from a psychological viewpoint, it is most likely to occur among any group which doubts its essential equality with the rest of the nation's youth. Certain peer activities cause increased strains and overplaying of the very forms of "masculinity" which the larger society abhors, such as delinquency. This occurs most often in the presence of a lack of interest in, and a lack of expectation of suc cess in, the ordinary forms of achievement, such as scholas tic, athletic, and earning ability. Lack of conformity to school-dictated rules is an accompaniment to behavior which violates society's norms. This research considers such expressions to be a sickness which the culture defines, but which these individuals overemphasize in a society which now has little use for masculinity in such forms as muscle dis play or aggressiveness, which our own pioneer age valued. It is today glamorized endlessly in the communications media. Better-adjusted youths can allow such an emphasis in a society to be changed, but some weaker ones are unable to accept a change because of their own personal needs in this area. Literature on the Mexican American Studies on the distinctive Mexican American cultural ethos are somewhat limited. Two recent books have come to the author's attention in this regard, Madsen's The Mexican- Americans of South Texas (1964), and Heller's Mexican Ameri can Youth; Forgotten Youth at the Crossroads (1966). These books go far toward filling the gap in the field, while pro viding ample references to other works. Public conscious ness on minority group problems in America is apt to focus on the Negro and his particular difficulties, some of which are shared with the Mexican American, but many of which are not. Literature follows the same trend. Thus, compara tively little attention has been given to the Mexican American group, although studies show that the latter group has less education, is more prone to be on police and wel fare rolls, and has a lower income than the Negro (Broom and Shevky, 1952; Heller, 1966). Few realize that this is the third largest minority group in the United States (Heller, 1966). Most tragic of all, studies such as Bogue's 1959 study, based on 19 50 Census data, show that the Mexican Americans alone constitute the only ethnic group which fails to show a fair intergenerational rise'Tin socioeconomic status. The particular problems faced by the Mexican Ameri can, urban, cultural group are compounded not only by major ity group discrimination, but by the members' own values and their reaction to the discrimination they face. Some of the themes of their culture hinder socioeconomic mobility, such as the proud sensitiveness which Jack Dodson described in his 1960 study as "silent withdrawal" from any situation in which they feel wronged. Also, the Mexican American is too prone to be satisfied with what he has for him to advance himself economically; thus his culture dictates (Madsen, 1964) . Even though, today, Mexican Americans are assimila ting the majority group culture better than formerly, they appear, on the whole, to be somewhat hardened against the melting pot process. The Mexican cultural heritage is con sidered as too precious and valid a thing to be abandoned. Although their beliefs and customs may be regarded by the 10 majority group as too superstitious, or even un-American, to be highly regarded, they are indeed cherished and valued by the participants. But public agencies are often seen as trying to hasten the decline of the cultural heritage of our Mexican American citizens. The anthropological study of the culture, in order to evaluate which areas are closer or more amenable to change, is too often overlooked or ignored in favor of trying to rob the Mexican American of his own cul- ture and:dictate values close to Anglo norms (Heller, 1964). The feelings of inadequacy, as well as the loss of identity, and anxiety about community affiliation on the part of those abandoning the old Mexican American cultural emphases, are widespread. This is particularly so among this group which is oversensitive to group pressure and individual worth (Heller, 1966; Madsen, 1964). The compulsive masculinity, of which Talcott Parsons spoke in 1949, differs among the Mexican Americans, but is nearly universally present (Heller, 1966). Thus, the Mexi can American boy is likely to overconform to the pattern of masculinity, or machismo, which his culture rates so highly. He is also frequently the victim of a disturbed father-son relationship as he approaches adolescence, due to the pat tern of expectation that the son may threaten, or actually usurp, the authority of the father in the home (Heller, 1960). The role of the ideal male personality is a diffi- 11 cult one, including great regard for sexual prowess, physi cal strength, adventurousness and courage, male dominance, and self-confidence (Heller, 1966; Madsen, 1964). Male children are indulged at the expense of female children, and are given great freedom. David McClelland (1961) and others have shown that this indulgence hampers the development of the "need for achievement" in other lines, such as educa tion and occupation. In The Mexican Americans of South Texas, William Madsen discusses the kind of "older" man that young Mexican boys must emulate. The Latin thinks of a true man as being proud, self- reliant, and virile. He is jokingly compared to a rooster. Ramon observed, "The better man is the one who can drink more, defend himself best, have more sex relations, and have more sons borne by his wife. If un married, the better man is the one who has the most girl friends; if married, the one who deceives his wife most." (Madsen, 1964, p. 20) The theme of honor, also, is inherited by every Mexican American child and youth, which he must guard jealously against all infringements. This is displayed in the extreme sensitivity to insult of the Mexican American mentioned above (Madsen, 1964) . All of these cultural values tend to combine in one tradition in which individual achievement and social mobil ity are looked down upon, or at least deemphasized. "Get ting ahead" may even be felt to be disloyal to one's group or race (Madsen, 1964). It is considered wiser to join with one's family and friends in the enjoyment of what one has, 12 than to be seeking after something so ephemeral as personal achievement or social mobility. The school experiences of the Mexican American child leave him with the feelings that he is not destined to suc ceed or acquire any status here (Heller, 1966). Both the school and the family leave him woefully unprepared in this area, beginning with the low I.Q.'s which his bilinguality and cultural emphases help to produce. Low expectation of success, both by the Mexican American himself and by the school, only increases his chance for low achievement. Sta tus on the basis of good scholarship becomes a rare achieve ment among this group. The youth then turns to other means of obtaining recognition. This has a tendency to lead to activities and friendships which may be of a deleterious nature, or unlawful. Discriminatory views of teachers, law enforcement officers, and even his own family, further this process. Newton Metfessel, in a mimeographed sheet in 1967, expressed it this way: CULTURALLY DEPRIVED OR CULTURAL SCHIZOPHRENIC GROUP Mexican-American 1. Bi-Cultural. Frustrated state. Own patterns are being rejected. New patterns not understood. 2. Family relationship breaking down. 3. Begins a rejection of school. Has seldom encountered a success. Has seldom met encouragement. 4. Becoming defensive, frustrated, and alienated. 5. Joins a peer group for support. 6. Most threatening group to a teacher. 7. Most threatening group to a community. 8. Most threatening group nationally.. The reverence for tradition which the Mexican Ameri can family displays in general has a great deal to do with the very survival of the culture, as well as their sense of family, group, and race. The last-named of these, La Raza, is felt as a kind of mysterious kinship by which all Mexican Americans are members of the same kin, and extends readily to the people of Mexico themselves (Heller, 1966). Kinship ties are very strong and carry obligations of mutual aid, respect, and affection. Sometimes, such ties are extended beyond blood relatives by the ritual kinship of compadrazgo, which.establishes all the ties of blood kinship. Kinship ties, and feelings for group identity and La Raza, vary within the Mexican American group itself. They are much stronger among the poor and socially depressed than among those of higher status or greater social mobility. Review of the Literature This research borrows heavily for its background literature on many of the social and physical sciences. However, the review of the literature concerns itself only with that literature which contributes to an understanding of the persistent delinquent and his problems. Such litera 14 ture may be found in such fields as physiology, sociology, psychology, ego psychology, ethology, self psychology, as well as psychosocial research. Some pertinent glimpses of Mexican American culture as they pertain to the persistent delinquent are included. Such a wide background is particu larly helpful in viewing this complex problem, as it has so many roots, and touches upon so many of the roots of our own, as well as Mexican American, culture. It is also necessary because the causes are not truly defined at this point in time. Many views must therefore be considered, if only, in the case of some, to be temporarily abandoned. The problem of delinquency is met principally where it is found, among its male youth. Heller (1961) found that there were six times as many boys among Mexican Americans who contribute to the statistics concerning delinquency as there are girls. Carl Rogers (1942) asked whether there were factors in the elementary school environment which are less satisfactory to the adjustment of boys than of girls. Pupils who are disliked by their peers often react by decreasing their positive feelings for these children (Havighurst, 1949). Aggressive-assertive and passive-hos tile children become adept at behaving in ways which disrupt the classroom, which only increase as these children under stand how their peers feel about them. There is also a tendency for teachers to criticize boys who are little valued or respected by their peers, more so than those who 15 are respected. Such problems and attitudes of devaluation appear often in the homes and surroundings of the lower- class student, accustoming him to feelings of lowered self valuation and esteem. Neither the home nor the school usually expects academic accomplishment from these children; soon the children themselves expect failure, and receive it. The .literature of the -several disciplines concerned with the problems of delinquency shows how interest in the delinquent's characteristics and in the major socializing influences impinging upon him. There is frequent discussion of his aggressiveness (Glueck, 1952), his poor self-concept (Friedlander, 1947), his relatively poor education (Kvara- ceus, 19 59), his propensity for coming from homes which are broken or in conflict (Glueck, 1952), from parents who are essentially failures, as well as from homes in which super ego development was faulty (Szurek, 1942). His "show-off" behavior is readily identifiable, much of which is destruc tive to what the majority holds to be important. It is known that he flirts with both danger and punishment (Lind ner, 1944). In short, something is known about the delin quent's traits, but little is known about the reasons for those traits. The very scope of the field of human deviance, in which implications extend into many areas of human behavior, impels us to consider information from whatever source seems applicable, and sometimes from far afield. Many traits have 16 been found to occur in the presence of delinquency, but they cannot be said never to occur among nondelinquents. Other authors have other sets of traits or characteristics, but end up with the same lack of delineation between delinquents and nondelinquents, which they do not seem to have expected. Statistical tendencies remain to tease the expert statisti cian, but they seldom materialize with further investiga tion. One reason for the difficulty is that there are many kinds of delinquents, such as the "sociologically determined delinquency seen in slum areas" (Szurek, 1942). Yet many psychoanalytic authors, as well as those interested in organic causes, expect to find singly determined behavior. Recent evidence and more sophisticated theory indi cate that any expectation of such neat division of human characteristics is grossly unrealistic (Gough and Peterson, 1952). The delinquent may not be acting as he does because of any set of traits. A more realistic interpretation of his social deviance may lie in other things, such as in his handling of conditions and characteristics, his attitudes, his tendency to over-react violently, his lack of efficient "brakes" on his behavior, his interpretation of events, and, particularly, the manner in which he and his society inter pret experience. In this view, attention is drawn to the total individual and cultural patterns rather than to any trait list of social or personality characteristics. The 17 significance which the individual gives to events varies according to his cultural, experiential, and constitutional background from which he interprets events. Such is the viewpoint of those culture-aware anthropologists, psycholo gists, and psychiatrists beginning with Edward Sapir and extending through Margaret Mead, Ruth Benedict, Robert Lind ner, Clyde Kluckhohn, Abraham Kardiner, Erik Erikson, and. others (Sapir, 1958; Lindner, 1944; Kluckhohn, 1946; Conant, 1955; Benedict, 1934; Kardiner, 1945). Their concept of the human condition takes into- consideration the cultural matrix which the individual draws upon in forming his very identity and in interpreting individual and group experiences. This becomes of particular importance in referring to the economically-deprived Mexican American, where the cultural matrix is so different from that of the majority. Schools of Thought Physiological Theories Those theorists who take a predominantly organic view are of the opinion that physical factors, chiefly those of neurological tissue, cause the social deviance which we see. These are considered to be neurological defects which keep the individual from developing the usual reactions to social conditioning, i.e., anxiety and guilt, which are usually thought to be necessary to the establishment of the "normal" personality (Thompson, 1953). However, vague defi- 18 nitions, or none at all, and criteria which are undefined, limit acceptance of many conclusions from these sources. For example, Gottlieb, Ashley, and Knott (1946) state that 54 per cent of their psychopathic patients have some "ances tral taint," such as epilepsy, "maladjusted personality," or alcoholism. Much reference in medical sources is made to the atypical brain waves found on electroencephalograms of psychopaths, and some evidence has been presented to show that persons with character disorders do have a higher inci dence of abnormal brain waves than normals. Thus, Ostrow and Ostrow (1946) found a relationship between such brain waves and so-called "crimes." However, seldom is it men tioned that many so-called "normal" persons have such abnormal wave patterns and do not act out against society. The Sociological Approach A great deal of older research into delinquency, for example Shaw and McKay's (1942) cultural transmission the ory, is still quite appropriate. Much of this, as well as the research which followed (Cohen, 1955) conceives of the continual presence of delinquency among the lower socioeco nomic strata to be due to the tradition of delinquency which lingers on. Earlier, Sutherland (1934) had worked out a like approach in his "differential association" theory, again being in essence a cultural transmission theory. Rob ert Merton's (1938) explanations of the deviant behavior 19 found in the slum areas, in Social Structure and Anomie again implicated the limited means of sharing in the Ameri can dream of egality which are open to the low-status person as the major cause of the alienation found among them. Albert Cohen (1955) replicated some of these ideas with a more sophisticated idea of social stratification to explain that the delinquent subculture is absorbed by the low-status individual mainly because there is very little else open to him. The dream of egalitarianism, the emphasis on social mobility and success, is closed because of prejudice and discrimination from the schools on upward through the hiring hall, and the inexperience of the low-status individual him self. Cohen again discusses the differences between the traditions in lower- and middle-class cultures, such as the acceptance of hard work among the middle class, the long periods of dependency, the emphasis on acceptable dress and manner, and the deemphasis on physical aggression and other forms of violence. He finds that all of the institutions which supposedly cater to the lower class, the church, school, and boys' clubs, are prejudiced toward the middle- class boy. The working-class boy, with little reason to accede to these goals, and little or no experience with them, finds difficulty in being acceptable anywhere. Mid dle-class values and goals are foreign to him, make little sense, fill him with shame if he tries to fulfill them, and he finds no real reason to adopt them. His experience in the middle-class world about him makes him feel frustrated and more dissatisfied. He seeks other expression for his frustration than among the middle class, and other groups with which to identify. This, then, is where the delinquent subculture offers its refreshing bulwark in a world in which he feels hurt and inferior. Together, the lower-class boys develop new sets of goals and values, ones with which they feel com fortable. These new values do not hurt the boys of lower class, although they may hurt the outsider who once hurt them. Other boys are attracted by the group as companions, by their loneliness, and their desires to belong. Here Cohen goes beyond his data and attributes the establishment of a delinquent subculture to a reaction-formation against the rejection which the working-class boy felt among the middle class, an hypothesis which implies that he yearns for acceptance by the latter. Cohen's major points, then, seem to consist in the ambivalence toward the middle class which the working-class boy feels. However, as Kitsuse and Dietrick (1959) argue, this is a cornerstone of Cohen's description of the delin quent subculture. This demonstrates a lack of independence between description and hypothesis and makes an empirical test of his theory impossible. Cohen has other points to make, such as that the working-class boy's relationships 21 with his peers are of more importance than those of the mid dle class. However, if this is so, there is little basis for the development of the reaction formation against the middle-class group, for that would assume an internalization of middle-class values. These authors believe that if Cohen's theory were turned around, and attention placed on the malice of the gangs, then the rejection of others, especially that of middle-class individuals, might be better understood. It is the latter which causes many of the problems for the gangs and insures the continuance of the gang culture. Multiple Causation Other authors among the sociologists have borrowed here and there from the discipline of psychology and find a multiple causation to be a much more probable thesis. Shel don and Eleanor Glueck's comprehensive studies (Glueck, 1952) find five factors which are important in the history of their delinquents: father's discipline, mother's super vision, father's affection for son, mother's affection, and cohesiveness of family. However, they state that it is doubtful whether any single factor can be found which would be sufficient to account for persistent delinquency. Albert Deutsch also believes that there is a tre mendous range of differences among the delinquents he found, with no single cause of paramount importance. He finds dif ferences in personality, physical development, background, 22 and mental and emotional factors (Deutsch, 1950) . The New York City Youth Board studied the work of the Gluecks over a number of years. Their studies indi cated (Herzog, 1960) that the scales are fine as postdictive studies, in that they are able to select the majority of future delinquents from a given group. However, used pre- dictively, they are quite faulty in showing which of a num ber of boys so selected would become delinquent. The char acteristics selected do appear in most delinquent children's backgrounds, yet studies of children from similar back grounds do not show that most of these children become delinquent (New York City Youth Board Research Department, 1957) . Elizabeth Herzog (1960) finds that the figures reported by the Gluecks lead to false impressions of the data. Although they defined delinquency as acts which, when committed by persons older than sixteen would be punishable as crimes,'they included children who showed evidences of such things as school behavior problems, "delinquent traits," "antisocial behavior," and mental illness, thus spuriously raising the incidence of "delinquents." Upon recomputing the percentages, without these last four groups, Herzog found that the percentage fell to 3 7 per cent accu racy in the category having the highest probability of delinquency, 43 for the next category, 63 per cent for the third highest, and 93 per cent for "those rated as having 23 the lowest probability of delinquency." Herzog concludes with the observation that the higher accuracy of the last group comes from the fact that most children do not become delinquent. She states: "Had a prediction of nondelin quency been made for all of the children observed, it would have been 96 per cent accurate so far." A KD Proneness (Kvaraceus Delinquency) Scale and Check List, authored by Dr. William Kvaraceus, is to be filled out by a close observer of the subject (Kvaraceus, 1959). Kvaraceus did not expect predictive efficiency, but his scales have shown excellent postdictive correlations. This author knew and set the limitations on his own devices, never assuming a validity beyond that actually achieved, and claiming only that his scales can predict groups of children from which the most delinquents will come. This has been fulfilled with various groups. William F. Whyte is also identified as a proponent of the "lower-class culture" view. However, he speaks from a background of cultural anthropology with experience in the street-worker program (Whyte, 19 43). As such, his viewpoint differs in some degree from those of the sociologists about which this paper is largely concerned. To him, the problem is a culturally-defined one, viewing the lower-class culture on a somewhat holistic basis (Bordua, 1960). This anthro pological view tends to search out the values, goals, ambi tions, and morals that are held there, within the working- 24 class group itself, still as a portion of the larger culture but with a culture of its own. This appears to present a more complete, valuable, comfortable system to its adherents than is usually ascribed to them in the former viewpoint. His observations were made in areas containing minority group people (Italian) who had not made that great cultural climb upward into other socioeconomic groups. While much progress has come from these fields as well as related ones, some indications remain that the pat terns, tendencies, and characteristics found in the presence of delinquency are not limited to the deprived social areas of our culture. Delinquency among Higher Socioeconomic Groups Some research done with delinquents in higher socio economic groups is most interesting. Herskovitz, Levine, and Spivack (19 59) studied records of male adolescents at the Devereux Schools following delinquent behavior and police contact. These were matched with controls without police contact but similar in age, frequency of psychosis, and brain damage. Both groups contained individuals with severe emotional conflicts. Parental attitudes of the po lice-contact boys were similar to those found in the Gluecks' (1957) studies: indifference or outright hostility was found toward the boys, along with the latters' lack of desire to emulate their fathers, and the mothers' indulgent 25 or overprotective attitudes toward the boys. The fathers were frequently reported as being distant, cold, and usually disappointed in the sons. In the police-contact group, a larger number of the boys was adopted than in the control group, a fact which may have increased the rejective atti tude of the father and his own keen disappointment in feel ing ashamed of the boy. But none of these experiences was strictly culturally defined. They were each the result of the individual's experiences in a society, primarily the home and family. Such exaggerations of the distant, busy father, and the too-indulgent mother are not culture-born. They may, instead, constitute the very differences from cul tural ideals which stimulated the children's nonacceptance of their parents. These authors agree that the fathers of delinquents are often indifferent or hostile (Deutsch, 1950), and the mothers frequently overprotective. Alter nating maternal gratification and frustration of the chil dren's instincts is mentioned by Herskovitz, et al. (1949), by Friedlander (1947) , as well as by Aichhorn (1964), thus repeatedly redefining, in all socioeconomic groups, traits which occur frequently in the presence of delinquency in upper classes. American Patterns of Violence There are certain patterns in American culture which are "crime-breeding," in and of themselves, to use the phrase of Albert Deutsch (1950). Our culture is often seen 26 as materialistic and violent, and as seeming to condone a certain amount of law-breaking. As a people, we tend to select those laws we choose to obey and to disregard others with little or any guilt feelings. (Deutsch, 1950, p. 106) Deutsch believes that there are poison wells at which our children drink which stimulate criminal tenden cies . There is much conflict in our society about being law-abiding or delinquent, but it is a serious question that such conflicts, in and of themselves, would tend to swing the balance against a life of morality. Our society is a dynamic society, and is also in conflict concerning just what the highest kind of morality is. Conflicts which the older-generation feels concerning law-breaking do have a severe influence upon the young (Porges, 1963). However, violence which leaves the individual boy conflicted concern ing his very masculinity, is of much more import (Toby, 1966). The Psychological Viewpoint Differences among those disciplines focusing on the individual experience in contrast to the group or social experience may conflict or coincide at different times. However, the attention of the psychological viewpoint is primarily that of the individual. This individual, when newly born into society, may be described as one whose behavior seems close to that of the sociopath: aggressive, impulsive, selfish, and without feelings of guilt (McCord and McCord, 1956) . He uses every device of which he is capable to achieve his personal goals, only gradually coming to discern that others have rights and needs, and this through the complicated process of identification (Erikson, 1959) . However, the infant has the "normal" potential of developing into the average human adult, which the sociopath does not, without extensive remediation. The child normally learns that he needs that which the adult may choose to give or withhold. Satisfaction becomes security, as the child slowly or rapidly learns ways of obtaining what he needs, chiefly from the maternal figure. He then tries to govern his total behavior so that love will not be withdrawn, or so that he may obtain pleasure from the approval of his par ents . During these first few years, the infant's interest shifts from one body zone to another, being localized finally into the psychosexual desires stimulated by the one who brings him the most attention and love. The boy who is normal learns quickly, however, that his fantasies will bring him no reward. His envy of his father's position and the favors he receives might lose that father to him, and he learns to repress his infantile desires because of the dangers they imply (Friedlander, 1947) . So the boy both loves and fears the father whom he had recently envied, but soon learns that newer fantasies hold other possibilities for him. For as he imagines he is that man, in such a half- 28 conscious fashion he learns to identify with his father, be cause that is what he must do (Noyes, 1958). He adopts the father's values and attitudes as well as his general pattern of behavior, and learns to fear becoming feminine for what it might have lost him, his manhood and his very identity as a man. The girl, in her turn, identifies with the mother and finds happiness in that role (Friedlander, 1947). The psychoanalytic viewpoint finds that disturbance in this normal development are portents of later psychologi cal problems, especially of the sociopathic character forma tion. Friedlander (1947) , for example, believes that during the latency period the normal child becomes socialized. While he represses his desires in relation to his mother, at the same time, his ego is becoming strengthened through the acquisition of his many skills and intellectual achieve ments. Gradually he achieves more effective control of old instinctual demands. During this time, his Super Ego is also strengthened, and he finds new models and surrogates for his ideal self outside of his own home and at school. His behavior becomes socialized, or as close to it as he can make it, and he becomes a very good model of a future man. He usually tries harder at his lessons, especially if his parents encourage it, and tries to develop whatever traits are admired in his culture (Noyes, 19 58). The child who is unable to resolve his attraction for the opposite-sexed parent through identification with 29 the same-sexed parent cannot achieve this rapid socializa tion. It is because of this possibility of becoming like the parent whom he secretly envies, that the normal child can proceed with his personal identification, here adding to it and there changing it a little, thus making it his own (Aichhorn, 1955) . But for the child in conflict, or whose parents are conflicted about his role in the family, there is no end to the conflict. For if either parent is willing to substitute baby for the other parent, or is unwilling to accept Junior as a bundle of joy but still as their baby or child, that child may not make this great, largely uncon scious transition to the socialized child. Friedlander (1947) believes that the sociopath pos sesses original instinctual urges which may be unusually strong, an Ego which is apparently unusually weak, and a Super Ego lacking in normal independence. .She continues: These three factors are, as we have seen, interrelated; the lack of early modification of instinctive energy plays an important part in the weakness of the Ego, and in the disturbance of the formation of the Super Ego • • • To sum up: the antisocial character formation shows up the structure of a mind where instinctive urges remain unmodified and therefore appear in great strength, where the Ego, still under the dominance of the pleasure- principle and not suppprted by an independent Super-Ego, is too weak to gain control over the onrush of demands arising in the Id. (Friedlander, 1947, p. 94) Usually, psychoanalytically oriented workers agree that in this kind of early character formation lies a sus ceptibility to delinquency which, with other environmental 30 factors, may develop into the true sociopath. Although Aichhorn phrases it as "latent delinquency," he appears to suggest the same kind of susceptibility (Aichhorn, 1955). From Freudian Theory to Ego Psychology Those psychologists who have extended Freudian the ory beyond the limits of Viennese upper-class society which Freud knew so well, and are interested in dealing with the ego or conscious self, are generally termed ego psycholo gists. This study is concerned with man's adaptation to his environment (Hartmann, 19 58). It 'is concerned with all the details of his conscious experience and the preconscious processes, as well as the relationships between these two and the unconscious (Hartmann, 1958). In much of Freud's later work (Group Psychology and Analysis of the Ego, and Beyond the Pleasure Principle) as well as in that of Anna Freud, there is a growing concern with ego psychology. Anna Freud states that analysis was al ways concerned with the ego and its aberrations, and that the analysis of the id and its mode of operation was only a means to an end (Freud, A., 1946). She further delineates the goal of analysis as the restoration of the ego to its integrity (Hartmann, 19 58). Anna Freud can be considered to have laid the foundation for ego psychology as a legitimate field of interest in the psychoanalytic world, thus shifting interest from the instinctual spheres to those defenses 31 operating to control them. Hartmann considers that she was also able to integrate the concepts of specific defenses and reality relationships (Hartmann, 19 58) . Adaptation and Social Development These conceptualizations were further broadened by Hartmann into his own theory of adaptation (Hartmann, 1958). This further enlargement shows that the adaptation which instinct provides lower animals are in man centered in ego apparatuses. But the reality to which man adapts is created by man and his predecessors. Such a view is in accord, Hartmann states, with the basic views of psychoanalysis. He finds the matrix of all human behavior to be found in real ity, adaptedness and adaptation to reality (Rapaport, D., 1959). This conceptualization places Hartmann's view out side of those of many of the more classical, or Freudian, psychoanalysts. Although it was Hartmann who first put the role of social reality into these theoretical formulations, it was Erikson whose thesis, extending Hartmann's own position, united behavioral epigenesis and environmental conditions (Rapaport, 19 59) . Rapaport phrases it this way: In Erikson's conceptions neither does the individual adapt to society nor does society mold him into its pat tern; rather society and individual form a unity within which a mutual regulation takes place. The social institutions are preconditions of individual develop ment, and the developing individual's behavior in turn elicits that help which society gives through its adult 32 members' direction by its institutions and traditions. Society is not merely a prohibitor or provider; it is the necessary matrix of the development of all behavior. (Rapaport, 1959, p. 65). This becomes an outline of the individual's social development that differs from the classical psychoanalytic assumption of the individual becoming socialized. For Erik son, and Hartmann to some extent, believe that society makes him a member by taking charge of, or influencing, the manner in which he solves the tasks of his epigenetic development (Erikson, 19 63). Such tasks are, of course, the nemesis of the antisocial individual (Rusk, 19 64). Erikson finds the end result, in adulthood, of such stages is an integration of all identifications which takes on a different quality, however, than the sum of its parts (Erikson, 1950) . All of the identity tasks fit into place in an identity which the individual has achieved at matur ity. Identity-formation has taken place, but is to continue throughout life. Malformation of this identity may come from the un counted neurotic, psychotic, and psychopathic influences in the individual himself, or in his environment. Identity diffusion is the opposite to identity formation, and happens if the individual has not found an identity which he can accept. This condition of not knowing who one is, is the continuation of trying new identities because one is so insecure concerning his identity (Erikson, 1959) . Negative Identity The antisocial individual has chosen a negative identity, one which the society, and perhaps the family, find unacceptable and even dangerous. These are roles which have been presented to the individual as undesirable at dif ferent times. This decision to take on such an identity is a desperate attempt to become somebody, at least, when the individual believes that it is not possible for him to be come acceptable, but he wants to be somebody even if his choice is socially unacceptable. Erikson (1963) calls it a vindictive choice, an attempt to regain some mastery when all else fails. Such individuals seek collective relief in gangs and cliques involved in antisocial behavior. Ethology Ego psychology is undergoing a reformation from the field of ethology. For although Freud (1944) recognized the kinds of repetitive acts which make for disorder in the growing organism, Piaget (1932), Gesell (1941), and many others have become interested in the maturational processes and the readiness of the individual for learning and acquir ing ever more complex knowledge at identifiable stages during childhood. Ethologists contribute to this understanding by such descriptions of the complex social behavior of the many species of animals such as Lorenz (1952) and Hess (1959) have pioneered and enlarged upon. They describe certain 34 so-called instinctual behavior which may be interfered with artificially. When nest-building, for example, is made impossible by the removal of the necessary materials, such animals are then unable later, during pregnancy, to carry out these functions even if the materials are then made available. Lorenz (1952), and others, Hess (1959), have carefully described the process of imprinting, indicating that there are critical periods in a young animal's life after hatching when it follows any moving object which it takes to be its mother. Thereafter its behavior will be so inextricably modified that it will not recognize its own kind and will associate with and be interested in only the objects of its imprinting. Further experiments indicate that there may be crit ical periods during infancy in many species for the learning of what are essentially adaptive behaviors. From this field have come insights which modify our thinking concerning adaptation, learning, identification, and all behavior. Lorenz (1952) drew our attention to the consideration of instinct as an internal drive, rather than a preset action which was incapable of modification. He considered it as leading to a particular action pattern, as it releases the tension implicit in the drive itself. Later authors (Hess, 1959) consider the instincts to be less rigid than even Lorenz thought. Further experimentation shows that, al though the organism seeks to discharge its fixed-action- 35 pattern, and thus relieve the tension at certain times, it also seeks certain environmental situations, thus allowing for a consideration of some purposiveness in this action. Some environmental conditions can stop certain behavior, thus confirming the perception of an environmental situation as a consummatory stimulus (Thorpe, 1957). Thus is again demonstrated the tremendous signifi cance of early learning, bringing important new questions to the fore in the field of delinquency theory. For the selec tion of a "parent," of an imprinting object may be tremen dously influenced by the criticality of time. The implica tions of this choice, and the consequent influence in the molding of personal identification, are far-reaching, and perhaps outweigh the significance of much other data from this new field. The psychoanalytic view of the outstanding significance of early experience is also supported here. The Self Psychologists As American psychologists began to work in clinical areas they tended to find the earlier writings of Freud inappropriate to their setting, and their own rather exten sive training in behaviorism too limited to account for their observations. They came to study the later writings of Freud and revised psychoanalytic ideas. Wylie (1961) sees the functionalists' introspective methods and the Ges- taltists' phenomenological theories as contributing greatly to the American brand of psychology. Such writers as Adler, 36 Fromm, Horney, Maslow, Rogers, Snygg and Combs, and Sullivan are well-known examples of what came to be accepted on the American scene. All of these writers of the past two de cades assign more importance to the self concept, phenomenal or nonphenomenal, cognitive and motivational. For example, Rogers, one of the outstanding exponents of the self psy chologies , puts greatest importance on ideas concerning the self, on understanding the self as crucial to adjustment, and as motivating behavior. This is not antithetical to the beliefs of the ego psychologists, except that they would place some importance also on the id and the superego. Rogers aims at an understanding of the conscious self and its ability to control behavior. He states that the self- Gestalt should be firmly organized, with no contradictory materiai even dimly perceived for the self to be seen as worthy and acceptable (1951) . Behavior is then consistent with concepts of the self-structure. In such theories, de linquency takes place when the individual has come to have either conflicting ideas of the self, or to see the self as antisocial and noncontributing to smooth social organiza tion. Psychosocial Research The psychosocial viewpoint considers both the sociological and psychological implications together. Gough and Peterson (1952) have written rather successfully in the area of antisocial behavior from this viewpoint. They have 37 taken items from roletaking theory, as well as other items which they believed on intuitive grounds would distinguish delinquents from nondelinquents. This instrument was then called their Delinquency Scale, and was administered to a large variety of individuals from socialized groups as well as from antisocial groups such as reformatory inmates to discover if it would discriminate among them. Finally, sixty-four items were selected which were successful in this regard, and implied problems in understanding of others' roles, resentment against the family, feelings of despon dency and alienation, and poor academic adjustment in par ticular. They did not find the characteristics to be of a dichotomous nature, such as being found among criminals and delinquents and not among nondelinquents, but found them to be characteristic of many of the individuals in either group. The items were more characteristic of one or the other group, but not exclusively so. This work is interest ing because it pretended to be only what it was. It was not described as a prediction scale, but as a postdiction scale, having only the power to discriminate between most delinquents and most nondelinquents. The theory behind the items is clear, that of roletaking theory as well as intui tion. In short, this research does not pretend to be any thing that it is not, and for what it is, it is remarkably successful. 38 Summary of Summaries In summary, beginning with an overview of the dis tinctive Mexican American way of life, each of several schools of thought regarding delinquency has been summar ized, delineated from the others, and discussed as to its contributions to the understanding of the delinquent. It is clear from these summaries that none of these can be over looked, as each has its insights, contributions, and its adherents, be they medical, sociological, or psychological in orientation. The medical viewpoint is that the individ ual- afflicted with psychopathy is the victim of a specific taint of neurological tissue, by birth, accident, or disease. The sociologist is likely to consider that the fault is sociological in nature, and results from social experiences. The psychological viewpoint tends to consider the individual experience as paramount, and psychopathy as the result of the individual's life history. It is only with Ego Psychology that we find a blending of the latter two viewpoints, and a consideration of the individual as a result of his own experience in his social milieu, and that social experience to be as important, or more so, than his individual experience in living, for it molds the individual to its own choosing and according to its own dictates. Statement of the Problem This study investigated an aspect of the dynamics of adjustment in delinquency. Postulating that delinquent acts 39 reflect reactions against deep-seated feelings of inadequacy or inferiority of the youths involved, it hypothesized that such feelings would be reflected in an overemphasis on mas culinity of behavior. The study specifically sought to determine whether these youths see themselves as inadequate, as alienated from the larger society, with a negative iden tity, and as rejecting of their own fathers. To provide a deeper understanding of the Mexican American youth, it was the further purpose to study the pat terns of identity formation and commitment or involvement which these boys expressed relative to the family, other social and religious groups, and to the larger society. General Hypothesis It was hypothesized that the delinquent boys would show less commitment to organized society as we know it. They should be less involved with the purposes of American social life, and with their own success as defined in our culture, than would the nondelinquent boys. Thus the nonde linquent boys are expected to be more interested in personal success and in "getting ahead," a goal not universally accepted among this minority group. However, in general, the delinquent boys are expected to be less involved with the goals of any organized society, and with their personal achievement as well, as it is ordinarily measured, than are the nondelinquent. In terms of test scores the hard-core delinquents 40 are expected to show lower profiles on certain of the CPI scales, higher profiles on the SAS, and to reveal socially undesirable traits in their TAT stories and HTP drawings. These expectations are presented in the form of detailed operational hypotheses in the middle of Chapter II. Each such hypothesis refers to a specific scale or trait, and indicates the direction of the expected difference between the delinquent and nondelinquent subjects. CHAPTER II ORGANIZATION The problem of the present study and a review of the related literature were outlined in Chapter I. In Chapter II the sample and the design of the study are presented, together with the hypotheses and description of statistical procedures. In Chapter III the findings will be described in detail, and Chapter IV will present a summary, conclu sions, and recommendations. The Sample A delinquent population of the desired age was ob tained through the California Youth Authority at the Cali fornia Reception Center and Clinic in Norwalk, California. These subjects were boys who were felt to have "failed" their probation sentences at County Probation Department facilities. They had been picked up for further offenses, sentenced to the Youth Authority, and committed to a Youth Authority Institution. The average boy does not become a Youth Authority responsibility until after two or three offenses, or a very serious incident, and that only after court commitment. Selection of this group was made to 41 42 insure that the experimental group was truly a delinquent population, and did not merely consist of boys who had been picked up for questioning or something as trivial as curfew violation. Boys of the same age who were known to the school as nondelinquent were obtained from the Salesian High School. They were chosen by selecting the lower of three groups in I.Q. and achievement of the school's tenth and eleventh grades. This is a school run by the Salesian Fathers and Brothers for boys in the high delinquency area of Soto and Whittier (9 60 South Soto Street), near the boundaries of East Los Angeles, but inside the Los Angeles City border. This school and this order of priests and brothers are dedi cated to salvaging boys who would be tempted to be delin quent, poorly educated, or less effective, partly because of the area in "which they live and the deprived conditions of their lives. The school provides some of the most efficient trade school courses at the high school level known in Los Angeles, besides providing academic material for the few college-bound youths among them. It is thus called a "com posite" high school, or a school for all vocations, and is partially supported by the Archdiocese of Los Angeles, although the boys are expected to pay the rather modest sum of $150 per year. This sum does not vary considerably from what it costs to attend a public school. Most of the boys work parttime, such as at Neighbor 43 hood Youth Corps jobs. Although some of these boys have been picked up by the police for minor violations, typical for the area, such as "curfew violation," they have not been involved in more serious crimes such as assault, car steal ing, or possession of drugs. Their very involvement in con tinuing their education here partially through their own efforts appears to be something toward keeping them law abiding. However, they do not differ in many qualities, nor in environment, from their fellows at the California Youth Authority Southern Reception Center and Clinic (S.R.C.C.). The mean I.Q. of the sample of boys at the Salesian High School used in the research was found to be 90, while the boys at the S.R.C.C. averaged only 80. Some of the boys at the Salesian High School were also from families on relief, as were more of the S.R.C.C. boys. The social class, as rated by Warner's Revised Index of the two groups, was remarkably similar. That of the families of the sample group at the Salesian High School was found to be mainly lower-low class, with twenty per cent upper-lower and lower- middle class, and that of the boys at the S.R.C.C. was found to be nearly all lower-low class with ten per cent among middle- and upper-low class and lower-middle class. Fewer of the Salesian boys' families (three) were found to be on welfare than those of the S.R.C.C., boys (six) . The Scales In view of the hypotheses, four instruments were chosen to detect the attitudinal differences between the delinquents and nondelinquents described in Chapter I. The California Psychological Inventory (Gough, 1957), and the Social Adjustment Scale (Rusk, 1964) , were used to reveal the more conscious attitudinal differences, while the The matic Apperception Test (Murray, 1943) and the House-Tree- Person Test were employed as devices to obtain understanding of some of the more subtle idiosyncratic reasons behind such differences. The CPI (Gough, 19 57) is an inventory which was developed essentially by (a) assembling a large number of statements of various types which appeared, on "face valid ity," to have something of significance to do with personal ity, and then (b) identifying criterion groups which dif fered in some attribute which was taken to be socially sig nificant or psychologically meaningful, and (c) developing a scoring key including the items found empirically to differ entiate between well- and maladjusted groups. The CPI is intended primarily for use with normal subjects, not mental patients, and strives to assess personality characteristics which are important in all social processes, even just getting along with others. The instrument has 480 true-false items, of which 460 are used in present scales, some from the MMPI and others being included to obtain data on social and personal attitudes and interests. Scores on the 18 present scales 45 offer a descriptive profile of the student or adult taking the questionnaire. The development and technical data supplied on the scale are considered by Cronbach to be of a high order (1959) . He reports the reliabilities as being carefully determined by retesting, the validities as determined by comparing groups which the scales set out to discriminate, and "dozens of cross validities on sizeable samples are reported." Norms based on several thousand cases, for males and females separately, are reported, although the sample groups differed markedly from each other. The criti cism is made by Cronbach that it might have been better to have used more representative samples, but the manual gives ample correlations with other tests in this area. The Social Adjustment Scale, or SAS, was developed by the present author in 1964 and refined for the present research. This was also developed by the method of "face validity." A criterion was defined against which the writer sought to relate a group of items, such as "feelings of inadequacy." Originally, fifteen statements in each of the areas were assembled, rated by three judges who were profes sional workers in the fields of delinquency and psychology, and revised, according to differentiating power. These statements were later put together in an inventory, in which each statement was followed by one from each area, in sequence, so that two from one area did not fall together in 46 the questionnaire. An additional scale from items already included in the inventory was constructed by analysis of internal consistency, around feelings of alienation. That is, fifteen responses which showed the best differentiating power between the delinquents and nondelinquents in the area of alienation were retained as an additional scale. This scale was composed of items which appeared to be concerned with alienation of the individual from his social and cul tural groups. These were pared down to ten items as was each other scale, again on the basis of differentiating power. However, they were used with only eighty cases orig inally, and some hundred in this research. The eighteen scales of the California Personality Inventory are divided into four classes and described by the authors (Gough, 1957). The reliabilities quoted are from a study of prison inmates as given by L. A. Bennett and A. Rudolf in the C.P.I. Manual (Gough, 1957). The communali- ties were run specifically on the data of this research, Program no. BMD-03M. Class I. Measures of poise, ascendancy, and self- assurance. 1. Do (dominance). To assess factors of leadership ability, dominance, persistence, and social initiative (r=.80, communality, h2= .733). 2. Cs (capacity for status). To serve as an index of capacity for status (not his actual or achieved status). The scale attempts to measure the personal qualities and attributes which underlie and lead to status (r=.80, h2 = .728) . 3. Sy (sociability). To identify persons of outgoing, 47 sociable, participative temperament (r=.84, h2=.749). 4. Sp (social presence). To assess factors such as poise, spontaneity, and self-confidence in personal and social interaction (r=.80, h2=.550). , —u 5. Sa (self-acceptance). To assess factors such as sense of personal worth, self-acceptance, and capacity for independent thinking and action (r=.71, h2=.634). 6. Wb (sense of well-being). To identify persons who minimize their worries and complaints, and who are rela tively free from self-doubt and disillusionment (r=.74, h2=.636). Class II. Measures~of Socialization, Maturity and Responsibility. 7. Re (responsibility). To identify persons of con scientious, responsible, and dependable disposition and temperament (r=.85, h2=.667). 8. So (socialization). To indicate the degree of social maturity, integrity, and rectitude which the individual has attained (r=.80, h2=.567). 9. Sc (self-control). To assess the degree and ade quacy. of self-regulation and self-control and freedom from impulsivity and self-centeredness (r=.86, h2=.797). 10. To (tolerance). To identify persons with permis sive, accepting, and non-judgmental social beliefs and attitude (r=.87, h2=.724). 11. Gi (good impression). To identify persons capable of creating a favorable impression, and who are con cerned about how others react to them (r=.81, h2=.783). 12. Cm (communality). To indicate the degree to which an individual's reactions and responses correspond to the modal ("common") pattern established for the inven tory (r=.58, h2=.618). Class III. Measures of Achievement Potential and Intel lectual Efficiency. 13. Ac (achievement via conformance). To identify those factors of interest and motivation which facili tate achievement in any setting where conformance is a positive behavior (r=.79, h2=.590). 14. Ai (achievement via independence). To identify 48 those factors of interest and motivation which facili tate achievement in any setting where autonomy and inde pendence are positive behaviors (r=.71, h2=.734). 15. Ie (intellectual efficiency). To indicate the degree of personal and intellectual efficiency which the individual has attained (r=.80, h2=.671). Class IV. Measures of Intellectual and Interest Modes. 16. Py (psychological-mindedness) . To measure the degree to which the individual is interested in, and responsive to, the inner needs, motives, and experiences of others (r=.53, hz=.524). 17. Fx (flexibility) . To indicate the degree of flexi bility and adaptability of a person's thinking and social behavior (r=.49, h2=.608). 18. Fe (femininity). To assess the masculinity or femininity of interests. High scores indicate more feminine interests, low scores more masculine (r=.73, h2=.479). The six scales of the Social Adjustment Scale have the following meanings: Inadequacy. To measure the degree to which the individual feels inadequate in given situations. Negative Identity. To assess the degree to which the individual has developed a negative identity, or an identity apart from the usual goals and ideals of the society of which he is a part (h2=.563). Compulsive Masculinity. To measure the degree to which the individual is interested in demonstrating, through his behavior, a masculine image (h2=.469). Alienation. To indicate the degree to which the individual's goals and attitudes differ from those com monly held in this society (h2=.690). Resentment and Rebellion. To assess the amount of resentfulness and rebellion which the individual has within him (h2=.644). Rejection of Father. To indicate the degree to which the individual rejects what his father stands for or stood for, and taught him about adjusting to society and "getting along" in life (h2=.690). The CPI has been used in research on delinquency (Gough, 1952). 49 The Social Adjustment Scale (SAS) has also been used with delinquents and nondelinquents (Rusk, 1964). The CPI was used here without modification, as the instrument has already been refined and standardized. However, the SAS was refined in 1967 for this particular research. The questions were designed to take more advantage of the minority, deprived youth's particular cultural reference toward suc cess in general, as well as other problems which boys often have who get into trouble with the law. The interest of the CPI is in effective behavior, emphasizing universal behavioral tendencies, and tending to identify and maximize the positive and favorable aspects of personality. Thus the deprived youth of minority group background might tend to fall toward the lower end of the scales, both delinquent and nondelinquents alike. The con cerns of the CPI are particularly applicable to this re search in which the interest is not with delinquency per se, but is also with the ability of the youth to be an effective individual, to make his grades in school and to graduate, to prepare to enter into an occupational field, and to achieve in that field by "getting along" with his boss and his co workers, as well as by his productivity. Here we are inter ested in all effective behavior, though only some of it is measured. Any behavior which will help the individual to succeed outside of criminal or delinquent activity, in the ordinary pursuit of interests, occupations, and school work, 50 is of great importance. These boys, born on the "wrong" side of town, or at least the more difficult side of town, have much working against them already. It is hard for them to travel strictly legal paths, and many vary somewhat. For they have to work against the scorn of their fellows if they do not engage in illegal or at least anti-authoritarian behavior, such as at school. The present interest is in the ones who survive in this environment to keep a clean record, and manage to go straight, no matter how tough the going. And here, on the east side of Los Angeles, in the heart of the high-delinquency area, it is difficult to "go straight." The scales of the CPI and the SAS are particularly fitting for the purposes of this, research. Related, as they are, to broad personal and socially relevant concepts, they seemed appropriate for a study which is interested in the total human being and his behavior, effective and ineffec tive. The scales of the CPI have been repeatedly cross validated, having been empirically derived in the first place. The inventory is self-administering with no time limits involved. The statements are designed for any age range from adolescence through adulthood. Projective drawings of the House-Tree-Person were also administered to about one-third of the boys, randomly chosen. Both the delinquents and the nondelinquents were very interested in doing this test, as it gave them some 51 opportunity for self-expression beyond the paper-and-pencil style of the group tests. House-tree-person drawings were requested of all subjects. The interest in these varied a great deal, with most of them protesting that they "couldn't draw," but pro ceeding to give fair samples of their abilities. The Hypotheses The CPI was designed for the average, normally adjusted subject, and scores less than the norm depict poor adjustment. Eight hypotheses were formulated for scales of the CPI: H (1): The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly lower mean score than the nondelinquents on the Sa scale (Self-acceptance). H (2) : The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly lower mean score than the nondelinquents on the Re scale (Responsibility). H (3) : The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly lower mean score than the nondelinquents on the So scale (Socialization). H (4) : The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly lower mean score than the nonde'linquents on the Sc scale (Self-control). H (5) : The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly lower mean score than the nondelinquents on the Gi scale (Good Impression). H (6): The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly lower mean score than the nondelinquents on the Ac scale (Achievement via Conformance). H (7): The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly lower mean score than the nondelinquents on the Ie scale (Intellectual Efficiency). H (8): ’ The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly lower mean score than the nondelinquents on the Fe scale (Femininity). This latter was expected because of the apparent feminine identification of some of the delinquent boys, which showed up on some of the drawings done in a pilot study. Similar hypotheses were formulated for all six scales of the SAS, except the latter was designed for the purpose of detecting delinquent trends rather than "normal ity" as was the case with the CPI, so that delinquent sub jects are expected to make higher scores than nondelinquents (Rusk, 19 64). These six hypotheses were accordingly: H (9): The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly higher mean score than the nondelinquents on the Inadequacy scale. H (10): The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly higher mean score than the nondelinquents on the Compulsive Masculinity scale. H (11): The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly higher mean score than the nondelinquents on the 53 Negative Identity scale. H (12): The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly higher mean score than the nondelinquents on the Resentment and Rebellion scale. H (13): The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly higher mean score than the nondelinquents on the Rejection of Father scale. H (14): The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly higher mean score than the nondelinquents on the Alienation scale. In addition to these fourteen comparisons of the delinquent and nondelinquent boys in terms of scores obtained from paper-and-pencil questionnaires, two projec tive techniques, the TAT (Thematic Apperception Test, Murray, 1943), and the HTP Technique (House-Tree-Person, Buck and Jolles, 1941), were used. One hypothesis was formulated regarding the TAT stories: H (15): The delinquent subjects will feel less respon sible for their actions, and will tend to shift the blame for their present predicament to their parents, their schools, the police, etc. They will therefore feel sorry for themselves as being the victims of ex ternal pressures. The nondelinquents will show this pattern to a lesser extent; they will show feelings of responsibility (in particular they will show that they don't want to disap- 54 point their families); they will also show more purpose in life, tending to retain some"goal or objective in their behavior. This was not as simply phrased a hypothesis as the previous fourteen, but it was felt that H (15), as stated here, did describe two very different general attitudes which constitute virtually polar opposites of what might be a highly relevant dimension of personality. The HTP drawings were expected to indicate (or at least suggest) five differences between the delinquent and nondelinquent groups: H (16): The delinquents will show more deviance in gen eral than the nondelinquents. H (17): The "persons" drawn by the delinquents will more often be unusual than those drawn by the nondelin quents in two ways: (a) an exaggerated display of machismo (loosely defined as "masculinity"), in drawing more muscles, beards, etc., on their figures, and (b) more of them will draw female figures. H (18): The delinquents will tend to make very immature drawings, and will do so more often than the nondelin quents . H (19): The delinquents will more often draw "stick people," and rudimentary houses and trees. H (20) : The delinquents will more often try superfi cially to be humorous in their drawings ("clowning") 55 than the nondelinquents. It was felt that this might be a defense against taking the task seriously, and pos sibly a lack of identification with the goals of the surrounding society. Three further hypotheses compared the total delin quent group with the total nondelinquent group on other characteristics. H (21): The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly higher mean score than the nondelinquents on Chronological Age. H (22): The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly lower mean score than the nondelinquents on Question 8 (years lived with mother or stepmother). H (23): The delinquent subjects will yield a signifi cantly lower mean score than the nondelinquents on Question 9. There were therefore twenty-three formal hypotheses, plus similar comparisons on the remaining ten CPI scales (to discover whether any other significant differences might exist, in view of the suspected "overlap" or substantial positive correlations among various of the CPI scales). Tests of the significance of differences between means were performed on these other ten scales exactly as if hypotheses had been proposed for them. 56 Further Analyses of Trait Differences between Assaultive and Nonassaultive Delinquents A further set of comparisons was made, not to explore the differences between the delinquent and nondeli quent groups, but to ascertain whether within the delinquent group, significant differences might exist between assaul tive and nonassaultive cases. The two groups will be com pared by the method of a t-test of the difference between their means on each scale. These hypotheses of difference between the means of two subdivisions of the delinquent group concerned only the eighteen CPI scales, the six SAS scales, the Chronological Ages, and Questions 8 and 9 (regarding length of time lived with father or stepfather, and mother or stepmother), as appended to the SAS questionnaire. Hypotheses regarding the differences expected were as follows: H (24): The assaultives will yield a significantly lower mean score on the CPI scales. H (25): The assaultives will yield a significantly higher mean score on the SAS scales. H (26): The assaultives will yield a significantly higher mean score on Chronological Age than the nonas- saultives. H (27): The assaultives will yield a significantly lower mean score on Question 8 (length of time lived with mother or stepmother). H (28): The assaultives will yield a significantly 57 lower mean score on Question 9 (length of time lived with father or stepfather) . Administration These inventories and the projective drawings were administered to groups of boys of about 20 each, with explanations given by the investigator. These explanations were similar in all essential details. Each subject was instructed to fill out all answers by a response indicating degrees of "trueness" on a true-false continuum, in the case of the SAS, and either "true" or "false" in the case of the CPI. Little variation was desired in the instructions and little given. Assistance was given where reading or English skills were not adequate. All tests were administered by the present investigator. The TAT was administered to a random group of 10 of the delinquents and 10 of the nondelinquents. These were chosen by the simple method of their presence either before or after the tests, and their availability to the investi gator. Delimitations of the Study The two groups of boys who were studied were delin quents and nondelinquents. Each group was composed of male youths of Mexican American ancestry. The delinquent group were boys under California Youth Authority commitment. These were boys who were felt to have failed their probation 58 with the county authorities, inasmuch as they had gotten into criminal or delinquent activity again. As they had been institutionalized for at least two times, these indi viduals were, known as recidivists in this research. It was felt that more marked differences would result in both atti tudes and expressed values because the delinquent group was markedly delinquent and the nondelinquent group was composed of individuals of the same environmental background with no known delinquent pattern. Definitions of Terms and Operational Constructs Delinquent: An underage person who commits a seri ous offense. However, for the purposes of this research, a delinquent is one who has been on probation at least twice and has become a ward of the California Youth Authority because of his repeated delinquencies. Antisocial reaction: This term refers to chronically antisocial individuals who are always in trouble, profiting neither from expe rience nor punishment, and maintaining no real loyalties to any person, group, or code. They are frequently cal lous, and hedonistic, showing marked emotional immatur ity with lack of sense of responsibility, lack of judge ment, and inability to rationalize their behavior so that it appears warranted, reasonable and justified. This term includes cases previously classified as "constitutional psychoathic state" and psychopathic per sonality" (American Psychiatric Association, 1952, p. 38) . Sociopath: A person with an antisocial personality. 59 An individual showing a serious lack of ability to make a normal adjustment to society. Here used to describe a per sistent, or recidivist, delinquent. Psychopath: A person without 'the ability to make a normal adjustment to society, or, an individual with an antisocial personality. Identification: Adoption of the personality charac teristics or identity of another as one's own, one who pos sesses advantages which the individual wishes to have. Identity: Here, the term identity points to an individual's link with the unique values, fostered by a unique history, of his people . . . It is this identity of something in the individual's core with an essential aspect of a group's inner coherence . . . At one time, then, it will appear to refer to a con scious sense of individual identity; at another to an unconscious striving for a continuity of personal char acter: at a third, as a criterion for the silent doings of ego synthesis: and, finally, as a maintenance of an inner solidarity with a group's ideals and identity. (Erikson, 1959, p. 102) Recidivist delinquent: Refers to minors who have been guilty two or more times of a law violation as deter mined by a judge of Los Angeles, or neighboring, County Juvenile Court. Nondelinquent: Refers to boys who are not commonly known as delinquents. Some of these boys have had contact with the police but are not known to have been institution 60 alized. Institutionalization: Process of being remanded to an institution. In this paper, the institutions referred to are corrective in nature, and the individuals so sentenced have been placed in such institutions as Juvenile Hall (a county institution), Probation Department Camps run by the County, or the various institutions run by the California Youth Authority. The Southern Reception Center and Clinic at Norwalk is an example of the latter, and is the place at which the delinquent boys were tested. CHAPTER III FINDINGS Introduction The general purpose of this study was discussed in Chapter I. More specifically, it was hypothesized that there are attitudinal differences between delinquent and nondelinquent youths of similar racial and socioeconomic backgrounds, and that these differences would be reflected in scores made by these two groups on certain questionnaires or scales. As noted in Chapter II, both samples consisted of male Mexican Americans between the ages of 15 1/2 and 19 1/2, each of the delinquents having had at least one pre vious commitment, while none of the controls had been involved in any serious offenses. Both samples were low in I.Q, and reading ability, and came from the same general neighborhood near East Los Angeles. Therefore, any signifi cant differences that might be observed could be attributed at least in part to differences of attitude which result in one boy becoming delinquent, while an otherwise similar boy does not. Most other attributes, such as emotional distur bance and family upheaval, were present in both groups to a . 62 similar degree. The two major scales used for measuring the desired qualities were drawn from two instruments, the California Personality Inventory (Gough, 1957), and the Social Adjust ment Scale (Rusk, 1964), as- described in Chapter II. Figure I shows that both of the samples used in the present study were deviant from the norms on almost every scale, in the downward (less well-adjusted) direction. The closeness of their means on most of the scales indicates that the effort to match them in most important respects (except delinquency) was successful. The four or more scales on which there was an appreciable gap between the two curves may be supposed to have some connection with the delinquent behavior of the experimental group. (Statistical tests are presented in a later section.) As was to be expected, the nondelinquents made the higher scores on all scales, except for three on which the two groups were equal in terms of standard scores (Cs, Sp, and To), and one insig nificant reversal (Fx). The attitudes or traits measured by these scales were described in Chapter II. The Hypotheses To avoid repetition, the hypotheses given in detail in Chapter II may be characterized in the following manner: (a) All hypotheses were directional (one-tailed), predicting poorer qualities for the delinquent group. (b) On the CPI, the nondelinquents were expected to 63 U “ O o t o PROFILE SHEET FOR THE ( &i/onua fyydefogicai A Fig. 1.— Means of delinquent and nondelinquent boys as cc Nam* . CPI standardization population Me o»h*r in<(,S,9^ samples were of similar racial and socioeconor Do Cm To Wb MALE NORMS 90 55 45 4 0 80 50 - 3 0 " 30 30 40 50 35 35 70 45 40 3 0 25 25 25 30 40 45 30 40 GO 25 35 40 40 35 30 25 20 20 40 25 SO 20 30 25 35 20 25 10 25 35 40 — 15 "V 25 20 30 V 30i 25 20 -A 20 20 20 25 25 1 0 20 20 0 Do Cs Sp Sa Wb Re So Sc To Gi Cm Ac Ai le Significance ~ - 025 — ~ 05 .QQI . 001. .05 —_ .025 — . .00! ,03 ,05 - (One-tailed) M ai* N orm i R e p roduced from M anual for The C a lifo rn ia Psychological Inventory, by H arrison G . G o u g h , Ph.D. C o p y rig h t by C onsulting Ps; 1 ( a. >FILE SHEET FOR THE ^ d fo rtu a fy u M o y ic a i M im ntory'. MALE 3f delinquent and nondelinquenu boys as compared with the general CPI standardization population . _____: -------------------------------- Mean JL6-1/2 o > t« T.st.d Fall, .1967 Les were of similar racial and socioeconomic background, I.Q., and age) Notes: Cm To W b 15 MALE NORMS - 90 30 20 20 -00 3 0 3 0 - 3 3 - 5 0 — 23 - 70 45 40 3 0 25 60 25 40 4 0 30 20 40 — 20 — 30 - 2 5 - 3 5 -20 25 25 33 If ~ 7 - ------------------- ' 5 - 40 25 / — 30 /? " — 20 v ---- -20 ‘ - 30 30/ ----------- ----- #/ — 5 25 20 \ - / , 10 20 — - 20 25 25 20 20 - 1 5 Wb Re So Sc To Fe Gi Cm Ac Py Fx Ai le i/i o ' Q 3. I r t Delinquents (N=39) Nondelinquents (N=3 8) .05 .001 .001. .05 — _ .025 — . .QOJ. ..03 .,05 Male Norms i a Psychological Inventory, by H arrison G . G o u g h , Ph.D. C o p y rig h t by C onsulting Psychologists Press, Inc., Polo A lto, C a lifo rn ia . All rig h ts reserved. 64 make the higher mean score in general, but a significant difference was hypothesized for only eight CPI scales: H (1): Self-acceptance (Sa), H (2) : Responsibility (Re), H (3) : Socialization (So), H (4) : Self-control (Sc), H (5) : Good impression (Gi), H (6) : Achievement via conformance (Ac), H (7) : Intellectual efficiency (Ie), H (8) : Femininity (Fe). (c) On the Social Adjustment Scale the delinquents were expected to' make significantly higher mean scores than the nondelinquents on all six subscales: H (9): Inadequacy, H (10) : Compulsive masculinity, H (11) : Negative Identity, I I (12) : Resentment and Rebellion, H (13) : Rejection of father, H (14) : Alienation. In the above list the fourteen scales about which hypotheses were formulated are numbered H (1), H (2), etc., indicating the corresponding hypotheses. No explicit hypothesis was formulated regarding the drawings the subjects were asked to make, since it was not felt that the use of a projective technique of this sort would be reliable, especially with rather small samples. 65 Some subjective comparisons were made, however, and will be briefly discussed in a later section. Tests of the Hypotheses The CPI Scales As Figure 2 shows, both groups of subjects were in general quite deviant from the CPI standardization popula tion. Therefore raw, rather than standard, scores were used for the t-tests of the significance of the differences be tween their means. Since the CPI was administered as a whole, t-tests were performed on all 18 of its scales, not only the 8 for which hypotheses had been formulated. . All six scales of the SAS were also administered, and, in addi tion, the subjects were asked to indicate their chronologi cal ages, and to answer a few questions of a biographical nature. The most relevant of these questions were numbers eight and nine, which asked: How many years have you lived with your father, or stepfather? and How many years have you lived with your mother, or stepmother? Thus, twenty-seven comparisons (t-tests) were made in all— the eighteen scales of the CPI, the six scales of the SAS, the chronological age, and questions eight and nine, plus Communalities (lower-limit reliability estimates of the C.P.I. and S.A.S. scales). The results of this analysis are presented in Table 2. Before studying their implications for the hypotheses, TABLE 1 Test CPI Comparison of'Mean Scores of Delinquents and Nondelinquents on the California Personality Inventory and the Social Adjustment Scale Scale Mean (Nondel) Mean (Del) SD (Nondel) SD (Del) Difference between Means t Signif icance Do 21.973 20.307 4.812 5.079 1.666 1.48 — Cs 13.184 13.000 3.790 3.494 0.184 0.22 — Sy 20.815 18.820 4.092 4.358 1.995 2.07 .025 Sp 30.921 31.153 4.828 4.457 -0.232 -0.22 — Sa 18.394 17.769 3.242 3.038 0.625 0.87 — Wb 27.736 25.692 5.360 5.395 2.044 1.67 .05 Re 22.789 16.897 4.287 4.302 5.892 6.02 .001 So 31.789 25.512 4.992 4.547 6.277 5.77 .001 Sc ‘23.815 21.410 6.612 5.537 2.405 1.75 .05 To 12.736 12.512 4.328 4.358 0.224 0.22 — Gi 15.921 13.615 4.462 4.356 2.306 2.29 .025 Cm 20.789 20.282 4.691 4.723 0.507 0.47 — — Ae 21.763 17.435 4.522 4.044 4.328 4.43 .001 Ai 12.973 11.384 3.340 3.801 1.589 • 1.95 .05 Ie 27.105 25.333 4.524 3.888 1.772 1.84 .05 Py 9.184 8.564 2.252 2.531 0.620 1.13 — Fx 8.131 9.282 3.565 3.553 -1.151 -1.42 — Fe 16.868 16.153 3.692 2.942 0.715 0.94 — Inadeq 30.473 31.128 4.323 7.127 -0.655 -0.49 __ C Masc 28.131 28.948 4.338 6.104 -0.817 -0.68 — Neg Id 26.578 29.820 5.212 6.774 -3.242 -2.34 .025 R & Reb 22.736 23.128 5.620 8.121 -0.892 -0.56 — . Rej Fath 27.526 25.307 6.446 8.182 2.219 1.32 — Alienation 22.105 27.410 5.001 7.177 -5.305 -3.75 .001 TABLE 1— Continued Scale Mean (Nondel) Mean (Del) SD (Nondel) SD (Del) Difference between Means t Signif icance* Quest 8 13.657 13.358 5.662 5.673 0.299 0.23 — Quest 9 15.894 15.307 * 2.607 3.961 0.587 0.77 — Chron Age 16.421 16.743 0.598 1.163 -0.322 -1.52 — *One-tailed values. Dashes indicate that p did not attain the .05 level of sig nificance. Levels reported are; .05, .025, .01, .005, .001. , C T 1 *«4 68 it is of interest to note that the two groups did not differ with regard to age, nor on questions 8 or 9. It is commonly believed that there is a substantial correlation between broken homes of various types and delinquency. Such was not the case for these boys, with a mean age of 16 1/2 they have spent 15 years with mother or stepmother, and 13 1/2 with father or stepfather. The incidence of stepfathers and stepmothers is found to be rather small, possibly due to their being largely Catholic in religion. Both groups appear to be from rather stable parental marriages. Turning now to the scales on which significant dif ferences were expected, and with the definitions given in Chapter II of the relevant scales, we find the following results: H (1): Self-acceptance (Sa). No significant difference was observed. It was expected that the delinquent boys would be low on self-acceptance and the nondelinquents higher. This was not so, as the two groups were amazingly close, and only slightly below the CPI norm of 50. Although this was unexpected, it may very well be so because of machismo, the young Mexican-American's self-concept of a very virile and daring person. H (2) : Responsibility (Re). On this scale the differ ence was well beyond the .001 level of confidence in the expected direction, although the nondelinquent group's mean was still far below the norm, that is, more than 1.5 stan- 69 dard deviations below the mean of the general population. Nevertheless, they were significantly more conscientious, dependable, etc., than the delinquents. This is an inter esting though expected result, showing that attitudes which differentiate the dependable and conscientious person from the undependable do have their part in contributing to the delinquent character. H (3): Socialization (So). A substantial difference was expected on this scale as the integration with society was being questioned. The two groups differed on this scale well beyond the .001 level of confidence. The nondelin quents were closer to the CPI norm than on the Responsibil ity scale. Low scorers on this scale tend to be "resentful, headstrong, rebellious" (Gough, 1957) and given to exhibi- tionistic behavior. H (4): Self-control (Sc). The difference here was slight, though it did attain the .05 level of confidence. This scale measures primarily "freedom from impulsivity and self-centeredness," and the nondelinquent group, though con siderably below the CPI norm, did make a significantly better mean score than the delinquents. It is of interest that, in this milieu, the individuals questioned apparently did not place a high value on self-control. H (5): Good Impression (Gi). This scale mainly meas ures the degree to which the subjects "are concerned about how others react to them" (Gough, 19 57) . Low scorers are 70 apparently little concerned with the desires and needs of others. Both groups were rather low, but the mean of the nondelinquents was higher than that of the delinquents at the .025 level of confidence. It would seem that these boys are little involved with the larger society's view in com parison to other youths. H (6): Achievement via conformance (Ac). Though both groups were low on this scale, their means differed at the .001 level. The nondelinquents would seem to be more coop erative, industrious, etc., while the delinquents were less secure and "easily disorganized under stress or pressures to conform." The delinquents appeared much less anxious to achieve via this route, namely that of conforming to the larger society's goals. There is other evidence (Rusk, 19 64) that the delinquents may be just as anxious to con form, but it is to their subcultural goals (shown in Resent ment and Rebellion and Rejection of Father scales). H (7): Intellectual efficiency (Ie). Low scorers are "defensive, shallow, and unambitious . . . lacking in self- direction and self-discipline." While the mean of the non delinquents exceeded that of the delinquents at the .05 level of confidence, both groups must be considered very low scorers, as Figure 1 shows. It was expected that the two groups were low, as shown by their I.Q.'s, and it is known that the delinquents achieve less intellectually and academ ically than the nondelinquents, even if both start out with 71 similar potential ability. H (8): Femininity (Fe). Both groups were at, or very close to, the norm; no significant difference being found between them. It was expected that the delinquents would feel more feminine but would try to counteract this with a show of masculinity (as their drawings later showed). These drives may have cancelled each other on the questionnaires, but further research would be needed to show this. Summary of the CPI Scales Of the results on the eight CPI scales on which the nondelinquent group was expected to make a significantly higher mean score than the delinquent group, all but two attained the .05 level of significance or better. The exceptions were self-acceptance and femininity. In addition, there was one scale on which a signifi cant difference was observed although no hypothesis had been formulated regarding it. This scale was Sociability (Sy), and the mean of the nondelinquents exceeded that of the delinquents at the .025 level. High scorers tend to be out going and original, while low scorers tend to be detached, passive, and sensitive (Gough, 19 57). Of the other ten scales of the CPI not expected to differentiate between delinquents and nondelinquents, none except the above (Sy) did. Both Groups Differ from Norm The mean scores of both groups were in general below the CPI norm, as Figure 1 shows, but their scores were extremely low (two standard deviations or more below the CPI norm) on the following scales: Sense of well-being (wb), Tolerance (to), 'Communality (Cm), and Intellectual effi ciency (e). The boys in both groups tended, therefore, to suffer from self-doubt and disillusionment; their social beliefs and attitudes were not permissive, accepting, and nonjudgmental; they tended to insincerity, deceit, and internal conflicts; and they were not alert, resourceful, and clear-thinking, but rather confused, defensive, shallow, and unambitious. However, this was more true of the delin quent group than of the nondelinquent. These traits were characteristic of the urban, deprived, Mexican American groups of this study. The Social Adjustment Scale The six remaining hypotheses referred to the com ponent scales of the Social Adjustment Scale (Rusk, 1964). Since these scales, as described, were designed to detect subjects with delinquent tendencies, by identifying certain attitudes characteristic of delinquent boys, the latter are expected to make higher scores than those who do not have these attitudes, or have them in a minor degree. As Table 1 shows, this expectation was borne out in all but one of the scales (Rejection of Father). The delin 73 quent boys had the higher mean score on the other five scales, but the difference was significant in only two instances. This may be the result of low validity. These were "Negative Identity" and "Alienation." Taking the six hypotheses one by one, the findings were as follows: H (9): Inadequacy. No significant difference: the means were very close. This is in agreement with the find ings on certain of the CPI tests discussed above. H (10): Compulsive masculinity. No significant differ ence. This would seem to be a trait common to both groups, and apparently characteristic of their socioeconomic and cultural background. H (11): Negative identity. The delinquent boys scored substantially higher on this scale; the difference was sig nificant at the .025 level. This is the condition contrary to taking on a positive, adaptive role in our society, which the deprived youth often feels forced to assume. Unable to succeed in adopting an identity in conformance with society's values and ideals, some deprived youth adopt an identity at odds with more positive ideals. Thus the drop out, the failure, and the young delinquent, may attempt to become a "success" in the pursuit of his chosen negative identity. H (12): Resentment and rebellion. This was one of the scales on which a significant difference was very much 74 expected, but although the delinquents' mean was higher than that of the nondelinquents, the difference was not signifi cant. Thus it is considered that, in this particular area, both groups have a great deal of resentment and rebellion against the circumstances of their existence, with the delinquents feeling more, but not significantly so. H (13): Rejection of father. On this scale there was a small reversal: the nondelinquents had the higher mean, though the difference was not significant. Thus the two samples must be considered alike in this respect. However, as this is in line with the above-mentioned (Chapter I) cul tural theme of the young man being anxious to take his place as the male leader of the family, at the expense of the father, the result is no surprise. H (14): Alienation. On this scale there was a very large difference, in the expected direction. This scale rather resembles in its purpose and manner of formation the F-scale of the MMPI (Hathaway and McKinley, 1951), in that it is made up of questions which elicit the most unusual and highly discriminating responses. Such statements as, "I'd rather be bad than be a nobody," and "Sometimes I do things because I don't care what happens," were included in the Alienation Scale, and brought out a very highly significant difference between the means of the two samples on this scale. Such a result tends to confirm the observations made above in connection with the individual scales of both 75 instruments: while both groups were generally deviant in a socially maladjusted direction, and were very similar in many ways, they differed greatly in the extent to which they accepted the goals and attitudes normal to the society sur rounding them. There is also an individual difference characteris tic of this scale alone. These highly significant results tend to confirm that these youth do feel alienated from the larger society. They do feel separate and apart from it, a feeling which interferes greatly with their success in it. Overall Effect of Findings Of the fourteen research hypotheses of the CPI and the SAS alone, six failed to attain the .05 level of signif icance, which was adopted as the lower limit of acceptance. There was only one reversal; on the other seven scales the difference was significant and in the expected direction. Thus, of the six which failed to attain significance, and the seven which were significant, in the expected direction, there is a collective effect of thirteen such instances out of fourteen which may be tested and interpreted. If a null hypothesis is adopted, to the effect that there was no significant difference between the two samples with regard to these fourteen scales, then the expectation would be that seven of the fourteen would show a difference in the opposite direction. The probability of either direc tion on any single scale is by hypothesis .5, and the bino- 76 mial test is appropriate. The probability of obtaining thirteen out of four teen results in one direction is less than .001 (Siegel, 1956). It may therefore be concluded that the two samples not only differed significantly on eight single scales, but differed significantly when all fourteen are considered col lectively. If, for convenience, one may regard each scale as measuring a single personality trait, this result accords with common sense. In identifying a potential delinquent, one would not judge him on the basis of a single trait, but would use as many indicators as possible. No single scale used in this study has 100 per cent discriminating power; as has been noted, nondelinquent boys may exhibit a trait or two characteristic of the delinquents (i.e., may make a very adverse score on one or two scales). Thus^one (Sociability) of the eighteen CPI scales exhibited a significant difference which had not been expected, and the nonsignificant differences on all but one of the remaining CPI scales were in the expected direction. Caution must be used, however, for had this study used a "normal" group— one which scored 50 on all CPI scales— the present nondelinquent boys would have looked very delin quent. They would surely have been judged as having a high delinquency potential, if only their CPI profiles were known about them. 77 Correlations among the Scales Correlation matrices among all variables were obtained separately for the delinquents and nondelinquents, and are presented in Appendix B. Since no hypotheses were formulated regarding rela tionships among the scales used, general comments only are presented here, based mainly on the column totals, supported by inspection of the coefficients within the ruled-off squares: (1) The matrices for the two samples are very similar, and may therefore be discussed together. (2) There is considerable overlap among many of the CPI scales, strongly suggesting that their number might usefully be reduced by means of factor analysis. Exceptions are scales seven (Re), twelve (Cm), and eighteen (Fe), which exhibit relatively low communality in both matrices, but it must be remembered that the algebraic signs for variables 19-24 (the SAS scales) should be reversed, since scoring was in the opposite direction to that used for the CPI. (3) On the whole, the correlations between the CPI scales and those of the SAS indicate that there is little relationship between the traits measured by the two instru ments. The SAS seems to be measuring additional traits. (4) Correlations among the SAS scales are also low, with a few exceptions. Communalities, or lower-level reliability estimates, were run at USC Computer Sciences Lab, and are 78 shown in Table 2, p. 79. The program number of this study was BMD-03M. Further Analyses of Trait Differences (1) Among the delinquent boys a distinction was made between assaultive and nonassaultive offenses, as shown in Table 3, p. 80. The two subgroups so obtained were compared by the method of a t-test of the differences between their means on each scale. The t-ratios were presented in Table 2. The assaultive cases were lower on the CPI and higher on the SAS, showing a poorer adjustment in general. Two traits on the SAS scale reached a significance of .05 in this com parison, Inadequacy and Chronological Age. (The mean of the assaultive group on the Inadequacy Scale was 3 2.915, and the mean of the nonassaultive group was 30.391. The mean of the assaultive group on Chronological Age was 16.976, and the mean of the nonassaultive group was 16.515.) This shows that in the area of feelings of inadequacy, or feeling not quite equal to others in one's society, and in being older and perhaps more hardened to criminal ways, the assaultives differed in means from the nonassaultives at the .05 level of significance. These boys were very similar groups and even two such differences appear to be indicative of a trend of distinction between the two. (2) Thematic Apperception Test differences were infor mally analyzed as follows: since the numbers were so small. (10 TAT's were given to each group, individuals of which TABLE 2 Communalities (Lower-Limit Reliability Estimates) of the CPI and SAS Scales Used in the Study* Communality Battery Scale (h2) CPI Do .733 Cs .728 Sy .749 Sp .550 Sa .634 Wb .636 Re .667 So .567 Sc .797 To .724 Gi .783 Cm .618 Ac .590 Ai .734 ie .671 Py .524 Fx .608 Fe .479 SAS Inadeq .563 C Masc .469 Neg Ident .638 R and Reb .644 Rej Father .531 Alienation .690 *Both groups combined (N=77) 80 TABLE 3 Comparison of Mean Scores on CPI and SAS Subscales of Assaultive vs. Nonassaultive Delinquents Degree of Freedom T Ratio Dominance Capacity for Status Sociability Social Presence Self-acceptance Well-being Responsibility Socialization Self-control Tolerance Good Impression Communality Achiev. via confor. Achiev. via independ. Intellectual Efficien. Psychol, mindedness Flexibility Femininity Inadequacy Compul. Masculin. Negative Identity Resent. & Rebell. Reject, of Father Alienation Years with Father Years with Mother Chronological Age 1 2 .3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 0.1399 0.5493 0.4360 -0.2421 0.6407 0.3412 0.0930 0.2607 -1.1734 -0.6085 -0.5536 1.3686 0.7469 0.3811 0.4656 -0.9437 -0.8330 0.3922 1.8290 -0.8363 0.6170 0.1640 0.4777 -0.3123 -0.8447 0.1795 1.9060 Nonassaultive=17 Assaultive=22 81 were randomly selected), frequencies will be reported for differences rather than percentages, to avoid giving the impression of validity where none is assumed. General trends were more apparent in their records than differences in numbers. Thus a much smaller number of delinquent boys (two) mentioned authority figures (policemen, probation of ficers, teachers, etc.) that did the nondelinquents. The two who did refer to them did not describe them in a favor able light, but more as a passing interest. Among the non delinquents, however, five mentioned such figures, four favorably. Thus the delinquents appear to avoid or deny authority figures to an amazing degree, while the nondelin quents seem to be trying to see authority figures, as if they view them as friendly figures. Another four of the nondelinquents spoke of figures of high prestige in this society, such as doctors, lawyers, and priests. The nonde linquents were also more likely to mention parental figures, as four of them spoke of parents as against two of the delinquents. Along with this, six out of ten nondelinquents openly worried about their families feeling disappointed in them, while none of the delinquents spoke of this. A large number (eight) of the delinquents found their hero figures on the TAT cards to be living out tragic lives. Two were depressed because of the loss of their par ents by death. Another saw a man smothering another with a pillow while he was sleeping. One was about to rob a store 82 with a gun, and another got shot while trying to rob a store. One figure felt lonely and afraid because of the high crime rate in the tenement in which he lived. Another considered suicide because of a felt loneliness; another because of lack of opportunity. In fact, four of the delin quents out of ten spoke of suicide, while only two out of ten spoke of this among the nondelinquents. Among the lat ter group, tragedy was much less frequent in general, being mentioned fewer times (four) and in less startling terms. Many of both groups (fourteen in all) saw mothers as comforting and succoring figures, but the delinquents much more so (eight) than the nondelinquents (five). Some of the nondelinquents (three) as well as some of the delinquents (five) mention giving up and becoming depressed because Of family problems, but the nondelinquents more often (two) see these events as of their own doing. There is a great dif ference between the number of nondelinquents who mention work or study as a means of obtaining success (seven) as against the delinquents who seldom mention this (one). In short, the nondelinquents are willing to identify with authority figures, and see themselves as having some thing to say and do about their own success in life, while the delinquents tend to feel victimized and persecuted, as a group. Both envision a great deal of sadness and tragedy, but the delinquent appears to be bent on covering this up with hilarity and clowning, while the nondelinquents 83 appear to be willing to work as a way out of their disadvan tages . The nondelinguents have another advantage in their attitude of not wanting to disappoint their families, while the delinquents didn't mention this. Thus B. H. from the Salesian High School envisioned a particular young man as being "sad and lonely, he lacks confidence in himself. But he's more likely to be ashamed of himself if he lets his parents down." Another boy, G. F., reported, "This boy's father wants him to do better, he wants him to go to junior college. He says not to belong to bad groups in high school. The boy belongs to a gang, and he got shot, but he let his father down by doing that." (3) In their House-Tree-Person drawings, both the delin quents and the nondelinquents showed a great deal of devi ance from what one usually obtains on such drawings, but it is more outstanding among the drawings of the delinquents. Out of 48 drawings of the delinquents, 13 showed an exagger ated display of masculinity, with bulging musculature or hirsute decoration on the faces of one type or another. Five of the riondelinquents also showed tendencies in this direction; thus it was more prevalent among the delinquents than among the nondelinquents. An unusual number of the boys of both groups drew female figures as their "Person" drawings, 12, or more than was expected, as if their true identification was still feminine, at least in part (8 delinquents and 4 nondelin 84 quents). These tended to be ultrafeminine, exaggerating "feminine" characteristics such as busts, hair, and natural curves. Both groups (nearly half of each) turned in many drawings which were very inadequate and showed an extreme lack of talent as well as a poor self-concept and probable poor ego strength. Another group (eight) showed a great lack of effort, and handed in drawings of stick people, bare houses, and simple trees. However, this extreme lack of effort tended to be more characteristic of the delinquents than the nondelinquents, as only two of the latter did this. Another trait which showed up more among the delin quents than the nondelinquents was the attempt at broad humor which the former showed, more often than not as a coverup for their lack of confidence in their own ability, clowning in order to draw attention away from what they con sidered as poor productions. Six of the delinquents and three of the nondelinquents did this. All of these were after having been specifically warned not to draw carica tures or humorous drawings'^ Thus these boys showed a great deal about themselves in the few projective tests which were administered. The delinquents showed their poor self-concepts, and by what they refused to show, their tendencies toward femininity, their view of life as tragic, and their view of themselves as victims of circumstances. The nondelinquents showed a willingness to do something about their circumstances, al though they showed nearly the same tendency toward having poor self-concepts as the delinquents . CHAPTER IV SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS Summary Certain attitudes of two groups of Mexican American boys between the ages of 15 1/2 and 19 1/2 were compared. Both samples were low in I.Q. and reading ability, were of similar socioeconomic backgrounds, and came from the same general neighborhood near East Los Angeles. All members of the "delinquent" group had been committed to either a Youth Authority or a County Probation Department Facility at least twice, while none of the control or "nondelinquent" group had been involved in any serious offenses. It was hypothesized that these two groups would dif fer with regard to some of the attitudes or traits measured by the California Personality Inventory (Gough, 19 57) and the Social Adjustment Scale (Rusk, 1964). (Correlation co efficients obtained from the subjects' scores on the twenty- four subscales involved indicated that these two instruments had very little overlap; they were to a great extent measur ing different aspects of personality.) 86 87 In addition, all subjects were asked to provide the investigator with a drawing of a House-Tree-Person (Buck and Jolles, 1946), and ten subjects were selected at random from each group and given the Thematic Apperception Test (Murray, 1943). These two projective techniques were used as supple mentary to the questionnaire-type instruments mentioned above; it was expected that they might in part support some of the findings resulting from the analysis of the CPI and SAS, and in part suggest other areas in which the two sam ples differed. Finally, the delinquent group was divided into assaultive and nonassaultive cases, and the mean scores of these two subgroups on the CPI and SAS were compared. In both types of comparison (delinquents versus non delinquents, and assaultive versus nonassaultives) the sta tistical test used was the t-test of the significance of the differences between means. This test was also applied to three other variables in both cases: the subjects' chrono logical ages, the number of years spent with father or step father, and the number of years spent with mother or step mother. Because of the nature of the problem, the type of subjects it required, and the considerable testing time involved, it was not feasible to obtain more than fifteen or so subjects for each sample. In this case, it was found that the "incompletes" (those who were not present for all of the testing, or failed to complete both of the major instruments) amounted to about twenty per cent in both groups. The actual number of subjects used was: delin quents, 39 subjects; nondelinquents, 38 subjects. Conclusions Rusk (1964), studying delinquent and nondelinquent boys not quite so closely matched on relevant variables as the present samples (for instance, not exclusively of Mexi can American origin), found significant differences which led to the formulation of the more extensive hypotheses tested in the present study. She found that, by comparison with the nondelinquent groups, the delinquents: (1) had stronger feelings of inadequacy, (2) had more tastes and characteristics considered to be "feminine," but wanted to act in what they considered to be a very masculine fashion, (3) felt at odds with society . . . that is, did not fully accept their culturally defined roles, (4) were resentful and rebellious, and more prone to anger, (5) more often showed evidence of the mutual rejection of fathers and sons. It was, however, evident that no sharply defined dichotomy existed, particularly when boys of similar racial origins were compared. Too many nondelinquent Mexican American boys, for instance, shared some or all of the above 89 traits with their delinquent counterparts, for prediction on an individual basis to be valid. A more intensive study, using two groups which were similar in as many respects as possible (except for the fact of delinquency) was called for. At the same time, the' contrast was sharpened by using for the delinquent sample only those with two or more com mitments for serious offenses; and the study was broadened by the inclusion of the CPI scales and other variables. Such was the origin of the present research. The findings reported in Chapter III led to the fol lowing conclusions: There was no evidence that the delinquents came more often from "broken homes." While there was a mean differ ence of about two years between "years with mother" and "years with father," this was characteristic of both groups, and the between-group differences were trivially small. Also, since these subjects came predominantly from Roman Catholic families, their responses presumably referred to their true parents; a stepparent would tend to occur only in case of the decease of a parent. The responses of both groups to these two questions indicated a high proportion of stable parental union. There was no significant difference between the two groups with respect to chronological age (evidence that the effort to match them had been successful). The delinquents were expected to have significantly 90 lower mean scores than the nondelinquents on eight scales of the CPI. No significant difference was found on two of these, Self-Acceptance and Femininity; in both cases the means were close to the fiftieth percentile of the norms. On the other six scales the delinquents scored sig nificantly lower than the nondelinquents, though both groups were far below the norm. These were: Responsibility, Socialization, Self-Control, Good Impression, Achievement via Conformance, and Intellectual Efficiency. Since all eighteen scales of the CPI were adminis tered, and not just the eight for which hypotheses had been formulated, the sample means on the other ten scales were also compared, and it was found that the delinquents were significantly lower than the nondelinquents in Sociability. No other significant differences were observed, though on almost all scales the delinquents had the lower (less nor mal) means. Usually, both groups made very low scores. Turning to the SAS, it was hypothesized that the delinquents would make significantly higher scores on all six subscales. While they did have the higher mean on five of these six, the difference was significant in only two cases: Negative Identity and Alienation. On the sixth scale, Rejection of Father, it was the nondelinquents who had the higher mean; however this difference was not signif icant. This was the only scale, of the fourteen for which 91 directional hypotheses had been adopted, on which there was a reversal of direction. Thus, the expected direction was confirmed for thirteen of these fourteen scales, and this corresponds to a very significant difference between the two groups; it suggests that the failure of some of the compari sons to attain statistical significance may have been due to the rather small sample sizes. The projective tests provided some additional impressions: from the TAT it was noted that few of the delinquents mentioned authority figures, and then unfavor ably; the nondelinquents did not show the same avoidance, and also were concerned about disappointing their families (parents). Many of the delinquents saw their hero figures as experiencing tragic events, or as committing crimes. In general, they tended to see themselves as helpless victims, while the nondelinquents were more inclined to believe that work, study, or other effort enabled one to overcome diffi culties and attain success. From the House-Tree-Person drawings it was observed that the quality of the drawings of both groups tended to be poor or childish, indicating either lack of imagination, ability, or inhibition in self-expression. There was some tendency to draw female figures, or exaggeratedly "mascu line" ones, particularly on the part of the delinquents. The picture of the delinquent derived from the ques tionnaires and projective tests, when he is compared with a 92 boy otherwise very like himself in most observable respects, may be described in terms of the scales on which these boys differed significantly from the boys of the con trol (nondelinquent) group. The delinquent: (1) is less responsible, conscientious, and dependable, (2) tends to be more resentful, headstrong, and rebel lious , (3) is more impulsive, or lacking in self-control, (4) is self-centered, and less concerned with how others react to him, (5) is less cooperative and industrious, less secure, and more easily disorganized under stress or pressures to conform...at least, to roles prescribed by the major ity society, though he may adopt a "negative identity" or role, (6) is defensive, shallow, unambitious, . and lacking in self-direction and self-discipline, (7) is unable to accept or identify with authority fig ures , (8) feels passive, a hapless victim of circumstance or society, whose problems are not to be solved by hi's own efforts, (9) may find it difficult to "let go" and express him self, and may, when called upon to do so, take refuge in either a sterile and noncommittal response) or "cover up" by crude humor and clowning. 93 A comparison of these findings with those of the earlier study reported above reveals one major and two minor differences. Unless the rather high proportion of female figures in the House-Tree-Person drawings is considered as strong evidence of feminine tendencies, the earlier findings of such tendencies were not confirmed. Furthermore, the means of both groups were very nearly at the fiftieth per centile of the CPI Femininity Scale, so it cannot be con cluded that a difference did not appear here because the comparison was between two very similar, deviant groups. Finally, the earlier finding of a compensatory masculinity, labeled "Compulsive Masculinity" on the part of the delin quents only was not borne out. This trait was shared by both groups, and may be ascribed to the Mexican American tradition of machismo rather than to any strong connection with delinquency alone- . It is, however, easy to imagine that such an attitude of publicly proving one's virility by acts of courage and bravado may be forced into delinquent forms, if socially acceptable outlets are not available or known. The earlier findings of significant differences in the attitudes measured by the SAS scales, "Resentment and Rebellion" and "Rejection of Father" were also not con firmed. In both, the differences were in the expected di rection, but did not attain the significant level. Apart from the effect of rather small sample sizes on the t-tests, 94 it is evident that these two groups of boys were much alike in these respects. Possibly both of them, if compared with a "normal" group, would differ significantly from the latter. The general conclusion from these findings was felt to be this: if a delinquent and a nondelinquent group are very carefully matched on all possibly related variables, so that they differ only with respect to delinquency (as far as externals are concerned), then any psychological differences detected by questionnaires, projective techniques, or other means, may be related to the fact of delinquency. In prac tice, one cannot even list "all possibly related variables," let alone obtain two groups matched on them. One can, how ever, as in the present study, match one's samples on as many of the more obviously related variables as possible. The result is that some of the supposed differences between delinquents and nondelinquents are not confirmed; these may therefore have been due to comparing less well-matched sam ples... that is, the apparent differences may have been due to one or more factors which were not controlled. When two samples are more carefully matched, the surviving significant differences deserve correspondingly more credence. It should be pointed out, however, that it is not possible in practice to control or match on every conceivably related variable, permitting only the one dif ference of delinquency or not. So that some unknown and un controlled factor or factors may have contributed to some of the significant differences reported above. It is reason able to suppose that, once the influence of the known major concomitant variables has been eliminated, that of the others (if any) will be small. The Assaultive Cases When the delinquent group was subdivided into assaultives and nonassaultives, it was found that there were 22 assaultives and 17 nonassaultives. It was hypothesized that the assaultives would make the "worse" score (lower on the CPI, higher on the SAS, and that they would be older, and come from more "broken homes"). With some small sam ples, clearcut significant differences could not be antici pated for many of the scales, but in view of what has been called the "robustness" of the t-test, the comparisons were \ nevertheless made. It was found that the assaultives did indeed tend to be older, and that they made a significantly higher score on the SAS scale "Sense of Inadequacy." Pos sibly, then, their delinquent behavior springs from, and is a compensation for, this sense of inadequacy. Since they were recidivists, their earlier delinquent behavior may be considered to have been an unsuccessful compensation, from which they "graduated" to the more violent, assaultive type of offense. 96 Recommendations Where the purpose of research is to discover what attitudes or traits truly characterize the delinquent, and distinguish him from another boy who is similar in all out ward respects (I.Q., socioeconomic background, ethnic ori gin, etc.), the primary recommendations are two: to control or match on as many possibly related variables as is fea sible, and to do one's utmost to obtain a large sample. One obstacle to obtaining a large sample is the very practical one of testing time. Therefore, group tests should be used, and as few of them as are required to test the hypotheses. Some projective techniques can be used on a group basis, and take a very short time (as in the case of the drawings used in this study). If it is necessary to use individual projective techniques, such as the TAT or the Rorschach in their nongroup forms, the device of administer ing them to a relatively small randomly selected subsample may be adopted. Norms, based upon a large sample of nondelinquents, should be developed for each of the subscales of the Social Adjustment Scale. Until such norms are available it is not possible to make statements such as "both groups made a very high score on this scale." With large samples the problem of frivolous responses becomes acute, since personal rapport between the investigator and the subjects is hard to establish. This is 97 especially true of the more hardened delinquents. Others may attempt to "whitewash" themselves, perhaps because they mistrust the assurances that they will remain anonymous. Not only should they not be asked to identify themselves in any way on the answer sheets, but the latter should not be stamped with serial numbers. If possible, they should not be asked to give the date of birth, but only to record their chronological age to the nearest year. It should be remembered that many of these subjects have low I.Q.'s and reading ability. Questionnaires and instructions should be thoroughly tested with the aid of a readability formula. It has often been found that restrict ing the wording to the seventh-grade level is still too high for many ordinary senior high school students in California: this problem is' naturally all the greater if one's subjects come from a foreign-language background, are of low I.Q., and have a negative attitude toward school. For all these reasons— a frivolous response, the attempt to "whitewash" oneself, or the sheer inability to understand the questions, it would be desirable to develop one or more validating scales for use with the SAS. In the manner of the MMPI these might include: a Q scale, to eliminate those who omitted too many items, thus obtaining a presumably falsely low score; an L scale, to identify the obvious liars; an F scale, to spot (although not necessarily to eliminate) subjects who give an unusually high number of 98 "unpopular" responses— probably these would be "clowning" by making themselves out to be much worse than they really were; and a K scale, or, perhaps better, an F minus K score, which would identify both the whitewashers and those at the other extreme (MacLean, et al., 1953) . These scales would be easy to construct. The Q scale would merely count the items omitted. The L scale could consist of items like those of the MMPI, but adapted to the problems of delinquency, such as, "I have never stolen anything from a store." They might with advantage be somewhat more subtle. The Alienation scale of the SAS is already a sort of composite of the most deviant items from the other five scales, and thus resembles the F scale. The standardization proposed above would reveal how high a score on this scale should begin to be suspect of unduly bizarre responses: Possibly the number of items in this scale • should be increased, to provide a wider range of scores and better discrimination. One source of such additional items would be CPI-like statements. Any scale which, in this study, yielded a significant or even a substantial, though not significant, difference in the expected direction might be scrutinized for highly discriminating items. The devising of a scale analogous to the MMPI's K scale presents somewhat more of a problem. If, in accordance with these recommendations, the F minus K yardstick is to be used, then the F or Alienation scale should perhaps be a' measure of 99 general deviance in the socially undesirable direction. Every item could then be one on which a high proportion of delinquents score 1, while significantly fewer of the nonde linquents do so. Then the K-type scale should not be bi polar, but should consist of those items on which normal or nondelinquent subjects score, while the delinquents tend not to do so. If this is done, the bipolarity will be supplied by the F minus K difference (which also should be provided with norms). High scorers would then be suspect of exag geration or frivolity, while very low scorers would be sus pect of "whitewashing"...that is, of giving falsely conven tional responses. One further recommendation would be to investigate the attitudes of female delinquents in the same way. It may be expected that some of the scales which revealed signifi cant differences between the two groups of boys in this study would also discriminate between delinquent and nonde linquent girls, while others may not. One factor of inter est is this: to what extent are these deeds of "machismo" on the part of the male teenagers designed to elicit admira tion on the part of the girls? And do the girls in fact admire them? Is female delinquency spontaneous (a form of "masculine protest" as Adler would call it), or is it mainly a matter of participation, or proving themselves to the boys, and indirectly, to themselves? 100 Implications Digest of Research and Delinquency Theory In consideration of action patterns for the lessen ing of delinquency in the nation, a synthesis should be made of the theories of delinquency as previously discussed. This is not as difficult as it seems. For whatever theory or theories one chooses, the traditionally psychological, sociological, psychoanalytic, cultural psychological, or those of ego psychology or ethology, the importance of early experience is critical. For it is in these years that the child learns what is important to his own satisfaction, and, if he is normal, that he must love and give in order to receive. The psychopath is the individual who does not learn this, either because of outright neglect or some lack of the interplay of emotions between himself and the care- taking persons in his life. Some hostility in the adult, or actual fostering, perhaps unconsciously, of hostility toward society because of the adult's hidden anger at soci ety, can be the reason (Hartman, 1958; Erikson, 1959 and 1965; Freud, A., 1944). Implications for this research appear to justify the importance which former research places upon early selec tion of children in trouble, and the involvement of the individual in his own future role in society and its goals and values. Emphasis upon the criticality of the first 101 three years of life, and especially of the first year, could change some of the work being done by society1s agencies for the prevention of delinquency and psychopathy. This is in agreement with the implications from this research and others regarding infant identification, as well as psycho analytic theory and ego psychology (Hess, 1958; Hartmann, 1958; Erikson, 19 65). This research finds some hint of a defect in identification, rather extreme alienation from society among the delinquents, as well as a lack of sociali zation and responsibility toward society, among them. This, along with the earlier theories, calls for a greatly ex panded emphasis upon the infancy and early development of children in trouble, which, at this time, appears to be the responsibility of no one agency in particular, but is assumed to be the responsibility of many. Families in trouble often know themselves, or may be educated to know, that they are in trouble. Even if only voluntary requests for help were met more adequately, this would be a great step forward in preventing future delinquency and associated problems. This research emphasizes the problems of delinquency among the urban minority poor. Insights have been contrib uted by Heller (1966) , Jones (1948) , Madsen (1964), Penalosa (1967) , Whyte (1943) , and Cohen (1955) . In this research the delinquent boys have been found to be less responsible, more resentful, impulsive, self-centered, uncooperative, 102 insecure, defensive, unambitious, unable to accept or iden tify with authority figures, alienated from society, and passive in the face of circumstances. These are the charac teristics of children who have been unable to trust in adults, or trusting, have been misused. They tend to trust in each other (Cohen, 1955) and form social groups there, but it is a fleeting trust, which gives way to an early proof of incapacity to return love and loyalty, especially in the face of such authority figures as the police or teachers. This research also shows the Mexican American youth as particularly in trouble because of his necessity to prove his "machismo." Another difficult area is the father-son relationship, which interferes with his final identifica tion. Educative efforts here could helpfully reach all mem bers of the family, for even the mother could bring changed attitudes back to the family. A change in the attitudes of the father, however, could be the most useful to the son. All agencies might be involved, even the church, because of the difficulty of reaching the Mexican American father. This, research also implies that the Mexican American youth in trouble has a very poor or negative self-image. This, again, has much to do with his earliest experience of self-satisfaction within his family. Again educative agen cies, reaching the family and especially the father, could be utilized to improve the self-view. Also, feelings of 103 responsibility for change and improvement of status could be of help if given to the youth himself by his family, as well as by other agencies. This should be something which all minority-group youth experience. Alienation from society was shown quite dramatically in several ways, both by direct attitudes and projective devices. This needs an all-out attack. Giving the minority group youth a feeling that he has a stake in, and is a part of, this society, is the responsibility of all in contact with that youth or his family, and could take place from his earliest years. Efforts to involve youth in improving the lot of the Mexican American in general, if he is Mexican American, would also be one step in a positive direction. On the whole, efforts to increase the attention of the father during the son's earliest years, and to increase the nurturance and succor which the infant receives from the family during the critical years of his infancy appear to be primary, both for his own identification and for his posi tive self-concept. Later on, the realization that real virility can be displayed by gentleness and care-taking roles for loved ones and the community, should be enhanced. Efforts to improve the generally sensitive relationship between the Mexican American youth and his father would be of great benefit, especially to the youth in trouble. His feelings of masculinity, his own self-acceptance, his acceptance of a positive role in society and his feelings of 104 closeness to his society, subcultural and cultural, would be strengthened, as well as his feelings of responsibility for his own future and success in any positive role. There is sufficient evidence in these pages to sub stantiate the existence of a delinquent subculture, to which the boys' loyalties seem to be nearly primary at times. However, it is noteworthy that the delinquent youth are the minority within this minority group, and that the majority of children living in delinquent subcultures do not become delinquent (Madsen, 1964). These persistent delinquent boys have not found their needs fulfilled by the normal channels of identification, strengthening of the ego, and socializa tion, while many others, with similar backgrounds, have. Other boys appear unable to become like socialized fathers, stepfathers, or uncles. They are henceforward little inter ested in the positive aspects of maturing, undertaking responsibility, and behave in an immature and irresponsible manner in all areas of their lives, thereby suffering a nearly irreparable loss of ego strength. This substantiates the viewpoints of Heinz Hartmann and Eric Ericson, as the latter states that society and the individual form a unity within which a mutual formulation of the individual takes place. This viewpoint includes the expectation that the social institutions within the family have taken place in a somewhat satisfactory manner. Thus this research points out changed directions in 105 some areas and changed emphases in others, while selecting some areas of greatest weakness. Steps taken along the lines suggested should be of particular benefit to the Mexican American youth in trouble. We have studied these young men as they are after many of their delinquencies have been accounted for. But this society also attempts to remediate their ways, to change them, to take a nearly final product of society and cure it. With the high recidivist, or delinquency return rate, one can only say that society is singularly unsuccess ful. One problem is that society expects punishment from its institutions, and punishment is hardly a stimulus for changed behavior. Even the strict discipline of an institu tional life is not a cure for a boy who is yearning for acceptance and affection, and needs a strengthened ego and internalized controls. From a practical viewpoint, the most successful of various methods used to effect a "cure" of psychopathy or aggressive, persistent delinquency, appears to be that of "milieu therapy," a method used, with varia tions, by Aichhorn (1964), Fritz Redl (1952), and various other psychoanalytic workers. This involves the total liv ing situation in which extreme permissiveness, acceptance, affection, and understanding bring about controls in the delinquent which gradually internalize upon realization that the parent figures love and accept the transgressor despite being hurt and disappointed by his behavior. The youth then 1Q6 learns to shape his behavior so that it will be more pleas ing to this permissive parent-surrogate and less hurtful. Although such extreme permissive treatment may not be thought fitting for our institutions on a large scale, it does suggest modification of some of our cherished methods. Any and all techniques which might increase the feelings of responsibility for the actions of the delinquent should undoubtedly be initiated, such as identification with a counselor, housefather and mother, and other figures who take a warm and loving interest in his progress toward maturity and internalization of controls. Small group psy chotherapy or counseling for the purposes of strengthening such developing feelings of identification and responsibil ity and the relinquishing of feelings of alienation and ir responsibility are strongly urged. B I B L I O G R A P H Y 107 BIBLIOGRAPHY Abramsen, David. Who Are the Guilty? New York: Grove Press, 1952. Adler, Alfred. 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Social Class in America. Chicago: Science Research Asso ciates, 1949. Webster, Noah. Webster's Collegiate Dictionary. Spring field, ill.: Merriam, 1953. Weigland, I. H., and Rudnick, K. R. "Considerations of the Development and Treatment of Autistic Childhood Psy chosis," The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, 16: 549-563, 1961. Whyte, William Foote. Street Corner Society. Chicago: U. of Chicago Press, 1943. APPENDIX 118 APPENDIX A SOCIAL ADJUSTMENT SCALE 119 PROBLEM SHEET Please show your agreement or disagreement with these state ments by circling one of these numbers. Here's what the numbers stand for: 1. The 2. The 3. The 4. The 5. The F T 1 2 3 4 5 1. 1 2 3 4 5 2. 1 2 3 4 5 3. . 1 2 3 4 5 4. 1 2 3 4 5 5. 1 2 3 4 5 6. 1 2 3 4 5 7. 1 2 3 4 5 8. 1 2 3 4 5 9. 1 2 3 4 5 10. 1 2 3 4 5 11. 1 2 3 4 5 12. 1 2 3 4 5 13. 1 2 3 4 5 14. 1 2 3 4 5 15. 1 2 3 4 5 16. 1 2 3 4 5 17. 1 2 3 4 5 i —1 00 • I don't know what to say when I first meet people. A man should be able to shoot well. Adults seem pretty stupid much of the time. I used to think about running away from home pretty often. I don't agree with my father's religious ideas. When I'm with boys who have been in trouble, I'm somebody worth talking to! Grown-ups usually seem to be critical of me. I think it would be fun to have a good- looking body and walk around on the beach where everybody could see me. I often got in trouble with my teachers. I never really had a chance to learn to act right. My father's taste in clothes is pretty bad. My friends like me because I'm not afraid to be different.• Teachers always seem to be ready to jump on me for things. I usually want to be the leader with my friends. Germans usually seem to be stronger than Americans. There are some fellows (boys) who talk about me behind my back. Men aren't usually very sympathetic with other people. I am often in the principal's or vice principal's, office when at school. 120 121 F T 1 2 3 4 5 19. 1 2 3 4 5 20. 1 2 3 4 5 21. 1 2 3 4 5 22. 1 2 3 4 5 23. 1 2 3 4 5 24. 1 2 3 4 5 25. 1 2 3 4 5 26. 1 2 3 4 5 27. 1 2 3 4 5 28. 1 2 3 4 5 29. 1 2 3 4 5 30. 1 2 3 4 5 31. 1 2 3 4 5 32. 1 2 3 4 5 33. 1 2 3 4 5 34. 1 2 3 4 5 35. 1 2 3 4 5 36. 1 2 3 4 5 37. 1 2 3 ■4 5 38. 1 2 3 4 5 39. 1 2 3 4 5 40. 1 2 3 4 5 • i —I 1 2 3 4 5 42. 1 2 3 4 5 43. 1 2 3 4 5 44. 1 2 3 4 5 45. I wished my complexion looked better. I think of myself as a very masculine sort of person. Women usually understand people better than men do. Sometimes I like to destroy things. I don't bother to talk over my plans about the future with my father. I don't want the kind of schooling my father wants me to have. I wish I never showed being scared. I would rather have a big car than a sports car. I often feel more comfortable when talking with boys who have been in trouble. I get into trouble mostly for my behavior at school. I don't want the kind of future that my father wants me to have. I would rather be "in" with a gang than'try to get along by myself. Sometimes I wish I could make friends easier than I can now. I think a man looks good with a pipe or a cigar. I admire people who do what they want to when they want to. I don't think my father acts like a man should act. I feel I have to go against my parents' wishes at times. I'd rather be bad than be a "nobody." My parents jump on me for my friends' behavior. I would like to be the driver of a big truck. My friends and I sometimes get a kick out of breaking the law. I take a few little things from stores now and then. At times, I'm ashamed of my parents' clothes or manners. I don't think it's wrong to just take a little bit of a store's things which they have lying around. I sometimes act like a clown on purpose. I wish I were a Marine. I would rather have a few friends that really stick by me than try to be popular with everybody. 122 F T 1 2 3 4 5 46. 1 2 3 4 5 47. 1 2 3 4 5 • C D 1 2 3 4 5 49. 1 2 3 4 5 50. 1 2 3 4 5 51. 1 2 3 4 5 52. 1 2 3 4 5 53. 1 2 3 4 5 54. 1 2 3 4 5 55. 1 2 3 4 5 56. 1.2 3 4 5 57. 1 2 3 4 5 58. 1 2 3 4 5 59. 1 2 3 4 5 60. Sometimes it's fun to destroy things that others care for. Men aren't very sympathetic with other peo ples ' troubles. I get bored very easily when there's nothing happening. I often feel others are superior to me. I can do lots of things better than grown men. I often feel lonely and left out of things. Nobody really seems to care about me just for myself. I often feel I must go against my parents' wishes. Sometimes I have pretended to be a famous robber or racketeer. I really should learn to read better, and get better grades. I would like to be a hunter. I'd have a better chance if I had been born in another family. Somebody else is to blame for most of my troubles. I don't want the kind of life my father wants me to have. Sometimes I do things because I don't care what happens. .. Information necessary for project: 1. Whom do you live with at home? Please list the rela tives and other people in your home. Please check the correct answer. Does your family (a) own their own home, (b) rent their home, (c) rent their apartment or flat, (d) live with other people in their home? How many years of school do you think your father (or step-father) had? How many years of school do you think your mother (or step-mother) had? Do your parents or family (living with you when you are home) speak another language besides English? What language? What job does your father or step-father have? 123 7. What job does your mother or step-mother have, outside the home? 8. How many years have you lived with your father, or step father? 9. How many years have you lived with your mother, or step mother? Please draw a picture of a house, a tree, and a person, on the next page. APPENDIX B r 124 o , V . c RUSK. PCPULAT ION .NO. 1 »» 36 ROR-DELIR'QUERTS 2 PAGES PA G E 1 APPEN D IX B VARIABLE NC. IDE NT IF I C A T 1 OK **CPI SCORES ARE RUS. 1-1B6I =00 »2=CS . 3=SY .4 =SP . 5=SA .6 = ' / . e > 7 = K£ , = S 0»9 = S C ._1_0_=TO. 11 = G 1 .12=CV . 13=AC.14=AJ ,15 = = IE. 16 = PY ,17 = F X ,18=FE RUSK SCAL ES AkC .\0S.19-24_______ ~i-R6 RESPECTIVELY ‘ .OS." 2 5 + 26 ARE ARS_JO .RUSK QUESTIONS H - * ■ 9 VAR NO 27 IS CORRECTED RUSK SCALE -0.'“3 T ORIGINAL SCORE 'TJVES l V l l ‘ 28 IS AGE AT TESTING___________________________________________ o - - CORRELATION coefficie 'ITS —I - — t _ __ “ 8 ~ - — ■ 10 - - I . . . » • * l J t \ » 1 — ; 13 — - - — : VARI NO. 1 ' 2 3 ' 4 -- 5 ' 6 * 7 9 ; 1 ■ 1 .oco C . 5G2 0.51S 0.122 0.487 0.017 0.304 0.072 -0 044 0. 166 0.006 —0.073 0.307 O.Oifa 0.192 o 2 0.582 1.000 0.672 0.454 0.666 0.146 0.153 0.290 -0 136 0.502 J.162 -O.Odl 0.251 0.094 0.2bl • a 0.518 0.6 72 1,000 0.421 0.577 U.189 0.091 0.065 -0 271 0.335 0.030 0.124 0.183 0.0U9 0.435 4 0.122 0.454 0.431 1.000 0.274 0.284 -0.263 -U.C02 -0 294 0. 230 -0.125 -0.136 -0.106 0.O9U 0.229 . 5 0.467 0 .666 G.577 0.374 1 .000 -0.052 0.056 0.23u -0 300 0.232 -U.100 -0.044 0.1 fad 0.115 u.317 6 0.017 0.146 0.1 F.9 0.2 84 -0.052 1.00 0 0.081 0.440 0 355 0.336 0.405 0.362 0.39b O.2ol 0. soo 7 0.304 C .15 3 0.09 1 -0.263 0.056 U.CS1 1.000 0.358 0 312 0. 344 U. 147 0.310 0.421. U . 2 2 2 0.327 G C l 0.072 0 .290 C.C65 -0.002 0 .230 0 .440 0.358 1.000 0 267 0.161 0.216 0.369 U.4U7 •0.177 u. 5u5 9 —0.044 -C.126 -0.271 -C.294 -0 .300 0.355 0.312 U.267 1 000 0.355 0. /Ufa -0.003 u.599 0. 330 U . U 7 7 10 0.186 C.502 0.335 0.220 0.232 0.326 0.344 0.161 335 1.000 0.425 -0.095 0.369 0 • 627 0.360 11 n.ooo 0.162 0 .050 -0.125 -0.100 0.405 0.147 0.216 0 70fa 0.425 0 .473 u . 215 -O.Oio 12 -0.073 -0.081 0.124 -0.136 -0.044 0 . 3 H 2 0.310 0 . 369 -u 003 —0 ..095 -0.147 I.00O 0 . 020 -0.252 i J • 4 V 1 13 0.207 0.251 0.183 -C.106 -0.16,8 0..39B- . 0.421 0.407 0 599 0..-369 0.473 0.U20 . . . 1 ,000. . 0«2fa2 0.331 14 0.01B 0.094 u. CU9 0.09B . 0 .11.5 O-.20- 1,_ _0.222. 0.17.7 0 3 30 0 . . . 6 . 2 . 7 0 . . 2 . 1 . 9 -0_..252_ U - » .2d2_ 1.000 0.252 15 0.192 0.261 0.435 0.. 229 ,0.317 0..1 j _ 0S_ .0.327 0.. 505 0 077 0...360 —0 . 016__0 *.491— w_» 331_ 0. .. 25. 2. 1 . OuO 16 0.217 6.194 .0.396. u *034- 0 _ . 24.1. -0.166 -0...13.8 0 .132 .0.365 0-. 361 -0,752. U..23.1_ 0.-230- -0.163 o 17 -0.086 -0.013 -0.116 . 0.294 -0.064 -0.137 —0.C 7 f a 0 03? 0.31.7 -0.045 -0.420 _TU•ul6 0.431 -u.u2o 18 0.157 0.09 8 -0.194 -0.227 U .770 -0.119 0.515 0.3 73 0 349 . . 0.021. 0.146 -0.115 _0.JL5L.. 0,1.99 0,-073 19 -0.213 —0.178 — u • C 0 8 U . i 3 U — c / • 0 f 5 U. 1W -0.4IU —0.2^1 -0 1U.P —0.163.-0 • 241...-0 . 04 £. - 0.21P ^■-U. . 1 0 . 9 . -u.i 44 o 20 0.379 C • 5 5 L O'. 522 0.286 0.349 V. 19.0 C..0.13 0 • .1 . 1 . 0 -u 064 0*201. 0 _ . 145 -0.095 0.336 —0.1 oo... o«ioi __ 21 -0.083 -0 .038 -0.051 0.375 0 .055 0.005 —0 .406 -0 • . 1 . 3 _ 2 _-0 169 -0,156..-0,193 -0..2o0- -0.27.4 - . - u. - l .v j a _—0.097 22 -0.0 70 0.010 0.097 0.209 0.156 -0.1.1,4 -0.256 -0.435 -0 307 -0..-132 —0*302 -0.262 —0.2 6 3_—U.106 —U.44P o 23 -U.lu2 -0.020 0.05 6 0.122.-0.036 0.258 -0.167. -0.01b -0 019 — . 0 • 018..-0,.l 7 . 4 . 0.0.91 0 . U 9 . 1_ 0. 063. -0*142 . 24 -0.297 — C • 0 7 6 -0.042 0 . 3 6 2_-C.1C.5_ -0,02.1 -0.6 50 -0.357 -0 295 -0.167 —0.281 -0.29.1 -u.304 -0..-219_ -0.3 Id 25 —0.262 -0.0 52 -0.154 — U • 2 C 7 -0.422, 0.04 6 -0.112...0.07 5. 0 159 -0.22b 0.145. . •U.,056 —0.0 f a 9 r.0,23 3 . -0,2 5a . o 26 0.210 -O.Cfafa -0.169 -0.178- -0.01.7 -0.121.-0.079 -U..C1 I0 -0 .G5.2_.-0• 162 -U.Uofa -0.1.4 9 _—u.135 —0..U.39. —u.o7o 27 -0.076 -U.L26 -0.034 0.368, 0 .08,0. _ 0 . 00.9_t Q-._4.93 -u_.13.b-.-0 192 -0,.160_ - 0, 2 U u._rO. • 2 U 4_ -v . 2 - 7 . 4 .„-.u .110.-U*090 .... 2 8 -0.052 -0.18 9. . . 0.010 0.05S_-0 *241_ 0.321. -0.04 e_ . 0 *.066 0 259 -U..029 . 0.23.5__C . _ U 03. . . . u .03.7__o . o o i ? - . J.112 . G CUL TOTALS 3.291 5.173 4.503 4.310 3.716 5 .64 9 1.386 3 . 646 2• 510 5.095 3 • U I ) 3 “u • 01U . A.'621. . 0.173 4. Jb9 — : -- ! G L_ C c r VARI NO. 16 17 18 . . 7 .__________ 2________ _0., 0 9.0..-0 . C B 6 0.15.7. .0., 21.7_ -0 . 013 0, 09 B 0.194 —0.118 -’ 0..194 1 19 ‘ :0•213- :C «17S_ •O.tJUOlE- - 20 “ .0 .37.9.. 0.550- 0.522 - 21 -- 22 23 24 -.0.0B3_-C, 0.7 G_r 0.1 J.2_-U..2.9 . 7 rO•03 8 0 . 010_-0 . 02u._=U...0:Z.6 •0.051 0.097 U.OBri -U.042 25 — 26 27 i— 28 ■_Uv 262..__0 . 210 —U...U_7_6 . . . —O « u52 -0.092 -Q.oflp -U.026_.-U. Ifa9_ -U .154 -0.159 -,0 .03.4 U . L i 1 L I . 4 _ . . _5_ 0 .391)__0 .29.A—-0.227 0.034 -fi.OBA Oj 220 0 .241__0 .102 ~C .119 _=0.166.-0.13.7__0..515 - n . i L n - n . n / f l 0 . 3 7 3 . u.130 — 0.2S6...0.375 0.209__0..122__0.362 =Qj025__G.349___G,.Q55__0.156 rU. 03 6_-0-.luS .0,154_0.19.0— 0.00 5 -0.114___^0..25.B_rO..021 - 0. .410_0.. 013_-0 . 4 f a 6_ . “G . 25 &_j=0 .16.7_=0.. 65G -D .231__0_ . 118. =0 .132--0 ..435— rO. 01 b_=0,3 57 -0, 207..-0.. 17a. -ii.472 -0.017 U..3 a_B__u. o5fa- _J ..ua j —J ■ 241_ _ 0 .046 -0.121__ 0.009.__0.321. J=0 ..112--0. a79_-0 ,4.9.3 .-0 . 0 4fa_ C . , G-7.5_.-U ,.01fa_.-0 ,13.8.— 0 . 06G_ r*- n a ! 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Asset Metadata
Creator
Rusk, Marian Terry
(author)
Core Title
A Study Of Delinquency Among Urban Mexican-American Youth
Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
Degree Program
Education
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
education, educational psychology,OAI-PMH Harvest
Language
English
Contributor
Digitized by ProQuest
(provenance)
Advisor
Meyers, Charles Edward (
committee chair
), McDonagh, Edward C. (
committee member
), Ofman, William V. (
committee member
)
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-706874
Unique identifier
UC11361050
Identifier
6917888.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-706874 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
6917888.pdf
Dmrecord
706874
Document Type
Dissertation
Rights
Rusk, Marian Terry
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA
Tags
education, educational psychology